otherwise called New-Spain; a large country of America, bounded on the north by New-Mexico, on the east by the gulf of Mexico and the North Sea, and on the south and west by South America and the South Sea; extending upwards of 2000 miles in length, and from 60 to 600 in breadth.

This country was first discovered, though imperfectly, by a Spaniard named Nunez de Balboa; but, in 1518, the conquest of it was undertaken by a celebrated adventurer named Ferdinando Cortes. It was not, Mexico, however, without great difficulty that he got his expedition set on foot; being perfected by the Spanish governors in the West Indies, so that he was at last obliged to throw off his allegiance to them, and proceed without any commission. However, on the 10th of February 1519, he set sail from the Havannah in Cuba; and soon landed on the island of Cozumel, on the coast of Yucatan, discovered the preceding year. Here he joined one of his officers named Pedro d' Alvarado, who had arrived some days before, and collected some booty and taken a few prisoners. But the general severely censured his conduct; and the prisoners were dismissed, after they had been informed by an Indian interpreter named Melchior, that such injuries were entirely disagreeable to the intentions and wishes of Cortes. Here he mustered his army, and found that it amounted to 508 soldiers, 16 horsemen, and 109 mechanics, pilots, and mariners. Having encouraged his men by a proper speech, and released, by means of some Indian ambassadors, a Spaniard named Jeron de Aguilar, who had been detained a prisoner for eight years, he proceeded to the river Tabasco, where he hoped to be received in a friendly manner, as one Grijalva had been a short time before; but, from some unknown cause, he was violently attacked by them: however, the superiority of the Spanish arms soon decided the victory, and the inhabitants were obliged to own the king of Castile as their sovereign.

The Spaniards then continued their course westward, to the harbour of St Juan de Ullua; where they were met by two Mexican canoes, who carried two ambassadors from the emperor of that country, and shewed the greatest signs of peace and amity. Their language was unknown to Aguilar; but one of the female slaves above-mentioned undertook it, and translated it into the Yucatan tongue; after which Aguilar interpreted the meaning in Spanish. This slave was afterwards named Donna Marina, and proved very useful in their conferences with the natives.

At this time the Mexican empire, according to Dr Robertson, was arrived at a pitch of grandeur to which no society had ever attained in so short a period. Though it had subsisted only for 130 years, its dominion extended from the north to south sea; over territories stretching about 500 leagues from east to west, and more than 200 from north to south; comprehending provinces not inferior in fertility, population, and opulence, to any in the torrid zone. The reigning emperor was called Montezuma, or Motezuma, whose authority was very despotic, and his temper haughty and cruel. Though by nature he possessed a good deal of courage and resolution; yet from the first moment that the Spaniards appeared on his coast, he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment, and all his subjects were embarrassed as well as himself. The general dismay which took place on this occasion was partly owing to the strange figure the Spaniards made, and the prodigious power of their arms; but partly also to the following circumstance. An opinion prevailed almost universally among the Americans, if we may believe the earliest and most authentic historians, that some dreadful calamity impended over their heads, from a race of formidable invaders who should come from regions towards the rising sun, to over-run and defoliate their country. Whether this disquieting apprehension flowed from the memory of some natural calamity which had afflicted that part of Mexico, the globe, and impressed the minds of the inhabitants with superstitious fears and forebodings; or whether it was an imagination accidentally suggested by the astonishment which the first sight of a race of new men occasioned, it is impossible to determine. But as the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than any people in the new world, they were more deeply affected with the appearance of the Spaniards, whom they instantly supposed to be the instruments destined to bring about that fatal revolution which they dreaded: and this produced the embassy above-mentioned.

By means of his two interpreters, Donna Marina, and Aguilar, Cortes learned that the chiefs of the Mexican embassy were deputies from Pilpatoe and Teutle; the one governor of a province under the emperor, and the other the commander of all his forces in that province: the purport of their embassy was, to inquire what his intentions were in visiting their coasts, and to offer him what assistance he might need in order to continue his voyage. Cortes, in his turn, also professed the greatest friendship; and informed the ambassadors, that he came to propose matters of the utmost consequence to the welfare of the prince and his kingdom; which he would more fully unfold in person to the governor and the general. Next morning, Cortes lands without waiting for any answer, he landed his troops, and fortifies his horses, and his artillery; began to erect huts for his camp, men, and to fortify his camp. The natives, instead of opposing the entrance of these fatal guests into their country, assisted them in all their operations, with an alacrity which they had ere long reason to repent.

The next day the ambassadors had a formal audience; at which Cortes acquainted them, that he came from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, the greatest monarch of the east, and was intrusted with propositions of such moment, that he would impart them to none but the emperor himself, and therefore required to be conducted immediately to the capital. This demand immediately produced the greatest uneasiness; and the ambassadors did all in their power to endeavour to dissuade Cortes from his design, endeavouring to conciliate his good-will by the presents sent him by going to Montezuma. These they introduced with great parade, and consisted of fine cotton-cloth, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments of gold and silver to a considerable value, the workmanship of which appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich. But these presents served only to excite the avidity of the Spaniards, and to increase their desire for becoming masters of a country which abounded with so many precious commodities. Cortes indeed could scarcely refrain himself so far as to hear the arguments made use of by the ambassadors to dissuade him from going to the capital; and, in a haughty, determined tone, insisted on his former demand of being admitted to a personal interview with their sovereign.

During this conversation, some painters in the retinue of the Mexican chiefs had been diligently employed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, horses, artillery, soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes as singular. When Cortes observed this, and was informed that these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma, he resolved to render the representation still more striking and interesting. The trumpets, by his orders, sounded an alarm; the troops... Mexico. troops formed in order of battle, and showed their agility and strength in the best manner they could; while the artillery was pointed against the neighboring trees, among which it made dreadful havoc. The Indians, for some time looked on with silent astonishment; but at the explosion of the cannon, some fled, others fell to the ground, and all were so confounded, that Cortes found it difficult to quiet and compose their minds.

When the painters had exerted their utmost efforts in representing all these wonderful things, messengers were immediately dispatched to Montezuma with the pictures, and a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival of the Spaniards, together with some European curiosities to Montezuma; which, though of no great value, Cortes believed would be acceptable on account of their novelty. The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain the earliest information of every occurrence in all parts of their empire, had couriers posted at proper stations along the principal roads; and as these were trained to agility by a regular education, they conveyed intelligence with surprising rapidity. Though the city in which Montezuma resided was above 180 miles from St Juan de Ulúa, Cortes's messengers were carried thither, and an answer returned to his demands, in a few days. As the answer was unfavourable, Montezuma had endeavored to mollify the Spanish general by the richness of his presents. These consisted of the manufactures of the country; cotton-stuffs so fine, and of such delicate texture, as to resemble silk; pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with feathers of different colours, disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly attracted their attention, were two large plates of circular form; one of massive gold representing the sun, the other of silver representing the moon. These were accompanied with bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold; and that nothing might be wanting which could give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the country afforded, some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold unwrought, as they had been found in the mines or rivers, were sent along with the rest. Cortes received all with an appearance of the most profound respect for Montezuma; but when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, informed him, that their master, though he desired him to accept of what he had sent as a token of his regard for the prince whom he represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue longer in his dominions. Cortes declared, in a manner more resolute and peremptory than formerly, that he must insist on his first demand; as he could not, without dishonor, return to his own sovereign until he was admitted into the presence of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in his name. The Mexicans were astonished at the sight of a man who dared to oppose the will of their emperor; but not being willing to come to an open rupture with such formidable enemies, with much ado they prevailed upon Cortes to promise that he would not move from his present camp until the return of a messenger whom they sent to Montezuma for further instructions.

