PITT, the Right Honourable William, was the fourth child of that illustrious orator and consummate statesman, William Pitt, the first earl of Chatham, and was born on the 28th of May 1759. Nicholas Pitt, who lived in the reign of Henry VI. was the common ancestor of the noble families of Chatham, Camelford, and Rivers. Thomas Pitt, the first of the name who attained any considerable eminence, was governor of Fort St George in the East Indies, where he purchased, as noticed in the preceding life, for 20,400l. sterling, the extraordinary diamond called the regent, weighing 127 carats, and which was sold to the king of France for the enormous sum of 135,000l. sterling. The diamond it is said, now occupies a conspicuous place in the imperial diadem of Bonaparte.
Pitt. Bonaparte. By means of this vast sum he was enabled to purchase a considerable estate in Cornwall; yet his grand-children were poorly provided for, particularly the great earl of Chatham, but what he wanted in opulence was abundantly supplied by the uncommon talents and abilities, which nature conferred upon him in the profusest manner. Although he betook himself for support to the profession of arms, he never rose higher than to the rank of a cornet of horse, of which Sir Robert Walpole, with unexampled meanness, deprived him, because he had the boldness and integrity to oppose his administration. This, however, proved no real obstacle to his preferment in the state, for in the year 1756 he became prime minister.
As the present earl of Chatham was destined for the army, and another son James-Charles for the navy, lord Chatham resolved to train up William to the profession of a statesman. Having therefore confided the care of his other two sons to others, he took William under his own immediate inspection, whose rapid progress cheered the solitude, and illumined the declining days of this extraordinary man, who already began to presage his future greatness. His school exercises were performed under the care of a private tutor, a Mr, afterwards Dr Wilson, while his noble father embraced every opportunity of conversing with him on every interesting topic with the utmost freedom, in order to expand his mind, and mature his judgment. He also made him declaim from a chair or a table, well knowing that the gift of eloquence is a valuable acquisition for a young man who wishes to arrive at eminence, and that it had supplied the deficiencies of fortune in his own person.
It was resolved on, at a proper period, to send William to one of the universities, and on this occasion Cambridge was preferred to Oxford, from a decided opinion entertained by many, that the political doctrines inculcated at the former were more liberal than those usually propagated at the latter. He was accordingly placed under the tuition of Dr Turner of Pembroke Hall. Dr Prettyman, afterwards bishop of Lincoln, also participated in the care of his education, and was his private instructor. During his residence at Cambridge, it appears certain that the morals and conduct of Mr Pitt were unimpeachable, not in the smallest degree contaminated by the powerful example of the young nobility. Here he took his bachelor's degree, and also that of A. M. and acquired such reputation in the university for talents, industry, and propriety of deportment, as proved of great advantage to him in his subsequent pursuits through life.
When Mr Pitt left the university, he was entered at Lincoln's Inn, much about the same time with Mr Addington, whose father had been both the physician and friend of his family, and was enabled to be called to the bar in the space of three years, having received some marks of favour on account of his degree. He made choice of the western circuit as the scene of his first efforts; but having little practice as a lawyer, he had of consequence but little celebrity; and it is probable that he was ill qualified, on the score of patient and laborious investigation, for a pursuit in which nothing great can be accomplished, without the persevering industry of a whole life.
Fortune at this time seemed eager to heap favours upon him of another kind. Being bred a statesman, the
house of commons was of course the place where he was to begin his political career. He was advised by numerous friends to propose himself a candidate for the university of Cambridge, but he failed of success from the want of sufficient influence. Accident, however, brought about what the designs of his friends could not accomplish. The duke of Rutland asked Sir James Lowther (afterwards earl of Lonsdale), if he could possibly make room in any of his boroughs, to bring in his young friend Mr Pitt, who had thus lost his election for Cambridge. He was chosen member for the borough of Appleby. About this time the American war was raging with unabated violence, which Mr Pitt, following the example and advice of his father, reprobated as one of the most shameful and ruinous conflicts of modern times. Having espoused the constitutional and popular side of this important question, his opening talents were displayed to no common advantage, and he was not only regarded as a promising speaker, but destined at some future period to rank high in the councils of his native country. This was truly honourable to so young a man, when it is remembered that one house could then boast of a Rockingham, a Richmond, and a Shelburne, and the other of a Saville, a Dunning, a Burke, a Barré, and a Fox. Yet there was still room for our juvenile orator, and the recollection of the eloquence, the talents, and the meritorious services of his father, contributed greatly to fix the attention of mankind on the deportment of a favourite son.
