SUPPL

SUPPL. VOL. II. Part II.

Both parties suffered great loss, but more especially the French, who retreated during the night. Jourdan now fled by Fuldaw to Wetzlaer. Having crossed the Lahn, where he made some resistance, he descended along the banks of the Rhine, till his army, on the 17th, reached Coblenz and Dusseldorf, from which it had originally departed.

270
Critical si-
tuation of
Moreau.

The situation of Moreau's army was now uncom- monly dangerous. He maintained his position, however, till the 17th of September; but he was undecided in his movements, and was obviously at a loss how he ought to proceed. He attempted, without success, to withdraw the Archduke from the pursuit of Jourdan, by detaching a part of his troops towards Nuremberg. Many attacks were made upon him, but all of them without success; and the Imperial generals at last gave way to him wherever he turned. Finding at last that Jourdan's defeat was irretrievable, and that Bonaparte did not arrive from Italy, he resolved to retreat. He had recrossed the Lech, to prepare for this event; but now suddenly passing it again, as if determined to advance farther into Austria, he drove back General La Tour as far as Landsperg. Having thus obtained freedom for his future movements, he set out in full retreat, proceeding between the Danube at Ulm and the lake of Constance. La Tour, however, soon pressed upon his rear. He found the passes of the Black Forest occupied by large bodies of Austrians and armed peasants, while Generals Nauendorf and Petrasch harassed his right flank with 24,000 men. Once more therefore he turned upon La Tour, at Biberach, on the 3d of October, with great impetuosity, and having defeated him, took no less than 5000 prisoners; whom he was able to carry to France. He now continued his retreat; his right wing, under General Desaix, keeping Nauendorf and Petrasch in check, while the rest of the army cleared the passages in front till he arrived at what is called the Valley of Hell (Val d'Enfer), a narrow defile, running for some leagues between lofty mountains, and in some places only a few fathoms in breadth. The centre of his army, advancing in a mass, forced this passage, while the wings resisted the Imperial troops under La Tour and Nauendorf. After this desperate effort he reached Fribourg on the 13th of October, and was soon compelled by the Archduke Charles, who had now arrived from the pursuit of Jourdan, to evacuate all his positions on the Swabian side of the Rhine, with the exception of Kehl, and a temporary fortification erected at Huningen, called a bridge.

3 G

(A) It would be improper to interrupt our military detail with the following information respecting the morals of Jourdan's army at this time; which, however, it is of importance for our readers to know. We have it from a German Count, who saw with his own eyes a considerable extent of the march and countermarch of the French through Franconia.

Almost every officer in Jourdan's army had a mistress; and such of them as by plunder could support the expense, gave balls, acted plays, and exhibited every species of gaiety when the army was not in actual motion. In all this there was nothing wonderful. The ladies, however, were not unfrequently pregnant; and as nursing would keep them from these assemblies, where their company could not be dispensed with by the soldiers of liberty, they drowned their new-born infants—they drowned them publicly! Our correspondent (the Count) saw two of the little victims, and he heard, from unquestionable authority, of several more. At a place within six miles of Nuremberg, a Prussian parish-minister, who was also a sort of justice, endeavoured to save one innocent, and was thrown into the river and fired at by the French, when his parishioners endeavoured to save him. He had the happiness, however, to save the child, and was allowed to keep it, the mother never enquiring after it!

bridge-head (tête de pont), though there was no bridge at that place.

The Imperial troops, in the mean time, had taken advantage of the defenceless state of the French frontier to cross the Rhine at Mannheim, and to advance in various detachments to Weissenburg, Seltz, Hagenau, and almost to the gates of Strasbourg, levying contributions and taking hostages wherever they came. These detachments being now recalled, the Archduke resolved to terminate the campaign by the capture of Kehl, and of the fortification at Huningen. But this proved no easy task. As the communication with the French side of the river was open at both places, the divisions of Moreau's army did duty at them by turns. A great part of the winter was spent in fruitless attempts, on the part of the Austrians, sometimes to take them by storm, and sometimes to reduce them by the forms of regular siege. Different fallies were made by the French, and immense numbers of men were lost on both sides by the sword, and by the severity of the season. It was not till the 10th of January that the French agreed to evacuate Kehl, and the fortification at Huningen was not given up till the succeeding month.

During the invasion of Germany that has been now mentioned, and the reverses that were suffered by the French armies there, Bonaparte still continued to gain victories in Italy. The success and the wonderful fortune of this man, require that we should give some account of the arts by which he was enabled, so unexpectedly, to triumph over the most experienced military commanders of the age in which he lived. In the military art three orders of battle, or forms of drawing up an army, have been chiefly adopted by those nations whose force has principally consisted of foot soldiers. The first form or mode consists of arranging the troops in a deep line; that is, with from 16 to 30 men placed close behind each other. This is the most ancient and the simplest order of battle. It was carried to perfection by the Greeks, under the name of the Phalanx; and, when the soldiers were armed with the long spear, it was extremely formidable. It left little to the skill of the general, except the choice of the ground where he was to fight, and made all to depend upon the steadiness of the troops. It was attended with these disadvantages, however, that an army thus drawn up commanded very little territory, and that if its ranks happened to be broken by unequal ground, or an uncommon effort of the enemy at a particular quarter, its parts could not easily be re-united, and it infallibly went into confusion. In modern times, this order of battle cannot be adopted with success on account of the facility with which it is broken by artillery, and the slaughter to which it exposes the troops from every kind of fire arms. The second, or modern order of battle, consists in forming a front of an immense extent, with only two or three men in depth, and usually supporting these by another, and perhaps a third equally slender line, at a considerable distance in the rear. Troops thus drawn up derive the greatest possible benefit from their own fire arms, and suffer the least loss from those of the enemy. They provide for their own subsistence by covering an immense track of country. Their battles are not sanguinary, as they are seldom very closely engaged; and in case of a defeat, little loss is suffered, because they can scatter themselves over a wide space, as the rear pro-

sects the advanced body; and as the troops in a long line can seldom all be engaged at once, they are supported by each other in a retreat. This order of battle, however, is easily broken; and the moment the flank of an army is turned, it is under the necessity of retreating, as troops cannot speedily be brought from other quarters to face the enemy there. The last order of battle consists of dividing an army into columns of a narrow front and very great depth, and of stationing the columns at some distance from each other, with a second set of columns opposite to the intervals between the first. This arrangement is superior to the phalanx, in this respect, that it does not expose an army to disorder by inequalities of ground, by the turning of its flank, or even by the defeat of one of its parts. The celebrated Epaminondas won the battles of Leuctra and Mantinea, by forming a part of his troops, on each of these occasions, into a strong column, which, by its great depth, and the mechanical weight of its shock, broke through the Spartan phalanx. The Romans are known to have owed their military success, in a great measure, to the arrangement of their legion. It was drawn up upon the principle now mentioned; and tho' the columns were only 16 men in depth, it was confessedly superior to the phalanx. In modern times, however, this order of battle is attended with great difficulties. It must reduce an army to embarrassment with regard to provisions from the smallness of territory which is thus occupied, and it exposes the troops in an engagement to dreadful destruction from the powerful missile weapons which are now employed. In every enterprise they must instantly carry their point or be undone, as the fire of a few guns from a single battery or redoubt would exterminate them by thousands. With all its imperfections, however, this last order of battle has at times been employed by enterprising men. It was the favourite arrangement of Gustavus Adolphus; and his troops were drawn up according to it at the battle of Lutzen, where he himself was killed, while his army was victorious. The celebrated Marquis of Montrose also used it on more than one occasion, and it was now adopted in all important cases by Bonaparte. Trailing to its success, he pushed his columns into the midst of the Austrian army at Millesimo, and fairly captured one of its wings. He ventured farther to throw himself into the centre, between the Austrian and Sardinian armies, and to vanquish the one, by acting against it with his whole troops while separated from the other. Being careless about the shedding of blood, he never hesitated to expose his whole army to utter ruin in case of a failure. The success of his battles, by enabling him to lay almost all Italy under contribution, gave him the means of maintaining the most steady and severe discipline over a well paid army. Filled with high notions of military glory, which he is said to have derived from the writings of Plutarch, he laboured to inflame, with the same spirit, the minds of his soldiers by proclamations, expressed in a very different style from the formal and more modest language of modern times. "Soldiers (said he, when he first entered Lombardy), you have rushed like a torrent from the summit of the Appenines, you have driven back and dispersed all who opposed your march. Your fathers, your mothers, your wives, your sisters, your sweethearts, rejoice in your success, and boast with pride of being related to you. But

But remains there nothing more for you to effect? Shall posterity reproach us with having found a Capua in Lombardy? But I already see you rushing to arms; an unmanly repose fatigues you, and the days lost to glory are lost to your felicity. But let the people be tranquil; we are the friends of all nations, and more particularly of the descendants of the Brutuses, the Scipios, and the illustrious personages whom we have chosen as models. To restore the Capitol, to replace with honour the statues of the heroes who rendered it renowned, and to rouse the Roman people, become torpid by so many ages of slavery, such will be the fruit of your victories; they will form an epoch to posterity, and you will have the immortal glory of renovating the fairest portion of Europe. The French nation, free and respected by all the world, will give to Europe a glorious peace. You will then return to your homes and your fellow-citizens; who, when pointing to you, will say, He was of the army of Italy."

At the commencement of the French invasion of Germany, Marshal Wurmser was sent into Italy to replace Beaulieu, who was removed from his command. On his arrival, he collected the wrecks of the Austrian army, and prepared, till he should receive reinforcements, to confine the French within as narrow limits as possible, by lines drawn from the lake of Garda to the river Adige. At the end of June, however, these lines were attacked and carried by Massena's division, which induced Wurmser to avoid farther exertion till he should receive an increase of force. In the mean time Bonaparte was not a little disturbed by partial insurrections of the Italians. Soon after his arrival in Lombardy, the inhabitants of Milan and of Pavia had risen in concert against his troops; but they were reduced to subjection with little bloodshed. In the beginning of July, farther insurrections broke out in the Romagna. The insurgents established their head quarters at Lugo, and repulsed a party of French cavalry that was sent against them. It was not till Augereau had overcome them, on the 6th, in a battle in which he lost 200 men, that they could be subdued. The slaughter of these unhappy people was very great. Their town was given up to pillage, and all found in arms were destroyed.