The pusillanimity of the Indian monarch afforded time to the Spaniards to take measures which would have been out of their power had they been vigorously attacked on their first refusal to obey his orders. Cortes tried every method of securing the affections of the soldiers; which indeed was very necessary, as many of them began to exclaim against the rashness of his attempt in leading them against the whole force of the Mexican empire. In a short time Teutele Montecarrived with another present from Montezuma, and together with it delivered the ultimate orders of that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions; and when Cortes, instead of complying with his demands, his commands renewed his request of audience, the Mexican immediately left the camp with strong marks of surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives appeared; all friendly correspondence seemed to be at an end, and hostilities were expected to commence every moment. A sudden conflagration ensued among the Spaniards, and a party was formed against him by the adherents of Velazquez; who took advantage of the occasion, and deplored one of their number, a principal officer, to remonstrate, as if in name of the whole army, against his rashness, and to urge the necessity of his returning to Cuba. Cortes received the message without any appearance of emotion; and as he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiery, and foretold how they would receive a proposition so fatal to all the splendid hopes and schemes which they had been forming with such complacency, he pretended to comply with the request now made him, and issued orders that the army should be in readiness next day to embark for Cuba. Upon hearing this, the troops, as Cortes had expected, were quite outrageous; they positively refused to comply with these orders, and threatened immediately to choose another general if Cortes continued to insist on their departure.

Our adventurer was highly pleased with the disposition which now appeared among his troops; nevertheless, dissembling his sentiments, he declared, that his orders for embarking had proceeded from a persuasion that it was agreeable to his fellow-soldiers, to whose opinion he had sacrificed his own; but now he acknowledged his error, and was ready to resume his original plan of operation. This speech was highly applauded; and Cortes, without allowing his men time to cool, set about carrying his designs into execution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by founded, their suffrages elected a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. The persons chosen were most firmly attached to Cortes; and the new settlement had the name of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz; that is, the rich town of the true cross.

Before this court of his own making, Cortes did not hesitate at relinquishing all his authority, and was immediately re-elected chief-justice of the colony, and captain-general of its army, with an ample commission, in the king's name, to continue in force till the new royal pleasure should be farther known. The soldiers eagerly ratified their choice by loud acclamations; and Cortes, now considering himself as no longer accountable to any subject, began to assume a much greater degree of dignity, and to exercise more extensive powers, than he had done before. Some of the soldiers began to exclaim against the proceedings of the council as illegal; but the ringleaders were instantly Mexico. stantly sent on board the fleet loaded with irons. By this timely severity the rest were overawed; and Cortes, knowing of how great importance unanimity was to his future success, soon found means to reconcile those who were most disaffected; to which purpose a liberal distribution of the Mexican gold, both among friends and foes, contributed not a little.

Cortes, having thus strengthened himself as well as he could, resolved to advance into the country; and to this he was encouraged by the behaviour of the cacique or petty prince of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance. This prince, though subject to Montezuma, was exceedingly impatient of the yoke; and so filled with dread and hatred of the emperor, that nothing could be more acceptable to him than an appearance of being delivered from that subjection; and a deliverance of this kind he now hoped from the Spaniards. For this reason he sent ambassadors to Cortes, with offers of friendship, which were gladly accepted by him; and in consequence of the alliance, he very soon visited Zempoalla. Here he was received in the most friendly manner imaginable, and had a respect paid towards him almost equivalent to adoration. The cacique informed him of many particulars relating to the character of Montezuma.—He told him, that he was a tyrant, haughty, cruel, and suspicious; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered provinces by his extortions, and often tore their sons and daughters from them by violence; the former to be offered as victims to his gods, the latter to be reserved as concubines for himself and favourites. Cortes, in reply, artfully insinuated, that one great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country so remote from their own was, to redress grievances, and to relieve the oppressed; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, continued his march to Quiaibilan, the territory of another cacique, and where, by the friendly aid of the Indians, a Spanish colony was soon formed.

During the residence of Cortes in these parts, he so far wrought on the minds of the caciques of Zempoalla and Quiaibilan, that they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which they had been formerly accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of human victims, as an expiation of their guilt in presuming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave his dominions; instead of obeying his orders, they made them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and, as their superstition was no less barbarous than Montezuma's, they threatened to sacrifice them to their gods. From this last danger, however, they were delivered by the intervention of Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at the mention of such a deed. This act of rebellion firmly attached the two caciques to the interest of Cortes; and without hesitation they acknowledged themselves vassals of the king of Spain. Their example was followed by the Totonaques, a fierce people who inhabited the mountainous parts of the country. They willingly subjected themselves to the crown of Castile; and offered to accompany Cortes with all their forces in his march towards Mexico.

Though Cortes had now taken such measures as in a manner ensured his success; yet, as he had thrown off all dependence on the governor of Cuba, who was his lawful superior, and apprehended his interest at court, he thought proper, before he set out on his intended expedition, to take the most effectual measures against the impending danger. With this view, he persuaded the magistrates of his colony to address a letter to the king, containing a pompous account of Villa Rica and their own services, of the country they had discovered, and of the motives which had induced them to throw off their allegiance to the governor of Cuba, Spain in and to settle a colony dependent on the crown alone, favour of which the supreme power civil as well as military Cortes, had been vested in Cortes; humbly requesting their sovereign to ratify what had been done by his royal authority. Cortes himself wrote in a similar strain; but as he knew that the Spanish court, accustomed to the repeated exaggerations of American adventurers, would give little credit to the splendid accounts of New-Spain, if they were not accompanied with such a specimen of what it contained as would excite an high idea of its opulence, he solicited his soldiers to relinquish what they might claim as their part of the treasures which had hitherto been collected, in order that the whole might be sent to the king. Portocarrero and Montejo, the chief magistrates of the colony, were appointed to carry this present to Calatife, with express orders not to touch at Cuba in their passage thither. But while a vessel was preparing for their departure, an unexpected event produced a general alarm. Some soldiers and sailors, secretly disaffected to Cortes, formed a design of seizing one of the brigantines, and making their escape to Cuba, in order to give such intelligence to the governor, as might enable him to intercept the vessel which was to carry the treasure and dispatches to Spain. This conspiracy was conducted with profound secrecy; but at the moment when every thing was ready for execution, the secret was discovered by one of the associates. The latent spirit of disaffection which Cortes now was too well convinced had not been extinguished amongst his troops, gave him very great uneasiness. The only method which he could think of to prevent such conspiracies for the future was, to destroy his fleet; and thus deprive his soldiers of every resource except that of conquest: and with this proposal he persuaded his men to comply. With universal consent therefore the ships were drawn ashore, and, after being stripped of their sails, rigging, iron-work, and whatever else might be of use, they were broke in pieces.

Cortes having thus rendered it necessary for his troops to follow wherever he chose to lead, began his march from Zempoalla with 500 infantry, 15 horse, and six field-pieces. The rest of his troops, consisting chiefly of such as from age or infirmity were less fit for active service, he left as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his interest. The cacique of Zempoalla supplied him with provisions; and with 200 of those Indians called Tamames, whose office, in a country where tame animals were unknown, was to carry carry burdens, and perform all manner of servile labour. He offered likewise a considerable body of troops; but Cortes was satisfied with 400; taking care, however, to choose persons of such note, that they might serve as hostages for the fidelity of their master.

