or MACEDONIA, a most celebrated kingdom of antiquity, was bounded on the east by the Ægean sea; on the south, by Thessaly and Epirus; on the west, by the Adriatic, or the Ionian sea; and on the north, by the river Strymon and the Scardian mountains, but afterwards by the river Neuss or Nettus. Its most ancient name was Æmathia, which it had from Æmathius, a prince of great antiquity. The name of Macedon was derived, according to some, from king Macedo, a descendant of Deucalion; but, according to others, this name is only a corruption of the word Mygdonia, one of its provinces.

In times of the remotest antiquity, Macedonia, as well as the rest of Europe, was parcelled out into a vast multitude of petty states, the names of which are now almost forgotten, and their history entirely unknown. About 795 B.C., Caranus, an Argive, and a descendant of Hercules, left his country at the head of a considerable body of troops, in order to found a new colony. According to the prevailing superstition, he consulted the oracle before he set out, and was commanded to establish his empire according to the direction of the goats. Caranus proceeded for some time without knowing what to make of the oracle's answer. However, having entered the little kingdom of Æmathia, one of the ancient divisions of Macedonia, he observed a herd of goats running for shelter from a sudden storm towards the capital, then called Edessa, and governed by king Midas. Upon this, recollecting the answer, he immediately possessed himself of the city by surprize; and soon after, the whole kingdom submitted to his government. In gratitude to his conductors the goats, Caranus named his city Ægæa, and called his people Ægiates; and, in order to perpetuate the memory of this extraordinary event, he likewise made use of the figure of a goat in his standard.

The founder of the Macedonian monarchy left his kingdom to his son Cænus, after a reign of three years, during which he considerably enlarged his dominions. After him followed Thurymas and Perdiccas I., during whose reigns we find nothing memorable. In the reign of Argues, who ascended the throne about 691 B.C., the Illyrians, a fierce and barbarous nation in the neighbourhood, first invaded Macedonia, and did considerable mischief; but the king having decoyed them by a stratagem, put them to flight with great slaughter, and thus delivered his kingdom from them for the present. The reign of his successor Philip, however, was much disturbed by the incursions of these people and the Thracians, as well as that of Æropas; who succeeded Philip.

In the mean time, the states of Greece had begun to emerge from their barbarism, and the eastern part of Macedon, the world was almost totally subjected to Cyrus the first monarch of Persia. At this critical period Alcetas began to reign over Macedon; but had the good fortune to preserve his dominions from the encroachments of the Greeks on the one hand, and the usurpation of the Persians on the other. In the reign of Amyntas his successor, Megabizus sent seven of the principal commanders of his army, requiring him to acknowledge king Darius for his sovereign. These ambassadors, however, were all murdered by the contrivance of Alexander the king of Macedon's son, on account of their attempting to violate some of the Macedonian women. This rash action threatened the entire ruin of the kingdom; but Alexander found means to pacify the Persian general sent against him, by giving him in marriage his sister Glyza, a very beautiful woman, with whom the Persian fell in love as soon as he saw her. Thenceforward the Macedonian kings became dependent on the emperors of Persia, and were always regarded as faithful friends and allies.

The alliance of Amyntas with Bubares, the Persian general, who had married his daughter, proved of great service to the Macedonians. Through the interest of his son-in-law, Amyntas obtained the country lying near mount Haemus and Olympus; and at the same time the city of Alabanda in Phrygia was given to one Amyntas, the nephew of Alexander. After the battle of Salamis, Mardonius was left with an army of 400,000 men to attempt the conquest of Greece by land; and at that time Macedon and the neighbouring countries are said to have augmented the Persian army with 200,000 recruits. Some cities, however, adhered to the Grecian interest, particularly Potidea, Olynthus, and Pallene. The two last were taken, and the inhabitants massacred by the Persians; but Potidea escaped, by the sea breaking into the Persian camp, and there making great devastation. Alexander afterwards gained the favour of the Greeks by giving them intelligence of the time when Mardonius designed to attack them; and thus freed his country from any danger that might have happened on account of the assistance which had been given to the Persians. The other transactions of his reign, however, are totally unknown.

Perdiccas II., the son of Alexander, began his reign in a very embarrassed situation. The Thracians and other barbarous nations looked with a jealous eye on his increasing kingdom; the Persians treated him as their vassal; and the Athenians were become so powerful by their colonies and allies on the sea-coast, that he was in no small danger from them. The king, however, was a man of great abilities and prudence. For some time he amused the Athenians with a show of friendship; but, finding, that they treated him with haughtiness, he resolved to check their rising power in that part of the world. An occasion for this soon offered, and a war ensued; which, however, was not attended with any material advantage on either side, and Perdiccas died without being able to accomplish his schemes. After his death, the kingdom of Macedon seemed to decline; insomuch, that the states of Greece declined of becoming arbiters with regard to its affairs; and we find the king Perdiccas III. raised to the throne by the decision of Pelopidas the Theban. Philip, the new king's brother, ther, went along with Pelopidas to Thebes; where he was educated by the celebrated Epaminondas, and where he became such a proficient in the arts of policy as well as war, that all the powers of Greece were not able to resist him. Perdiccas in the mean time governed the Macedonians with tolerable good fortune; till he engaged in a war with the Illyrians, by whom he was defeated and killed, and the kingdom left seemingly on the verge of destruction.

Perdiccas left an infant-son, named Amyntas: but the emergency of public affairs required that some able and experienced person should hold the reins of government; and therefore Philip, whose ambition at any rate was boundless, set out immediately from Thebes, in order to take possession of the kingdom. Though only 22 years of age, he was far from lacking under the load of public affairs, even in their most desperate state. In order to establish himself firmly on the throne, he first applied to the army, whom he charmed with the strongest expressions of friendship; and then to the nobility, whom he gained over to his interest by the strongest testimonies of confidence, and by vast promises. He next gave a check to the Athenian power, by declaring Amphipolis, over which the Athenians claimed a jurisdiction, to be a free city. The chief men in Paeonia he gained by presents; and in the same way he persuaded his rival Pausanias to drop his claim to the crown of Macedon; after which, having entirely set aside Amyntas, whose guardian he had hitherto pretended to be, he caused himself to be declared king of Macedon.

The next care of Philip was to introduce a more strict discipline among the troops; which he had partly learned from the Thebans, and partly invented himself. He particularly instituted, or rather modelled, the phalanx; taught the soldiers how to become more formidable from order, and a just conception of the rules of war, than they could be from mere force; and by the help of frequent instructions, kind language, and sometimes severity, he at length attained his end.—An opportunity soon offered of trying how much his soldiers had profited by his instructions. Argus, an Athenian commander, had advanced with an army of mercenaries as far as Argos, but was obliged by the inhabitants to retire. Philip pursued him, and defeated his troops with great slaughter; and this first instance of success greatly revived the spirits of the Macedonians; while the king secured to himself the reputation of clemency, by admitting to a capitulation a considerable body of the enemy that had retired to an eminence.

This victory, together with Philip's renouncing his right to Amphipolis, procured a peace with the Athenians; and soon after Agis, king of Paeonia, another of his enemies, was taken off by death. This news no sooner reached the ears of the Macedonian monarch, than he invaded Paeonia, took most of the cities, and obliged the inhabitants to own themselves his subjects. After this success he marched without delay against the Illyrians, defeated them with great slaughter, and obliged them to abandon all their conquests. No sooner was this important victory gained, than Philip began to meditate greater things, and to put them in execution almost as soon as they came into his mind. He suddenly sat down with his army before the city of Amphipolis, in order to lay siege to Macedon. The inhabitants sent deputies to Athens, to implore the protection of that state; but, as Philip pretended, that he would deliver up the city to the Athenians as soon as he had taken it, the request of the Amphipolitans was disregarded. The town was soon taken by storm, and Philip put to death orphaned, banished such as were not in his interest; and then, instead of delivering it to the Athenians, he attacked Pydna and Potidaea, in the last of which was an Athenian garrison. This garrison he dismissed with honour, and then delivered the city to the Olynthians; according to a maxim he very frequently made use of, namely, that those are to be obliged whom we cannot overcome.

After these victories, Philip determined to make himself master of the country between the river Strymon and the Nestus, on account of the gold with which it abounded. At that time it was policed by the Thracians, who had fortified its capital city; but Philip took the city by surprise, and quickly made himself master of the whole district. The name of the city he changed to Philippopolis; and gave directions for working the gold mines to greater advantage than before, by which means he established a revenue from that country of 1000 talents per annum.

At this time all Greece was in confusion on account of the Phocians, or (as it was called) the sacred war; the occasion of which was as follows. The Phocians had ploughed some of the lands belonging to the Delphic Apollo; for which they were fined by the Amphictyons, or states-general of Greece; but, instead of submitting to the judgment of that court, the Phocians, at the instance of Philomelus, a bold and daring speaker, seized on the temple itself, and all the riches belonging to Apollo. This immediately set all Greece in a flame. The Locrians and Boeotians made war on the Phocians; and to countenance their cause, called it sacred. The Phocians, on the other hand, pretended that they were far from being sacrilegious persons; for that they meddled not at all with the riches of the temple, but only resumed the honour of protecting it, which had belonged to their ancestors; and the better to support their arguments, they prevailed on the Athenians and Lacedemonians to become their allies. The war was carried on a long time with various successes; sometimes the Phocians, and sometimes the Thebans prevailing. However, it was generally thought that the Athenians acted unworthily in feeding such great supplies as they did to the Phocians, (at one time 5000 foot and 300 horse); and this the rather, because it was known that they had few other motives than the great pay which was given to their troops; and as the money expended on this occasion was raised either by the coinage or sale of the dedicated things in the temple of Delphi, it was considered as sacrilege to receive any part of this theft, especially for defending the robbers.—Of this war Philip took the advantage in order to extend his territories without interruption. It also produced various applications from the contending parties in order to procure his assistance, which soon produced a very considerable alteration in favour of the Macedonian affairs.

Philip's first enterprise was the reduction of the Philip city of Methone; after which he entered Thessaly, vides Thef being falsy. MAC

Macedon, being invited thither by the petty princes of the country, who were oppressed by the tyranny of Lycothron the brother of Alexander of Pherae. The tyrant demanded assistance from Onomarchus the Phocian general; but notwithstanding their assistance, both he and his allies were driven out of Thessaly. Upon this, Onomarchus marched against Philip with all his forces, defeated him in two engagements, and drove him out of Thessaly in his turn in great distress. After this disaster, Philip applied himself with all possible diligence to the recruiting of his army; and having prevailed on the Thessalians to exert themselves in his favour, at last defeated and killed Onomarchus with the loss of great part of his army. Philip caused the body of the slain general to be hung up with ignominy; and denied also funeral rites to all that were slain, looking upon them as sacrilegious persons on account of the violence offered to the possessions of Apollo. Lycothron, and his brother Pitholaus, seeing no hopes of retaining their principality, were content to resign it; and being dismissed on giving their oaths to be quiet, they delivered up the city of Pherae into the hands of Philip; who, as he had promised to the Thessalians, restored all the cities to liberty; and having thereby secured the friendship of so powerful a nation, he attempted to pass through the Pylos, in order to make war on the Phocians.

This was a very bold attempt, and failed not to alarm all Greece; for since the defeat of the Persians at Platea, no Macedonian prince had ever set his foot in Greece. The Athenians, therefore, being informed of his design, marched with the utmost expedition, seized the passes, and obliged him for that time to abandon his purpose, and return into Macedon.—This produced an implacable hatred between Philip and the Athenians; for the ruin of whose power he instantly began to form schemes, as he saw they were the only people in Greece who were capable of opposing his designs. He began with reducing some neutral cities; and at last laid siege to Olynthus, a place of very great importance, and which he himself had hitherto owned to be free and independent. This city held the balance of power between Athens and Macedon; and therefore Demosthenes, the celebrated Athenian orator, used all his influence with his countrymen to send sufficient assistance to the Olynthians. Through the negligence or volatility of that people, however, these succours were delayed till the city was taken by treachery, the houses plundered, and the inhabitants sold for slaves.

Philip's chief hope was in putting an end to the Phocian war; for which purpose he affected a neutrality, that he might thereby become the arbiter of Greece. His hopes were well founded; for the Thebans, who were at the head of the league against the Phocians, solicited him on the one side, and the states confederate with the Phocians did the like on the other. He answered neither, yet held both in dependence. In his heart he favoured the Thebans, or rather placed his hopes of favouring his own cause on that state; for he well knew, that the Athenians, Spartans, and other states allied with Phocis, would never allow him to pass Thermopylae, and lead an army into their territories. So much respect, however, did he show to the ambassadors from these states, particularly Ctesiphon and Phrynion, who came from Athens, that they believed him to be in their interest, and reported as much to their matters. The Athenians, who were now dissolved in ease and luxury, received this news with great satisfaction; and named Aeschines immediately ten plenipotentiaries to go and treat of a full and lasting peace with Philip. Among these plenipotentiaries were Demosthenes and Aeschines, the most celebrated orators in Athens. Philip gave directions, that these ambassadors should be treated with the utmost civility; naming, at the same time, three of his ministers to confer with them, viz. Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. Demosthenes being obliged to return to Athens, recommended it to his colleagues not to carry on their negotiations with Philip's deputies; but to proceed with all diligence to court, there to confer with the king himself. The ambassadors, however, were so far from following his instructions, that they suffered themselves to be put off for three months by the arts of Philip and his ministers.

