a company of people transplanted into a remote province in order to cultivate and inhabit it.

We may distinguish three kinds of colonies. First, those serving to ease or discharge the inhabitants of a country, where the people are become too numerous, so that they cannot any longer conveniently subsist.

The second are those established by victorious princes and people in the middle of vanquished nations, to keep them in awe and obedience.

The third may be called colonies of commerce; because, in effect, it is trade that is the sole occasion and object thereof.

It was by means of the first kind of colonies, that, some ages after the deluge, the east first, and successively all the other parts of the earth, became inhabited: and without mentioning anything of the Phoenician and Grecian colonies, so famous in ancient history, it is notorious that it was for the establishment of such colonies, that, during the declension of the empire, those torrents of barbarous nations, issuing, for the generality, out of the north, over-run the Gauls, Italy, and the other southern parts of Europe; and, after several bloody battles, divided it with the ancient inhabitants.

For the second kind of colonies, the Romans used them more than any other people; and that to secure the conquests they had made from the west to the east. Every one knows how many cities in Gaul, Germany, Spain, and even England, value themselves on their having been of the number of Roman colonies.

There were two kinds of colonies among the Romans: those sent by the senate; and the military ones, consisting of old soldiers, broken and disabled with the fatigues of war, who were thus provided with lands as the reward of their services. See BENEFICE. The colonies sent by the senate were either Roman or Latin, i.e., composed either of Roman citizens or Latins. The colonies of Roman citizens had the right of suffrages; but had no part in the offices or honours of the republic. The inhabitants of Latin colonies, had no right of suffrages without an express permission. According to Ulpian, (t. 1. D. de Conf.) there were other colonies, which had little more than the name; only enjoying what they called jus Italicum, i.e., they were free from the tributes and taxes paid by the provinces. Such were the colonies of Tyre, Berytus, Heliopolis, Palmyra, &c. M. Vaillant has filled a volume in folio with medals struck by the several colonies, in honour of the emperors who founded them. The ordinary symbol they engraved on their medals, was either an eagle; as when the veteran legions were distributed in the colonies; or a labourer, holding a plough drawn by a pair of oxen; as when the colony consisted of ordinary inhabitants. On all the medals are seen the names of the decemviri, who held the same rank and had the same authority there as the consuls had at Rome.

Lastly, the colonies of commerce, are those estab- blished by the English, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and other nations within these two last centuries, and which they continue still to establish, in several parts of Asia, Africa, and America; either to keep up a regular commerce with the natives, or to cultivate the ground, by planting sugar-canes, indigo, tobacco, and other commodities. The principal of this kind of colonies, are in the one and the other America, northern and southern; particularly Peru, Mexico, Canada, Virginia, New-England, Carolina, la Louitiana, l'Acadia, Hudson's Bay, the Antilles Islands, Jamaica, Domingo, and the other islands.—In Africa, Madagascar, Cape of Good Hope, Cape Verde, and its islands, and all those vast coasts extended thence as far as to the Red Sea.—Lastly, in Asia, the famous Batavia of the Dutch; Goa, Diu, of the Portuguese; and some other less considerable places of the English, French, and Danes.

The practice of settling commercial colonies in distant countries hath been adopted by the wisest nations of antiquity, who acted systematically upon maxims of sound policy. This appears to have been the case with the ancient Egyptians, the Chineese, the Phoenicians, the commercial states of Greece, the Carthaginians, and even the Romans; for though the colonies of the latter were chiefly military, it could easily be shewn that they were likewise made use of for the purposes of trade. The savage nations who ruined the Roman empire, fought nothing but to extirpate or hold in vassalage those whom they overcame; and therefore, whenever princes enlarged their dominions at the expense of their neighbours, they had recourse to strong forts and garrisons to keep the conquered in awe. For this they have been blamed by the famous Machiavel; who labours to show, that the settling of colonies would have been a cheaper and better method of bridling conquered countries, than building fortresses in them. John de Witt, who was one of the ablest and best statesmen that ever appeared, strongly recommended colonies; as affording a refuge to such as had been unfortunate in trade; as opening a field for such men to exert their abilities, as through want of interest could not raise themselves in their own country; and as a supplement to hospitals and other charitable foundations, which he thought in time might come to be overcharged. Some, however, have ridiculed the supposed advantages of colonies, and asserted that they must always do mischief by depopulating the mother-country. But it must be considered, that such as are inclined to leave their native country to go to a colony, would in all probability do so to go to a foreign nation. Before any colonies were sent from Britain, multitudes left this island and went to the continent, from a variety of causes. In the time of queen Elizabeth, many thousands of Brownits retired to Holland and Zealand; but no sooner did these people hear of the act of religious toleration being passed, than most of them left the dominions of the States, and went to New England.