Nothing memorable happened till the Spaniards arrived on the confines of the republic of Tlascalca. The inhabitants of that province were warlike, fierce, and revengeful, and had made considerable progress in agriculture and some other arts. They were implacable enemies to Montezuma; and therefore Cortes hoped that it would be an easy matter for him to procure their friendship. With this view, four Zempoalans of high rank were sent ambassadors to Tlascalca, dressed with all the badges of that office usual among the Indians. The senate were divided in their opinions with regard to the proposals of Cortes: but at last, Magificatzin, one of the oldest senators, and a person of great authority, mentioned the tradition of their ancestors, and the revelations of their priests; that a race of invincible men, of divine origin, who had power over the elements, should come from the east to subdue their country. He compared the resemblance which the strangers bore to the persons figured in the tradition of Mexico, their dominion over the elements of fire, air, and water; he reminded the senate of their prodigies, omens, and signals, which had lately terrified the Mexicans, and indicated some very important event; and then declared his opinion, that it would be rashness to oppose a force apparently assisted by heaven, and men who had already proved, to the sad experience of those who opposed them, that they were invincible. This orator was opposed by Xicotencal, who endeavoured to prove that the Spaniards were at best but powerful magicians; that they had rendered themselves obnoxious to the gods by pulling down their images and altars, (which indeed Cortes had very imprudently done at Zempoalla); and of consequence, that they might easily be overcome, as the gods would not fail to resent such an outrage. He therefore voted for war, and advised the crushing of these invaders at one blow.

The advice of Xicotencal prevailed; and in consequence of it, the ambassadors were detained; which giving Cortes the alarm, he drew nearer the city of Tlascalca. In this transaction we may easily see how little the Tlascalans, notwithstanding all their ferocity, were skilled in military affairs. They suffered Cortes, with his army drawn up in good order, to pass a strong wall between two mountains, which might have been very advantageously defended against him. He had not advanced far beyond this pass, however, before a party of Tlascalans with plumes were discovered, which denoted that an army was in the field. These he drove before him by a detachment of six horse, obliged them to join another party, and then reinforcing the advanced detachment, charged the enemy with such vigour that they began to retire. Five thousand Tlascalans, whom Xicotencal had placed in ambush, then rushed out of their hiding places, just as the infantry came up to assist their slender body of cavalry. The enemy attacked with the utmost fury; but were so much disconcerted by the first discharge of the firearms, that they retreated in confusion, furnishing the Spaniards with an opportunity of pursuing them with great slaughter. Cortes, however, supposing that this could not be their whole force, advanced with the utmost caution, in order of battle, to an eminence, from whence he had a view of the main body of the Tlascalan army commanded by Xicotencal, consisting of no fewer than 40,000 men. By these the small army of Cortes was entirely surrounded; which Xicotencal no sooner perceived, than he contracted the circle with incredible diligence, while the Spaniards were almost overwhelmed with showers of arrows, darts, and stones. It is impossible but in this case many of the Spaniards must have perished, had it not been for the insufficiency of the Indian weapons. Their arrows and spears were headed only with flint, or the bones of fishes; their stakes hardened in the fire, and wooden swords, though destructive weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside by the Spanish bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the quilted jackets which the soldiers wore. These circumstances gave the Spaniards a prodigious advantage over them; and therefore, the Tlascalans notwithstanding their valour and superiority in number, could accomplish no more in the present instance, than to kill one horse, and slightly wound nine soldiers.

The Tlascalans being taught by this, and some subsequent encounters, how much they were inferior to the Spaniards, began to conceive them to be really what Magificatzin had said; a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not prevail. In this extremity they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the causes of such extraordinary events, and to declare what means they should take to repel such formidable invaders. The priests, after many sacrifices and incantations, delivered their response, That these strangers were the offspring of the sun, proceeded by his animating energy in the regions of the east; that, by day, while cherished with the influence of his parental beams, they were invincible; but by night, when his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour declined and faded like herbs in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans acted in contradiction to one of their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy in the night-time, hoping to destroy them when enfeebled and surprised. But the Spanish sentinels having observed some extraordinary movements among the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. Immediately the troops were under arms, and falling out, defeated their antagonists with great slaughter, without allowing them to approach the camp. By this defeat and after the Tlascalans were heartily disposed to peace; but they were at a loss to form an adequate idea of peace, the enemies they had to deal with. They could not ascertain the nature of these surprising beings, or whether they were really of a benevolent or malignant disposition. There were circumstances in their behaviour which seemed to favour each opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of peace after every victory; this lenity amazed people accustomed to the exterminating system of war known in America, and who sacrificed and devoured without mercy all the captives taken in battle; and Mexico, and disposed them to entertain sentiments favourable to their humanity. But, on the other hand, as Cortes had seized 50 of their countrymen who brought provisions to their camp, and cut off their heads; this bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful ideas of their ferocity. Accordingly they addressed them in the following manner: "If, (said they), you are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, here is meat, bread, and fruit, to nourish you." After this address, the peace was soon concluded, to the great satisfaction of both parties. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in all his operations; while he took the republic under his protection, and promised to defend their persons and possessions from injury and violence.

This reconciliation took place at a very seasonable juncture for the Spaniards. They were not only worn out with incessant toil, but to destitute of necessaries, that they had no other salve to dress their wounds but what was composed of the fat of Indians whom they had slain. Their distresses, in short, were arisen to such an height that they had begun to murmur, and even to despair, inasmuch that Cortes had much difficulty in restraining them within any kind of bounds; but the submission of the Tlascalans, and their own triumphant entry into the city, where they were received with the reverence due to a superior order of beings, banished at once all memory of past sufferings, dispelled every anxious thought, and fully convinced them that they could not be baffled by any power in America.