In the mean time, the king took from the Athenians such places in Thrace as might best cover his frontiers; giving their plenipotentiaries, in their stead, abundance of fair promises, and the strongest assurances that his good-will should be as beneficial to them as ever their colonies had been. At last a peace was concluded; but then the ratification of it was deferred till Philip had possessed himself of Pherae in Thessaly, and saw himself at the head of a numerous army; then he ratified the treaty; and dismissed the plenipotentiaries with assurances, that he would be ready at all times to give the Athenians proofs of his friendship. On their return to Athens, when this matter came to be debated before the people, Demosthenes plainly told them, that, in his opinion, the promises of Philip ought not to be relied on, because they appeared to be of little significance in themselves, and came from a prince of so much art, and so little fidelity, that they could derive no authority from their maker. Aeschines, on the other hand, gave it as his sentiment, that the king of Macedon's assurances ought to give them full satisfaction. He said, that, for his part, he was not politician enough to see any thing of disguise or dissimulation in the king's conduct; that there was great danger in distrusting princes; and that the surest method of putting men upon deceit, was to shew that we suspected them of it. The rest of the plenipotentiaries concurred with Aeschines; and the people, delirious of quiet, and addicted to pleasure, easily gave credit to all that was said, and decreed that the peace should be kept. All this was the easier brought about, because Phocion, the worthiest man in the republic, did not oppose Philip; which was owing to his having a just sense of the state his country was in. He conceived, that the Athenians of those times were nothing like their ancestors; and therefore, as he expressed himself on another occasion, he was delirious, since they would not be at the head of Greece themselves, that they would at least be upon good terms with that power which would be so.

Philip, who knew how to use as well as to procure opportunity, while the Athenians were in this good Thermopyle, passed Thermopylae, without their knowing, and whether he would fall on Phocis or Thebes; but he Phocian quickly undeceived them, by commanding his soldiers war. to put on crowns of laurel; declaring them thereby the troops of Apollo, and himself the lieutenant-general of that god. He then entered Phocia with an air of triumph; which so terrified the Phocians, whom he had caused to be proclaimed sacrilegious persons, that they immediately dismissed all thoughts of defense, and without more ado submitted to his mercy. Thus the Phocian war, which had so long employed all Greece, was ended without a stroke; and the judgment on the Phocians remitted to the Amphictyons, or grand council of Greece. By their decree the walls of three Phocian cities were demolished, the people were forbid to inhabit in any but villages, to pay a yearly tribute of 60 talents, and never to make use either of houses or arms, till they had repaid to the temple of Apollo the money they had sacrilegiously carried from thence. Their arms were taken from them, broken to pieces, and burnt; their double voice in the council was taken from them, and given to the Macedonians. Other orders were made for settling the affairs both of religion and state throughout Greece: all of which were executed by Philip with great exactness and moderation; he paying the most profound respect to the council; and, when he had performed its commands, retiring peaceably with his army back to Macedon, which gained him great reputation.

At Athens alone, the justice and piety of Philip was not understood. The people began to see, though a little too late, that they had been abused and deceived by those who had negotiated the late peace. They saw, that, through their acceptance of it, the Phocians were destroyed; that Philip was become master of Thermopylae, and might enter Greece when he pleased; that, in abandoning their allies, they had abandoned themselves; and that, in all probability, they might soon feel the weight of his power, whom they had so foolishly trusted; they therefore began to take new and hostile measures; they ordered, that the women should retire out of the villages into the city, their walls to be repaired, and their forts new strengthened. They seemed inclined to question Philip's election into the council of the Amphictyons, because it had been done without their consent; and even to proceed to an open war. In all likelihood they had carried things to extravagancy, if Demosthenes had not interposed. He told them, that though he was not for making the peace, he was however for keeping it; and that he saw no manner of occasion for their maintaining into so unequal a contest as would needs ensue, if they took up arms, not only against Philip, but against all the states concurring with him in the late transactions. This seems to have cooled the rage of the Athenians; and to have brought them to think of ruining Philip by degrees, as by degrees they had raised him.

The fame of his achievements without the bounds of Macedon having disposed the subjects of Philip to hope every thing from his conduct, and the several states of Greece to desire above all things his friendship; that prudent monarch laid hold of this favourable situation to fix his dominion on such a stable foundation as that a reverse of fortune should not immediately destroy it. To this end, while he carried on his negotiations through Greece, he likewise kept his army in exercise, by taking several places in Thrace, which terribly incommode the Athenians. Diopithes, who had the government of the Athenian colonies in those parts, perceiving well what end Philip had in view, did not stay for instructions from home; but having raised with much expedition a considerable body of troops, taking advantage of the king's Diopithes being absent with his army, entered the adjacent territories of Philip, and waited them with fire and sword.

The king, who on account of the operations of the campaign in the Chersonese, was not at leisure to repel Diopithes by force, nor indeed could divide his army without imminent hazard, chose, like an able general, rather to abandon his provinces to insults, which might be afterwards revenged, than, by following the dictates of an ill-timed passion, to hazard the loss of his veteran army, whereon lay all his hopes. He contented himself, therefore, with complaining to the Athenians of Diopithes's conduct, who in a time of peace had entered his dominions, and committed such devastations as could scarce have been justified in a time of war. His partisans supported this application with all their eloquence. They told the Athenians, that unless they recalled Diopithes, and brought him to a trial for this infringement of the peace, they ought not to hope either for the friendship of Philip, or of any other prince or state; neither could they justly complain, if, prompted by such a precedent, others should break faith with them, and fall without the least notice upon their dominions. Demosthenes defended Diopithes; and undertook to show, that he deserved the praise and not the censure of the Athenians. Those of the other party began then to charge him with crimes of a different nature; they alleged, that he oppressed the subjects and maltreated the allies of Athens. Demosthenes replied, that of these things there were as yet no proofs; that when such should appear, a single galley might be sent to bring over Diopithes to abide their judgment, but that Philip would not come if they sent a fleet; whence he inferred, that they ought to be cautious, and to weigh well the merits of this cause before they took any resolution. He said, that it was true, Philip had not as yet attacked Attica, or pretended to make a descent on their territories in Greece, or to force his way into their ports; when it came to that, he was of opinion they would be hardly able to defend themselves; wherefore he thought such men were to be esteemed as fought to protect their frontiers, in order to keep Philip as long as might be at a distance: whereupon he moved, that, instead of dilouncing what Diopithes had done, or directing him to dismiss his army, they should send him over recruits, and show the king of Macedon, they knew how to protect their territories, and to maintain the dignity of their state, as well as their ancestors. The arguments had such an effect, that a decree was made conformable to his motion.

While affairs stood thus, the Illyrians recovering courage, and seeing Philip at such a distance, harassed the frontiers of Macedon, and threatened a formidable invasion: but Philip, by quick marches, arrived on the borders of Illyrium; and struck this barbarous people with such a panic, that they were glad to compound for their former depredations at the price he was pleased to set. Most of the Greek cities in Thrace now now sought the friendship of the king, and entered into a league with him for their mutual defence. As it cannot be supposed, that each of these free cities had a power equal to that of Philip, we may therefore look upon him as their protector. About this time, Philip's negotiations in Peloponnesus began to come to a conclusion; the Argives and Messenians, growing weary of that tyrannical authority which the Spartans exercised over them, applied to Thebes for assistance; and the Thebans, out of their natural aversion to Sparta, fought to open a passage for Philip into Peloponnesus, that, in conjunction with them, he might humble the Lacedemonians. Philip readily accepted the offer; and resolved to procure a decree from the Amphictyons, directing the Lacedemonians to leave Argos and Messene free; which if they complied not with, he, as the lieutenant of the Amphictyons, might, with great appearance of justice, march with a body of troops to enforce their order. When Sparta had intelligence of this, she immediately applied to Athens, earnestly intreating assistance, as in the common cause of Greece. The Argives and Messenians, on the other hand, laboured assiduously to gain the Athenians to their side; alleging, that, if they were friends to liberty, they ought to assist those whose only aim was to be free. Demosthenes, at this juncture, outwitted Philip, if we may borrow that king's expression: for, by a vehement harangue, he not only determined his own citizens to become the avowed enemies of the king; but also made the Argives and Messenians not over fond of him for an ally; which when Philip perceived, he laid aside all thoughts of this enterprise for the present, and began to practise in Euboea.

This country, now called Negrofont, is separated from Greece by the Euripus, a strait so narrow, that Euboea might easily be united to the continent. This situation made Philip call it the setting of Greece, which he therefore sought to have in his own hands. There had been for some years great disturbances in that country; under colour of which, Philip sent forces thither, and demolished Porthmos, the strongest city in those parts, leaving the country under the government of three lords, whom Demosthenes roundly calls tyrants established by Philip. Shortly after, the Macedonians took Orcus, which was left under the government of five magistrates, styled also tyrants at Athens. Thither Plutarch of Eretria, one of the most eminent persons in Euboea, went to represent the distresses of his country, and to implore the Athenians to set it free. This suit Demosthenes recommended warmly to the people; who sent thither their famous leader Phocion, supported by formidable votes, but a very slender army: yet so well did he manage the affairs of the commonwealth and her allies, that Philip quickly found he must for a time abandon that project; which, however, he did not till he had formed another no less beneficial to himself, or less dangerous to Athens. It was, the prosecution of his conquests in Thrace, which he thought of pushing much farther than he had hitherto done, or could be reasonably suspected to have any intention of doing.

Extraordinary preparations were made by the Macedonian monarch for this campaign. His son Alexander was left regent of the kingdom; and he himself with 30,000 men laid siege to Perinthius, one of the strongest cities in the country. At present, however, all his arts of cajoling and pretending friendship were insufficient to deceive the Athenians. They gave the command of their army and fleet to Phocion; a general of great abilities, and with whom Philip would have found it very hard to contend. On the other hand, the king of Persia began to turn jealous of the growing power of the Macedonian monarch. The Persian kings had been accustomed to regard those of Macedon as their faithful allies; but the good fortune of Philip, the continual clamour of the Athenians against him, and his dethroning at pleasure the petty princes of Thrace, made him now regarded in another light. When therefore he led his troops against Perinthius, the Great King, as he was styled by the Greeks, sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the maritime provinces, directing them to supply the place with all things in their power; in consequence of which they filled it with troops, granted subsidies in ready money, and sent besides great convoys of provision and ammunition. The Byzantines also, supposing their own turn would be next, exerted their utmost endeavours for the preservation of Perinthius; sending thither the flower of their youth, with all other necessaries for an obstinate defence. The consequence of all this was, that Philip found himself obliged to raise the siege with great loss.

That the reputation of the Macedonian arms might not sink by this disgrace, Philip made war on the Scythians and Triballii, both of whom he defeated; and his point then formed a design of invading Attica, though he had no fleet to transport his troops, and knew very well that the Thessalians were not to be depended upon if he attempted to march through the Pise, and that the Thebans would even then be ready to oppose his march. To obviate all these difficulties, he had recourse to Athens itself; where, by means of his partisans, he procured his old friend Aeschines to be sent their deputy to the Amphictyons. This seemed a small matter, and yet was the hinge on which his whole project turned. By that time Aeschines had taken his seat, a question was stirred in the council, whether the Locrians of Amphissa had not been guilty of sacrilege in ploughing the fields of Cyrrha in the neighbourhood of the temple of Delphi. The assembly being divided in their opinions, Aeschines proposed to take a view, which was accordingly decreed. But when the Amphictyons came in order to see how things stood, the Locrians, either jealous of their property, or spurred thereto by the suggestions of some who saw farther than themselves, fell upon those venerable persons so rudely, that they compelled them to secure themselves by flight. The Amphictyons decreed, that an army should be raised, under the command of one of their own number, to chastise the delinquents; but as this army was to be composed of troops sent from all parts of Greece, the appearance at the rendezvous was so inconsiderable, that the Amphictyons sent to command them durst undertake nothing. The whole matter being reported to the council, Aeschines, in a long and eloquent harangue, shewed how much the welfare and even the safety of Greece depended on the deference paid to their decrees; and after inveighing against the want of public spirit in such as had not sent their quotas at the time appointed by the council, cil, he moved that they should elect Philip for their general, and pray him to execute their decree. The deputies from the other states, conceiving that by this expedient their respective constituents would be free from any farther trouble or expense, came into it at once; whereupon a decree was immediately drawn up, purporting that ambassadors should be sent to Philip of Macedon in the name of Apollo and the Amphictyons, once more to require his assistance, and to notify to him, that the states of Greece had unanimously chosen him their general, with full power to act as he thought fit against such as had opposed the authority of the Amphictyons. Thus of a sudden Philip acquired all that he sought; and having an army ready in expectation of this event, he immediately marched to execute the commands of the Amphictyons in appearance, but in reality to accomplish his own designs. For having passed into Greece with his army, instead of attacking the Locrians, he seized immediately upon Elatea a great city of Phocis upon the river Cephissus.