From this example, and many others which might be adduced, it clearly appears, that colonies, so far from being the means of depopulating a state, are the very reverse, and contribute to the preservation of a number of subjects that would otherwise be totally lost by their removal into other countries.

It would besides be no very difficult matter to show from reason alone, that plantations are highly beneficial, as contributing more to the riches and welfare of any country, or at least of any trading country, than fixing settlements in foreign parts; and more especially in such a country as America, where vast regions may be obtained merely by establishing colonies in them. Let us consider what rendered the Portuguese heretofore rich and powerful, and what in some measure keeps them so still; is it not their plantations? If we ask the same question with regard to Spain, we must receive the same answer; and yet there is nothing more certain, than that both these nations are under vast inconveniences with respect to their plantations: for they draw nothing from them but in satisfaction for commodities and manufactures, and yet the far greatest part, indeed almost all these commodities and manufactures, they purchase themselves from other nations; notwithstanding which prodigious obstacle, it is apparent that their plantations are not only the great and constant, but almost the sole source of their riches. This alone, to a man of sense and reflection, will afford a full conviction of the truth of what has been advanced, as to the benefit of plantations in general.

There is no shorter method with respect to our own in particular, than to consider one that has some staple commodity, which may serve as a model for the rest; and none can answer this purpose better than Virginia, one of the oldest, best cultivated, and most populous of our colonies upon the continent. It is computed that the number of souls indiscriminately may amount in Virginia to about half a million, and of these about 120,000 men, women, and children, may be white, which shews this colony is in itself a thing of prodigious importance. The next thing is to find out what advantages this country derives from such a number of its subjects dwelling there. In the first place it must be observed, that as the value of labour differs in several parts of this kingdom, so the labour of a man in most of the plantations is not only as advantageous to his native country as if he worked at home, but much more so; upon a moderate computation, we may reckon, that such a person contributes to the public stock four times as much. So that we may with reason reckon, that the white people in Virginia, one with another, produce 12l. to this nation; the reason of which will appear, when we consider the nature of their commerce more particularly. But besides this, the negroes are of great advantage to this kingdom, though of infinitely less than the white people would be, if they were employed in the same work; for every one of these poor creatures consumes yearly two hilling-hoes, two weeding-hoes, two grubbing-hoes, besides axes, saws, wimbles, nails, and other iron tools and materials. On the whole, there can be no sort of question, because it appears a plain matter of fact, that these people necessarily take off the sum of 150,000l. in the commodities of this country.

This computation must seem prodigious to such as have not applied themselves to calculation; but we must must consider, that the people in this colony of Virginia live exactly as we do, or rather more freely, in that generous, open, hospitable, and consequently expensive method that prevailed here in the last age. But as they are supplied both with necessaries and conveniences, with the instruments of labour, as well as the means of luxury, from England, it follows of course, that they must employ an infinite number of hands to provide these. For it is generally known, that these demands must be supplied from those handicrafts and mechanics that have most hands in their service, such as weavers, shoe-makers, bakers, ironmongers, turners, joiners, tailors, cutlers, smiths, bakers, brewers, rope-makers, hatters, and indeed all the mechanics in Britain, their manufactures being good merchandise in Virginia. The commodities sent thither, besides linen, silks, India goods, wine, and other foreign manufactures, are cloth, coarse and fine ferges, flutes, bays, hats, and all sorts of haberdashery ware; hoes, bills, axes, nails, adzes, and other iron ware; cloaths ready made, knives, biscuit, flour, stockings, shoes, caps for servants, &c.

But if they employ these people, they must feed them likewise, and pay them their wages; and not only them, but those who take the pains to go between the planters and these workmen; by which we mean the agents, merchants, or factors, who, tho' fewer in number, yet have their servants and dependents, who, from the nature of their employments, expect to be paid at a better rate. Neither is this all: for when things are made and brought to the factor, they must be put into the hands of a new set of people, who are to be paid for the carriage of them. So that the most common capacity may understand how the labour of every head in any plantation must be worth four times as much to the community of his mother-country as if he wrought at home; for if he spends so much, and pays for what he has, both of which are undeniable, his labour must produce too much. This shows the benefit of plantations to their mother-country, and how much regard and respect is due from those who manage the affairs of the mother-country, to those who live and labour for her in the plantations. But because it is not impossible we may err a little in the measure of these computations, we shall lay it down as a thing certainly to be depended upon, that every white person in Virginia, one with another, is worth to this nation £100, which will make the value of the whole plantation equal to an annuity of £1,200,000l. to Great Britain.