Cortes left no method untried to gain the favour and confidence of the Tlascalans; which, however, he had almost entirely lost, by his untimely zeal in destroying their idols as he had done those of Zempoalla. But he was deterred from this rash action by his chaplain, father Bartholomew de Olmedo; and left the Tlascalans in the undisturbed exercise of their superstition, requiring only that they should desist from their horrid practice of offering human victims. As soon as his troops were fit for service, he resolved to continue his march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Tlascalans, who looked upon his destruction as unavoidable if he put himself into the power of such a faithless prince as Montezuma. But the emperor, probably intimidated with the fame of his exploits, had resolved to admit his visit; and informed Cortes that he had given orders for his friendly reception at Cholula, the next place of any consequence on the road to Mexico. In this, however, he was by no means sincere. Cholula was looked upon by all the inhabitants of the empire as a very holy place; the sanctuary and chief seat of their gods, to which pilgrims resorted from every province, and a greater number of human victims were offered in its principal temple than even in that of Mexico. Montezuma therefore invited the Spaniards thither, either from some superstitious hope that the gods would not suffer this sacred mansion to be desecrated; or from a belief, that he himself might there find an opportunity of cutting them off with more certainty of success, when under the immediate protection of his gods. Cortes, however, was received with much seeming cordiality; but 6000 Tlascalan troops who accompanied him were obliged to remain without the town, as the Cholulans refused to admit their ancient enemies within their precincts. Yet two of these, by disguising themselves, got into the city, and acquainted Cortes that they observed the women and children belonging to the principal citizens retiring every night in a great hurry, and that six children had been sacrificed in the great temple; a sign that some warlike enterprise was at hand. At the same time Donna Marina, the interpreter, received information from an Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained, that the destruction of the Spaniards was concerted; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near the town; that some of the streets were barricaded, in others deep pits or trenches were dug, and slightly covered over, as traps into which the horse might fall; that stones and missile weapons were collected on the tops of the temples, with which to overwhelm the infantry; that the fatal hour was already at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. Cortes, alarmed at this news, secretly arrested three of the chief priests, from whom he extorted a confession that confirmed the intelligence he had already received. As not a moment was to be lost, he instantly resolved to prevent his enemies, and to inflict on them such dreadful vengeance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. For this purpose the Spaniards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large court, which had been allotted for their quarters, near the centre of the town; the Tlascalans had orders to advance; the magistrates and chief citizens were sent for under various pretexts, and seized. On a signal given, the troops rushed out, and fell upon the multitude, destitute of leaders, and so much astonished, that the weapons dropped from their hands, and they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. While the Spaniards attacked them in front, the Tlascalans did the same in the rear; the streets were filled with slaughter; the temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests and some leading men, were set on fire, and they perished in the flames. This scene of horror continued two days; during which the wretched inhabitants suffered all that the destructive rage of the Spaniards, or the implacable revenge of their Indian allies, could inflict. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of 6000 Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then released the magistrates; and reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offence; but required them to recall the inhabitants who had fled, and re-establish order in the town. Such was the ascendancy that the Spaniards had now obtained over this superstitious race, that this order was instantly complied with; and the city was in a few days again filled with people, who paid the most respectful service to those men whose hands were stained with the blood of their relations and fellow-citizens.

From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico; and throughout the whole of his journey was entertained with accounts of the oppressions and cruelty of Montezuma. This gave him the greatest hope of accomplishing his design; as he now perceived that the empire was entirely divided, and no sort of unanimity prevailed among them. No enemy appeared to check his progress. Montezuma was quite irresolute; and Cortes was almost at the gates of the capital, before the emperor had determined whether to receive him as a friend, or oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuations of Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march to Mexico, with great circumvention and strictest discipline, though without seeming to suspect the prince whom they were about to visit.

When they drew near the city, about 1000 persons, who appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the mode deemed most respectful and submissive in their country. They announced the approach of Montezuma himself, and soon after his harbingers came in sight. There appeared first 200 persons in an uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in deep silence, barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank, in their most showy apparel; in the midst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold, and feathers of various colours. Four of his principal favourites carried him on their shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head. Before him marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at certain intervals; and at that signal all the people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted, advancing towards him with officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same time Montezuma alighted from his chair, and leaning on the arms of two of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately pace, his attendants covering the street with cotton cloths, that he might not touch the ground. Cortes accosted him with profound reverence, after the European fashion. He returned the salutation, according to the mode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kissing it. This ceremony, the customary expression of reverence from inferiors towards those who are above them in rank, appeared such amazing condescension in a proud monarch, who scarcely deigned to consider the rest of mankind as of the same species with himself, that all his subjects firmly believed those persons, before whom he humbled himself in this manner, to be something more than human. Accordingly, as they marched through the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, and with much satisfaction, heard themselves denominated teules, or divinities. Nothing material passed in this first interview. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had prepared for his reception; and immediately took leave of him, with a politeness not unworthy of a court more refined.

"You are now, (says he), with your brothers, in your own house; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The place allotted to the Spaniards for their lodging was a house built by the father of Montezuma. It was surrounded by a stone-wall, with towers at proper distances, which served for defence as well as for ornament; and its apartments and courts were so large as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The first care of Cortes was to take precautions for his security, by planting the artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by appointing a large division of his troops to be always on guard, and by posting sentinels at proper stations, with injunctions to observe the same vigilant discipline as if they were within sight of an enemy's camp.

In the evening Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same pomp as in their first interview; and brought presents of such value, not only to Cortes and to his officers, but even to the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of his kingdom. A long conference ensued, in which Cortes learned what was the opinion of Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tradition, he told him, among the Mexicans, that their ancestors came originally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces now subject to his dominion; that after they were settled there, the great captain who conducted this colony returned to his own country, promising, that at some future period his descendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform their constitutions and laws; that, from what he had heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he was convinced that they were the very persons whose appearance and prophecies taught them to expect; that accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as relations of the same blood and parentage, and desired that they might consider themselves as masters in his dominions; for both himself and his subjects should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their wishes. Cortes made a reply in his usual style with respect to the dignity and power of his sovereign, and his intention in sending him into that country; artfully endeavouring so to frame his discourse, that it might coincide as much as possible with the idea which Montezuma had formed concerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some of his principal attendants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city; the appearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and yet so little resembling the structure of an European city, filled them with surprise and admiration.

Mexico, Tenochtitlan, as it was anciently called Description: by the natives, is situated in a large plain, environed of the city by mountains of such height, that though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends from the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largest of which, of about 90 miles in circuit, communicate with each other. The waters of the one are fresh, those of the others brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets, formed of stones and earth, about 30 feet in breadth. As the waters of the lake, during the rainy season, overflowed the flat country, these causeways were of Mexico.

considerable length. That of Tacuba on the west a mile and a half; that of Tezcuco on the north-west three miles; that of Cuoyacan towards the south six miles. On the east there was no causeway, and the city could be approached only by canoes. In each of these causeways were openings, at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed; and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, the causeway or street had everywhere an uniform appearance. As the approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. Not only the temple of their gods, but the houses belonging to the monarch and to persons of distinction, were of such dimensions, that, in comparison with any other buildings which had been discovered in America, they might be termed magnificent. The habitations of the common people were mean, resembling the huts of other Indians. But they were all placed in a regular manner, on the banks of the canals which passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the streets which intersected it in other quarters. In several places were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to have been so spacious, that 40,000 or 50,000 persons carried on traffic there. In this city, the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and art of man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, and destitute of aid from any domestic animal, the Spaniards, who are most moderate in their computations, reckon that there were at least 60,000 inhabitants.

But how much sooner the novelty of those objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. From a concurrence of circumstances, no less unexpected than favourable to their progress, they had been allowed to penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom, and were now lodged in its capital, without having once met with open opposition from its monarch. The Tlascalans, however, had earnestly dissuaded them from placing such confidence in Montezuma as to enter a city of such a peculiar situation as Mexico, where that prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were in a snare, from which it was impossible to escape. They assured him that the Mexican priests had, in the name of the gods, counselled their sovereign to admit the strangers into the capital, that he might cut them off there at one blow with perfect security. The Spaniards now perceived, too plainly, that the apprehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation; that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, or by destroying part of the causeways themselves, their retreat would be rendered impracticable; and they must remain cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, indeed, received them with distinguished respect. But ought they to reckon upon this as real, or to consider it as feigned? Even if it were sincere, could they promise on its continuance? Their safety depended upon the will of a monarch in whose attachment they had no reason to confide; and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word uttered by him in passion, might decide irrevocably concerning their fate.