The Athenians in the mean time were in the utmost confusion on the news of Philip's march. However, by the advice of Demosthenes, they invited the Thessalians to join them against the common enemy of Greece. Philip endeavoured as much as possible to prevent this confederacy from taking place; but all his efforts proved ineffectual. The Athenians raised an army, which marched immediately to Eleusis, where they were joined by the Thessalians. The confederates made the best appearance that had ever been seen in Greece, and the troops were exceedingly good; but unfortunately the generals were men of no conduct, or skill in the military art. An engagement ensued at Cheronea; where-in Alexander commanded one wing of the Macedonian army, and his father Philip the other. The confederate army was divided according to the different nations of which it consisted; the Athenians having the right, and the Boeotians the left. In the beginning of the battle the confederates had the better; whereupon Stratocles an Athenian commander cried out, "Come on, brother soldiers, let us drive them back to Macedon;" which being overheard by the king, he said very coolly to one of his officers, "These Athenians do not know how to conquer." Upon this he directed the files of the phalanx to be strengthened; and, drawing his men up very close, retired to a neighbouring eminence; from whence, when the Athenians were eager in their pursuit, he rushed down with impetuosity, broke, and routed them with prodigious slaughter. The orator Demosthenes behaved very unbecomingly in this engagement; for he deserted his post, and was one of the first that fled: nay, we are told, that a flake catching hold of his robe, he, not doubting but it was an enemy, cried out, "Alas! spare my life."

This victory determined the fate of Greece, and from this time we must reckon Philip supreme lord of all the Grecian states. The first use he made of his power was to convolve a general assembly, wherein he was recognized generalissimo, and with full power appointed their leader against the Persians. Having, by virtue of his authority, settled a general peace among them, and appointed the quota that each of the states should furnish for the war, he dismissed them; and returning to Macedon, began to make great preparations for this new expedition. His pretence for making war on the Persians at this time was the assistance given by the Persians to the city of Perinthus, as already mentioned. In the mean time, however, the king, by reason of the dissensions which reigned in his family, was made quite miserable. He quarrelled with his wife Olympias to such a degree, that he divorced her, and married another woman named Cleopatra. This produced a quarrel between him and his son Alexander; which also came to such an height, that Alexander retired into Epirus with his mother. Some time afterwards, however, he was recalled, and a reconciliation took place in appearance; but in the meantime a conspiracy was formed against the king's life, the circumstances and causes of which are very much unknown. Certain it is, however, that it took effect, as the king was exhibiting certain shows in honour of his daughter's marriage with the king of Epirus. Philip, having given a public audience to the ambassadors of Greece, went next day in state to the theatre. All the seats were early taken up; and the show began with a splendid procession, wherein the images of the 12 superior deities of Greece were carried, as also the image of Philip, habited in like manner, as if he now made the 13th, at which the people shouted aloud. Then came the king alone, in a white robe, crowned, with his guards at a considerable distance, that the Greeks might see he placed his safety only in his confidence of the loyalty of his subjects. Paulanias, the assasin, however, had fixed himself close by the door of the theatre; and observing that all things fell out as he had foreseen they would, took his opportunity when the king drew near him, and, plunging his sword in his left side, laid him dead at his feet. He then fled, as fast as he was able, towards the place where his horses were; and would have escaped, had not the twig of a vine caught his shoe, and thrown him down. This gave time to those who pursued him to come up with him; but instead of securing him, in order to extort a discovery of his accomplices, they put an end to his life.

No sooner did this news reach Athens, than, as if all danger had been past, the inhabitants showed the most extravagant signs of joy. Demosthenes and his party put on chaplets of flowers, and behaved as if they had gained a great victory. Phocion reproved them for this madness, bidding them remember, that "the army which had beaten them at Cheronea was lessened but by one." This reproof, however, had very little effect. The people heard with pleasure all the harsh things which the orators could say of the young Alexander king of Macedon, whom they represented as a giddy wrong-headed boy, ready to grasp all things in his imagination, and able to perform nothing. The affairs of Macedon indeed were in a very distracted state on the accession of Alexander; for all the neighbouring nations had the same notion of the young king with the Athenians; and being irritated by the usurpations of Philip, immediately revolted; and the states of Greece entered into a confederacy against him. The Persians had been contriving to transfer the war into Macedon; but as soon as the news of Philip's death reached them, they behaved as if all danger had been over. At the same time Attalus, one of the Macedonian commanders, aspired to the crown, crown, and sought to draw off the soldiers from their allegiance.

In the councils held on this occasion, Alexander's best friends advised him rather to make use of dissimulation than force, and to engage those whom they thought he could not subdue. These advices, however, were ill-suited to the temper of their monarch. He thought that vigorous measures only were proper, and therefore immediately led his army into Thessaly. Here he harangued the princes so effectually, that he thoroughly gained them over to his interest, and was by them declared general of Greece; upon which he returned to Macedon, where he caused Attalus to be seized and put to death.

In the spring of the next year (335 B.C.) Alexander resolved to subdue the Triballians and Illyrians, who inhabited the countries now called Bulgaria and Scythia, and had been very formidable enemies to the Macedonian power. In this expedition he discovered, though then but 20 years of age, a surprising degree of military knowledge. Having advanced to the passes of Mount Haemus, he found that the barbarians had posted themselves in the most advantageous manner. On the tops of the cliffs, and at the head of every pass, they had placed their carriages and wagons in such a manner as to form a kind of parapet with their shafts inwards, that, when the Macedonians should have half ascended the rock, they might be able to push these heavy carriages down upon them. They reckoned the more upon this contrivance, because of the close order of the phalanx, which, they imagined, would be terribly exposed by the soldiers wanting room to stir, and thereby avoid the falling wagons. But Alexander, having directed his heavy-armed troops to march, gave orders, that, where the way would permit, they should open to the right and left, and suffer the carriages to go through; but that, in the narrow passes, they should throw themselves on their faces with their shields behind them, that the carts might run over them. This had the desired effect; and the Macedonians reached the enemy's works without the loss of a man. The dispute was then quickly decided; the barbarians were driven from their posts with great slaughter, and left behind them a considerable booty for the conquerors.

The next exploits of Alexander were against the Getae, the Taulantii, and some other nations inhabiting the country on the other side of the Danube. Them he also overcame; showing in all his actions the most perfect skill in military affairs, joined with the greatest valour. In the meantime, however, all Greece was in commotion by a report which had been confidently spread abroad, that the king was dead in Illyria. The Thebans, on this news, seized Amyntas and Timolaus, two eminent officers in the Macedonian garrison which held their citadel, and dragged them to the market-place, where they were put to death without either form or process, or any crime alleged against them. Alexander, however, did not suffer them to remain long in their mistake. He marched with such expedition, that in seven days he reached Pallene in Thessaly; and in five days more he entered Boeotia, before the Thebans had any intelligence of his passing the straits of Thermopylae. Even then they would not believe that the king was alive; but insisted that the Macedonian army was commanded by Antipater, or Macedon, by one Alexander the son of Aëropus. The rest of the Greeks, however, were not so hard of belief; and therefore sent no assistance to the Thebans, who were thus obliged to bear the consequences of their own folly and obstinacy. The city was taken by storm, and the inhabitants were for some hours massacred without regard to distinction of age or sex; after which the houses were demolished, all except that of Pindar, the famous poet, which was spared out of respect to the merit of its owner, and because he had celebrated Alexander I., king of Macedon. The lands, excepting those destined to religious uses, were shared among the soldiers, and all the prisoners sold for slaves; by which 440 talents were brought into the king's treasury.

By this severity the rest of the Grecian states were so thoroughly humbled, that they thought no more of making any resistance, and Alexander had nothing further to hinder him from his favourite project of invading Asia. Very little preparation was necessary for the Macedonian monarch, who went out as to an assured conquest, and reckoned upon being supplied only by the spoils of his enemies. Historians are not agreed as to the number of his army. Arrian says, that there were 30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Diodorus Siculus tells us, that there were 15,000 Macedonian foot, 7000 of the confederate allies, and 5000 mercenaries. These were under the command of Parmenio. Of the Odrysians, Triballians, and Illyrians, there were 5000; and of the Agrians, who were armed only with darts, 1000. As for the horse, he tells us there were 1800 commanded by Philotas; and as many Thebaliens, under the command of Callas; out of the confederate states of Greece, were 600 commanded by Eurygius; and 900 Thracians and Peonians, who led the van under Cassander. Plutarch tells us, that, according to a low computation, he had 30,000 foot and 5000 horse; and, according to the largest reckoning, he had 34,000 foot and 4000 horse. As to his fund for the payment of the army, Ariotobulus says it was but 70 talents; and Oneifricus, who was also in this expedition, not only takes away the 70 talents, but affirms that the king was 300 in debt. As for provisions, there was just sufficient for a month and no more; and to prevent disturbances, Antipater was left in Macedon with 12,000 foot and 1500 horse.

The army having assembled at Amphipolis, he marched from thence to the mouths of the river Strymon; then crossing mount Pangaeus, he took the road to Abdera. Crossing the river Eurus, he proceeded through the country of Paeonia, and in 20 days reached Selos; thence he came to Eleusis, where he sacrificed on the tomb of Proteus, because was the first among the Greeks who, at the siege of Troy, set foot on the Asiatic shore. He did this, that his landing might be more propitious than that of the hero to whom he sacrificed, who was slain soon after. The greatest part of the army, under the command of Parmenio, embarked at Selos, on board a fleet of 160 galleys of three benches of oars, besides small craft. Alexander himself sailed from Eleusis; and, when he was in the middle of the Hellespont, offered a bull to Neptune and the Nereids, pouring forth at the same time a libation from a golden cup. When he drew near the shore, he launched a javelin, which stuck in the earth; then, in complete armour, he leaped upon the strand; and, having erected altars to Jupiter, Minerva, and Hercules, he proceeded to Ilium. Here again he sacrificed to Minerva; and taking down some arms which had hung in the temple of that goddess since the time of the Trojan war, consecrated his own in their stead. He sacrificed also to the ghost of Priam, to avert his wrath on account of the descent which he himself claimed from Achilles.

In the mean time the Persians had assembled a great army in Phrygia; among whom was one Memnon a Rhodian, the best officer in the service of Darius. Alexander, as soon as he had performed all the ceremonies which he judged necessary, marched directly towards the enemy. Memnon gave it as his opinion, that they should burn and destroy all the country round, that they might deprive the Greeks of the means of subsisting, and then transport a part of their army into Macedon. But the Persians, depending on their cavalry, rejected this salutary advice; and posted themselves along the river Granicus, in order to wait the arrival of Alexander. In the engagement which happened on the banks of that river, the Persians were defeated*, and Alexander became master of all the neighbouring country; which he immediately began to take care of, as if it had been part of his hereditary dominions. The city of Sardis was immediately delivered up; and here Alexander built a temple to Jupiter Olympias. After this, he restored the Ephesians to their liberty; ordered the tribute which they formerly paid to the Persians to be applied towards the rebuilding of the magnificent temple of Diana; and having settled the affairs of the city, marched against Miletus. This place was defended by Memnon with a considerable body of troops who had fled thither after the battle of Granicus, and therefore made a vigorous resistance. The fortune of Alexander, however, prevailed; and the city was soon reduced, though Memnon with part of the troops escaped to Halicarnassus. After this, the king dismissed his fleet, for which various reasons have been assigned; though it is probable, that the chief one was to show his army that their only resource now was in subverting the Persian empire.

Almost all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus submitted as soon as they heard that the former was taken; but Halicarnassus, where Memnon commanded with a very numerous garrison, made an obstinate defence. Nothing, however, was able to resist the Macedonian army. Memnon was at last obliged to abandon the place; upon which Alexander took and razed the city of Tralles in Phrygia; received the submission of several princes tributary to the Persians; and having destroyed the Marmarians, a people of Lycia who had fallen upon the rear of his army, put an end to the campaign: after which he sent home all the newly-married men; in obedience, it would seem, to a precept of the Mosaic law, and which endeared him more to his soldiers than any other action of his life.

As soon as the season would permit, Alexander quitted the province of Phaselus; and having sent part of his army through the mountainous country to Perga, by a short but difficult road, took his route by a certain promontory, where the way is altogether impassable, except when the north winds blow. At the time of the king's march the south wind had held for long time; but of a sudden it changed, and blew from the north so violently, that, as he and his followers declared, they obtained a safe and easy passage through the divine assistance. By many this march is held to be miraculous, and compared to that of the children of Israel through the Red Sea; while, on the other hand, it is the opinion of others, that there was nothing at all extraordinary in it. He continued his march towards Gordium, a city of Phrygia; the enemy having abandoned the strong pass of Telmissus, through which it was necessary for him to march. When he arrived at Gordium, and finding himself under a necessity of staying some time there till the several corps of his army could be united, he expressed a strong desire of seeing Gordius's chariot, and the famous knot in the harness, of which such strange stories had been published to the world. The cord in which this knot was tied, was made of the inner rind of the cornel-tree; and no eye could perceive where it had begun or ended. Alexander, when he could find no possible way of untying it, and yet was unwilling to leave it tied lest it should cause some fears in the breasts of his soldiers, is said by some authors to have cut the cords with his sword, saying, "It matters not how it is undone." But Aristobulus assures us, that the king wrestled a wooden pin out of the beam of the waggon, which, being driven across the beam, held it up; and so took the yoke from under it. Be this as it will, however, Arrian informs us, that a great tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain, happening the succeeding night, it was held declarative of the true solution of this knot, and that Alexander should become lord of Asia.