About this time the extent of the royal prerogative engaged the attention both of the parliament and the public, and a vote of the commons, "that the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished," plainly pointed to an object, whether real or imaginary, which occasioned a considerable degree of discontent. Mr Burke, then in the zenith of his popularity, encouraged by numerous symptoms of jealousy, once more brought forward his plan of economy, which being founded on a progressive retrenchment, appeared admirably calculated to diminish the influence of the crown. It is needless to add that it was opposed by the minister (Lord North), but it was ably supported by Mr Pitt, who forcibly ridiculed every objection that could be brought against it. The bill was rejected after a long debate, but afterwards introduced at a more auspicious period, and to a certain extent carried into effect.
Mr Fox having moved that ministers should immediately take every possible measure for concluding a peace with our American colonies, he was powerfully supported by Mr Pitt, whose commanding eloquence engaged the whole attention of the house, while he reprobated the cruelty and impolicy of the contest with our colonies. He declared that it was conceived in injustice, nurtured and brought forth in folly, and its footsteps were marked with blood, slaughter, persecution, and devastation. Many handsome compliments were paid him by two eminent judges of real merit, we mean the lord advocate of Scotland (now Viscount Melville), and Mr Wilkes. The former, in particular, declared that his powerful abilities and brilliant eloquence were universally acknowledged proofs, that the astonishing extent and force of an exalted understanding had descended, in an hereditary line, from the late illustrious possessor of them, to a son equally endowed with all the fire, and strength, and grace of oratory.
A more equal representation of the people in parliament was one of the principal objects to which the nation directed its attention, next to the American war. It was admitted to be the undoubted prerogative of the crown to declare war; but as the supplies were entrusted to the management of the representatives of the people, it was affirmed by some that ministers could not have carried on a contest accompanied with the waste of so much blood and treasure, had it not been owing to the corruption and venality of parliament. To derive advantage from past experience; to confer on the people their due importance in such a mixed government as that of Britain, and restore the constitution to its original purity, became by this time the grand object of Mr Pitt's exertions. He was as yet untainted by the fascinating charms of power and authority, and considered a well-earned fame as the best, the only reward of his laudable endeavours. He accordingly brought the principles and conduct of his opponents to such a test as they successfully employed against himself, in order to wound his feelings, and convict him of inconsistency, by turning his back on his once favourite sentiments. When many cities and counties endeavoured to obtain a reform in parliament, Mr Pitt actually sat in a convention of delegates, met together in the neighbourhood of the place where the legislature held its sittings.
The American war in the mean time was drawing to a termination, and the spoils of the office of the former minister became the reward of those who opposed him. During the short existence of the Rockingham administration, contractors were excluded from the house of commons; officers belonging to the customs and excise were declared unqualified to vote at elections; the proceedings respecting the Middlesex election were rescinded: and while a more liberal policy was adopted with regard to Ireland, many superfluous offices were abolished in England by means of a reform bill, which tended powerfully to destroy corruption. Many more important reforms would have been accomplished, had not the death of the distinguished Rockingham brought about great and sudden changes.
Mr Fox retired in consequence of new arrangements, and Lord Shelburne, as first lord of the treasury, made choice of Mr Pitt as chancellor of the exchequer, who declared, although only 23 years of age, that he would accept of no inferior office. Peace now seemed to be an object generally desirable at any rate, and without much regarding what sacrifices might be made in order to procure it; but the terms met with powerful opposition from two men formerly considered as mortal enemies, viz. Lord North and Mr Fox, the latter of whom retired from office. Soon after the dismissal of Mr Fox, Mr Pitt again brought forward the question respecting a reform in parliament, which he fondly hoped would be the means of restoring him to his wonted popularity, and pave the way to the increase of his power. He therefore submitted three different motions to the consideration of the house; but although in these motions he was ably supported, he was left in a minority.
The coalition ministry, as it was called, had still a considerable majority in parliament, notwithstanding the popularity belonging to the name and talents of Mr Pitt, but the celebrated India bill was productive of a change. This bill owed its origin to Mr Burke, but it received a regular and systematic opposition from the exchan-
cellor of the exchequer. It was carried, however, in the house of commons by a great majority, but in the house of lords it was opposed by the duke of Richmond, Lord Thurlow, and Earl Temple (afterwards marquis of Buckingham); and on the 17th of December 1783, it was finally rejected by a majority of 19.
The king in the mean time determined on an entire change of administration, and the two secretaries were informed on the 18th of December 1783, about 12 o'clock at night, that his majesty had no further occasion for their services. In consequence of this change, the important offices of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer were bestowed on Mr Pitt, who thus became prime minister before he was full 24 years of age. Thurlow was created lord chancellor, the duke of Richmond keeper of the privy seal; the marquis of Caermarthen and Lord Sidney were chosen secretaries of state, and Mr Dundas, treasurer of the navy.