The first part of the month of July was spent by Bonaparte in commencing the siege of Mantua in regular form; and towards the close of that month he expected its capture. In this, however, he had ill calculated the immense military efforts which Austria, aided by the money of Britain, was capable of making. Twenty thousand troops had been sent from the Rhine, and other reinforcements were marching towards Italy from all quarters; so that Bonaparte, instead of being able to take Mantua, had speedily to defend himself against the force of a superior army to his own, that approached to raise the siege, and even threatened to drive him out of Italy. Wurmser's army descended from the Tyrol in two divisions. One half of it proceeded along the east side of the lake of Garda, and the other came by the west to cut off the retreat of the French, who were thus enclosed by the Austrians. On the 29th of July, at three o'clock in the morning, Massena was driven from the strong post of La Corona, on the east of the lake, while, at the same time, 15,000 Austrians drove the French from Salo, and afterwards took Brescia, with all the magazines and hospitals of Bonaparte's army.

There was a fatal error, however, in the general plan of operations that had been formed by the Imperialists. Their army united was an overmatch for the French; but they had voluntarily divided it into two parts, placing Bonaparte between them. The error was instantly discerned, and taken advantage of by their antagonist. On the night of the 30th, he suddenly raised the siege of Mantua, and leaving a small body of troops to keep in check the Imperialists on that side, he marched rapidly westward, and on the first of August retook Brescia, with the magazines and hospitals. Having the mass of his army united, Bonaparte surpassed his antagonists in numbers wherever he encountered them. He prepared to attack the Imperialists on the 3d at Salo, Lonado, and Castiglione, but was anticipated by them. Having formed a large body of his troops into close columns, the Austrians, who were not yet aware of the nature of his mode of fighting, extended their line to surround them; a movement which enabled the columns to penetrate the Imperial army in all directions, and throw it into complete disorder. The French took 4000 prisoners, and 20 pieces of cannon. The Imperial troops were here so completely defeated, that a considerable division of them having in vain attempted to retreat by Salo, which they found occupied by the French, wandered about in search of a road by which to escape; and having next day come to Lonado, they summoned it to surrender, upon the supposition that the greater part of the French army had gone eastward to encounter Wurmser. This was actually the case; but it so happened, that Bonaparte was in person at Lonado with only 1200 men. He was sufficiently perplexed by this accident; but having ordered the messenger to be brought into his presence, he threatened to destroy the whole division for having dared to insult the French army, by summoning its commander in chief to surrender. The stratagem was successful. The Imperial officers imagined that the whole army was in the place, and immediately, with their troops, laid down their arms, to the number of 4000 men.

Such is the account of this transaction, which we have from the partial pen of the panegyrist of Bonaparte, who writes the history of his campaigns in Italy; but we believe that the General has himself assigned the true reason of his success on this occasion, and others, where success could not be reasonably expected. In one of his intercepted letters, Bonaparte informs his correspondent, that the Austrian armies in Italy cost him more money than his own; and indeed it is not within the compass of supposition, that a body of veteran soldiers could have been intimidated to lay down their arms by so vain-glorious a threat as this, had not their officers been corrupted by French gold and French principles. The stratagem might have its effect upon the common soldiers, but it could not possibly impose upon their leaders, or upon the messenger who summoned Lonado to surrender.

On the 5th and 6th, Bonaparte attacked Marshal Wurmser, and drove him from Peschiera and the river Mincio. On the 7th, the Austrians were compelled to quit Verona, and to retire once more to the mountains of Tyrol. This contest, which had lasted more than six days, cost the Imperialists more than 20,000 men, upwards of 15,000 of whom were made prisoners. A part of the Emperor's troops had been levied in Galicia,

licia, the part of Poland which, in the partition of that country, had been allotted to Austria. These men seized the moment of defeat to quit a service which they disliked, and to go over to the French; a circumstance which greatly swelled the list of prisoners.

It was now necessary for the French to commence the siege of Mantua anew. The garrison in their absence had destroyed their works, and carried into the place 140 pieces of heavy cannon which they had left behind them, and procured a considerable quantity of provisions. The blockade was renewed; but the French, by the loss of their artillery, were unable to proceed to a regular siege; and by the beginning of the month of September, Marshal Wurmser, having received new reinforcements, was again enabled to attempt the relief of the place. Bonaparte having information of his intended approach, left sufficient troops to keep up the blockade, while he advanced northward with his army; and on the 4th of September drove the Austrians from the passes of St. Marco and the city of Roveredo to the pass of Calliano, where they made their principal stand. Here a battle ensued, in which the French took no less than 6000 prisoners, and entered Trent as conquerors. Upon suffering this defeat, Marshal Wurmser adopted a measure which cannot be sufficiently approved of. Instead of retiring before the conqueror, who might have driven him to Innsbruck, and arrived at a critical moment at the Danube, where Moreau, after much hesitation, had only commenced his retreat, he suddenly threw himself with his vanquished army into Bassano, upon the flank and rear of Bonaparte, and then advanced by hasty marches towards Mantua. He attempted to make a stand at Bassano on the 8th, but was defeated, and 5000 of his men were taken prisoners. He had still a considerable body of troops however. With these he pushed forward; and having fought different scattered divisions of the French at Cerea, Castellano, and Due Castello, he effected the passage of the Adige at Porto Legnano, entered Mantua with the wreck of his army, amounting to about 4000 infantry and 4500 cavalry. In this enterprise the Imperialists lost altogether 20,000 men; but the effect of it was, that it fixed Bonaparte in Italy, where he was obliged to remain watching and keeping under blockade the numerous garrison of Mantua. He hoped that its numbers would soon reduce it by famine to the necessity of a capitulation; but in this he was deceived, as the flesh of the horses, carried into it by Wurmser, afforded subsistence to the troops during a very long period.

In the mean time, the fame which their countryman Bonaparte gained by these victories, produced in the Corsicans a desire to change the British government for that of France. They accordingly displayed so mutinous a spirit, that the British Viceroy thought fit to evacuate the island, which was no longer of any value to his government after all Italy had, in a great measure, submitted to the French. The Imperial subjects in Italy also, along with the inhabitants of Bologna, Ferrara, and Modena, who were completely corrupted by the false philosophy of the age, began now to republicanise themselves under the patronage of the French general. They sent deputies to a convention, levied troops, and abolished all orders of nobility.

The Emperor soon sent into the field a new army to attempt the relief of Mantua. In the beginning of

November this army advanced under the command of Field Marshal Alvinzi, who advanced towards Vezenza on the east, seconded by General Davidovich, who descended with another division from Tyrol. Alvinzi had already crossed the Piava, when he was met by the French, and compelled to repass that river. But Davidovich, in the mean time, after several engagements, having succeeded in driving the French down the Adige towards Verona, Bonaparte was under the necessity of concentrating his forces. He now adopted his usual expedient of keeping one division of the hostile army in check, while he contended with the mass of his forces against the other. He left Vaubois with some troops to detain Davidovich, while he advanced in person against Alvinzi, who was now hastening towards Verona. He was met, on his way, by the Austrians at the village of Arcole. To seize this village, which could not be speedily turned on account of a canal, the French were under the necessity of passing a narrow bridge in the face of the fire of the Austrians. They made the attempt without success. Their officers rushed to the head of the column, and in vain attempted to rally the troops. Generals Verdier, Bon. Verne, and Lafines, were carried off the field. Augereau advanced with a standard to the extremity of the bridge, but nobody followed him. At last Bonaparte, who in the mean time had sent Guieux with 2000 men to turn the village at two miles distance, hastened to the bridge of Arcole. Seizing a standard, he advanced at the head of the grenadiers, crying, "Follow your general." They accordingly followed him to within 30 yards of the bridge, when they were intimidated by the terrible fire of the Austrians, and their leader found it necessary to retire. Attempting to mount his horse to rally the column, left the Austrians should advance to the pursuit, he was thrown into a morass, while still under the fire of the troops in the village; but here he again escaped, as the Austrians did not attempt to follow up their advantage.

The village of Arcole was taken towards the evening by Guieux, and afterwards evacuated by the French. On the following day (the 16th of November) an obstinate conflict ensued in its neighbourhood, in which nothing decisive was accomplished. On the 17th the Austrians, having pressed impetuously forward upon the centre of the French army, were taken by surprise upon their flank by the left wing of the French, which had been stationed for that purpose in ambuscade. Their left wing, however, maintained its ground till Bonaparte sent round a party of horse with twenty-five trumpeters to their rear, who, by the noise they made, induced the Austrians to believe themselves surrounded, and to fly on all sides in confusion.

Here again appear evidences of treachery among the Austrian officers, though the battle of Arcole was the most severe which the French had yet fought in Italy, and extremely fatal to their officers, as well as to a multitude of their troops. During its continuance, Davidovich had succeeded in defeating Vaubois, who was opposed to him and Rivoli, and the blockade of Mantua was actually uncovered for a time. But Bonaparte now returned, after having driven Alvinzi across the Brenta, and the positions of Rivoli and La Corona were retaken, and Davidovich repulsed into Tyrol. General Wurmser, however, still held out in Mantua during

French Revolution, 1796.

during the remaining part of the year; and the only fruit hitherto derived from so many victories was, that the French nation was led to look towards Bonaparte as its only invincible commander, upon whom all its hopes of conquest were to depend.

284
govern-
ment Bri-
tain and
France.

During these military transactions, Great Britain had entered into a negotiation with France. In consequence of passports obtained from the Directory, Lord Malmesbury arrived in Paris, and began the negotiation with De la Croix the minister for foreign affairs. Tho' the Directory could not decently refuse to negotiate, yet they were unwilling seriously to conclude a peace with Britain. On the other hand, the British ministry have since declared that, as individuals, they actually disapproved of a peace at this time, but that they thought it necessary both to negotiate, and even to conclude a treaty, if proper terms could be obtained. In judging thus, they were certainly right; for the country at large, not seeing the danger of peace, was very desirous of it, whilst a desperate faction was constantly ascribing the continuance of the war to the criminal obstinacy of the British government. The negotiation which was now set on foot opened the eyes of all but those who wished to sell their country to French regicides. Lord Malmesbury proposed, that the principle of mutual restitutions should be agreed upon as the basis of the treaty. After much useless altercation, and many notes had passed upon this subject, and also upon the question, how far Lord Malmesbury could negotiate for the allies of Great Britain, from whom he had received no official powers, the Directory at last agreed to the general principle of mutual restitutions, and required that the objects of these should be specified. Accordingly, the British ambassador proposed, in two memorials, that France should relinquish the Austrian Netherlands, and offered to give up the French foreign settlements in return. An offer was also made to restore a great part of the Dutch foreign possessions, on condition that the Stadtholder's ancient authority should be acknowledged in that country. The Directory now required Lord Malmesbury to present the ultimatum of his conditions within twenty-four hours. On his complaining of this demand, he was informed, on the 19th of December, that the Directory would agree to no conditions contrary to the French constitution; and it was added, that his farther residence at Paris was unnecessary!