The king having left Gordium, marched towards Cilicia; where he was attended with his usual good fortune, the Persians abandoning all the strong passes as he advanced. As soon as he entered the province, he received advice that Arsaces, whom Darius had made governor of Tarsus, was about to abandon it, and that the inhabitants were very apprehensive that he intended to plunder them before he withdrew. To prevent this, the king marched incessantly, and arrived just in time to save the city. But his having it well nigh cost him his life: for, either through the excessive fatigue of marching, as some say, or, according to others, by his plunging when very hot into the river Cydnus, which, as it runs through thick shades, has its waters excessively cold, he fell into such a distemper as threatened his immediate dissolution. His army lost their spirits immediately; the generals knew not what to do; and his physicians were so much affrighted, that the terror of his death hindered them from using the necessary methods for preserving his life. Philip the Acanthian alone preserved temper enough to examine the nature of the king's disease; the worst symptom of which was a continual waking, and which he took off by means of a potion, and in a short time the king recovered his usual health.

Soon after Alexander's recovery, he received the agreeable news that Ptolemy and Alexander had defeated the Persian generals, and made great conquests on the Hellespont; a little after that, he met the Persian army at Issus, commanded by Darius himself. A bloody engagement ensued, in which the Persians were defeated. feated with great slaughter, as related under the article Issus. The consequences of this victory were very advantageous to the Macedonians. Many governors of provinces and petty princes submitted themselves to the conqueror; and such as did so were treated, not as a newly-conquered people, but as his old hereditary subjects; being neither burdened with soldiers, nor oppressed with tribute. Among the number of those places which, within a short space after the battle of Issus, sent deputies to submit to the conqueror, was the city of Tyre. The king, whose name was Azelmicus, was absent in the Persian fleet; but his son was among the deputies, and was very favourably received by Alexander. The king probably intended to confer particular honours on the city of Tyre; for he acquainted the inhabitants that he would come and sacrifice to the Tyrian Hercules, the patron of their city, to whom they had erected a most magnificent temple. But these people, like most other trading nations, were too suspicious to think of admitting such an enterprising prince with his troops within their walls. They sent therefore their deputies again to him, to inform him, that they were ready to do whatever he should command them; but, as to his coming and sacrificing in their city, they could not consent to that, but were positively determined not to admit a single Macedonian within their gates. Alexander immediately dismissed their deputies in great displeasure. He then assembled a council of war, wherein he insisted strongly on the disaffected state of Greece, (for most of the Grecian states had sent ambassadors to Darius, to enter into a league with him against the Macedonians,) the power of the Persians by sea, and the folly of carrying on the war in distant provinces, while Tyre was left unreduced behind them: he also remarked, that if once this city was subdued, the sovereignty of the sea would be transferred to them, because it would fix their possession of the coasts; and as the Persian fleet was composed chiefly of tributary squadrons, those tributaries would fight the battles, not of their late, but of their present masters. For these reasons the siege of Tyre was resolved on. The town was not taken, however, without great difficulty; which provoked Alexander to such a degree, that he treated the inhabitants with the greatest cruelty.

After the reduction of Tyre, Alexander, though the season was already far advanced, resolved to make an expedition into Syria; and in his way thither proposed to chastise the Jews, who had highly offended him during the siege of Tyre: for when he sent to them to demand provisions for his soldiers, they answered, That they were the subjects of Darius, and bound by oath not to supply his enemies. The king, however, was pacified by their submission; and not only pardoned them, but conferred many privileges upon them, as related under the article Jews.

From Jerusalem Alexander marched directly to Gaza, the only place in that part of the world which still held out for Darius. This was a very large and strong city, situated on a high hill, about five miles from the sea shore. One Bathis, or Betis, an eunuch, had the government of the place; and had made every preparation necessary for sustaining a long and obstinate siege. The governor defended the place with great valour, and several times repulsed his enemies: but at last it was taken by storm, and all the garrison slain to a man; and this secured to Alexander an entrance into Egypt, which having before been very impatient of the Persian yoke, admitted the Macedonians peaceably.

Here the king laid the foundations of the city of Alexandria, which for many years after continued to be the capital of the country. While he remained here, he also formed the extraordinary design of visiting the temple of Jupiter Ammon. As to the motives by which he was induced to take this extraordinary journey, authors are not agreed; but certain it is, that he hazarded himself and his troops in the highest degree; there being two dangers in this march, which, with the example of Cambyses, who lost the greatest part of his army in it, might have terrified any body but Alexander. The first was the want of water, which, in the sandy deserts surrounding the temple, is nowhere to be found: the other, the uncertainty of the road from the fluctuation of the sands; which, changing their situation every moment, leave the traveller neither a road to walk in, nor mark to march by. These difficulties, however, Alexander got over; though not without a miraculous interposition, as is pretended by all his historians.

Alexander having consulted the oracle, and received a favourable answer, returned to pursue his conquests. Having settled the government of Egypt, he appointed the general rendezvous of his forces at Tyre. Here he met with ambassadors from Athens, requesting him to pardon such of their countrymen as he found serving the enemy. The king, being desirous to oblige such a famous state, granted their request; and sent also a fleet to the coast of Greece, to prevent the effects of some commotions which had lately happened in Peloponnesus. He then directed his march to Thapsacus; and having passed the Euphrates and Tigris, met with Darius near Arbela, where the Persians were again overthrown with prodigious slaughter*, and Alexander in effect became master of the Persian empire.

After this important victory, Alexander marched directly to Babylon, which was immediately delivered up; the inhabitants being greatly disaffected to the Persian interest. After 30 days stay in this country, the king marched to Susa, which had already surrendered to Philoxenus; and here he received the treasures of the Persian monarch, amounting, according to the most generally received account, to 50,000 talents. Having received also at this time a supply of 6000 foot and 500 horse from Macedon, he set about reducing the nations of Media, among whom Darius was retired. He first reduced the Uxians; and having forced a passage to Persepolis the capital of the empire, he like a barbarian destroyed the stately palace there, a pile of building not to be equalled in any part of the world; after having given up the city to be plundered by his soldiery. In the palace he found 120,000 talents, which he appropriated to his own use, and caused immediately to be carried away upon mules and camels; for he had such an extreme aversion to the inhabitants of Persepolis, that he determined to leave nothing valuable in the city.

During the time that Alexander remained at Persepolis Macedon. sepolis, he received intelligence that Darius remained at Ecbatana the capital of Media; upon which he pursued him with the greatest expedition, marching at the rate of near 40 miles a day. In 15 days he reached Ecbatana, where he was informed that Darius had retired from thence five days before, with an intent to pass into the remotest provinces of his empire. This put some stop to the rapid progress of the Macedonian army; and the king perceiving that there was no necessity for hurrying himself and his soldiers in such a manner, began to give the orders requisite in the present situation of his affairs. The Thessalian horse, who had deserved exceedingly well of him in all his battles, he dismissed according to his agreement; gave them their whole pay, and ordered 2000 talents over and above to be distributed among them. He then declared that he would force no man; but if any were willing to serve him longer for pay, he desired they would enter their names in a book, which a great many of them did; the rest sold their horses, and prepared for their departure. The king appointed Epocillus to conduct them to the sea, and assigned him a body of horse as an escort: he likewise sent Menetes with them, to take care of their embarkation, and that they were safely landed in Euboea without any expense to themselves.

On receiving fresh information concerning the state of Darius's affairs, the king set out again in pursuit of him, advancing as far as Rhages, a city one day's journey from the Caspian straits: there he understood that Darius had passed those straits some time before; which information leaving him again without hopes, he halted for five days. Oxidates, a Persian whom Darius had left prisoner at Susa, was made governor of Media, while the king departed on an expedition into Parthia. The Caspian straits he passed immediately, without opposition; and then gave directions to his officers to collect a quantity of provisions sufficient to serve his army on a long march through a wasted country. But before his officers could accomplish those commands, the king received intelligence that Darius had been murdered by Bessus, one of his own subjects, and governor of Bactria, as is related at length under the article Persia.

As soon as Alexander had collected his forces together, and settled the government of Parthia, he entered Hyrcania; and having, according to his usual custom, committed the greatest part of his army to the care of Craterus, he, at the head of a choice body of troops, passed through certain craggy roads, and before the arrival of Craterus, who took an open and easy path, struck the whole provinces with such terror, that all the principal places were immediately put into his hands, and soon after the province of Aria also submitted, and the king continued Satibarzanes the governor in his employment.—The reduction of this province finished the conquest of Persia; but the ambition of Alexander to become master of every nation of which he had the least intelligence, induced him to enter the country of the Mardi, merely because its rocks and barrenness had hitherto hindered any body from conquering, or indeed from attempting to conquer it. This conquest, however, he easily accomplished, and obliged the whole nation to submit to his pleasure. But in the meantime disturbances began to arise in Alexander's new empire, and among his troops, which all his activity could not thoroughly suppress. He scarcely left the province of Arias when he received intelligence, that the traitor Bessus had caused himself to be proclaimed king of Asia by the name of Artaxerxes; and that Satibarzanes had joined him, after having massacred all the Macedonians who had been left in the province. Alexander appointed one Arsaces, governor in the room of Satibarzanes; and marched thence with his army against the Zaranga, who under the command of Barzaentes, one of those who had conspired against Darius, had taken up arms, and threatened to make an obstinate defence. But, their numbers daily falling off, Barzaentes being afraid they would purchase their own safety at the expense of his, privately withdrew from his camp, and, crossing the river Indus, sought shelter among the nations beyond it. But they, either dreading the power of Alexander, or detesting the treachery of this Persian towards his former master, seized and delivered him up to Alexander, who caused him immediately to be put to death.

The immense treasure which the Macedonians had acquired in the conquest of Persia began now to corrupt them. The king himself was of most generous disposition, and liberally bestowed his gifts on those around him; but they made a bad use of his bounty, and foolishly indulged those vices by which the former possessors of that wealth had lost it. The king did all in his power to discourage the lazy and inactive pride which now began to show itself among his officers; but neither his discourses nor his example had any considerable effect. The manners of his courtiers from bad became worse, in spite of all he could say or do to prevent it; and at last they proceeded to censure his conduct, and to express themselves with some bitterness on the subject of his long continuance of the war, and his leading them constantly from one labour to another. This came to such a height, that the king was at last obliged use some severity in order to keep his army within the limits of their duty.

From this time forward, however, Alexander himself began to alter his conduct; and by giving a little in conformity to the customs of the Orientals, endeavoured to secure that obedience from his new subjects which he found so difficult to be preserved among his old ones. He likewise endeavoured, by various methods, to blend the customs of the Asiatics and the Greeks. The form of his civil government resembled that of the ancient Persian kings: in the military affairs, however, he preferred the Macedonian discipline; but then he made choice of 30,000 boys out of the provinces, whom he caused to be instructed in the Greek language, and directed to be brought up in such a manner as that from time to time he might with them fill up the phalanx. The Macedonians saw with great concern these extraordinary measures which suited very ill with their gross understandings; for they thought, after all the victories they had gained, to be absolute lords of Asia, and to possess not only the riches of its inhabitants, but to rule the inhabitants themselves; whereas they now saw, that Alexander meant no such thing; but that, on the contrary, he conferred governments, offices at court, and all other marks of confidence and favour, indifferently. criminally both on Greeks and Persians.—From this time also the king seems to have given instances of a cruelty he had never shown before: Philotas his most intimate friend was seized, tortured, and put to death for a conspiracy of which it could never be proven that he was guilty; and soon after Parmenio and some others were executed without any crime at all real or alleged. These things very much disturbed the army. Some of them wrote home to Macedonia of the king's suspicions of his friends, and his disposition to hunt out enemies at the very extremities of the world. Alexander having intercepted some of these letters, and procured the best information he could concerning their authors, picked out these dissatisfied people, and having disposed them into one corps, gave it the title of the turbulent battalion; hoping by this means to prevent the spirit of disaffection from pervading the whole army.

As a farther precaution against any future conspiracy, Alexander thought fit to appoint Hephaestion and Clytus generals of the auxiliary horse; being apprehensive, that if this authority was lodged in the hands of a single person, it might prompt him to dangerous undertakings, and at the same time furnish him with the means of carrying them into execution. To keep his forces in action, he suddenly marched into the country of the Euergetes, i.e. Benefactors; and found them full of that kind and hospitable disposition, for which that name had been bestowed on their ancestors: he therefore treated them with great respect; and, at his departure added some lands to their dominions, which lay contiguous, and which for that reason they had requested of him.

Turning then to the east, he entered Arachosia, the inhabitants of which submitted without giving him any trouble. While he passed the winter in these parts, the king received advice, that the Arians, whom he had so lately subdued, were again up in arms, Satibarzanes being returned into that country with two thousand horse assigned him by Bessus. Alexander instantly dispatched Artibazus the Persian, with Erigynus and Caranus, two of his commanders, with a considerable body of horse and foot: he likewise ordered Phrataphernes, to whom he had given the government of Parthia, to accompany them. A general engagement ensued, wherein the Arians behaved very well, as long as their commander Satibarzanes lived: but he engaging Erigynus, the Macedonian struck him first into the throat; and then, drawing forth his spear again, through the mouth; so that he immediately expired, and with him the courage of his soldiers, who instantly began to fly; whereupon Alexander's commanders made an easy conquest of the rest of the country, and settled it effectually under his obedience.