Much about this time Mr Pitt brought forward a new bill for the better government of India. He proposed that a board of controul should be instituted, the nomination of whose members was to be vested in the crown, and to them the dispatches of the company were to be submitted. He also proposed that the appointment of the commander in chief should belong to his majesty, and having thus secured the political interests of the company, he left those of a commercial nature entirely to the court of directors. This bill, after a short debate, was rejected by a majority of eight. Such was the present temper of the house of commons, that a coalition or immediate dissolution became absolutely necessary; and the former having been unsuccessfully attempted, the latter was suddenly adopted, on the 25th of March 1784. Mr Pitt having been returned for the university of Cambridge, again brought forward his bill in an amended state for the regulation of India, and carried it in triumph through both houses of parliament. The remaining part of the session gave birth to an act for the better prevention of smuggling, and the commutation act, by virtue of which certain duties were transferred from tea to windows.
When Mr Alderman Sawbridge (June 16th 1784) made a motion for inquiring into the present state of the commons of Great Britain in parliament, Mr Pitt, whose political sentiments had undergone a revolution, felt himself considerably embarrassed, as he was reminded that he had brought forward questions on the same subject upon a former occasion. Mr Pitt, however, declined it, on account of the pressure of public business, and observed that, in his opinion, the present was not the proper time for bringing forward the question, and that it might be urged with greater probability of success on some future occasion. He did not wish it to be discussed in a precipitate manner, yet the business itself should have every support he was able to afford it.
Having now attained the summit of power and influence as prime minister, Mr Pitt exercised every function of his important office, without any check or controul. Possessed of a great majority in both houses of parliament, as well as in the cabinet, his whole deportment, in the language of his opponents, seems to have become lofty in the extreme; and he paid little or no regard to that popularity which he had formerly courted.
A commercial treaty about this time was entered into with France, the terms of which have been generally acknowledged.
acknowledged to be advantageous to Britain. Mr Pitt, who deserves great credit for giving the plan his countenance, adopted, much about the same time, another respecting the finances, from which he derived a high degree of reputation; and, as he pointed at a period when the national debt might, in all probability, be extinguished, the country, if it was not altogether satisfied, appeared to be at least contented under his administration: and it is not a little to the credit of his financial system, that his opponents, when in power, not only approved, but adopted and extended it.
In this manner a commercial country began again to flourish, by turning its attention to the arts of peace; but, during his administration, its prosperity was threatened to be interrupted by the preparation for an attack upon Russia at one time, and by an open rupture with Spain at another, relative to Nootka Sound. In both cases the blow was warded off by negotiation, and a good understanding restored. The restoration of the stadtholder, by the intervention of a Prussian army, and his strenuous opposition of the prince of Wales's appointment to the regency during the king's indisposition, were also two important measures pursued and discussed in the course of his ministry.
Soon after the commencement of the French revolution, Mr Pitt deemed a war with that country inevitable. But for a full detail of the events of this war, see BRITAIN. Having held the reins of government during 18 years, Mr Pitt, and all the members of the cabinet, suddenly retired from office in 1801. On this occasion all parties appeared to rejoice at the appointment of Mr Addington; and France, from that moment, as some assert, seemed to have neither friends nor advocates in this island. When the articles of the treaty of Amiens were debated in the house of commons, Mr Pitt defended the new minister with the whole force of his abilities and influence.
On the 15th of March 1804, Mr Pitt made a direct attack on the administration; and the admiralty board was accused by him of imbecility. He zealously supported Mr Fox's proposition relative to the Irish militia bill for the national defence, which was lost on a division. The minister's majority having dwindled to 37, on the army of reserve suspension bill, Mr Addington and some of his friends retired, and the ex-minister resumed his former seat. When parliament met on the 15th of January 1805, Mr Pitt warmly defended the war with Spain; and, on the motion for an address, he had a majority of 207.
But, in the mean time, a gouty habit, the predisposing causes of which appear to have been hereditary, and which, perhaps, was increased by his own manner of living, seized on a constitution never very strong. It is alleged, by his opponents, that this, combined with the miscarriage of his schemes, and the aspect of affairs on the continent, preyed so much upon his mind, that he is said to have died of a broken heart, at his house near Putney, between four and five on Wednesday morning, January 23. 1806, in the 47th year of his age.
As a financier, no man has obtained more praise, who ever presided at the board of exchequer. During his ministry some of our manufactures languished, but many flourished, and our exports were greatly increased. As a speaker he was unrivalled, and his generous scorn
of wealth must be admired. In 20 years his debts amounted only to 40,000l. They were paid out of the public purse. The house of commons also passed a vote, that the expences of his funeral, and a monument to his memory, should be defrayed by the nation.