These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the Mexico, meanest soldier, did not escape the vigilant sagacity of their general. Before he set out from Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa Rica, that Qualities between the popoca, one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, Spaniards having assembled an army in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged to cast off the Mexican yoke, Escalante had marched out with part of the garrison to support his allies; that an engagement had ensued, in which, though the Spaniards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been surrounded by the enemy and taken alive; that the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to convince the people that their invaders were not immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in the superior valour and discipline of his troops, as well as from the disadvantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown country but the defective intelligence which he received from people with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed forward into a situation, where it was difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the certain consequence of attempting the latter. The success of his enterprise depended upon supporting the high opinion which the people of New Spain had formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptoms of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would let loose upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, he knew that the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories; and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could screen his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these considerations, it was necessary to maintain his station, and to extricate himself out of the difficulties in which one bold step had involved him, by venturing upon another still bolder. The situation was trying, but his mind was equal to it; and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a plan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to seize Montezuma in Cortes' palace, and carry him a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. From the superstitions veneration of the Mexicans for the person of their monarch, as well as his palace, their implicit submission to his will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his power, to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs; or at least, with such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their violence.

This he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid started at a measure so audacious, and raised objections. The more intelligent and resolute, convinced that it was the only resource in which there appeared any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their companions to cordially take the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Saucedo, Mexico. Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Davila, five of his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but sauntering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity; small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets leading from the Spanish quarters to the court; and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan allies, were under arms, ready to fall out on the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants were admitted without suspicion; the Mexicans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very different from that which he had employed in former conferences; reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded public reparation for the loss which he had sustained by the death of some of his companions, as well as for the insult offered to the great prince whose servants they were. Montezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, and changing colour either from the consciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which he was treated, affected his own innocence with great earnestness; and, as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Qualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with seeming complaisance, that a declaration so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own mind; but that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions against them, unless, as an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he removed from his own palace and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of motion. At length he haughtily answered, "That persons of his rank were not accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners; and were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be offered to their sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured alternately to soothe and intimidate him. The altercation became warm; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, "Why waste more time in vain? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw both; and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request.

His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters. When it was known that the strangers were conveying away the emperor, the people broke out into the wildest transports of grief and rage, threatening the Spaniards with immediate destruction, as the punishment justly due to their impious audacity. But as soon as Montezuma appeared with a seeming gaiety of countenance, and waved his hand, the tumult was hushed; and upon his declaring it to be of his own choice that he went to reside for some time among his new friends, the multitude, taught to revere every intimation of their sovereign's pleasure, quietly dispersed.

The Spaniards at first pretended to treat Montezuma with great respect; but soon took care to let him know that he was entirely in their power. Cortes wished that the shedding the blood of a Spaniard should appear the most heinous crime that could be committed; and therefore not only took a most exemplary vengeance on those who had been concerned in the affair of Villa Rica, but even put the emperor himself in chains till the execution of the Mexican general was over. By these, and other insults, he at last gained entirely the ascendant over this unhappy monarch; and he took care to improve his opportunity to the utmost. He sent his emissaries into different parts of the kingdom, accompanied with Mexicans of distinction, who might serve both to guide and to protect them. They visited most of the provinces, viewed their soil and productions, surveyed with particular care the districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched upon several places as proper for future colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people for submitting to the Spanish yoke: and while they were thus employed, Cortes, in the name and by the authority of Montezuma, degraded some of the principal officers in the empire, whose abilities or independent spirit excited his jealousy; and substituted in their place persons who he imagined would be more obsequious. One thing, however, was still wanting to complete his security. He wished to have such a command of the lake as might ensure a retreat, if, either from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms against him, and break down the bridges or causeways, in order to inclose him in the city. In order to obtain this without giving disgust to the emperor or his court, Cortes artfully inflamed the curiosity of the Indians with accounts of the Spanish shipping, and those floating palaces that moved with such velocity on the water, without the assistance of oars; and when he found that the monarch himself was extremely desirous of seeing such a novelty, he gave him to understand, that nothing was wanting to his gratification besides a few necessaries from Vera Cruz, for that he had workmen in his army capable of building such vessels. The bait took with Montezuma; and he gave immediate orders that all his people should assist Cortes in whatever he should direct concerning the shipping. By this means, in a few days, two brigantines were got ready, full-rigged and equipped; and Montezuma was invited on board, to make the first trial of their failing, of which he could form no idea. Accordingly he embarked for this purpose, and gave orders for a great hunting upon the water, in order that all his people might be diverted with the novelty presented by the Spaniards. On the day appointed, the royal equipage was ready early in the morning; and the lake was covered with a multitude of boats and canoes loaded with people. The Mexicans had augmented the number of their rowers on board the royal barges, with an intention to disgrace the Spanish vessels, which they regarded as clumsy, unwieldy, and heavy. But they were soon undeceived; a fresh gale started up, the brigantines hoisted sail, to the utter astonishment of all the spectators, and soon left all the canoes behind; while the monarch monarch exulted in the victory of the Spaniards, without once considering that now he had effectually riveted his own chains.

Cortes having obtained this important point, resolved to put the condemnation of the emperor to a trial still more severe. He urged Montezuma to acknowledge himself a vassal to the crown of Calixte; to hold his crown of him as superior, and to subject his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With this requisition, humiliating as it was, Montezuma complied. He called together the chief men of his empire, and, in a solemn harangue, reminded them of the traditions and prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people sprung from the same stock with themselves, in order to take possession of the supreme power; he declared his belief that the Spaniards were this promised race; and that therefore he recognized the right of their monarch to govern the Mexican empire, would lay his crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. While uttering these words, Montezuma discovered how deeply he was affected in making such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted his discourse. The first mention of such a resolution struck the assembly dumb with astonishment. This was followed by a sudden murmur of sorrow mingled with indignation; which indicated some violent eruption of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes foresaw, and feebly interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had no intention to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any innovation upon the constitution and laws of the Mexican empire. This assurance, added to their dread of the Spanish arms, and the authority of their monarch's example, extorted the consent of the assembly; and the act of submission and homage was executed with all the formalities which the Spaniards pleased to prescribe.

Montezuma, at the request of Cortes, accompanied this profession of fealty and homage with a magnificent present to his new sovereign; and, after his example, his subjects brought in very liberal contributions. The Spaniards then collected all the treasure which had been either voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his people under various pretences; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of these, without including jewels and ornaments of various kinds, which were preferred on account of their curious workmanship, amounted to 600,000 pesos. The soldiers were impatient to have it divided; and Cortes complied with their desire. A fifth of the whole was set apart as the tax due to the king. Another fifth was allowed to Cortes, as commander. The sums advanced by the governor of Cuba, who had originally fitted out the expedition, were then deducted. The remainder was then divided among the army, including the garrison of Vera Cruz, in proportion to their different ranks; and after so many deductions, the share of a private man did not exceed 100 pesos. This sum fell so far below their sanguine expectations, that it required all the address, and no small exertions of the liberality of Cortes to prevent an open mutiny. However, he at last restored tranquillity; but had no sooner escaped this danger, than he involved himself, by his imprudent zeal for religion, in one much worse. Montezuma, though often importuned, had obstinately refused to change his religion, or abolish the superstitious rites which had been for such a long time practised throughout his dominions. This at last transported Cortes at the Spaniard with such rage, that, in a fit of transports, zeal, he led out his soldiers in order to throw down the idols in the great temple by force. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and the people crowding with great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence overruled his zeal; and induced him to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mary.