The king, notwithstanding the inclemency of the season, advanced into the country of Paropamisus, so called from the mountain Paropamisus, which the soldiers of Alexander called Caucasus. Having crossed the country in 16 days, he came at length to an opening leading into Media; which finding of a sufficient breadth, he directed a city to be built there, which he called Alexandria, as also several other towns about a day's journey distant from thence: and in these places he left 7000 persons, part of them such as had hitherto followed his camp, and part of the mercenary soldiers, who, weary of continual fatigue, were content to dwell there. Having thus settled things in this province, sacrificed solemnly to the gods, and appointed Proxes the Persian president thereof, with a small body of troops under the command of Niloxenus to assist him, he resumed his former design of penetrating into Bactria.

Bessus, who had assumed the title of Artaxerxes, Bessus when he was assured that Alexander was marching towards him, immediately began to waste all the country between Paropamisus and the river Oxus; which river he passed with his forces, and then burnt all the vessels he had made use of for transporting them, retiring to Nautaca a city of Sogdia; fully persuaded, that, by the precautions he had taken, Alexander would be compelled to give over his pursuit. This conduct of his, however, disheartened his troops, and gave the lie to all his pretensions; for he had affected to censure Darius's conduct, and had charged him with cowardice, in not defending the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, whereas he now quitted the banks of the most defensible river perhaps in the whole world. As to his hopes, tho' it cannot be said they were ill founded, yet they proved absolutely vain; for Alexander, continuing his march, notwithstanding all the hardships his soldiers sustained, reduced all Bactria under his obedience, particularly the capital Bactria and the strong castle Aornus: in the latter he placed a garrison under the command of Archelaus; but the government of the province he committed to Artabazus. He then continued his march to the river Oxus: on the banks of which, when he arrived, he found it three quarters of a mile over, its depth more than proportionable to its breadth, its bottom sandy, its stream so rapid as to render it almost unnavigable, and neither boat nor tree in its neighbourhood; so that the ablest commanders in the Macedonian army were of opinion that they should be obliged to march back. The king, however, having first sent away, under a proper escort, all his infirm and worn-out soldiers, that they might be conducted safe to the sea-ports, and from thence to Greece, devised a method of passing this river without either boat or bridge, by causing the hides which covered the soldiers' tents and carriages to be stuffed with straw, and then tied together and thrown into the river. Having crossed the Oxus, he marched directly towards the camp of Bessus, where, when he arrived, he found it abandoned; but received at the same time letters from Spitamenes and Datapernes, who were the chief commanders under Bessus, signifying, that, if he would send a small party to receive Bessus, they would deliver him into his hands; which they did accordingly, and the traitor was put to death in the manner related in the history of Persia.

A supply of horses being now arrived, the Macedonian cavalry were remounted. Alexander continued his march to Maracanda the capital of Sogdia, from whence he advanced to the river Iaxartes. Here he performed great exploits against the Scythians; from whom, however, tho' he overcame them, his army suffered much; and the revolted Sogdians being headed by Spitamenes, gave him a great deal of trouble. Here he married Roxana the daughter of Oxyartes, a marries prince of the country whom he had subdued. But du-Roxana. ring these expeditions, the king greatly disgusted his army by the murder of his friend Clytus in a drunken quarrel at a banquet, and by his extravagant vanity in claiming divine honours.

At last he arrived at the river Indus, where Hephaestion and Perdiccas had already provided a bridge of boats for the passage of the army. The king refreshed his troops for 30 days in the countries on the other side of the river, which were those of his friend and ally Taxiles, who gave him 30 elephants, and joined his army now with 700 Indian horse, to which, when they were to enter upon action, he afterwards added 5000 foot. The true reason of this seems to have been his enmity to Porus, a famous Indian prince, whose territories lay on the other side of the river Hydaspes. During this recess, the king sacrificed with great solemnity; receiving also ambassadors from Ambhiurus a very potent prince, and from Doxares, who was likewise a king in those parts, with tenders of their duty, and considerable presents.

These ceremonies over, Alexander appointed Philip governor of Taxila, and put a Macedonian garrison into the place, because he intended to erect an hospital there for the cure of his sick and wounded soldiers. He then ordered the vessels, of which his bridge had been composed when he passed the Indus, to be taken to pieces, that they might be brought to the Hydaspes, where he was informed that Porus with a great army lay encamped to hinder his passage. When he approached the banks of this river with his army and the auxiliaries under the command of Taxiles, he found that the people he had to do with were not so easily to be subdued as the Persians and other Asiatics. The Indians were not only a very tall and robust, but also a very hardy and well-disciplined people; and their king Porus, was a prince of high spirit, invincible courage, and great conduct.

It was about the summer-solstice when Alexander reached the Hydaspes, and consequently its waters were broader, deeper, and more rapid, than at any other time; for in India the rivers swell as the sun's increasing heat melts the snow, and subside again as winter approaches. Alexander therefore had every difficulty to struggle with. Porus had made his dispositions so judiciously, that Alexander found it impossible to practise upon him as he had done upon others, and to pass the river in his view; wherefore he was constrained to divide his army into small parties, and to practise other arts, in order to get the better of so vigilant a prince. To this end he caused a great quantity of corn and other provisions to be brought into his camp; giving out, that he intended to remain where he was till the river fell, and by becoming fordable should give him an opportunity of forcing a passage: this did not, however, hinder Porus from keeping up very strict discipline in his camp; which when Alexander perceived, he frequently made such motions as seemed to indicate a change of his resolution, and that he had still thoughts of passing the river. The main thing the Macedonians stood in fear of were the elephants; for the bank being pretty steep on the other side, and it being the nature of horses to start at the first appearance of those animals, it was foreseen that the army would be disordered, and incapable of sustaining the charge of Porus's troops.

At length Alexander passed the river by the following contrivance. There was, at the distance of 150 stadia from his camp, a rocky promontory projecting into the river, thick covered with wood; and over against this promontory there lay a pretty large uninhabited island almost overgrown with trees. The king therefore conceived within himself a project of conveying a body of troops from this promontory into that island; and upon this scheme he built his hopes of surprising Porus, vigilant as he was. To this end he kept him and his army constantly alarmed for many nights together, till he perceived that Porus apprehended it was only done to harass his troops, and therefore no longer drew out of his camp, but trusted to his ordinary guards: then Alexander resolved to put his design in execution. A considerable body of horse, the Macedonian phalanx, with some corps of light-armed foot, he left in his camp under the command of Craterus, as also the auxiliary Indians: giving these orders to be observed in his absence, that if Porus marched against him with part of his army and left another part with the elephants behind in his camp, Craterus and his forces should remain where they were; but if it so happened that Porus withdrew his elephants, then Craterus was to pass the river, because his cavalry might then do it safely. Alexander having marched half the way, or about nine of our miles, ordered the mercenary troops under the command of Attalus and other generals, to remain there; and directed them, that as soon as they knew he was engaged with the Indians on the other side, they should pass in vessels provided for that purpose, in order to assist him. Then marching a long way about, that the enemy might not perceive his design of reaching the rock, he advanced as diligently as he could towards that point. It happened very fortunately for him, that a great storm of thunder, lightning, and hail, rose in the night, whereby his march was perfectly concealed, his vessels of 30 oars put together, and his tents stuffed and stitched, so that they passed from the rock into the island, without being perceived, a little before break of day; the storm ceasing just as he and his soldiers were ready for their passage. When they had traversed the island, they boldly set forward to gain the opposite shore in sight of Porus's out-guards, who instantly posted away to give their master an account of the attempt. Alexander landed first himself; and was followed as expeditiously as possible by his forces, whom he took care to draw up as fast as they arrived. When they began their march again, they found that their good fortune was not so great as at first they deemed it; for it appeared now, that they had not reached the continent at all, but were in truth in another island much larger than the former. They crossed it as fast as they could, and found that it was divided from the terra firma by a narrow channel, which, however, was so swollen by the late heavy rain, that the poor soldiers were obliged to wade up to the breast. When they were on the other side, the king drew them up again carefully, ordering the foot to march slowly, they being in number about 6000, while himself with 5000 horse advanced before. As soon as Porus received intelligence that Alexander was actually passing the river, he sent his son with 2000 horse, and 120 armed chariots, to oppose him. But they came too late: Alexander was already got on shore, and even on his march. When the Macedonian scouts perceived them advance, they informed the king, who sent a detachment to attack them, remaining still at the head of his cavalry in expectation of Porus. But when he found that this party was unsupported, he instantly attacked with all his horse, and defeated them with the slaughter of many, and the loss of all their armed chariots, the son of Porus being slain in the fight. The remainder of the horse returning to the camp with this disfavourable account, Porus was in some confusion; however, he took very quickly the best and wisest resolutions his circumstances would allow; which were, to leave a part of his army, with some of his elephants, to oppose Craterus, who was now about to pass the river also; and, with the rest, to march against Alexander and his forces, who were already passed. This resolution once taken, he marched immediately out of his camp, at the head of 4000 horse, 30,000 foot, 300 chariots, and 200 elephants. He advanced as expeditiously as he could, till he came into a plain which was firm and sandy, where his chariots and elephants might act to advantage: there he halted, that he might put his army in order, knowing well that he need not go in quest of his enemy. Alexander soon came up with his horse, but he did not charge Porus; on the contrary, he halted, and put his troops in order, that they might be able to defend themselves in case they were attacked. When he had waited some time, his foot arrived; whom he immediately surrounded with his horse, that, after so fatiguing a march, they might have time to cool and breathe themselves, before they were led to engage. Porus permitted all this, because it was not his interest to fight, and because he depended chiefly upon his order of battle, the elephants covering his foot, so that the Macedonians could not charge them.

When Alexander had disposed his foot in proper order, he placed his horse on the wings; and, observing that he was much superior in them to the enemy, and that the cavalry of Porus were easy to be charged, he resolved to let the foot have as little share as possible in the battle. To this end, having given the necessary directions to Cassius who commanded them, he went himself to the right, and with great fury fell upon the left wing of Porus. The dispute, tho' short, was very bloody: the cavalry of Porus, tho' they fought gallantly, were quickly broken; and the foot being by this means uncovered, the Macedonians charged them. But the Indian horse rallying, came up to their relief, yet were again defeated. By this time the archers had wounded many of the elephants, and killed most of their riders, so that they did not prove less troublesome and dangerous to their own side than to the Macedonians; whence a great confusion ensued, and Cassius, taking this opportunity, fell in with the troops under his command, and entirely defeated the Indian army. Porus himself behaved with the greatest intrepidity, and with the most excellent conduct: he gave his orders, and directed every thing, as long as his troops retained their form; and, when they were broken, he retired from party to party as they made stands, and continued fighting till every corps of Indians was put to the rout. In the mean time Craterus had passed with the rest of the Macedonian army; and these, falling upon the flying Indians, increased the slaughter of the day excessively, insomuch that 20,000 foot and Macedon, 3000 horse were killed, all the chariots were hacked to pieces, and the elephants not killed were taken: two of Porus's sons fell here, as also most of his officers of all ranks.

As for Porus, Alexander gave strict directions that no injury might be done to his person: he even sent Taxiles to persuade him to surrender himself, and to assure him that he should be treated with all the kindness and respect imaginable; but Porus, disdaining this advice from the mouth of an old enemy, threw a javelin at him, and had killed him, but for the quick turn of his horse. Meroe the Indian, who was also in the service of Alexander, succeeded better: he had been the old acquaintance of Porus; and therefore, when he intreated that prince to spare his person, and to submit himself to fortune and a generous victor, Porus followed his advice; and we may truly say, that the condition of this Indian king suffered nothing by the loss of the battle. Alexander immediately gave him his liberty, restored him shortly after to his kingdom, to which he annexed provinces almost equal to it in value. Neither was Alexander a loser by his munificence; for Porus remained his true friend and constant ally.

To perpetuate the memory of this victory, Alexander ordered two cities to be erected; one on the field of battle, which he named Nissa; the other on this side the river, which he called Bucephala, in honour of his horse Bucephalus, who died here, as Arrizan says, of mere old age, being on the verge of 30. All the soldiers, who fell in battle, he buried with great honours; offered solemn sacrifices to the gods, and exhibited pompous shows on the banks of the Hydaspes, where he had forced his passage. He then entered the territories of the Glaucæ, in which were 37 good cities, and a multitude of populous villages. All these were delivered-up to him without fighting; and as soon as he received them, he presented them to Porus; and having reconciled him to Taxiles, he sent the latter home to his own dominions. About this time ambassadors arrived from some Indian princes with their submissions; and Alexander, having conquered the dominions of another Porus, which lay on the Hydaspes a branch of the Indus, added them to those of Porus his ally.