285
oldenly
rode off
y the Di-
rectory.

286
Cape of
Good Hope,
with a
Dutch
squadron,
taken by
the British.

During this year, Great Britain retained her usual superiority by sea. A British squadron, under Admiral Elphinstone, had taken possession of the Dutch settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, on the 16th of September 1795. This settlement the Dutch wished eagerly to recover; and for this purpose they advanced money to enable the French to fit out a squadron to co-operate with them in an attack upon it. The French government took the money, but the squadron was never equipped. The Dutch themselves this year sent a squadron of seven ships of war, under Admiral Lucas, to attempt to reconquer the Cape; but being no match for the British squadron, and being likewise caught between two fires, without the possibility of escaping, the Dutch fleet, without firing a gun, was delivered up to the British admiral.

Notwithstanding the superiority of Great Britain by sea, the French, towards the close of this year, attempt-

ed an invasion of Ireland; but the plan was ill concerted, and, of course, unsuccessful. The whole conduct of it was intrusted to one man, General Hoche, and no second was prepared to occupy his place in case of any accident. The disaffected faction with whom the French meant to co-operate was not warned of their approach, and the fleet was sent towards a quarter of the country where the people were little disposed, or, at least, by no means prepared to receive them. Eighteen ships of the line, thirteen frigates, twelve sloops, and some transports, having 25,000 land forces on board, were employed in this expedition. When about to sail, it was detained for some time by a mutiny which arose in consequence of the enlistment of about 1,200 gally slaves. The fleet sailed on the 10th of December; but a ship of the line was lost in going out of Brest, and some of the rest were damaged. The frigate in which the commander in chief had embarked was separated from the fleet in a gale of wind; and the consequence was, that when the greater part of the fleet arrived at Bantry Bay, on the west coast of Ireland, nobody had instructions how to proceed. The troops and their officers wished to land, but the admiral, Bouvet, refused to comply with their request. Having remained several days upon the coast, he sailed for France, and arrived at Brest with a part of the fleet on the 31st of December. General Hoche did not reach Bantry Bay till it was too late, and therefore could not land. The fleet suffered great losses in its return. One ship of the line and two frigates foundered at sea, a frigate was taken by the British, and a ship of the line, after an engagement with two British ships, was run ashore to prevent her being captured.

At the commencement of the year 1797, the Archduke Charles was still occupied in the reduction of Kehl, and of the French fortifications opposite to Flushing. Moreau still commanded the army that opposed the Archduke; but General Hoche, after his return from the expedition to Ireland, was appointed to succeed Jourdan on the Lower Rhine. Bonaparte was still engaged in the blockade of Mantua, while the Austrian government was making vast efforts to recruit the army of Alvinzi after its defeat at Arcle, and to enable that General to make a last and desperate effort for the relief of Mantua. The young men of Vienna were urged to give their assistance on this important occasion, and 6000 of them marched into Italy as volunteers. Alvinzi's army amounted now to nearly 50,000 men; and he commenced his operations on the 5th of January, by skimming along the whole of the French line from below Porto Legnago upwards, to La Corona near the Lake Garda. He continued for some days to alarm the French at all points, and thus to conceal the plan of his future efforts. On the 10th Bonaparte was still at Bologna, on the other side of Mantua, taking precautions against the escape of Wurmscher by that quarter, which, from an intercepted letter, he had learned was in contemplation. Being now informed of the approach of the Austrian army, he hastened to Mantua, and from thence to Verona, which was the centre of the line of his army that opposed Alvinzi. He arrived at Verona on the morning of the 12th; but as the Austrians continued to make their attacks upon all quarters at once, he was unable to penetrate the design of their leader. At last, on the 13th,

the efforts of the Austrians began to assume a more formidable aspect on the lower part of his line near Porto Legnano; but on the evening of the same day he received intelligence, that the upper extremity of his line, where Joubert commanded, had been attacked by such an immense superiority of numbers, that there could be no doubt that the greatest number of the Imperial troops was concentrated there. The post of La Corona had even been forced, and Joubert compelled to withdraw to Rivoli, which he also abandoned.

The Austrians still persisted in their unfortunate plan of dividing their army, that they might have two chances of success. Ten thousand chosen troops, among whom were the Vienna volunteers, were destined under General Provera to penetrate to Mantua by Porto Legnano, at the lower extremity of the French line; while Alvinzi in person advanced with the mass of the army against Joubert at its other extremity. On the 13th all went well; Joubert was compelled to retreat; and he was so situated, that the easy capture of his whole division on the following day appeared a very probable event.

Bonaparte, in the mean time, having learned the state of affairs, left Verona in the evening of the 13th, having first ordered the whole centre of his army under Massena to follow him to the neighbourhood of Rivoli with all possible speed. Here he spent the night with his officers in arranging the order of battle for next day, and in occupying proper positions. At day-break of the 14th the attack was begun by Joubert's division, to the no small surprise of the Imperialists, who were not aware of the arrival of Bonaparte with reinforcements. The battle, however, was long and obstinate. The superiority of numbers on the side of the Austrians enabled them to defeat all the efforts of the French to turn their divisions. They at last succeeded in driving back upon the centre the two wings of the French army in considerable disorder. Alvinzi now attacked the centre, which scarcely maintained its position; and the Austrian wings advancing on both sides, completely surrounded the French army. The victory seemed already won; and it is said that Alvinzi dispatched a courier to Vienna to announce the approaching capture of Bonaparte and his army. Bonaparte indeed considered his own situation as very alarming; and is said to have meditated his escape across the Austrian right wing. From the nature of his order of battle, his troops had rather been concentrated than scattered by the repulse they had received, and it was therefore still in his power to make a desperate effort. Having formed three strong columns, he sent them against the Austrian right wing. They succeeded in penetrating it at different points; and it fled in such confusion, that having encountered a party of French that had not ar-

rived in time to join the body of the army, 4000 Austrians laid down their arms in a panic, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Night put an end to any farther contest; but Bonaparte considering this quarter of his line as no longer in danger, departed to oppose General Provera, leaving Joubert to prosecute the victory now gained. This service he performed with great success. A detachment under General Murat having marched all the night of the 14th after the battle, seized Montebaldo in the rear of the position at Corona, to which a considerable division of the Austrians had retreated, while Joubert, next morning, attacked them in front. Finding themselves surrounded, they soon fell into confusion. Six thousand men were made prisoners, many were drowned in attempting to cross the Adige, and the remainder fled to Tyrol.

During this sanguinary contest on the upper part of the Adige, General Provera had forced his passage across the lower part of that river at Angiara near Porto Legnano, and compelled the French General Guieux to retire to Ronco. Augereau collected all the troops in the neighbourhood, and marched to attack Provera; but as he hastened towards Mantua, Augereau could only come up with his rear; of which, after an engagement, he took 2000 prisoners. On the 15th, however, General Provera arrived in the vicinity of Mantua. The city, which stands in a lake, was blockaded at the two points, by which it has access to the main land called St George and La Favorite. Alvinzi was to have formed his junction with Provera at the post of St George. Receiving no intelligence of him, General Provera summoned the French commander here to surrender; and on his refusal, endeavoured to carry the position by assault. Having failed in this attempt, he turned his attention towards the post of La Favorite, which he attacked on the morning of the 16th; while Wurmsfer, who had perceived his arrival, advanced with the troops of the garrison against the same point. But by this time Bonaparte had arrived with reinforcements. General Wurmsfer was repulsed (a); and Provera being completely surrounded by the French, was under the necessity of surrendering himself with his troops prisoners of war. The result of all these battles at Rivoli and Mantua was the capture of 23,000 prisoners and 60 pieces of cannon; and thus four Imperial armies had perished in Italy in the attempt to preserve Mantua. The capture of this city, however, was now inevitable, in consequence of famine. It surrendered by capitulation on the 2d of February. Bonaparte on this occasion endeavoured to acquire the reputation of humanity. To allow the French emigrants in the garrison to escape, he consented to an article in the capitulation that General Wurmsfer should be allowed to select and carry out of the garrison 700 men, who were not to be examined

French himself was allowed to depart unconditionally.

In the meanwhile, the Pope, who of all the European princes had the best reason for disliking the French cause, uncautiously persevered in hostility, in the hope that some one of the Imperial armies might succeed in driving Bonaparte from Italy. Having recovered from the panic which induced him to solicit an armistice when the French first entered Lombardy, he had avoided concluding a treaty of peace, and attempted to enter into a close alliance with the court of Vienna. He procured officers to be sent from thence to take the command of his troops, and scattered himself with the vain hope of being able to make an important diversion in favour of the Imperial troops.

As the Emperor and the French were both preparing with all possible speed to renew their bloody contest on the frontiers of Germany, it was of importance to Bonaparte to leave all Italy in peace on his rear. On the 1st of February he sent a division of his troops under General Victor, along with what was called the Lombard Legion, consisting of Italians, to enter the territory of the Pope; and upon the surrender of Mantua Bonaparte followed in person. The troops of his Holiness made feeble resistance. The new raised Lombard legion was made to try its valour against them on the river Senna on the 2d. After storming their entrenchments, it took their cannon and 1000 of themselves prisoners. Urbino, Ancona, and Loreto, successively fell an easy prey to the French. From the chapel at Loreto the papal General Colli had carried most of the treasure; but the French still found gold and silver articles worth 1,000,000 of livres, and the image of the virgin was conveyed as a curiosity to Paris. Bonaparte now proceeded through Macerata to Tolentino. He was here met by a messenger from the Pope with offers of peace, and concluded a treaty with his Holiness on the 19th. By this treaty the conditions of the armistice were confirmed; and in addition to the payments then stipulated, the Pope promised to pay 15,000,000 of livres, and to deliver 800 cavalry horses, with as many draught horses and oxen. He also engaged to pay 300,000 livres to the family of the French envoy Basseville, who had been murdered at Rome, and to apologize by his minister at Paris for that event.