In order to shew how this sum, or at least the greatest part of it, is received, we must consider that the trade of Virginia, as well as that of Maryland, consists almost entirely of tobacco: for though the country would produce several excellent commodities fit for trade, yet the planters are so wholly bent on planting tobacco, that they seem to have laid aside all thoughts of other improvements. This trade is brought to such perfection, that the Virginia tobacco, especially the sweet-scented, which grows on York river, is reckoned the best in the world, and what is generally vended in Britain for the home-consumption: the other sorts, called Oronoae, and that of Maryland, are hotter in the mouth; but they turn to as good account, being in demand in Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Germany: it is therefore from this commodity that we are to look for the best part of that vast sum which we have mentioned.

In time of peace, there is very little less than 100,000 hogsheads of tobacco exported every year from this colony; that between three and four hundred ships are employed in this trade, and upwards of 4000 seamen. If we take things upon this foot, then the 100,000 hogsheads of tobacco will produce about the sum at which we have fixed the produce of this colony to the nation: but it may be said, that if we take tobacco for the commodities and manufactures that we send to Virginia, it differs very widely from an annuity, and that, instead of receiving £1,200,000l. from the persons inhabiting this plantation, we return them the most valuable things we have, for 60,000,000 pounds of tobacco, which in itself is no necessary of life, and which we might very well do without. But, to solve this difficulty, let us consider that tobacco was in use amongst us long before it was cultivated, or at least brought to perfection, as appears by King James I., writing a book against it: what we used came hither from Brazil, or from the Spanish plantations, and was actually sold here from four to 17s. a pound. In case the consumption of tobacco had become equal to what it is now, and we had been furnished with it by foreigners, it would have carried off all our commodities and manufactures into the bargain; but supposing it had fallen to 5s. a pound only, this alone would have cost us seven millions either in goods or in money. At 5s. a pound indeed, tobacco could not have grown into general use, but into frequent and common use it would have grown; and therefore it must have cost us a great deal; whence it may be justly inferred, that our home consumption is a saving of as much as the value amounts to. Besides this, we export annually 40,000 hogsheads, which produces us generally 300,000 pounds, the net annual income of one commodity brought over from one of our colonies.

All the other colonies, settlements, and establishments, which we have in different parts of the world, contribute in like manner, but in different proportions, to take off the commodities and manufactures, to employ the people, to increase the shipping, and to extend the trade of this nation; and with this singular and valuable advantage, that so long as we behave towards them with the duty and tenderness of a parent, it is simply impossible that this trade should fail us, or that we should lose any part of our plantation commerce. We have already shown, how the commodities we have from thence, become, when wrought, to all intents and purposes, our own manufactures; so that the people in the colonies, and their slaves, where they have slaves, undergo all the drudgery and labour, while we subside our own people by the manufacture of their commodities, and draw from thence annually immense profits, in which the people of the plantations have no share whatsoever. Such are the prerogatives of a mother-country, and such and so great the benefits she reaps by being so!

After having thus examined into the reason of the thing, let us next ask, What was the condition of this country before we had any plantations? The answer drawn drawn from history and observation must be to this effect: At the time queen Elizabeth entered upon the government, the customs produced 36,000 l. a-year; at the restoration, they were let to farm for 400,000 l. and produced considerably above double that sum before the revolution. The people of London, before we had any plantations, and but very little trade, were computed at about 100,000: at the death of queen Elizabeth, they were increased to 150,000; and are now about six times that number. In those days we had not only our naval stores, but our ships, from our neighbors. Germany furnished us with all things made of metal, even to nails: wine, paper, linen, and a thousand other things, came from France. Portugal furnished us with sugars; all the produce of America was poured upon us from Spain; and the Venetians and Genoese retailed to us the commodities of the East Indies at their own price. In short, the legal interest of money was 12 per cent., and the common price of our land 10 or 12 years purchase. We may add, that our manufactures were few, and those but indifferent; the number of English merchants very small; and our shipping much inferior to what now belong to the northern colonies. These are plain and certain facts. But, as soon as we began to extend our trade, and to make settlements abroad, the face of our affairs changed: the inhabitants of the metropolis were doubled by the end of the last period, and are again doubled before the end of this; our shipping increased in a still greater proportion; we coined, within 20 years after that queen's death, about five millions at the Tower; in 20 years after that, seven; and in the next 20 years, eight; which are indubitable proofs that we had gained a prodigious balance of trade in our favour.

The next point to be considered is, What our condition has been since? And with respect to this it may be boldly affirmed, that it has altered for the better, almost to a degree beyond credibility or computation. Our manufactures are prodigiously increased, chiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, where they at least take off one half, and furnish us with many valuable commodities for exportation. Instead of taking the quantities we were wont to do of goods from other nations, we actually export those very goods, and sometimes to the very same nations. Sugar, rum, and tobacco, are the sources of private wealth and public revenue, which would have been so many drains that would have beggared us, had they not been raised in our plantations. It is no longer in the power of the Russians to make us pay what they please for flax and hemp. The Swedes cannot compel us to pay their own price, and that too in ready money, for pitch and tar; nor would it be in their power to distress us, should they attempt it, by raising the price of copper and iron. Logwood is sunk 75 per cent.; indigo, and other dyeing materials, are in our power, and at moderate prices. In short, the advantages are infinite that redound to us from our American empire; where we have at least a million of British subjects, and between 1500 and 2000 sail of ships constantly employed.