From this moment the Mexicans began to meditate which the expulsion or the destruction of the Spaniards. The priests and leading men held frequent meetings with Montezuma for this purpose. But as any violent attempt might have proved fatal to the captive monarch, it was thought proper first to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. This unexpected requisition, as well as the manner in which it was delivered, alarmed Cortes. However, he supposed that more might be gained by a feigned compliance than by open resistance; and therefore replied with great composure, that he had already begun to prepare for his return; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable; and a number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work.

Cortes flattered himself that, during this interval, he might either find means to avert the threatened danger, or receive such reinforcements as would enable him to defend himself. Nine months had now elapsed since Portocarrero and Montejo had sailed with his dispatches to Spain; and he daily expected a return with a confirmation of his authority from the king, without which all that he had done served only to mark him out as an object of punishment. While he remained in great anxiety on this account, news were brought that some ships had appeared on the coast. These were imagined by Cortes to be a reinforcement sent him from Spain; but his joy was of short continuance, for a courier very soon arrived from Vera Cruz, with certain information that the armament was fitted out by Velazquez, the governor of Cuba; and instead of bringing succours, threatened them with immediate destruction.

Velazquez had been excited to this hostile measure chiefly through the indiscretion, or rather treachery, of the messengers of Cortes; who, contrary to his express injunctions, had landed on the island of Cuba, and given intelligence of all that had passed; and Velazquez, transported with rage at hearing of the proceedings of Cortes, had now sent against him this armament; consisting of 8 ships, which carried 80 horsemen, 800 infantry, of which 80 were musketeers, and 120 cross-bowmen, commanded by a brave officer named Pamphilo de Narvaez; whose instructions were, to seize Cortes and his principal officers, to send them prisoners. prisoners to him, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. This proved a most afflicting piece of news to Cortes. However, thinking it imprudent to attempt anything against his countrymen at first by force, he sent his chaplain, Olmedo, with proposals of accommodation. Narvaez rejected his proposals with scorn; but his followers were less violent in their resentments. Olmedo delivered many letters to them, either from Cortes himself, or from his officers, their ancient friends and companions. These Cortes had artfully accompanied with presents of rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of value; which inspired those needy adventurers with high ideas of the wealth he had acquired, and with envy of the good fortune of those who were engaged in his service. Some, from hopes of becoming sharers in these rich spoils, declared for an immediate accommodation; while others were for the same pacific measure, through fear of subverting the Spanish power entirely in a country where it was so imperfectly established. Narvaez disregarded both; and, by a proclamation, denounced Cortes and his adherents rebels, and enemies to their country.

Cortes having now no resource but in war, left 150 men under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of great bravery, and much respected by the Mexicans, to guard the capital, and the captive emperor; while he himself marched with the remainder to meet his formidable opponent, who had taken possession of Zempoalla. Even after being reinforced by Sandoval his governor of Vera Cruz, the force of Cortes did not exceed 250 men. He hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his motions and the possibility of surprising his enemies; and as he chiefly dreaded their cavalry, he armed his soldiers with long spears; accustoming them to that deep and compact arrangement which the use of this formidable weapon enabled them to assume. As he advanced, however, he repeated his proposals of accommodation; but these being constantly rejected, and a price set upon his head, he at last attacked Narvaez in the night-time, entirely defeated and took him prisoner, obliging all his troops to own allegiance to himself.

Nothing could be more feasible than this victory, by which Cortes found his army very considerably increased; for most of the soldiers of Narvaez chose rather to follow Cortes than to return to Cuba, whither the conqueror had offered to send them if they chose. His affairs at Mexico, in the mean time, were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined; and had this decisive victory been delayed but a few days longer, he must have come too late to save his companions. A short time after the defeat of Narvaez, a courier arrived from Mexico with the disagreeable intelligence that the Mexicans had taken arms; and having seized and destroyed the two brigantines which he had built in order to secure the command of the lake, had attacked the Spaniards in their quarters, killed some, and wounded many more, burnt their magazine of provisions, and, in short, carried on hostilities with such fury, that though Alvarado and his men defended themselves with unflinching resolution, they must either be cut off by famine, or sink under the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still more alarming. On the departure of Cortes for Mexico, Zempoalla, the Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long-expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and driving out the Spaniards, was arrived; and consultations were accordingly held for bringing about both these events. The Spaniards in Mexico, conscious of their own weakness, suspected and dreaded these machinations; but Alvarado, who had neither the prudence nor the address of Cortes, took the worst method imaginable to overcome them. Instead of attempting to soothe or cajole the Mexicans, he waited the return of one of their solemn festivals, when the principal persons in the empire were dancing, according to custom, in the court of the great temple; he seized all the avenues which led to it; and, allured partly by the rich ornaments which they wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the facility of cutting off at once the authors of that conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsuspicuous of danger, and massacred a great number; none escaping, but such as made their way over the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and treacherous filled not only the city, but the whole empire, with indignation and rage; and the Mexicans immediately proceeded in the manner above-mentioned.

Cortes advanced with the utmost celerity to the relief of his distressed companions; but as he passed along, he had the mortification to find that the Spaniards were generally held in abhorrence. The principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he passed; no person of note appeared to meet him with the usual respect, nor were provisions brought to his camp as usual. Notwithstanding these signs of aversion and horror, however, the Mexicans were so ignorant of the military art, that they again permitted him to enter the capital without opposition; though it was in their power to have easily prevented him, by breaking down the bridges and causeways which led to it.

Cortes was received by his companions with the utmost joy; and this extraordinary success so far intoxicated the general himself, that he not only neglected to visit Montezuma, but expressed himself very contemptuously concerning him. These expressions being reported among the Mexicans, they all at once flew to arms, and made such a violent and sudden attack, that all the valour and skill of Cortes were scarce sufficient to repel them. This produced great uneasiness among the soldiers of Narvaez, who had imagined there was nothing to do but to gather the spoils of a conquered country. Discontent and murmurings, however, were now of no avail; they were inclosed in an hostile city, and, without some extraordinary exertions, were inevitably undone. Cortes therefore made a desperate fall; but, after exerting his utmost efforts for a whole day, was obliged to retire with the loss of 12 killed, and upwards of 60 wounded. Another fall was attempted with the like bad success, and in it Cortes himself was wounded in the hand.

The Spanish general was now thoroughly convinced of his error; and therefore betook himself to the only resource which was left; namely, to try what effect the interposition of Montezuma would have to soothe or overawe his subjects. When the Mexicans approached the next morning to renew the assault, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the Spaniards, and reduced to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace, and of the slavery of his people, advanced to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At the sight of their sovereign, whom they had been long accustomed to reverence almost as a god, the Mexicans instantly forebore their hostilities, and many prostrated themselves on the ground; but when he addressed them in favour of the Spaniards, and made use of all the arguments he could think of to mitigate their rage, they testified their resentment with loud murmurings; and at length broke forth with such fury, that before the soldiers, appointed to guard Montezuma, had time to cover him with their shields, he was wounded with two arrows, and a blow on his temple with a stone struck him to the ground. On seeing him fall, the Mexicans instantly fled with the utmost precipitation: but the unhappy monarch, now convinced that he was become an object of contempt even to his own subjects, obstinately refused all nourishment; and thus in a short time ended his days.