The French had been so unsuccessful in their late interruption into Germany, through Swabia and Franconia, that they now resolved to make their principal effort from Italy under Bonaparte. For this purpose, the Directory detached great bodies of the veteran troops that had fought under Moreau as secretly as possible through Savoy into Italy. The court of Vienna, however, was aware of the approaching danger, and gave the command on the side of Italy to the Archduke Charles, who of all their military leaders had alone of late been successful against the French. He brought along with him his best troops from the Rhine, and numerous levies were endeavoured to be made in all the hereditary states for his farther support. The war was now about to be carried into new territories, on which the house of Austria had scarcely hitherto beheld a foe. It was necessary that Bonaparte should once more attempt to scale the summit of the Alps. This immense chain of mountains, which takes its rise in the vicinity of Toulon, at first stretches northward under the names of

Piedmont and Savoy. It then runs towards the east, forming the countries of Switzerland, Tyrol, Carinthia, and Carniola. The three last of these, passing along the head of the Adriatic, form the frontier in this quarter of the hereditary states of Austria. Between the mountains and the sea lies the level and fertile tract of territory which belonged to Venice. It is crossed by many large streams, which are fed by the melting snows of the Alps, and whose nature is this, that they are greatest in summer, and that their waters diminish during the frosts of winter.

The council of war at Vienna now committed an important error in the plan of defence which it adopted. Instead of making a stand in the defiles of the mountains, the Archduke was sent down into the plain to defend the passages of the rivers. War is essentially an offensive art. Whatever the general purpose of hostility may be, it is always conducted with most success when the detail of its operations is so managed as to assume the form of enterprise and of vigorous attack. This arises not from any thing in the nature of the art of war, but from the immutable constitution of the human character. The strength of men who are fixed without motion in a particular spot, is subdued by the depressing passion of fear, and by the despair of accomplishing any important object; whereas, when urged to action and to enterprise, their energy is increased by hope, and by that presumption of their own superiority which all men readily entertain. Hence we have so few instances in history of nations successfully defended by rivers or extensive fortified lines; whereas mountainous countries have usually set bounds to the progress of armies. In such situations, the defending party can always act upon the offensive. He finds his adversaries divided, by their situation, into small parties. He hopes to vanquish them in detail, and he acquires strength and courage from the prospect of success.

While Bonaparte was advancing into the territory of the Pope, the Austrian army was arranging itself along the eastern bank of the Piava. The French were on the opposite bank, and Bonaparte hastened to join them after he had concluded his treaty with the Pope. The beginning of March was spent in preparations; but at last the troops advanced, that the point of resistance might be discovered. Having crossed the Piava on the 12th of March, the Austrians retired, their marching for some days till they had crossed the Tagliamento, where they made a stand with their whole force. Early on the 17th the French army arrived at Valvasone, on the opposite bank; and after some hesitation, resolved to force the passage of the river. To have accomplished this object very speedily would have been difficult, had not a recent frost diminished the stream, by which means the French were enabled to cross it in the face of the enemy in columns at various points. The army of Bonaparte was now in three divisions. Joubert, with the left wing, advanced along the course of the Adige into Tyrol, and was ordered to cross over from thence, and to descend along the valley of the river Drave, which is beyond the highest chain of what the Romans called the Noric Alps. Massena, with the centre, after crossing the Tagliamento, advanced into the defiles of these mountains; while the right division, which was attended by Bonaparte in person, proceeded along the coast of the Adriatic.

After

After forcing the passage of the Tagliamento on the 17th, the French had easily defeated the Austrians on the opposite bank, and compelled them everywhere to retreat. The other rivers were easily passed; and on the 19th, the town of Gradisca, on the river Lisonzo, surrendered to the right wing of the army, and its garrison, amounting to 3000 men, were made prisoners of war. On the 21st Goritz was entered by the same division, who found there the principal Austrian magazines and hospitals. Trieste was entered on the 23d; and the French sent off in waggons, from the quicksilver mines of Ydria, materials worth 2,000,000 of livres. In the mean time, the Austrians, in their hasty retreat, entangled themselves and their baggage among the mountains. On the 24th, a large body of them was hemmed in between Massena, who had reached Tarvis, and a part of the French right wing under Guieux. Reinforcements, however, having found means to reach them from the Archduke's head quarters at Clagenfurt, they hazarded an engagement on the following day, but were defeated, with the loss of 5000 taken prisoners, and 400 waggons loaded with baggage. The French left wing under Joubert, Baraguay D'Hilliers, and Delmas, was equally successful. On the banks of the Lavis, after an obstinate engagement, 4000 Austrians were taken; and thereafter at Clauzen they were again defeated, with the loss of 1500 taken prisoners. Having entered Brixen, this division turned eastward, and descended the valley of the Drave towards Clagenfurt, the capital of Carinthia, where it was met by General Massena: the Archduke, after a slight contest, having evacuated the place, and advanced farther towards the capital of the empire, which was now seriously menaced, and in which great consternation prevailed. In 15 days Bonaparte had taken 20,000 prisoners, and crossed the Alps; and though the country still presented some difficulties, there was no fortified place capable of resisting his progress towards Vienna. He did not, however, consider his own situation as destitute of hazard, and seized the present moment of unbounded success to make proposals of peace. On the 31st of March he sent a letter to the Archduke, in which he deprecated the useless prolongation of the war, and intreated him to interpose his good offices to put a stop to its farther ravages. But this prince, who seems to have doubted his own influence at the court of Vienna, returned a cold answer, stating, that it belonged not to him to investigate the principles on which the war was carried on, and that he had no powers to negotiate.

The Austrian chiefs made a last effort, by raising the peasants of the Tyrol in a mass to embarrass the rear of the French. They accordingly gained some successes under General Laudonn, and drove out the French troops that had been left at Botzen and Brixen. The inhabitants of the Venetian states also rose against the troops that remained in their country; and being joined by ten regiments of Sclavonians, which had been in the pay of the government of Venice, they put the French to death wherever they were found, without excepting the sick in the hospitals, of whom 500 were massacred at Verona. A party of Imperialists also drove the French garrison out of Trieste, and thus attempted to surround the invading army. Bonaparte, however,

knew that the court of Vienna must be at least as much embarrassed as himself. His army amounted to 95,000 men. It had hitherto proved irresistible; and the Austrians knew, that to surround was not to conquer it. He therefore persisted in advancing. On the 2d of April he succeeded in forcing the strong defiles between Freischach and Newmark, after a bloody battle, in which he took 600 prisoners. On the 4th, his advanced guard reached Hunfmark, where the Austrians were again defeated; and his army occupied Kintenfeld, Murau, and Judenbourg. These advantages compelled the Austrian cabinet to treat for peace, as there was no longer any point at which the Archduke's army could hope to make a stand till it came to the mountains in the vicinity of Vienna. Measures were taken for removing the public treasure and effects into Hungary, while Generals Bellegarde and Morveld were sent to request from Bonaparte a suspension of hostilities. On being suffered to take possession of Gratz and Leoben, within little more than 50 miles of Vienna, he consented, on the 7th of April, to an armistice, which was only to endure till the night of the 13th, but was afterwards renewed for a longer period. It was followed on the 19th by a preliminary treaty, signed at Leoben; by which it was agreed that the Austrian Netherlands should belong to France, and that the new republic in Lombardy should continue under the name of the Cisalpine Republic, and should include the Milanese, the duchy of Mantua, and the territories of Modena, Ferrara, and Bologna. There is reason to suspect that something hostile to the independence of Venice was here also stipulated. Bonaparte agreed to withdraw without delay into Italy, on receiving subsistence for his army during its march; and it was resolved, that all farther disputes should be afterwards settled by a definitive treaty of peace. On his return he accused the Venetian government of connivance at the insurrection which had taken place against the French in his absence; and having seized their city and whole territory, he dissolved that ancient and singular, but now feeble, aristocracy.

While Bonaparte was advancing towards Vienna, the French armies on the Rhine had begun to press upon the Austrians, to prevent farther reinforcements from being sent against him from that quarter. The Austrians offered an armistice; but as the French demanded the fortresses of Ehrenbreitstein as the price of it, both parties prepared for action. The left wing of the army of General Hoche advanced rapidly from Düsseldorf, while the centre and right wing crossed the Rhine near Coblenz. The Austrians under General Wertheim retreated to the Lahn, where they waited the arrival of the French. Here a violent contest ensued on the 18th of April, in which 4000 Austrians were taken prisoners. The French took possession of Wetzlaer, and drove their antagonists to the gates of Francfort. In the mean time, General Moreau, on the Upper Rhine, forced the passage of the river near Strauburg, and attacked the village of Diertheim, of which he at last retained possession, after having been more than once driven out, and the village nearly destroyed. The following day, however, the Austrians renewed the attack, and forced the French for some time to give way; but powerful reinforcements having crossed the river,

river, the French were at last enabled to renew the battle with such vigour, that they took Fort Kehl, together with 5000 prisoners. The Imperialists in this quarter were now pursued towards the Danube; when all military operations were suddenly arrested by messengers sent through Germany by the Archduke Charles and Bonaparte, announcing that peace was concluded. These messengers found the army of Hoche violently attacking Francfort on the Maine, which General Wernicht was endeavouring to defend. The news was diffused in an instant through both armies; and the contending troops, throwing aside their weapons, congratulated each other upon the event.

France now held a very elevated rank, and a formidable character, among the nations of Europe. Spain, Italy, and Holland, were held in dependence; while her victorious armies had compelled the last continental member of the coalition to accept of peace from an army that approached his capital. Had the Austrian officers been faithful, and the court of Vienna less selfish, subsequent events have indeed shewn that the affairs of the Emperor were not yet desperate, and that Bonaparte was not that invincible hero which his rapid successes gave some reason to suppose him. After the perusal of his letters from Egypt, his victories lose much of their brilliancy; nor does any action, or all the actions of his life, display such military skill, as the retreat of Moreau through Swabia, when pressed on the rear by a victorious army, and surrounded on all hands by an incensed populace. But Bonaparte had been successful; the Archduke knew not whom to trust: there is reason to believe that his plans were continually thwarted by a corrupt council at home; and the court of Vienna was bribed to make a peace. Of all the enemies of the French revolution, Britain alone remained in hostility. From her command of the ocean she was enabled indeed to retain the feeble state of Portugal, attached to her cause; but on land, such was the terrible energy of France, that, with this exception, which seemed only to exist by tolerance, the British trading vessels were excluded, by her influence, from all approach to the continent, from the Elbe to the Adriatic; and the British government was once more induced, in these circumstances, to try the effect of a new negotiation. All these external advantages, however, were speedily lost by the French nation; and it seemed the unhappy destiny of this people to be constantly deprived of the fruits of all their sufferings, and their courage, by the turbulence of their domestic factions, and the profligacy and unprincipled conduct of their rulers.