Such have been the fruits, such is the condition, of our plantations; — or rather, such, till of late, was their condition. The sad reverse that has taken place is well known to all our readers. For us to depict it, would be a task equally superfluous and painful. And as to what may be the issue of the unhappy contest, or what consequences may finally ensue; there can only be the subject of our anxiety, of our hopes or fears: for clouds and darkness as yet rest upon the prospect.

The history of the British colonies, however, shows, that when colonists become numerous and opulent, it is very difficult to retain them in proper subjection to the parent state. It becomes then a question not very easily answered, how far they are entitled to the rights they had as inhabitants of the mother-country, or how far they are bound by its laws? On this subject Mr Blackstone hath the following observations:

"Plantations, or colonies in distant countries, are either such where the lands are claimed by right of occupancy only, by finding them deserted and uncultivated, and peopling them from the mother-country; or where, when already cultivated, they have either been gained by conquest, or ceded to us by treaties. And both these rights are founded upon the law of nature, or at least on that of nations. But there is a difference between these two species of colonies with respect to the laws by which they are bound. For it hath been held, that if an uninhabited country be discovered and planted by English subjects, all the English laws then in being, which are the birthright of every subject, are immediately there in force. But this must be understood with many and very great restrictions. Such colonists carry with them only so much of the English law as is applicable to their own situation, and the condition of an infant colony; such, for instance, as the general rules of inheritance, and of protection from personal injuries. The artificial refinements and distinctions incident to the property of a great and commercial people, the laws of policy and revenue (such especially as are enforced by penalties) the mode of maintenance for the established clergy, the jurisdiction of spiritual courts, and a multitude of other provisions, are neither necessary nor convenient for them, and therefore are not in force. What shall be admitted, and what rejected, at what times, and under what restrictions, must, in cases of dispute, be decided in the first instance by their own provincial judicature, subject to the revision and control of the king in council; the whole of their constitution being also liable to be new-modelled and reformed by the general superintending power of the legislature in the mother-country. But in conquered or ceded countries, that have already laws of their own, the king may indeed alter and change those laws; but, till he does actually change them, the ancient laws of the country remain, unless such as are against the law of God, as in an infidel country. Our American plantations are principally of this latter sort, being obtained in the last century, either by right of conquest and driving out the natives (with what natural justice I shall not at present inquire), or by treaties. And therefore, the common law of England, as such, has no allowance or authority there: they being no part of the mother-country, but distinct (though dependent) dominions. They are subject, however, to the control of the parliament;" With respect to their interior polity, our colonies are properly of three sorts. 1. Provincial establishments, the constitutions of which depend on the respective commissions issued by the crown to the governors, and the instructions which usually accompany those commissions; under the authority of which, provincial assemblies are constituted, with the power of making local ordinances not repugnant to the laws of Britain. 2. Proprietary governments, granted out by the crown to individuals, in the nature of proprietary principalities, with all the inferior regalities, and subordinate powers of legislation which formerly belonged to the owners of counties palatine: yet still, with these express conditions, that the ends for which the grant was made be substantially pursued, and that nothing be attempted which may derogate from the sovereignty of the mother-country. 3. Charter governments, in the nature of civil corporations; with the power of making bye-laws for their own interior regulation, not contrary to the laws of Britain; and with such rights and authorities as are specially given them in their several charters of incorporation. The form of government, in most of them, is borrowed from that of England. They have a governor named by the king (or, in some proprietary colonies, by the proprietor), who is representative or deputy. They have courts of justice of their own, from whose decisions an appeal lies to the king in council here in England. Their general assemblies, which are their house of commons, together with their council of state, being their upper house, with the concurrence of the king, or his representative the governor, make laws fitted to their own emergencies. But it is particularly declared, by stat. 7 and 8 W. III. c. 22. that all laws, bye-laws, usages and customs, which shall be in practice in any of the plantations, repugnant to any law made or to be made in this kingdom relative to the said plantations shall be utterly void, and of none effect. And, because several of the colonies had claimed the sole and exclusive right of imposing taxes upon themselves, the statute 6 Geo. III. c. 12. expressly declares, that all his Majesty's colonies in America, have been, are, and of right ought to be, subordinate to and dependent upon the imperial crown and parliament of Great Britain; who have full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects to the crown of Great Britain in all cases whatsoever. And the attempting to enforce this by other acts of Parliament, penalties, and at last by military power, gave rise, as is well known, to the present revolt of our colonies.