On the death of Montezuma, Cortes having lost all hope of bringing the Mexicans to any terms of peace, prepared for retreat. But his antagonists, having taken possession of a high tower in the great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, and placing there a garrison of their principal warriors, the Spaniards were so much exposed to their missiles, that none could stir without danger of being killed or wounded. From this post, therefore, it was necessary to dislodge them at any rate; and Juan de Escobar, with a large detachment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But Escobar, though a valiant officer, and though he exerted his utmost efforts, was thrice repulsed. Cortes, however, sensible that not only his reputation, but the safety of his army, depended on the success of this assault, caused a buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his wounded hand, and rushed with his drawn sword among the thickest of the combatants. Encouraged by the presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the charge with such vigour, that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and drove the Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. There a dreadful carnage began; when two young Mexicans of high rank, observing Cortes, as he animated his soldiers, resolved to sacrifice their own lives in order to cut off the author of so many calamities which desolated their country. They approached him in a suppliant posture, as if they intended to lay down their arms, and seizing him in a moment, hurried him towards the battlements, over which they threw themselves headlong, in hopes of dragging him along with them. But Cortes, by his strength and agility, disengaged himself from their grasp; so that the two Mexicans perished alone.

As soon as the Spaniards became masters of the tower, they set fire to it, and without further molestation continued the preparations for their retreat. This became the more necessary, as their enemies, astonished at this last effort of their valour, had now entirely changed their system of hostility; and, instead of incessant attacks, endeavoured, by barricading the streets, and breaking down the causeways, to cut off the communication of the Spaniards with the continent, and thus to starve an enemy whom they could not subdue. The first point to be determined was whether they should march out openly in the face of day, when they could discern every danger, or whether they should endeavour to retire secretly in the night. The latter was preferred, partly from hopes that the superstition of the Mexicans would prevent them from attacking them in the night, and partly from their own superstition in giving credit to the predictions of a private soldier, who pretended to astrology, and assured them of success if they retreated in this manner. Towards midnight, therefore, they began their march, in three divisions. Sandoval led the van; Pedro Alvarado and Veles Guez de Lean had the conduct of the rear; and Cortes commanded in the centre, where he placed the prisoners, among whom were a son and two daughters of Montezuma, together with several Mexicans of distinction; the artillery, baggage, and a portable bridge of timber intended to be laid over the breaches in the causeway. They marched in profound silence along the causeway which led to Tacuba, because it was shorter than any of the rest, and, lying most remote from the road towards Tlacalca and the sea-coast, had been left most entire by the Mexicans.

They reached the first breach in the causeway without molestation, hoping that their retreat was undiscovered. But the Mexicans had not only watched all their motions, but made preparations for a most formidable attack. While the Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridges in the breach, and occupied in conducting their horses and artillery along it, they were suddenly alarmed with the sound of warlike instruments, and found themselves assaulted on all sides by an innumerable multitude of enemies. Unfortunately the wooden bridge was wedged too fast in the mud by the weight of the artillery, that it was impossible to remove it. Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipitation to the second breach. The Mexicans hemmed them in on every side; and though they defended themselves with their usual courage, yet, crowded as they were in a narrow causeway, their discipline and military skill were of little avail; nor did the obscurity of the night allow them to derive much advantage from their fire-arms or the superiority of their other weapons. At last the Spaniards, overborne with the numbers of their enemies, began to give way, and in a moment the confusion was universal. Cortes, with about 100 foot-soldiers, and a few horse, forced his way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, the bodies of the dead serving to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with such as were yet capable of service, to assist his friends in their retreat. He met with part of his soldiers who had forced their way through the enemy, but found many more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or perishing in the lake; and heard the grievous lamentations of others whom the Mexicans were carrying off in triumph, to be sacrificed to the god of war.

In this fatal retreat more than one half of Cortes's army perished, together with many officers of distinction. All the artillery, ammunition, and baggage were were lost; the greater part of the horses and above 2000 Tlascalans were killed, and only a very small part of their treasure saved. The first care of the Spanish general was to find some shelter for his wearied troops; for, as the Mexicans infested them on every side, and the people of Tacuba began to take arms, he could not continue in his present station. At last he discovered a temple seated on an eminence, in which he found not only the shelter he wanted, but some provisions; and though the enemy did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, they were without much difficulty prevented from making any impression. For six days after, they continued their march through a barren, ill-cultivated, and thinly-peopled country, where they were often obliged to feed on berries, roots, and the stalks of green maize; at the same time they were harassed without intermission by large parties of Mexicans, who attacked them on all sides. On the fifth day they reached Otumba, not far from the road between Mexico and Tlascala. Early next morning they began to advance towards it, flying parties of the enemy still hanging on their rear; and amidst the insults with which they accompanied their hostilities, Donna Marina remarked, that they often exclaimed with exultation, "Go on, robbers; go to the place where you shall quickly meet the vengeance due to your crimes." The meaning of this threat the Spaniards did not comprehend, until they reached the summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, covered with a vast army as far as the eye could reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of their troops they harassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled their principal force on the other side of the lake; and marching along the road which led directly to Tlascala, posted it in the plain of Otumba, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight of this incredible multitude, which they could survey at once from the rising ground, the Spaniards were astonished, and even the boldest began to despair. But Cortes, without allowing their fears time to operate, after warning them briefly that no alternative remained but to conquer or die, led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans waited their approach with unusual fortitude; yet, such was the superiority of the Spanish discipline and arms, that the impression of this small body was irresistible; and which ever way its force was directed, it penetrated and dispersed the most numerous battalions. But while these gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another; and the Spaniards, though successful in every attack, were ready to sink under these repeated efforts, without seeing any end to their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire, which was carried before the Mexican general, advancing; and fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, he assembled a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still capable of service, and, placing himself at their head, pushed towards the standard with such impetuosity that he bore down everything before him. A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, with a stroke of his lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him to the ground. One of his followers alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards which all directed their eyes, disappeared, an universal panic struck the Mexicans; and, as if the bond which held them together had been dissolved, every ensign was lowered, each soldier threw away his weapons, and fled with precipitation to the mountains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue them far, returned to collect the spoils of the field; and these were so valuable as to be some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico; for in the enemy's army were most of their principal warriors dressed out in their richest ornaments, as if they had been marching to assured victory.

The day after this important action, (being July 8th 1520), the Spaniards entered the Tlascalan territories, where they were received with the most cordial friendship. Cortes endeavoured to avail himself of this disposition as much as possible; for which purpose he distributed among them the rich spoils taken at Otumba with such a liberal hand, that he made himself sure of obtaining from the republic whatever he should desire. He drew a small supply of ammunition, and two or three field-pieces from his stores at Vera Cruz. He dispatched an officer of confidence with four ships of Narvaez's fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military stores. And, as he knew that it would be in vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unless he could secure the command of the lake, he gave orders to prepare, in the mountains of Tlascala, materials for building 12 brigantines, so that they might be carried thither in pieces, ready to be put together, and launched when he stood in need of their service. But, in the mean time, his soldiers, alarmed at the thoughts of being exposed to such calamities a second time, presented a remonstrance to their general, in which they represented the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered forces, and formally required him to return back to Cuba. All the eloquence of Cortes could now only prevail with them to delay their departure for some time, when he promised to dismiss such as should desire it. However, this was only a pretence; for Cortes, in fact, had the conquest of Mexico as much at heart as ever. Without giving his soldiers an opportunity of caballing, therefore, he daily employed them against the people of the neighbouring provinces, who had cut off some detachments of Spaniards during his misfortunes at Mexico; and by which, as he was constantly attended with success, his men soon resumed their wonted sense of superiority.