In the middle of all this success, however, news arrived, that the Cateci, the Oxydraces, and the Malli, the most warlike nations of India, were confederated against the Macedonians, and had drawn together a great army. The king immediately marched to give them battle; and in a few days reached a city called Sangala, seated on the top of an hill, and having a fine lake behind it. Before this city the confederate Indians lay encamped, having three circular lines of kæs carriages locked together, and their tents pitched in the centre. Notwithstanding the apparent difficulty of forcing these intrenchments, Alexander resolved immediately to attack them. The Indians made a noble defence; but at last the first line of their carriages was broken, and the Macedonians entered. The second was stronger by far; yet Alexander attacked that too, and, after a desperate resistance, forced it. The Indians, without quitting to the third, retired into the city; which Alexander would have invested; but the foot foot he had with him not being sufficient for that purpose, he caused his works to be carried on both sides as far as the lake; and, on the other side of that, ordered several brigades of horse to take post; ordering also battering engines to be brought up, and in some places employing miners. The second night, he received intelligence that the besieged, knowing the lake to be fordable, intended to make their escape through it. Upon this the king ordered all the carriages which had been taken in forcing their camp to be placed up and down the roads, in hopes of hindering their flight; giving directions to Ptolemy, who commanded the horse on the other side of the lake, to be extremely vigilant, and to cause all his trumpets to sound, that the forces might repair to that post where the Indians made their greatest effort. These precautions had all the effect that could be desired: for of the few Indians who got through the lake, and passed the Macedonian horse, the greater part were killed on the roads; but the greatest part of their army was constrained to retire again through the water into the city. Two days after, the place was taken by storm. Seventeen thousand Indians were killed; 70,000 taken prisoners; with 300 chariots, and 500 horse. The Macedonians are said to have lost only 100 men in this siege; but they had 1200 wounded, and among these several persons of great distinction.

The city was no sooner taken, than Alexander dispatched Eumenes his secretary, with a party of horse, to acquaint the inhabitants of the cities adjacent with what had befallen the Sangalans; promising also, that they should be kindly treated if they would submit. But they were so much affrighted at what had happened to their neighbours, that, abandoning all their cities, they fled into the mountains; choosing rather to expose themselves to wild beasts, than to these invaders, who had treated their countrymen so cruelly. When the king was informed of this, he sent detachments of horse and foot to scour the roads; and these, finding aged, infirm, and wounded people, to the number of about 500, put them to the sword without mercy. Perceiving that it was impossible to persuade the inhabitants to return, he caused the city of Sangala to be razed, and gave the territories to the few Indians who had submitted to him.

Alexander, still unsatisfied with conquest, now prepared to pass the Hyphasis. The chief reason which induced him to think of this expedition was, the information he had received of the state of the countries beyond that river. He was told that they were in themselves rich and fruitful; that their inhabitants were not only a very martial people, but very civilized; that they were governed by the nobility, who were themselves subject to the laws; and that, as they lived in happiness and freedom, it was likely they would fight obstinately in defence of those blessings. He was farther told, that, among these nations there were the largest, strongest, and most useful elephants bred and tamed; and was therefore fired with an earnest desire to reduce such a bold and brave people under his rule, and of attaining to the possession of the many valuable things that were said to be amongst them. As exorbitant, however, as his personal ambition was, he found it impossible to infuse any part of it into the minds of his soldiers; who were so far from wishing to triumph over new and remote countries, that they were highly desirous of leaving those that they had already conquered. When therefore they were informed of the king's intentions, they privately consulted together in the camp about the situation of their own affairs. At this consultation, the grave and best of the soldiers lamented that they were made use of by their king, not as lions, who fall fiercely upon those who have injured them; but as mastiffs, who fly upon and tear those who are pointed out to them as enemies. The rest were not so modest; but expressed themselves roundly against the king's humour for leading them from battle to battle, from siege to siege, and from river to river; protesting that they would follow him no further, nor lavish away their lives any longer, to purchase fame for him.

Alexander was a man of too much penetration not to be early in perceiving that his troops were very uneasy. He therefore harangued them from his tribunal; but though his eloquence was great, and the love his army had for him was yet very strong, they did not relent. For some time the soldiers remained full of silence; and at last turned their eyes on Cænus, an old and experienced general, whom Alexander loved, and in whom the army put great confidence.—He had the generosity to undertake their cause; and told Alexander frankly, "that men endured toil in hopes of repose; that the Macedonians were already much reduced in their numbers; that of those who remained, the greater part were invalids; and that they expected, in consideration of their former services, that he would now lead them back to their native country: an act, which, of all others, would most contribute to his own great designs; since it would encourage the youth of Macedon, and even of all Greece, to follow him in whatever new expedition he pleased to undertake." The king was far from being pleased with this speech of Cænus, and much less with the disposition of his army, which continued in a deep silence. He therefore dismissed the assembly; but next day he called another, wherein he told the soldiers plainly, that he would not be driven from his purpose; that he would proceed in his conquests with such as should follow him voluntarily: as for the rest, he would not detain them, but would leave them at liberty to go home to Macedon, where they might publish, "that they had left their king in the midst of his enemies." Even this expedient had no success; his army was so thoroughly tired with long marches and desperate battles, that they were determined to go no further, either for fair speeches or foul. Upon this Alexander retired to his tent, where he refused to see his friends, and put on the same gloomy temper that reigned among his troops. For three days, things remained in this situation. At last the king suddenly appeared; and, as if he had been fully determined to pursue his first design, he gave orders for sacrificing for the good success of his new undertaking. Aristotle the augur reported, that the omens were altogether inauspicious; upon which the king said, that since his proceeding farther was neither pleasing to the gods, nor grateful to his army, he would return. When this was rumoured among the army, they assembled. Macedon, fumbled in great numbers about the royal tent, saluting the king with loud acclamations, wishing him success in all his future designs; giving him, at the same time, hearty thanks, for that "he who was invincible had suffered himself to be overcome by their prayers."

A stop being thus put to the conquests of Alexander, he determined to make the Hyphasis the boundary of his dominions; and having erected twelve altars of an extraordinary magnitude, he sacrificed on them: after which he exhibited shows in the Grecian manner; and, having added all the conquered country in these parts to the dominions of Porus, he began to return. Having arrived at the Hydaspes, he made the necessary preparations for sailing down the Indus into the ocean. For this purpose, he ordered vast quantities of timber to be felled in the neighbourhood of the Hydaspes, through which he was to sail into the Indus; he caused the vessels with which he had passed other rivers to be brought thither, and assembled a vast number of artificers capable of repairing and equipping his fleet; which, when finished, consisted of 80 vessels of three banks of oars, and 2000 lesser ships and transports. Those who were to manage this fleet were collected out from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and Egyptians following his army, and who were reckoned perfectly well skilled in the naval art. When all things were ready, the army embarked about break of day; the king, in the mean time, sacrificing to the gods according to the ceremonies used in his own country, and likewise according to those of the country where he now was. Then he himself went on board; and causing the signal to be given by sound of trumpet, the fleet set sail.

Craterus and Hephaestion had marched some days before with another division of the army; and in three days the fleet reached that part of the river which was opposite to their camps. Here he had information, that the Oxusdrace and Malli were raising forces to oppose him: upon which he immediately determined to reduce them; for, during this voyage, he made it a rule to compel the inhabitants on both sides of the river to yield him obedience. But before he arrived on the coasts of the people abovementioned, he himself sustained no small danger; for, coming to the confluence of the Acesines with the Hydaspes, from whence both rivers roll together into the Indus, the eddies, whirlpools, and rapid currents, rushing with tremendous noise from the respective channels of those rivers into the great one formed by them both, at once terrified those who navigated his vessels, and actually destroyed many of the long vessels, with all who were aboard of them; the king himself being in some danger, and Nearchus the admiral not a little at a loss.

As soon as this danger was over, Alexander went on shore; and having ordered his elephants with some troops of horse and archers to be carried across, and put under the command of Craterus, he then divided his army on the left-hand bank into three bodies; the first commanded by himself, the second by Hephaestion, and the third by Ptolemy. Hephaestion had orders to move silently through the heart of the country, five days march before the king; that if, on Alexander's approach, any of the barbarians should attempt to shelter themselves by retiring into the country, they might fall into the hands of Hephaestion. Ptolemy Lagus was ordered to march three days journey behind the king; that if any escaped his army, they might fall into Ptolemy's hands; and the fleet had orders to stop at the confluence of this river with the Hydaspes, till such time as these several corps should arrive.

Alexander himself, at the head of a body of horse His expedition and light-armed foot, marched through a desert against the country against the Malli; and, scarce affording any rest to his soldiers, arrived in three days at a city into which the barbarians had put their wives and children, with a good garrison for their defence. The country people, having no notion that Alexander would march through such a desert and barren region, were all unarmed, and in the utmost confusion. Many of them therefore were slain in the field; the rest fled into the city, and shut the gates. But this only protracted their fate for a short time; for the king, having ordered the city to be invested by his cavalry, took it, as well as the castle, by storm, and put all he found there to the sword. He sent at the same time Perdiccas with a considerable detachment, to invest another city of the Malli at a considerable distance; but when he came there, he found it abandoned. However, he pursued the inhabitants who had but lately left it, and killed great numbers of them on the road. After this the king took several other cities, but not without considerable resistance; for the Indians sometimes chose to burn themselves in their houses rather than surrender. At last he marched to their capital city; and finding that abandoned, he proceeded to the river Hydaspes, where he found 50,000 men encamped on the opposite bank, in order to dispute his passage. He did not hesitate, however, to enter the river with a considerable party of horse, and so much were the Indians terrified at his presence, that their whole army retired before him. In a short time they returned and attacked him, being ashamed to fly before such an inconsiderable number; but in the mean time the rest of the Macedonian forces came up, and the Indians were obliged to retire to a city which lay behind them, and which Alexander invested that very night. The next day he stormed the city with such violence, that the inhabitants were compelled to abandon it, and to retire to the castle, where they prepared for an obstinate defence. The king instantly gave orders for scaling the walls, and the soldiers prepared to execute these orders as fast as they could; but the king being impatient, caught hold of a ladder and mounted it first himself, being followed by Leonatus, Peucestas, and Abreas, the latter a man of great valour, and who on that account had double pay allowed him. The king having gained the top of the battlements, cleared them quickly of the defenders, killing some of them with his sword, and pushing others over the walls: but after this was done, he was in more danger than ever; for the Indians galled him with their arrows from the adjacent towers, though they durst not come near enough to engage him. His own battalion of targeteers mounting in haste to second him, broke the ladders; which, as soon as Alexander perceived, he threw himself down into the castle, as did also Peucestas, Leonatus, and Abreas. As soon as the king was on the ground, the Indian general rushed forward to attack him; but Alexander instantly dispatched him, as well as several others who followed him. Upon this the rest retired, and contented themselves with throwing darts and stones at him at a distance. Abraxas was struck into the head with an arrow, and died on the spot; and, shortly after, another pierced through the king's breast-plate into his body. As long as he had spirits, he defended himself valiantly; but, through a vast effusion of blood, losing his senses, he fell upon his shield. Pencetas then covered him with the sacred shield of Pallas on one side, as did Leonatus with his own shield on the other, though they themselves were dreadfully wounded. In the mean time, however, the Indians, eager to save their king, supplied their want of ladders by driving large iron pins into the walls. By the help of these many of them ascended, and came to the assistance of Alexander and his companions. The Indians were now slaughtered without mercy; but Alexander continued for some time in a very dangerous way; however, he at last recovered his strength, and showed himself again to his army, which filled them with the greatest joy.

The Malli, being now convinced that nothing but submission could save the remainder of them, sent deputies to Alexander, offering him the dominion of their country; as did also the Oxydraces: and the king having settled every thing in these countries agreeable to his mind, proceeded on his voyage down the river Indus. In this voyage he received the submission of some other Indian princes; and perceiving that, at the point of island Pattala, the river divided itself into two vast branches, he ordered an haven and convenient docks to be made there for his ships; and when he had careened his fleet, he sailed down the right-hand branch towards the ocean. In his passage he suffered great difficulties by reason of his want of pilots, and at the mouth of the river very narrowly missed being cast away: yet all this did not hinder him from pursuing his first design, though it does not appear that he had any other motive thereto than the vain desire of boasting that he had entered the ocean beyond the Indus: for, having consecrated certain bulls to Neptune, and thrown them into the sea, performed certain libations of golden cups, and thrown the cups also into the sea, he came back again; having only surveyed two little islands, one at the mouth of the Indus, and one a little farther in the ocean.

On the king's return to Pattala, he resolved to sail down the other branch of the Indus, that he might see whether it was more safe and commodious for his fleet than that which he had already tried; and for this he had very good reasons. He had resolved to send Nearchus with his fleet by sea, through the Persian gulf up the river Tygris, to meet him and his army in Meroe; but as the possibility of this voyage depended on the ceasing of the Etesian winds, there was a necessity of laying up the fleet till the season should prove favourable. Alexander, therefore, sailing through this branch of the Indus, sought on the sea-coast for bays and creeks, where his fleet might anchor in safety; he caused also pits to be sunk, which might be filled with fresh water for the use of his people; and took all imaginable precautions for preserving them in case and safety till the season would allow them to continue their voyage. In this he succeeded to his wish; for he found this branch of the river Indus, at its mouth, spread over the plain country and forming a kind of lake, wherein a fleet might ride with safety. He therefore appointed Leonatus, and a part of his army, to carry on such works as were necessary; causing them to be relieved by fresh troops as often as there was occasion: then having given his last instructions to Nearchus, he parted with the rest of the army, in order to march back to Babylon.