A serious contest between the executive power and the legislature was now approaching. We already remarked, that the Directory was originally selected by those men who had been the associates of Robespierre; and though deserted of late by some of the more violent spirits, who were termed Anarchists, it was still considered as the head of the Mountain party. By the victory obtained over the sections of Paris on the 5th of October, all opposition had been set at defiance for a time; but the nation at large had never been reconciled to these men. The period now arrived when a third of the legislative body was to be changed. On the 19th of May, Letourneur went out of the directory by lot. On the 22th, the new third

took their seats in the Councils, a third of their predecessors having evacuated their seats by lot; and on the following day, Barthelémy, the ambassador to Switzerland, was chosen to succeed Letourneur in the Directory. The election of the members of the new third had almost entirely fallen upon men who were understood to be hostile to the Directory. Many Generals out of employment were chosen; such as Pichegru, Jourdan, and Willot, and many representatives of the families of the ancient nobility who had not emigrated (among whom was the prince of Conti) were now elected into the legislature. The moderate or opposition party in the two Councils now possessed a complete majority. Carnot and Barthelémy were understood to be favourable to them in the Directory; the former having made his peace with them, and the latter being established by themselves. The effect of this change in the state of the Councils speedily appeared in their adopting every measure that could embarrass the Directory, or cast odium upon the Mountain party, and alter the state of things which it had established.

On the 14th of June, Gilbert Desmolières brought forward a report from a committee upon the state of the finances; in which he exhibited and reprobated in the strongest terms the prodigality of the Directory, and the profusion and rapacity of its agents. On the 18th the same committee proposed a new plan of finance, the object of which was to deprive the Directory of any share in the administration of the public money. In the mean time, on the 17th of the same month, Camille Jourdan had presented a long report on the subject of religion; in which he endeavoured to demonstrate the impropriety of prohibiting the public display of its ceremonies, and the injustice of the persecution which its ministers had undergone for refusing to take oaths prescribed by the legislature. This report was afterwards, on the 15th of July, followed up in the Council of Five Hundred, by a decree, repealing all the laws against refractory priests, or which assimilated them to emigrants. On the following day, another decree, requiring from them a declaration of fidelity to the constitution, could only be carried by a majority of 210 against 204. A proposal was now brought forward in the Council of Five Hundred by fairs of the Emery, a new member, to repeal the laws which confiscated the property of emigrants, and to allow their relations to succeed to them as if they had died at the period of their emigration. Those who had fled into foreign countries from Toulon and other places, during the reign of terror, were also encouraged to return, and allowed to expect that their names would be erased from the list of emigrants. The conduct of the Directory towards foreign powers was attacked on different occasions; and Dumoullard proposed the appointment of a committee to enquire into the external relations of the republic. This was a delicate subject; as it involved the character of the armies and their leaders, and as it might subvert the interests of the Directory with some of their friends of the Mountain party. The Venetian republic, though a neutral state, had been overturned by Bonaparte on account of a popular insurrection, for which the government apologized. Little account had been given of the immense sums of money that had been levied in Italy. The armies in the preceding year had entered Germany in the character of plunderers;

plunderers; which had disgusted all those in that country who had once been friendly to their cause, and longed for their arrival. The Directory, at the same time, instead of encouraging the progress of revolution, which the Jacobins eagerly desired, had suddenly made peace with the German princes, upon receiving pecuniary contributions, which were left to be exacted according to the ancient laws of the different states (which exempt the nobles and the clergy), and thus fell heavily upon those very persons who had cherished the new republican principles.

The discussion of these subjects brought the majority of the Directory and of the Councils into a state of complete hostility. Both parties resolved to violate the constitution, under the pretence of preserving it. The one wished to change the Directory before the time prescribed by law, and the other to deprive of their seats a great number of the new legislators elected by the people. Barras was the most obnoxious of the directors; and an attempt was made to deprive him of his office, upon the footing that he was less than 40 years of age. But his colleagues asserted that he was born in the year 1755; and as no proof to the contrary could be brought, this abortive attempt served only still farther to irritate the contending parties, and they began to prepare for more effectual measures. Had not force been speedily used on the side of the Directory, the Councils must naturally have prevailed. The majority of the people confided in them. The national purse was in their hands; and they hoped to subdue the Directory, as the constituent assembly had done the king, by avoiding to vote the necessary supplies. They could enact what laws they pleased. They had not indeed the command of the armies; but to remedy their weakness in this respect, General Pichegru, on the 20th of July, presented a plan for reorganising the national guard, and placing it more at the disposal of the Councils, by depriving the Directory of the nomination of the officers.

In the mean time the Directory was by no means destitute of adherents. The resolutions of the Councils in favour of the priests, and the relations of emigrants, looked so like a defection of former maxims, that many persons expected an immediate counter-revolution. The royalists gained courage, and a multitude of journals or newspapers, favourable to their cause, began to be published. Emigrants obtained passports, and hastened to Paris in the hope of being struck off the list, upon alleging that they fled to avoid proscription during the power of the Jacobins. The effect of all this was, that the purchasers of national property, and those who had become rich by the revolution, were alarmed. The whole Mountain party, and all those who had been active in opposition to royalty, rallied round the Directory. The armies, whose chiefs found themselves involved in some of the accusations brought against that body, sent addresses, in which they declared their resolution to support its power. The Councils declared these addresses, which the Directory had received from armed bodies, unconstitutional, and procured counter addresses from different departments. At last the partizans of the two contending powers began to distinguish themselves in Paris by their dress, and every thing presaged an approaching appeal to force. On the 20th of July the Councils received intelligence that a divi-

sion of the army of General Hoche had advanced within a few leagues of Paris; whereas, by the constitution, the Directory incurred the penalty of ten years imprisonment if it authorised troops to approach nearer to the residence of the legislative body than twelve leagues, without its own consent. An explanation of this event was immediately demanded. The Directory denied that they had ordered the march, and ascribed it to a mistake of the officer by whom it was conducted. Their explanation was treated with contempt, and much angry debate took place in the Councils concerning it; the Directory all the while conducting themselves with much seeming moderation, and even submissiveness. In the mean time their antagonists acted a very undecided part. They long hoped to gain Larocque Lepaux to their side; in which case they would have had a majority in the Directory. This vain expectation rendered their conduct indecisive. At length the majority of the Directory procured an address of adherence from the suburb St Antoine, which in all the tempestuous days of the revolution had been the rallying point of the Mountain party. Encouraged by this address they proceeded to immediate action. General Augereau had been sent from Italy under pretence of presenting some Austrian standards to the Directory, and he was employed as their tool upon this occasion. They commanded the garrison of Paris, and they had managed to bring over to their party the soldiers composing the guard of the two councils. Before day-break on the morning of the 4th, Augereau surrounded the Tuileries with a division of the troops. The guard of the Councils refused to resist, and their commander, Ramel, was taken prisoner. Having entered the hall, he found Pichegru and other twelve of the chiefs of the opposite party sitting in consultation, and immediately sent them prisoners to the Temple. Some other obnoxious members of the Councils were also put under arrest. The director Carnot had made his escape on the preceding evening, but Barthelémy remained, and was imprisoned.

All this was accomplished without noise, and in an instant. Many members of the Councils, when they came to the hall at the usual hour, were surprised to find that seals were put upon the doors, and that they could not obtain admittance. They were invited, however, to go to the Surgeons Hall and the theatre of the Odeon, where they were told the Directory had appointed the Councils to assemble. At these places, about forty of the Council of Ancients, and double that number of the other Council, assembled about noon, and sent to demand from the Directory an account of the proceedings of the morning. They received an answer, declaring, that what had been done was necessary to the salvation of the Republic, and congratulating the Councils on their escape from the machinations of royalists. Being still at a loss how to act, the Council of Five Hundred appointed a committee of four members (of whom Sieyes was one) to report upon the measures to be adopted. On the following day Boullay de la Meurthe presented a report from this committee, in which he announced, that a vast royalist conspiracy, whose centre was in the bosom of the Councils, had been formed to overturn the constitution, but that it had been baffled by the wisdom and activity of the Directory. The report concluded, by proposing the immediate transportation of the conspirators without a trial.

trial. Accordingly, these degraded representative bodies proceeded, after some debate, on hearing the names of the accused persons read over, to vote the transportation to Guiana in South America, of fifty-three of their own members, and twelve other persons, among whom were the directors Carnot and Barthelemy. They annulled the elections in forty-nine departments, repealed the laws lately enacted in favour of the disaffected clergy and the relations of emigrants; and even so far abolished the liberty of the press, as to put all periodical publications under the inspection of the police for one year. New taxes were voted without hesitation, Francis de Neufchateau and Merlin were elected to fill the vacancies in the Directory, and affairs were endeavoured to be conducted in their ordinary train.

All this while the city of Paris remained tranquil. That turbulent capital, which had made so many sanguinary efforts in favour of what it accounted the cause of freedom, had been to completely subdued since its unfortunate struggle on the 5th of October, that it now permitted the national representation to be violated, and the most obvious rules of practical liberty to be infringed, without an effort in their defence. The Directory, in the mean time, attempted to justify their conduct to the nation at large, by publishing various documents intended to prove the existence of a royalist conspiracy. The most remarkable of these was a paper, said to be written by M. d'Antraigues, and found by Bonaparte at Venice; in which a detail was given of a correspondence between General Pichegru and the Prince of Condé in the year 1795. The correspondence itself was also, at the same time, said to be found by General Moreau among papers taken by him at the late passage of the Rhine. It stated, that Pichegru had offered to the Prince of Condé to cross the Rhine with his army, and having joined the Austrians under General Wurmsée, and the emigrants under the Prince of Condé, to return with the united armies and march to Paris, where they were to re-establish royalty. The Prince is said to have refused to accept of the offer, from jealousy of the participation of the Austrians in the honour of the transaction. He therefore insisted that it should be conducted without their aid; but Pichegru thought the attempt too hazardous in this form, and, being soon after removed from his command, the project failed. At the time of its publication, the genuineness of this correspondence, and also of the paper found by Bonaparte, was denied; and nothing has appeared since to induce an unprejudiced man to think otherwise at present. Moreau, who was certainly involved in this conspiracy, if real, has been instructed since that period with the command of the armies of the republic; and though defeated by Marshal Suwarow, he is so far from being now considered as a royalist, that the revolutionary government seems inclined to intrust to his military skill and fidelity its last efforts for the continuance of its existence.