Before the king's departure, many of his friends advised him against the route which he intended to take. They told him, that nothing could be more rash or dangerous than this resolution. They acquainted him, that the country, thro' which he was to travel, was a wild uncultivated desert; that Semiramis, when she led her soldiers this way out of India, brought home but 20 of them; and that Cyrus, attempting to do the same, returned with only seven. But all this was so far from deterring Alexander, that it more than ever determined him to pursue no other road. As soon, therefore, as he had put things in order, he marched at the head of a sufficient body of troops to reduce the Orizae, who had never vouchsafed either to make their submission or to court his friendship. Their territories lay on the other side of a river called Aravitis, which Alexander crossed so speedily, that they had no intelligence of his march; whereupon most of them quitted their country, and fled into the deserts. Their capital he found so well situated, that he resolved to take it out of their hands, and to cause a new and noble city to be founded there, the care of which he committed to Hephaestion. Then he received the deputies of the Orizae and Gedrosi; and having assured them, that if the people returned to their villages, they should be kindly treated, and having appointed Apollonius president of the Orizae, and left a considerable body of troops under Leonatus to secure their obedience, he began his march thro' Gedrosia. In this His dangerous march his troops suffered incredible hardships. The road was very uncertain and troublesome, on account of its lying thro' deep and loose sands, rising in many places into hillocks, which forced the soldiers to climb, at the same time that it sunk under their feet; there were no towns, villages, nor places of refreshment, to be met with; so that, after excessive marches, they were forced to encamp among these dry sands. As to provisions, they hardly met with any during their whole march. The soldiers were therefore obliged to kill their beasts of carriage: and such as were sent to bring some corn from the sea-side, were so grievously distressed, that, tho' it was sealed with the king's signet, they cut open the bags; choosing rather to die a violent death for disobedience, than perish by hunger. When the king, however, was informed of this, he freely pardoned the offenders; he was also forced to accept the excuses that were daily made for the loss of mules, horses, &c. which were in truth eaten by the soldiers, and their carriages broken in pieces to avoid further trouble. As for water, their want of it was a great misfortune; and yet their finding it in plenty was sometimes a greater: for, as by the first they perished with thirst, so by the latter they were burnt, thrown thrown into droppings, and rendered incapable of travel. Frequently they met with no water for the whole day together; sometimes they were disappointed of it at night; in which case, if they were able, they marched on; so that it was common with them to travel 30, 40, 50, or even 60 miles without encamping. Numbers thro' these hardships were obliged to lag in the rear; and of these many were left behind, and perished; for indeed scarce any ever joined the army again.

Their miseries, however, they sustained with incredible patience, being encouraged by the example of their king; who, on this occasion, suffered greater hardships than the meanest soldier in his army. At last they arrived at the capital of Gedrodia, where they refreshed themselves, and had some time; after which, they marched into Caramania; which being a very plentiful country, they there made themselves ample amends for the hardships and fatigues they had sustained. Here they were joined first by Craterus with the troops under his command, and a number of elephants; then came Stasanor president of the Arians, and Pharmanes the son of Pirataphernes governor of Parthis. They brought with them camels, horses, and other beasts of burden, in vast numbers; having foreseen, that the king's march thro' Gedrodia would be attended with the loss of the greatest part, if not all the cavalry and beasts belonging to his army.

During Alexander's stay in Caramania, he redressed the injuries of his people, who had been grievously oppressed by their governors during his absence. Here also he was joined by his admiral Nearchus, who brought him an account that all under his command were in perfect safety, and in excellent condition; with which the king was mightily pleased, and, after having bestowed on him singular marks of his favour, sent him back to the navy. Alexander next set out for Peria, where great disorders had been committed during his absence. These also he redressed, and caused the governor to be crucified; appointing in his room Peucestas, who saved his life when he fought singly against a whole garrison as above related. The new governor was no sooner invested with his dignity, than he laid aside the Macedonian garb, and put on that of the Medes; being the only one of Alexander's captains, who, by complying with the manners of the people he governed, gained their affection.

While Alexander visited the different parts of Peria, he took a view, among the rest, of the ruins of Persepolis, where he is said to have expressed great sorrow for the destruction he had formerly occasioned. From Persepolis he marched to Susa, where he gave an extraordinary looie to pleasure; resolving to make himself and his followers some amends for the difficulties they had hitherto undergone; purposing at the same time to effectually to unite his new-conquered with his hereditary subjects, that the jealousies and fears, which had hitherto tormented both, should no longer subsist. With this view he married two wives of the blood-royal of Peria; viz. Barine, or Statira, the daughter of Darius, and Parysatis the daughter of Ochus. Drypetis, another daughter of Darius, he gave to Hephaestion; Amatrine, the daughter of Oxyartes the brother of Darius, married Craterus; and to the rest of his friends, to the number of 80, he gave other women of the greatest quality. All these marriages were celebrated at once, Alexander himself bestowing fortunes upon them; he directed likewise to take account of the number of his officers and soldiers who had married Asiatic wives; and tho' they appeared to be 10,000, yet he gratified each of them accord-

ing to his rank. He next resolved to pay the debts of his army, and thereupon issued an edict directing every man to register his name and the sum he owed; with which the soldiers complying slowly, from an apprehension that there was some design against them, Alexander ordered tables heaped with money to be set in all quarters of the camp, and caused every man's debts to be paid on his bare word, without even making any entry of his name; tho' the whole sum came to 20,000 talents. On such as had distinguished themselves in an extraordinary manner, he bestowed crowns of gold. Peucestas had the first; Leonatus the second; Nearchus the third; Onesicritus the fourth; Hephaestion the fifth; and the rest of his guards had each of them one. After this he made other dispositions for conciliating, as he supposed, the differences among all his subjects. He reviewed the 30,000 youths, whom at his departure for India he had ordered to be taught Greek, and the Macedonian discipline; expressing high satisfaction at the fine appearance they made, which rendered them worthy of the appellation he bestowed on them, viz. that of Epigonti, i.e. successors. He promoted also, without any distinction of nation, all those who had served him faithfully and valiantly in the Indian war. When all these regulations were made, he gave the command of his heavy-armed troops to Hephaestion, and ordered him to march directly to the banks of the Tigris, while in the mean time a fleet was equipped for carrying the king and the troops he retained with him down to the ocean.

Thus ended the exploits of Alexander; the greatest conqueror that ever the world saw, at least with respect to the rapidity of his conquests. In 12 years time he had brought under his subjection Egypt, Libya, Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Babylonia, Persia, with part of India and Tartary. Still, however, he meditated greater things. He had now got a great taste in maritime affairs; and is said to have meditated a voyage to the coasts of Arabia and Ethiopia, and thence round the whole continent of Africa to the Straits of Gibraltar. But of this there is no great certainty; though that he intended to subdue the Carthaginians and Italians, is more than probable. All these designs, however, were frustrated by his death, which happened at Babylon in 323 B.C. He is said to have received several warnings of his approaching fate, and to have been advised to avoid that city; which advice he either despised or he died at could not follow. He died of a fever after eight days Babylon, illus, without naming any successor; having only given his ring to Perdiccas, and left the kingdom, as he said, to the most worthy.

With the death of Alexander fell also the glory of the Macedonians; who very soon relapsed into a situation as bad, or worse than that in which they had been before the reign of Philip. This was occasioned principally by his not having distinctly named a successor; and having no child of his own come to the years of discretion, to whom the kingdom might seem naturally... naturally to belong. The ambition and jealousy of his mother Olympias, his queen Roxana, and especially of the great commanders of his army, not only prevented a successor from being ever named, but occasioned the death of every person, whether male or female, who was in the least related to Alexander. To have a just notion of the origin of these disturbances, it is necessary in the first place to understand the situation of the Macedonian affairs at the time of Alexander's death.

When Alexander set out for Asia, he left Antipater, as we formerly observed, in Macedon, to prevent any disturbances that might arise either there or in Greece. The Greeks, even during the lifetime of Alexander, bore the superiority which he exercised over them with great impatience; and, though nothing could be more gentle than the government of Antipater, yet he was exceedingly hated, because he obliged them to be quiet. One of the last actions of Alexander's life set all Greece in a flame. He had, by an edict, directed all the cities of Greece to recall their exiles; which edict, when it was published at the Olympic games, created much confusion. Many of the cities were afraid, that, when the exiles returned, they would change the government; most of them doubted their own safety if the edict took place; and all of them held this peremptory decree to be a total abolition of their liberty. No sooner therefore did the news of Alexander's death arrive, than they prepared for war.

In Asia the state of things was not much better; not indeed through any inclination of the conquered countries to revolt, but through the dissensions among the commanders.—In the general council which was called soon after the death of Alexander, after much confusion and altercation, it was at last agreed, or rather commanded by the soldiers, that Aridæus the brother of Alexander, who had always accompanied the king, and had been wont to sacrifice with him, should assume the sovereignty.—This Aridæus was a man of very slender parts and judgment, not naturally, but by the wicked practices of Olympias, who had given him poisonous draughts in his infancy, left he should stand in the way of her son Alexander, or any of his family; and for this, or some other reason, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, and most of the horse-officers, refused his promotion to such a degree, that they quitted the assembly, and even the city. However, Meleager, at the head of the phalanx, vigorously supported their first resolution, and threatened loudly to shed the blood of those who affected to rule over their equals, and to assume a kingdom which no way belonged to them. Aridæus was accordingly arrayed in royal robes, had the arms of Alexander put upon him, and was saluted by the name of Philip, to render him more popular. Thus were two parties formed, at the head of whom were Meleager and Perdiccas; both of them pretending vast concern for the public good, yet, at bottom, desiring nothing more than their own advantage. Perdiccas was a man of high birth, had had a supreme command in the army, was much in favour with Alexander, and one in whom the nobility had put great confidence. Meleager was become formidable by having the phalanx on his side, and having the nominal king entirely in his power: for Aridæus, or Philip, was obliged to comply with whatever he thought proper, and publicly declared, that whatever he did was by the advice of Meleager; so that he made his minister accountable for his own schemes, and no way endangered himself. The Macedonians also, besides their regard for the deceased king, soon began to entertain a personal love for Philip, on account of his moderation.

It is remarkable, however, that notwithstanding all the favours which Alexander had conferred upon his officers, and the fidelity with which they had served him during his life, only two of them were attached to the interests of his family after his death. These were Antipater, and Eumenes the Cardian, whom he had appointed his secretary. Antipater, as we have already seen, was embroiled with the Greeks, and could not assist the royal family who were in Asia; and Eumenes had not as yet sufficient interest to form a party in their favour. In a short time, however, Perdiccas prevailed against Meleager, and got him murdered; Meleager by which means the supreme power for a time fell into his hands. His first step, in consequence of this power, was to distribute the provinces of the empire among the commanders in the following manner, in order to prevent competitors, and to satisfy the ambition of the principal commanders of the army. Aridæus, and the son of Roxana, born after the death of his father, were to enjoy the regal authority. Antipater had the government of the European provinces. Craterus had the title of protector. Perdiccas was general of the household troops in the room of Hephaestion. Ptolemy the son of Lagus had Egypt, Libya, and that part of Arabia which borders upon Egypt. Cleomenes, a man of infamous character, whom Alexander had made receiver-general in Egypt, was made Ptolemy's deputy. Leonomed had Syria; Philotas, Cilicia; Pithon, Media; Eumenes, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and all the country bordering on the Euxine Sea, as far as Trapezus; but these were not yet conquered, so that he was a governor without a province. Antigonus had Pamphylia, Lycia, and Phrygia Major; Cassander, Caria; Menander, Lydia; Leonatus, Phrygia on the Hellepont.

In the mean time, not only Alexander's will, but Alexander himself, was so much neglected, that his body was allowed to remain seven days before any notice was taken of it, or any orders given for its being embalmed. The only will he left was a short memorandum of six things he would have done:

1. The building of a fleet of 1000 stout galleys, to be made use of against the Carthaginians and other nations, who should oppose the reduction of the sea-coasts of Africa and Spain, with all the adjacent islands, as far as Sicily. 2. A large and regular highway was to be made along the coast of Africa, as far as Ceuta and Tangier. 3. Six temples of extraordinary magnificence were to be erected at the expense of 1500 talents each. 4. Cattle, arsenals, havens, and yards, for building ships, to be settled in proper places throughout his empire. 5. Several new cities were to be built in Europe and Asia; those in Asia to be inhabited by colonies from Europe, and those in Europe to be filled with Asiatics; that, by blending their people and their manners, that hereditary antipathy might be eradicated which had hitherto subsisted. substituted between the inhabitants of the different continents. Lastly, he had projected the building of a pyramid, equal in bulk and beauty to the biggest in Egypt, in honour of his father Philip. All these designs, under pretence of their being expensive, were referred to a council of Macedonians, to be held nobody knew when or where.

The government, being now in the hands of Perdiccas and Roxana, grew quickly very cruel and dissolute. Alexander was scarce dead when the queen sent for Statira and Drypetis, the two daughters of Darius, one of whom had been married to Alexander, and the other to Hephaestion; but as soon as they arrived at Babylon, caused them both to be murdered, that no son of Alexander by any other woman, or of Hephaestion, might give any trouble to her or her son Alexander. Sylgambis, the mother of Darius, no sooner heard that Alexander the Great was dead, than she laid violent hands on herself, being apprehensive of the calamities which were about to ensue.