From the violation of the representative government that has been now stated, it became obvious to surrounding nations, that France had passed under the dominion of a small faction at variance with the majority of the people. The Directory was all powerful. Its members, however, seem very soon to have become giddy by the elevated nature of their situation, and to have adopted a notion that there was no project of am-

bition or rapacity in which they might not venture to engage. During their contest with the Councils, they had protracted the negotiations with Lord Malmesbury at Lille, and had suffered those to relax which had been entered into between Bonaparte and the Imperial ambassadors at Campo Formio near Udine. Great Britain had offered to consent to peace, on condition of being allowed to retain the Dutch settlements of the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spanish island of Trinidad, which had been taken in the month of February this year. The Directory now recalled their former negotiators Lefourneur and Maret, and sent two others, Treilhard and Bonnier, in their stead; who immediately demanded whether Lord Malmesbury had full power to restore all the settlements taken from France and her allies during the war? Upon his Lordship's declining to answer such a question, because it implied an enquiry, not into his powers, which were in the usual form, but into his instructions, which would preclude all negotiation, he was required to return home to procure more ample powers. The negotiations with the Emperor, however, were now speedily brought to a conclusion.

On the 17th of October, a definitive treaty was signed at Campo Formio. By it the Emperor gave up the Netherlands to France, the Milanese to the Cisalpine republic, and his territories in the Brigshaw to the Duke of Modena, as an indemnification for the loss of his duchy in Italy. The Emperor also consented that the French should possess the Venetian islands in the Levant of Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa Maura, Cerigo, and others. On the other hand, the French Republic consented that the Emperor should possess in full sovereignty the city of Venice, and its whole other territory, from the extremity of Dalmatia round the Adriatic as far as the Adige and the lake Garda. The Cisalpine Republic was to possess the remaining territory of Venice in this quarter, along with the city and duchy of Mantua, and the ecclesiastical states of Ferrara and Bologna.

Upon whatever principles the war might have hitherto been conducted, the terms of this treaty sufficiently demonstrated to all Europe, that its lesser states had no better reason to expect security from the house of Austria than from that of the new republic. This truth would have been still more evident, had the articles of a convention, which was signed by these parties at the same period at Campo Formio, been published to the world. Fearing, however, to alarm too much the Germanic body, these articles were kept secret, and the parties agreed to prevail with the German princes, at a congress to be opened at Rastadt, to consent, in consequence of an apparently fair negotiation, to what France and Austria had determined should take place. By the secret convention or treaty now alluded to, it was stipulated, that the Rhine, including the fortresses of Mentz, should be the boundary of the French Republic; that the princes, whose territories were alienated by this agreement, should be indemnified by the secularization of church lands in Germany; that the Stadtholder of Holland should be indemnified for the loss of his estates in that country, by receiving German territory; that the Emperor should receive the Archbishopric of Salzburg, and the part of the circle of Bavaria situated between that archbishopric, the rivers Inn and Salz, and the Tyrol; that the Imperial troops should immediately withdraw to the confines of the hereditary states beyond

yond Ulm; and if the Germanic body should refuse peace on the above terms, it was stipulated, that the Emperor should supply to it no more troops than his contingent as a co-estate amounted to, and that even these should not be employed in any fortified place.

These treaties were immediately begun to be put in execution. The Austrians left the Rhine, which enabled the French to surround the fortresses of Mentz and Ehrenbreitstein. Of the former, they speedily obtained possession; but the latter cost them a very tedious blockade, before the garrison, consisting of troops of the Palatinate, would agree to surrender. The Imperial troops, at the same time, entered Venice; the French having evacuated that city after carrying off or destroying its whole navy. The Cisalpine Republic was established, and Bonaparte left Italy; leaving, however, an army of 25,000 men to garrison Mantua, Brescia, Milan, and other places, and to retain this new republic in dependence upon France. Genoa was, at the same time, brought under a similar dependence by means of popular commotions, instigated by the French, and a revolution in its government which took place at this period. And thus the French Directory, without the excuse of hostility, as in the cases of Holland and Spain, began a system of interference in the affairs of weaker neighbouring states, which was speedily carried to an height that once more alarmed all Europe. These men even attempted, at this time, to compel the states of North America to purchase with money their forbearance from war. This was done through a circuitous channel, and in the form of an intrigue, by private persons, who were instructed to inform the American ministers at Paris, that a large loan on the part of America would be the best means of securing peace; and it was hinted, that it would be rendered more acceptable if accompanied with a private present of L. 50,000 sterling to the members of the Directory. This last proposal was indeed denied by the French minister Fallyrand, who had given his countenance to this crooked negotiation: but the general impression produced by the transaction could not be removed; and its effect was to injure very deeply the character of the French government in the opinion of those distant nations that were otherwise disposed to regard it in the most favourable light. Nor was its respectability increased by a law which the two Councils, at the desire of the Directory, thought fit to enact, declaring the ships of all neutral states bound for Britain, or returning from thence, liable to capture. This law was not less impolitic than unjust. It placed the whole carrying trade of the western world in the hands of the British, and thus enriched the very people whom it was intended to injure.

For at this period Britain had acquired over the ocean a degree of uncontroled dominion that was altogether unexampled in former times. During the whole year the French fleet lay blockaded in its own ports, and no enterprise was attempted by sea, excepting in one solitary but singular instance. We have already mentioned that a number of galley slaves were sent as soldiers with Hoche in his attempt upon Ireland. On the failure of that expedition, the Directory were at a loss how to dispose of these men. They could not now with propriety be sent back to punishment, the troops would not serve along with them in the army; and as the

new laws of France allow no remission of crimes, they could not receive a pardon, nor was it safe to let loose upon the country 1400 criminals. In this dilemma, the Directory resolved to throw them into England. Accordingly, they were sent in two frigates and some small vessels to the coast of Wales, and there landed with muskets and ammunition, but without artillery. In the evening of the very day on which they landed, the 23d of February, they surrendered themselves prisoners of war to a party of militia, yeomanry, cavalry, colliers and others, under the command of Lord Cawdor. The Directory boasted that, by this enterprise, they had demonstrated the possibility of landing troops on the British coast in spite of the vigilance of the navy; but this assertion was ill supported by the fate of the two frigates accompanying the expedition; both were captured in attempting to return to Brest.

Though the French navy remained in port, and consequently safe during the rest of the year, their allies, the Spaniards and Dutch, suffered severely. On the 14th of February, a British fleet of 15 sail of the line, under the command of Sir John Jervis, engaged the Spanish fleet, amounting to 27 sail of the line, off Cape St Vincent. In this action, the Spanish force, if it be estimated by the number of men, the number of guns, and the weight of metal, was more than double that of the British; but by the skilful manoeuvres of its heroic commander, the British fleet twice crossed through the line of the Spaniards, and succeeded in cutting off a part of their fleet from the rest. Four ships of the line were taken, and the Spanish admiral's own ship escaped with difficulty. The fleet had been on its way to Brest to join the French fleet there; but in consequence of this action, it returned to Cadiz, where it was blockaded by the British.

For his gallant conduct in this engagement, which, when every circumstance is taken into consideration, is perhaps unparalleled in the annals of naval war, Sir John Jervis was immediately created Earl St Vincent, and received the thanks of both houses of the British Parliament.

The Dutch were still more unfortunate. The Texel, within which their fleet lay, was blockaded during the whole summer by Admiral Duncan. The French intended, by means of the Dutch fleet, to make another attempt upon Ireland. Troops were accordingly embarked, under the command of General Daendels; but a resolution having at last been adopted of hazarding an engagement with the British, the Dutch admiral De Winter, in opposition to his own remonstrances, was ordered to put to sea. The British admiral had by this time left his station near the Texel, and gone to Yarmouth to rest. On receiving intelligence, however, that the Dutch had sailed, he instantly proceeded in quest of them. On the 11th of October the British fleet, amounting to 16 sail of the line, and 3 frigates, came in sight of the Dutch fleet, which in force was nearly equal, within about nine miles of Camperdown in Holland. Admiral Duncan immediately ran his fleet through the Dutch line, and, though on a lee shore, began the engagement between them and their own coast. A most bloody and obstinate conflict ensued, which lasted nearly three hours. By that time, it is said that almost the whole Dutch fleet had struck. The ships could not all be approached and seized, however,

ever, on account of the shallowness of the water upon the coast, to which the fleets were now very near. Eight ships of the line, with two of 56 guns, and one of 44, were taken, besides a frigate, which was afterwards lost near the British coast, and one of the ships of 56 guns foundered at sea. Admiral de Winter was taken with his ship, and also the Vice-admiral Rentjes.

Similar honours were conferred upon Admiral Duncan as upon Sir John Jervis, and both admirals had each a pension of L. 2000 per annum conferred upon him for life, with the full approbation, we may venture to say, of every well affected man in the kingdom.

The internal history of France now ceased to be very interesting. Political freedom could not be said to exist after so many of the representatives chosen by the people had been driven from the legislature, and the departments reduced to the necessity of electing men more acceptable to their present rulers. Public spirit therefore rapidly declined. The high notions of the freedom and felicity it was about to enjoy, which had once been so eagerly cherished by a great part of the nation, now gave way to a growing indifference about political questions, and the future destiny of the republic; for the people at large found themselves little interested in a government which existed independent of their will, which consisted of a narrow circle of persons, and whose conduct was surely not less crooked, intriguing, and unprincipled, than that of the ancient royalty, and its attending court, from which they had escaped; whilst its ferocious cruelty, and total disregard even of the forms of justice, were infinitely greater. But though the Directory was all-powerful, yet its power was limited by the present state of things, which denied it the possession of an abundant revenue. It had not yet been found possible to re-establish a system of productive taxation. The legislative councils, indeed, who now complied with every wish of the Directory, voted abundance of taxes; but these were scantily paid; partly on account of the total loss of the national commerce, and partly because the people were not disposed to make great exertions in this way for the support of government. By the constitution, they still possessed the election of the judges and other magistrates; the country was filled with veteran soldiers, who at different times had returned from the armies after the lapse of the usual period of service. The Directory, kept in awe by these circumstances, turned its attention abroad, and found means to establish an extensive patronage, by dividing among its adherents the plunder of neighbouring states, in whose welfare the people of France were little interested. The Girondist party had formerly proposed to propagate their principles by establishing a number of petty republics in the vicinity of France. The Directory now adopted the same project; that, under the pretence of diffusing liberty, they might obtain new sources of revenue and of power, by the dominion which they meant to exercise over these new governments. Holland and the Cisalpine republic were already placed in dependence upon them; and Rome and Switzerland readily afforded them opportunities for extending their plan.

After the treaty with the Emperor had been concluded at Campo Formio, Joseph Bonaparte, brother of the General, had entered Rome as ambassador from the French Republic. The Pope, now deprived of all hope

of foreign aid, and accustomed to humiliations, had submitted to every demand made by him for reducing the number of his troops, and setting at liberty persons imprisoned on account of political opinions. But an event soon occurred to afford the Directory a pretence for accomplishing the ruin of this decayed government. On the 26th of December 1797, three persons had waited upon the French ambassador, and solicited the protection of his government to a revolution which a party at Rome meant to accomplish. He rejected their proposals, and dissuaded them from the attempt; but did not, as was certainly his duty, communicate these proposals to the papal government, to which he was sent on a friendly embassy. On the following day, however, a tumult took place, in which the French cockade was worn by about 100 insurgents. They were speedily dispersed, but two of the Pope's dragoons were killed. The ambassador, who probably knew the disposition of the Directory towards the Pope, seems to have resolved that his own personal conduct should be blameless on the occasion. He therefore went on the 28th of December to the secretary of state, and presented a list of the persons under his protection who were entitled to wear the French cockade, consenting that all others adopting it should be punished. He also agreed to surrender six of the insurgents who had taken refuge in his palace. Towards the evening of this day, however, the popular tumult became more serious, particularly in the courts and neighbourhood of the French minister's palace. The Pope appears to have been personally unacquainted with the state of affairs; but the governor of the city sent parties of cavalry and infantry to disperse the insurgents. About twenty persons, having a Frenchman at their head, had, in the mean time, rushed into the palace, and demanded aid towards accomplishing a revolution. A number of French officers, and others who were with the ambassador, proposed to drive the whole insurgents by force from the jurisdiction of the palace. This was certainly a salutary advice, and such as could not have been rejected by the ambassador, had not his designs been hostile to the established government. Rejected, however, it was; for, pretending to believe that his authority would be sufficient to accomplish the object in a peaceable manner, he went out into the court to address the multitude. He was prevented from doing so by a discharge of musketry from the military, who were firing within the jurisdiction of the palace. He interposed with his friends between the military and the insurgents; and while a part of the French officers in his train drove back the insurgents with their sabres, the ambassador advanced towards the soldiers, and demanded why they presumed to violate his jurisdiction? as if the jurisdiction of a foreign ambassador were a legal asylum for men in open rebellion against the government of the state. It is not, therefore, surprising, that no attention was paid to this arrogant and absurd demand; and the nature of the ground being such, that the troops could fire over his head upon the multitude in the rear, they made a second discharge, which killed several of the insurgents. Upon this the ambassador advanced close upon the soldiers, to prevail with them to depart; but they remained in a menacing attitude, and prepared for another discharge. Eager to prevent this, the French General Duphot, who was with the

ambassador, and was next day to have married his sister, rushed into the ranks of the military, intreating them to desist. Here a petty officer of the Pope's troops discharged his musket into the body of Duphot. Upon this, the ambassador and his other friends found it necessary to make their escape through a bye-way into the palace. The Spanish minister hearing of this event, sent to the secretary of state to protest against this violation of the privileges of ambassadors. But the government, equally alarmed and perplexed by the fear of a revolution, and of French vengeance, remained during many hours totally inactive. All this while the palace of the French ambassador remained closely beset by the military, who occupied the whole of its jurisdiction, and all its courts and passages. He at last sent to demand passports, to enable him to leave the territories of the Pope. They were granted; but with many protestations of the innocence of the government, and its regret on account of this unfortunate occurrence.

Joseph Bonaparte retired to Florence, and from thence to Paris. The Pope solicited the protection of the courts of Vienna, Naples, Tuscany, and Spain; but they all stood aloof from his misfortunes: and this government, which had once possessed the most uncontrollable dominion over the minds of men, now fell without a struggle. General Berthier, at the head of a body of French and Cisalpine troops, encountered no opposition in his march to Rome, where he overturned the government of the Pope, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the Roman people, with circumstances of wanton insult; which convey a striking example of French humanity and French delicacy.

"That the head of the church might be made to

feel with more poignancy his humiliating situation, the day chosen for planting the tree of liberty on the Capitol was the anniversary of his election to the sovereignty. Whilst he was, according to custom, in the Sistine chapel celebrating his accession to the papal chair, and receiving the congratulations of the cardinals, Citizen Haller, the commissary general, and Cervoni, who then commanded the French troops within the city, gratified themselves in a peculiar triumph over this unfortunate potentate. During that ceremony they both entered the chapel, and Haller announced to the sovereign Pontiff on his throne, that his reign was at an end.

"The poor old man seemed shocked at the abruptness of this unexpected notice, but soon recovered himself with becoming fortitude; and when General Cervoni, adding ridicule to oppression, presented him the national cockade, he rejected it with a dignity that shewed he was still superior to his misfortunes. At the same time that his Eminence received this notice of the dissolution of his power, his Swiss guards were dismissed, and republican soldiers put in their place."

He was himself removed to the territory of Tuscany, where he resided in much obscurity, till his enemies, driven from Rome in their turn, thought fit to carry him still farther from his capital, to end his days beyond the Alps.

In the mean time, the Roman states were converted into a republic after the French model; excepting that the ancient appellations of consul, senators, and tribunes, were adopted, instead of the new names of a Directory and two Councils (d). But this ostentatious grant of freedom was rendered completely illusory, by a condition

(d) The character of a nation, like that of an individual, will not perhaps admit of a sudden and total change. This remark is exemplified in the French; who, even when they affect to assume the stern manners of Republicans, cannot divest themselves of their frivolous and fantastical turn, and of that fondness for pomp and show by which they were always distinguished. The following account of the re-establishment of the Roman Republic, by an author of respectability, who witnessed the solemn farce, will amply confirm the truth of our assertion.

"That the regenerated Roman people might be constitutionally confirmed in their newly-acquired rights, a day was set apart solemnly to renounce their old government, and swear fidelity to the new. For the celebration of this solemnity, which took place on the 20th of March, an altar was erected, in the middle of the piazza of St Peter's, with three statues upon it, representing the French, Cisalpine, and Roman Republics. Behind the altar was a large tent, covered and decorated with silk of the Roman colours, surmounted with a red cap, to receive the deputies from the departments who had been summoned to assist. Before the altar was placed an open orchestra, filled with the same band that had before been employed to celebrate the funeral honours of Duphot. At the foot of the bridge of St Angelo, in the piazza di Ponte, was erected a triumphal arch, upon the general design of that of Constantine, in the Campo Vacino, on the top of which was also placed three colossal figures, representing the three republics. As a substitute for bas-reliefs, it was painted in compartments in chiara scura, representing the most distinguished actions of Bonaparte in Italy. Before this arch was another orchestra.

"The ceremony in the piazza began by the marching in of the Roman legion, which was drawn up close to the colonnade, forming a semicircular line; then came French infantry, and then cavalry, one regiment after another alternately, drawn up in separate detachments round the piazza. When all was thus in order, the consuls made their entrance, on foot, from the Vatican palace, where they had robed themselves, preceded by a company of national troops and a band of music; and if the weather had permitted, a procession of citizens, selected and dressed in gala for the occasion, from the age of five years to fifty, were to have walked two and two carrying olive branches; but an excessively heavy rain prevented this part of the ceremony.

"Before the high altar, on which were placed the statues, there was another smaller one with fire upon it. Over this fire the consuls, stretching out their hands, swore eternal hatred to monarchies, and fidelity to the republic; and at the conclusion, one of them committed to the flames a scroll of paper he held in his hand, containing a representation of all the insignia of royalty, as a crown, a sceptre, a tiara, &c.; after which the French troops fired a round of musketry; and, at a signal given, the Roman legion raised their hats in the air upon the points of their bayonets, as a demonstration of attachment to the new government: but there was no shouting—

tion annexed to it, that for ten years the French General should possess a negative upon all laws and public acts. At first, however, the conquerors took care to place the government in the hands of the most respectable persons in the state favourable to democracy. But these men finding that they were merely to be employed as tools to plunder their fellow-citizens, for the emolument of their northern masters, soon renounced their odious dignities, and were succeeded by men of more compliant characters, and less scrupulous integrity. The whole public property was seized by the invaders, and contributions were levied without end. The property of the cardinals and others who fled was confiscated, and those members of the sacred college who remained were thrown into prisons, from which they could only escape by purchasing their freedom at a high price.

When this was done, and Generals and Commissaries had glutted themselves with wealth, quarrelled about a just division of the spoil, mutinied, and dispersed, other unpaid, unclotted, unprovisioned armies from the north, with new appointments, succeeded; and when at length, even by these constitutional means, nothing more was to be obtained, and artifice had exhausted every resource, the mask was put under the feet that had been long held in the hand; liberty was declared dangerous to the safety of the republic, the constituted authorities incapable of managing the affairs of the state, and military law the only rational expedient to supply their place. Thus at once the mockery of consular dignity was put an end to, the senators sent home to take care of their families, and the tribunes to blend with the people whom they before represented. This new and preferable system began its operations with nothing less important for the general welfare, than seizing the whole annual revenue of every estate productive of more than ten thousand crowns; two-thirds of every estate that produced more than five, but less than ten; and one half of every inferior annual income.