War was first declared in Greece against Antipater in the year 321 B.C. Through the treachery of the Thebans, that general was defeated, with the army he had under his own command. Leonatus was therefore sent from Asia, with a very considerable army, to his assistance; but both were overthrown with great loss by the confederates, and Leonatus himself was killed. In a short time, however, Craterus arrived in Greece with a great army, the command of which he resigned to Antipater. The army of the confederates amounted to 25,000 foot, and 3000 horse; but Antipater commanded no fewer than 40,000 foot, 3000 archers, and 5000 horse. In such an unequal contest, therefore, the Greeks were defeated, and forced to sue for peace; which they did not obtain but on condition of their receiving Macedonian garrisons into several of their cities. At Athens also the democratic government was abrogated; and such a dreadful punishment did this seem to the Athenians, that 22,000 of them left their country, and retired into Macedon.

While these things were doing in Greece, disturbances began also to arise in Asia and in Thrace. The Greek mercenaries, who were dispersed through the inland provinces of Asia, despairing of ever being allowed to return home by fair means, determined to attempt it by force. For this purpose, they assembled to the number of 20,000 foot, and 3000 horse; but were all cut off to a man by the Macedonians. In Thrace, Lyfinchus was attacked by one Seuthes, a prince of that country who claimed the dominions of his ancestors, and had raised an army of 20,000 foot and 8000 horse. But though the Macedonian commander was forced to engage this army with no more than 4000 foot and 2000 horse, yet he kept the field of battle, and could not be driven out of the country. Perdiccas, in the mean time, by pretending friendship to the royal family, had gained over Eumenes entirely to his interest; and at last put him in possession of the province of Cappadocia by the defeat of Ariarathes king of that country, whom he afterwards cruelly caused to be crucified. His ambition, however, now began to lead him into difficulties. At the first division of the provinces, Perdiccas, to strengthen his own authority, had proposed to marry Nicaea the daughter of Antipater; and so well was this proposal relished, that her brethren Jollas and Archias conducted her to him, in order to be present at the celebration of the nuptials. But Perdiccas now had other things in view. He had been solicited by Olympias to marry her daughter Cleopatra, the widow of Alexander king of Epirus, and who then resided at Sardis in Lydia. Eumenes promoted this match to the utmost of his power, because he thought it would be for the interest of the royal family; and his persuasions had such an effect on Perdiccas, that he was sent to Sardis to compliment Cleopatra, and to carry presents to her in name of her new lover. In the absence of Eumenes, however, Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, persuaded him to marry Nicaea; but, in order to gratify his ambition, he resolved to divorce her immediately after marriage, and marry Cleopatra. By this last marriage, he hoped to have a pretence for altering the government of Macedon; and, as a necessary measure preparative to this, he entered into contrivances for destroying Antigonus. Unfortunately for himself, however, he ruined all his schemes by his own jealousy and precipitate cruelty. Cynane, the daughter of Philip by his second wife, had brought her daughter named Adda, and who was afterwards named Eurydice, to court, in hopes that king Aridaeus might marry her. Against Cynane, Perdiccas, on some political motives, conceived such a grudge, that he caused her to be murdered. This raised a commotion in the army: which frightened Perdiccas to such a degree, that he now promoted the match between Aridaeus and Eurydice; to prevent which, he had murdered the mother of the young princess. But, in the mean time, Antigonus, knowing the designs of Perdiccas against himself, fled with his son Demetrius to Greece, there to take shelter under the protection of Antipater and Craterus, whom he informed of the ambition and cruelty of the regent.

A civil war was now kindled. Antipater, Craterus, Acomantus, Neoptolemus, and Antigonus, were combined against Perdiccas; and it was the misfortune of the empire in general, that Eumenes, the most able general, as well as the most virtuous of all the commanders, was on the side of Perdiccas, because he believed him to be in the interest of Alexander's family. Ptolemy, in the mean time, remained in quiet possession of Egypt; but without the least intention of owning any person for his superior: however, he also acceded to the league formed against Perdiccas; and thus the only person in the whole empire who consulted the interest of the royal family was Eumenes.

It was now thought proper to bury the body of Alexander Alexander, which had been kept for two years, during which time preparations had been making for it. Aridaeus, to whose care it was committed, set out from Babylon for Damascus, in order to carry the king's body to Egypt. This was done against the will of Perdiccas; for it seems there was a superstitious report, that wherever the body of Alexander was laid, that country should flourish most. Perdiccas, therefore, out of regard to his native soil, would have it conveyed to the royal sepulchres in Macedon; but Aridaeus, pleading the late king's express direction, was determined to carry it into Egypt, from thence The funeral was accordingly conducted with all imaginable magnificence. Ptolemy came to meet the body as far as Syria; but, instead of burying it in the temple of Jupiter Ammon, erected a finely temple for it in the city of Alexandria; and, by the respect he showed for his dead master, induced many of the Macedonian veterans to join him, and who were afterwards of the greatest service to him.

No sooner was the funeral over, than both the parties above mentioned fell to blows. Perdiccas marched against Ptolemy; but was slain by his own men, who, after the death of their general, submitted to his antagonist; and thus Eumenes was left alone to contend against all the other generals who had served under Alexander. In this contest, however, he would by no means have been overmatched, had his soldiers been attached to him; but as they had been accustomed to serve under those very generals against whom they were now to fight, they were on all occasions ready to betray and desert Eumenes. However, he defeated and killed Neoptolemus and Craterus, but then found himself obliged to contend with Antipater and Antigonus. Antipater was now appointed protector of the kings, with sovereign power; and Eumenes was declared a public enemy. A new division of Alexander's empire took place. Egypt, Libya, and the parts adjacent, were given to Ptolemy because they could not be taken from him. Syria was confirmed to Leoncidas. Philoxenus had Cilicia. Mesopotamia and Arabia were given to Amphimachus. Babylon was bestowed on Seleucus. Susiana fell to Antigenes, who commanded the Macedonian Argyraspides or Silver Shields, because he was the first who opposed Perdiccas. Peucestas held Persia. Tlepolemus had Carmania. Pithon had Media as far as the Caspian straits. Staphylus had Aria and Drangia. Philip, Parthia, Satalonia, Bactria and Sogdia. Sybirtius, Aracopa. Oxyartes, the father of Roxana, Parapomisus. Another Pithon had the country between this province and India. Porus and Taxiles held what Alexander had given them, because they would not part with any of their dominions. Cappadocia was assigned to Nicanor. Phrygia Major, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, were given to Antigonus. Caria to Cassander, Lydia to Clytus, Phrygia the Less to Ariades, Cassander was appointed general of the horse; while the command of the household troops was given to Antigonus, with orders to prosecute the war against Eumenes.—Antipater having thus settled every thing as well as he could, returned to Macedon with the two kings, to the great joy of his countrymen, having left his son Cassander to be a check upon Antigonus in Asia.

Matters now seemed to wear a better aspect than they had yet done; and, had Eumenes believed that his enemies really consulted the interest of Alexander's family, there is not the least doubt that the war would have been immediately terminated. He saw, however, that the design of Antigonus was only to set up for himself, and therefore he refused to submit. From this time, therefore, the Macedonian empire ceased in Asia; and an account of the transactions of this part of the world fall to be recorded under the article Syria. The Macedonian affairs are now entirely confined to the kingdom of Macedon itself, and to Greece.

Antipater had not long been returned to Macedon, when he died; and the last action of his life completed the ruin of Alexander's family. Out of a view to the public good, he had appointed Polysperchon, the eldest of Alexander's captains at hand, to be protector and governor of Macedon. This failed not to disquiet his son Cassander; who thought he had a natural right to these offices, and of course kindled a new civil war in Macedon. This was indeed highly promoted by his first actions as a governor. He began with attempting to remove all the governors appointed in Greece by Antipater, and to restore democracy wherever it had been abolished. The immediate consequence of this was, that the people refused to obey their magistrates; the governors refused to resign their places, and applied for alliance to Cassander. Polysperchon also had the imprudence to recall Olympias from Epirus, and allow her a share in the administration; which Antipater, and even Alexander himself, had always refused her. The consequence of all this was, that Cassander invaded Greece, where he prevailed against Polysperchon; Olympias returned to Macedon, where she cruelly murdered Arridens and his wife Eurydice; she herself was put to death by Cassander, who afterwards caused Roxana and her son to be murdered; and Polysperchon being driven into Eolos, first raised to the crown Hercules the son of Alexander by the daughter of Darius, and then by the instigation of Cassander murdered him, by which means the line of Alexander the Great became totally extinct.

Cassander having thus destroyed all the royal family, assumed the regal title, as he had for 16 years before had all the power. He enjoyed the title of king of Macedon only three years, after which he died, about 298 B.C. By Thessalonica, the daughter of Philip king of Macedon, he left three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander. Philip succeeded him, but soon after died of a consumption. A contest immediately began between the two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. Antipater seized the kingdom; and to secure himself in it, murdered his mother Thessalonica, if not with his own hand, at least the execrable fact was committed in his presence. Alexander invited Pyrrhus king of Epirus, and Demetrius the son of Antigonus, to assist him and revenge the death of his mother. But Pyrrhus being bought off, and a peace concluded between the brothers, Alexander, being afraid of having too many protectors, formed a scheme of getting Demetrius alienated. Instead of this, however, both he and Antipater were put to death; and Demetrius became king of Macedon four years after the death of Cassander.

In 287 B.C. Demetrius was driven out by Pyrrhus, who was again driven out by Lysimachus two years after, who was soon after killed by Seleucus Nicator; and Seleucus, in his turn, was murdered by Ptolemy Ceramus, who became king of Macedon about 280 B.C. The new king was in a short time cut off, with his whole army, by the Gauls; and Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, became king of Macedon in 278 B.C. He proved successful against the Gauls, but was driven out by Pyrrhus king of Epirus; who, however, soon disobliged his subjects to such a degree, degree, that Antigonus recovered a great part of his kingdom. But in a little time, Pyrrhus being killed at the siege of Argos in Greece, Antigonus was restored to the whole of Macedon; but scarcely was he seated on the throne, when he was driven from it by Alexander the son of Pyrrhus. This new invader was, in his turn, expelled by Demetrius the son of Antigonus; who, though at that time but a boy, had almost made himself master of Epirus. In this enterprise, however, he was disappointed; but by his means Antigonus was restored to his kingdom, which he governed for many years in peace. By a stratagem he made himself master of the city of Corinth, and from that time began to form schemes for the thorough conquest of Greece. The method he took to accomplish this was, to support the petty tyrants of Greece against the free states: which indeed weakened the power of the latter; but involved the whole country in so many calamities, that these transactions could not redound much to the reputation either of his arms or his honour. About 243 B.C. he died, leaving the kingdom to his son, Demetrius II.

Neither Demetrius, nor his successor Antigonus Doson, performed any thing remarkable. In 221 B.C., the kingdom fell to Philip, the last but one of the Macedonian monarchs. To him Hannibal applied for assistance after the battle of Cannae, which he refused; and the same imprudence which made him refuse this assistance prompted him to embroil himself with the Romans; and at last to conclude a treaty with them, by which he in effect became their subject, being tied up from making peace or war but according to their pleasure. In 179 B.C. he was succeeded by his eldest son Perseus, under whom the war with the Romans was renewed. Even yet the Macedonians were terrible in war; and their phalanx, when properly conducted, seems to have been absolutely invincible by any method of making war known at that time. It consisted of 16,000 men, of whom 1000 marched abreast, and thus was 16 men deep, each of whom carried a kind of pike 23 feet long. The soldiers stood so close, that the pikes of the fifth rank reached their points beyond the front of the battle. The hindermost ranks leaned their pikes on the shoulders of those who went before them, and, locking them fast, pressed briskly against them when they made the charge; so that the first five ranks had the impetus of the whole phalanx, which was the reason why the shock was generally irresistible. The Romans had never encountered such a terrible enemy; and in the first battle, which happened 171 B.C. they were defeated with the loss of 2200 men, while the Macedonians lost no more than 60. The generals of Perseus now pressed him to storm the enemy's camp; but he being naturally of a cowardly disposition refused to comply, and thus the best opportunity he ever had was lost. Still, however, the Romans gained little or no advantage, till the year 168 B.C. when Paulus Æmilius, a most experienced commander, was sent into Macedon. Perseus now put all upon the issue of a general engagement; and Æmilius, with all his courage and military experience, would have been defeated, had the Macedonians been commanded by a general of the smallest courage or conduct. The light-armed Macedonians charged with such vigour, that, after the battle, some of their bodies were found within two furlongs of the Roman camp. When the phalanx came to charge, the points of their spears striking into the Roman shields, kept the heavy-armed troops from making any motion; while, on the other hand, Perseus's light-armed men did terrible execution. On this occasion, it is said, that Æmilius tore his clothes, and gave up all hopes. However, perceiving that as the phalanx gained ground it lost its order in several places, he caused his own light-armed troops to charge in those places, whereby the Macedonians were soon put into confusion. If Perseus with his horse had on the first appearance of this charged the Romans briskly, his infantry would have been able to recover themselves; but, instead of this, he betook himself to flight, and the infantry at last did the same, but not till 20,000 of them had lost their lives.

This battle decided the fate of Macedon, which immediately submitted to the conqueror. The cowardly king took refuge in the island of Samothrace; but Roman was at last obliged to surrender to the Roman consul, by whom he was carried to Rome, led in triumph, and afterwards most barbarously used. Some pretenders to the throne appeared afterwards; but being unable to defend themselves against the Romans, the country was reduced to a Roman province in 148 B.C. To them it continued subject till the year 1357, when it was reduced by the Turkish sultan Bajazet, and hath remained in the hands of the Turks ever since.