Even the degenerated Romans could not have submitted to all this, or at least would not have assisted in forging their own chains, had not the same means been employed to eradicate from their minds every moral and religious principle, which had been formerly employed for the same purpose in Paris. In order that the spirit of equality might be more extensively diffused, a con-

stitutional democratic club was instituted, and held in the hall of the Duke d'Altemps's palace. Here the new-born sons of freedom harangued each other on the blessings of emancipation; talked loudly and boldly against all constituted authority; and even their own consuls, when hardly invested with their robes, became the subjects of censure and abuse. The English were held as particularly odious, and a constant theme of imprecation; and this farce was so ridiculously carried on, that a twopenny subscription was set on foot to reduce what they were pleased to call the proud Carthage of the North.

If this foolish society had had no other object in view than spouting for each other's amusement, bowing to and kissing a bust of Brutus which was placed before the rostrum (a ceremony constantly practised before the evening's debate), it would have been of little consequence to any but the idle, who preferred that mode of spending their time; but it had other objects of a very different tendency, more baneful, and more destructive to the peace and morals of society—that of intoxicating young minds with heterogeneous principles they could not understand, in order to supersede the first laws of nature in all the social duties; for there were not wanting men who knew how to direct the folly and enthusiasm of those who did not know how to direct themselves. Here they were taught, that their duty to the Republic ought ever to be paramount to every other obligation; that the illustrious Brutus, whose bust they had before them, and whose patriotic virtue and justice ought never to be lost sight of, furnished them with the strongest and most heroic example of the subordination of the dearest ties of humanity to the public good; and that, however dear parental affection might be, yet, when put in competition with the general welfare of society, there ought not to be a moment's hesitation which was to be preferred.

This sort of reasoning might perhaps have done no harm to the speculative closet metaphysician, who might have had neither father, nor mother, nor brother, nor sister, nor a chance of ever being thrown in the way to reduce his theory to practice; but with a people who knew of no other ties but such as depended on their religion and their natural feelings, without having been previously educated to discriminate, how far their reason might be deluded by sophistry, or upon what causes

no voluntary signs of approbation; nor do I believe that there ever was a show, in which the people were intended to act so principal a part, where so decided a tacit disapprobation was given as on this occasion.

“After the ceremony was concluded, the French officers, with the consuls and deputies from the departments, dined together in the papal palace on Monte Cavallo, and in the evening gave a magnificent ball to the exnobles and others, their partizans, which was numerously attended, yet with an exception to the houses Borghese, Santa-Croce, Altemps, and Cesarini: I believe not one distinguished family was present from desire or inclination: but it was now no longer time to accumulate additional causes for oppression; and he who hoped to save a remnant of his property, avoided giving occasion for personal resentment. At night the dome of St Peter's was illuminated, with the same splendour as was customary on the anniversary of St Peter's day. This was the second time of its illumination since the arrival of the French, having been before displayed on the evening of the solemn fete to honour the manes of Duphot, which, though not quite so opportune, was done to gratify the officers that were to leave Rome on the morrow.

“The day after this federation, the French published the Roman constitution in form, which was only a repetition of the one given to the unfortunate Venetians, consisting of 372 articles, and which I think unnecessary to transcribe, as it would only be giving what we have already had from time to time in translations made from their own.”—Duppa's Journal of the most remarkable Occurrences that took place in Rome, upon the Subversion of the Ecclesiastical Government in 1798.

causes the permanent good of society depended, it had the most direct tendency to generate the worst passions, and to annihilate the best.

Young men were thus initiated to lose all respect for their parents and relations, and even encouraged to lodge information against them, with the hopeful prospect of being considered as deserving well, of what they were pleased to denominate, the republic; and by thus weakening or destroying the bonds of affection, the way was made smooth and easy to the destruction of every thing like what, in a state of civilization, is called character; doubtless, in order to prepare them the better to become the faithful agents of those whom they were thus educated to serve.

The most remarkable curiosities of this celebrated city had already been conveyed to Paris; and as national vanity had now given place to avarice in the minds of the Directory, the remaining monuments of ancient or of modern art, with which Rome abounded, were sold by public auction. Advertisements (z) were sent through Europe, offering passports to the natives of countries at war with France, if they should wish to become purchasers; and thus the wealthier inhabitants of the Roman territory not only saw themselves subjected to severe exactions, but they beheld with cruel mortification those objects now given up as a prey to vulgar speculation, and dispersed over the world, which had so long rendered their city the resort of all nations.

Such was the progressive conduct of the Great Nation towards an injured and oppressed people, whose happiness and dearest interests were its first care, and to whom freedom and liberty had been restored, that they might know how to appreciate the virtue of their benefactors, and the ineffable blessings of independence.

More sanguinary scenes were, in the meanwhile, taking place in Switzerland. That country had remained neutral during the contest in which France had lately been engaged; and had thus protected the weakest portion of her frontier, while the rest of it was assailed by the combined forces of Europe. The merit of this service was now forgotten, and the Directory resolved to render Switzerland one of their tributary states. Ambitious nations have in all ages found it an easy matter to devise apologies for invading the territory of their neighbours. The wealthier branches of the Swiss confederacy were in general governed by hereditary aristocracies. Some of the cantons had no government within themselves, but were the subjects of neighbouring cantons. In consequence of this circumstance, and of the contending privileges of different orders of men, popular insurrections were more frequent in Switzerland than in any country in Europe, though none was more equitably governed. When an insurrection took place in one canton, its government was frequently under the necessity of soliciting the aid of the government of an adjoining canton, or even of the neighbouring monarchs

of France or Sardinia, to enable it to subdue its own rebellious subjects. A dangerous precedent was thus established; and as the French kings had formerly interfered in favour of the rulers, the republican Directory now interfered in favour of the subjects. The canton of Berne was sovereign of the territory called the Pays de Vaud. In this district discontent had always existed; and an insurrection, under the countenance of the French Directory, broke out towards the end of the year 1797. The government of Berne saw the dangerous nature of its own situation; and on the 5th of January issued a proclamation, commanding the inhabitants of the Pays de Vaud to assemble in arms, to renew their oath of allegiance, and to reform every abuse that might appear to exist in their government. A commission was at the same time appointed by the Senate or Sovereign Council at Berne to examine all complaints, and to redress all grievances. The proceedings of this commission, however, did not keep pace with the popular impatience; and the insurgents began to seize the strong places in their country. The government of Berne now resolved to reduce them by force, and sent troops against them; but their commander Weis appears to have acted with much hesitation, if not with treachery. In the mean time, a body of French approached under General Menard. He sent an aide de camp with two hussars, with a message to General Weis. On the return of the messengers, an accidental affray took place, in which one of the hussars was killed. This was magnified into an atrocious breach of the law of nations. The French advanced; and by the end of January obtained possession of the whole Pays de Vaud. Still, however, the government of Berne attempted to preserve peace, while it endeavoured to prepare for war. The soldiers who had killed the French hussar were delivered up, negotiations were begun, and a truce entered into with General Brune, who succeeded Menard in the command of the French troops in the Pays de Vaud. As internal commotions were breaking out in all quarters, an attempt was made to quiet the minds of the people, that they might be induced to unite against the threatened invasion. Fifty-two deputies from the different districts were allowed to sit in the Supreme Council of Berne, and a similar measure was adopted by the cantons of Zurich, Lucerne, Fribourg, Soleure, and Schaffhausen. An army of 20,000 men was at the same time assembled, and intrusted to the command of M. d'Erlich, formerly field-marshall in the French service. But disaffection greatly prevailed in this army, and the people could not be brought to any tolerable degree of union. The French knew all this, and demanded a total change of government. M. d'Erlich, dreading the increasing tendency to defection among his troops, requested leave to dissolve the armistice. It was granted by the government, and immediately recalled. But the French now refused to negotiate; and on the 2d of March, General Schauenberg, at the head of 13,000 men, entered

French Revolution, 1798. Soleure. Friburg was afterwards reduced by Brune, and the Swiss army retreated. The government of Berne was in consternation, and decreed what was called the landshurm, or rising of the people; which, in cases of emergency, was authorized by their ancient customs. The people accordingly assembled; and their first act was to dissolve the government, and to offer to dismiss the army, on condition that the French troops should proceed no farther. This offer was refused, unless a French garrison should be received into Berne, and the invaders continued to advance. The regular troops under M. d'Erach were reduced by desertion to 14,000. The rising of the people had indeed supplied him with numbers, but there was no time for arranging them. On the 5th of March he was attacked, and driven from the posts of Newenbeg and Favenbrun. He rallied his troops, however, at Uteren, where they made a stand for some time. They renewed the contest at Grauholtz without success, and were driven from thence about four miles farther to the gates of their capital. Here the Swiss army made a last and bloody effort. Being completely routed, they murdered many of their officers in despair, and among others their commander M. d'Erach. The slaughter on both sides is said to have been nearly equal; but the French succeeded in obtaining possession of Berne by capitulation on the evening of the day on which these battles were fought. Upon the capture of this city, the other more wealthy and populous states submitted to the French; but the poorer cantons, who had least to lose, made a terrible effort in defence of their small possessions, and the independence of their country. They even at first compelled Schawenberg to retire with the loss of 3000 men; but were at last overpowered by the superior numbers and military skill of the French army. Switzerland was treated as a conquered country. Its public magazines were seized by the French, heavy contributions were levied, and a new constitution, in imitation of that of France, was imposed.

While the Directory continued to encroach upon the independence of other nations, they were not likely to respect the freedom of their countrymen at home. In the month of April, a third of the legislature was changed. Francis de Neufchateau went out of the Directory by ballot, and Treilhard was chosen in his stead. The Directory had made great efforts to influence the elections in favour of their friends, but with little success. They prepared therefore to preserve the legislature in subjection to them by a new violation of the constitution. On the 2d of May they complained to the Council of Five Hundred of the plots of anarchists and royalists; by which they alleged that the elections had in many places been made to fall on men hostile to the Republic. On the 7th a committee made a report upon this message, and proposed that the proceedings of many electoral assemblies should be totally or partially annulled, according to the characters of the persons they had chosen. General Jourdan, and some others, ventured to oppose this plan as utterly inconsistent with the freedom of election, and as proceeding upon alleged intrigues of conspirators against the Republic, while no conspiracy had been proved to exist. But the majority agreed to the proposal of the committee, and arbitrarily annulled the whole elections in six or seven departments, besides the particular elections of a great number of individuals.