But all the efforts of Cortes could have been of little avail, had he not unexpectedly obtained a reinforcement of Spanish soldiers. The governor of Cuba, to whom the success of Narvaez appeared an event of infallible certainty, having sent two small ships after him with new instructions, and a supply of men and military stores, the officer whom Cortes had appointed to command on the coast, artfully decoyed them into the harbour of Vera Cruz, seized the vessels, and easily persuaded the soldiers to follow the standard of a more able leader than him whom they were destined to join. Soon after, three ships of more considerable force came into the harbour separately. These belonged to... an armament fitted out by Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, who had long aimed at dividing with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing the empire of Mexico to the crown of Castile. They had, however, unadvisedly made their attempt on the northern provinces, where the country was poor, and the inhabitants fierce and warlike; so that, after a succession of disasters, they were now obliged to venture into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their countrymen; and here they also were soon persuaded to throw off their allegiance to their master, and to enlist with Cortes. About the same time a ship arrived from Spain, freighted by some private adventurers, with military stores; and the cargo was eagerly purchased by Cortes, while the crew, following the example of the rest, joined him at Tlascalá.

From these various quarters, the army of Cortes was augmented with 180 men, and 20 horses; by which means he was enabled to dismiss such of the soldiers of Narvaez as were most troublesome and discontented; after the departure of whom, he still muttered 550 infantry, of whom 80 were armed with muskets or cross-bows, 40 horsemen, and nine pieces of artillery. At the head of these, with 10,000 Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, he began his march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his fatal retreat from that city.

The Mexicans, in the mean time, had made the best preparations they could for opposing such a formidable enemy. On the death of Montezuma, his brother Quetzalcoatl was raised to the throne; and he had an immediate opportunity of shewing that he was worthy of their choice, by conducting in person those fierce attacks which obliged the Spaniards to retire from his capital. His prudence in guarding against the return of the invaders was equal to the spirit he had thrown in driving them out. He repaired what the Spaniards had ruined in the city, strengthened it with such fortifications as his people could erect; and besides filling his magazines with the usual weapons of war, gave directions to make long spears, headed with the swords and daggers which they had taken from the Spaniards, in order to annoy the cavalry. But in the midst of these preparations he was taken off by the small-pox; and Guatimozin, his nephew and son-in-law, raised to the throne.

As soon as Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he discovered various preparations to obstruct his progress. But his troops forced their way with little difficulty; and took possession of Tezcoco, the second city of the empire, situated on the banks of the lake, about 20 miles from Mexico. Here he determined to establish his head-quarters, as the most proper station for launching his brigantines, as well as for making his approaches to the capital. In order to render his residence there more secure, he depoised the cazaque or chief, who was at the head of that community, under pretence of some defect in his title, and substituted in his place a person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the right heir of that dignity. Attached to him by this benefit, the new cazaque and his adherents served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity.

As the construction of the brigantines advanced slowly under the unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortes was obliged to employ in afflicting three or four carpenters who happened fortunately to be in his service, and as he had not yet received the reinforcement which he expected from Hispaniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms directly against the capital. To have attacked a city so populous, so well prepared for defence, and in a situation of such peculiar strength, must have exposed his troops to inevitable destruction. Three months elapsed before the materials for constructing the brigantines were finished, and before he heard any thing with respect to the success of his negotiation in Hispaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to Cortes. He attacked successively several of the towns situated around the lake; and though all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his operations, he either compelled them to submit to the Spanish crown, or reduced them to ruins. Other towns he endeavoured to conciliate by more gentle means; and though he could not hold any intercourse with the inhabitants but by the intervention of interpreters, yet, under all the disadvantage of that tedious and imperfect mode of communication, he had acquired such thorough knowledge of the state of the country, as well as of the dispositions of the people, that he conducted his negotiations and intrigues with astonishing dexterity and success. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small independent states; and none of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with impatience the rigorous yoke of their new masters. Cortes having early observed symptoms of their disaffection, availed himself of this knowledge to gain their confidence and friendship. By offering with confidence to deliver them from the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by liberal promises of more indulgent treatment if they would unite with him against their oppressors, he prevailed on the people of several considerable districts, not only to acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign, but to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army with auxiliary troops. Guatimozin, on the first appearance of defection among his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or to punish their revolt; but, in spite of his efforts, the spirit continued to spread. The Spaniards gradually acquired new allies; and with deep concern he beheld Cortes arming against his empire those very hands which ought to have been active in his defence, and ready to advance against the capital at the head of a numerous body of his own subjects.

While, by those various methods, Cortes was gradually circumscribing the Mexican power within such narrow limits that his prospect of overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh defeated by a conspiracy against his own person, and which was discovered only a short time before it was to have been executed. Though many were concerned, Cortes did not think proper to punish any more than the principal ringleader, whom he caused immediately to be hanged; and then, without allowing them leisure to ruminate on what had happened, and as the most effectual means of preventing the return of a mutinous spirit, he determined to call forth his troops immediately to action. Fortunately, a proper occasion for this occurred, without his seeming to to court it. He received intelligence, that the materials for building the brigantines were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezcuco. The command of this convoy, consisting of 200 foot-soldiers, 15 horsemen, and 2 field-pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and courage, which he manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The service was no less singular than important; the beams, the planks, the masts, the cordage, the sails, the iron-work, and all the infinite variety of articles requisite for the construction of 13 brigantines, were to be carried 60 miles over land, through a mountainous country, by people who were unacquainted with the ministry of domestic animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any work of labour. The Tlacalans furnished 8000 Tamenes, an inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed 15,000 warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval made the dispositions for their progress with great propriety, placing the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, but to accustom them to regularity and subordination. Parties of Mexicans frequently appeared hovering around them on the high grounds: but perceiving no prospect of success in attacking an enemy continually on his guard, and prepared to receive them, they did not venture to molest him; and Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezcuco, a convoy on which all the future operations of his countrymen depended.

This was followed by another event of no less moment. Four ships arrived at Vera Cruz from Hispaniola, with 200 soldiers, 80 horses, two battering cannon, and a considerable supply of ammunition and arms. Elevated with observing that all his preparatory schemes, either for recruiting his own army, or impairing the force of the enemy, had now produced their full effect, Cortes, impatient to begin the siege in form, hastened the launching of the brigantines. To facilitate this, he had employed a vast number of Indians, for two months, in deepening the small rivulet which runs by Tezcuco into the lake, and in forming it into a canal near two miles in length: and though the Mexicans, aware of his intentions, as well as of the danger which threatened them, endeavoured frequently to interrupt the labourers, or to burn the brigantines, the work was at last completed. On the 28th of April, all the Spanish troops, together with auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks of the canal; and with extraordinary military pomp, heightened and rendered more solemn by the celebration of the most sacred rites of religion, the brigantines were launched. As they fell down the canal in order, Father Olmedo blessed them, and gave each its name. Every eye followed them with wonder and hope, until they entered the lake, when they hoisted their sails, and bore away before the wind. A general shout of joy was raised; all admiring that bold inventive genius, which, by means so extraordinary, that their success almost exceeded belief, had acquired the command of a fleet, without the aid of which Mexico would have continued to fet the Spanish power and arms at defiance.

Cortes determined to attack the city from three different quarters; from Tezcuco on the east side of the lake, from Tacuba on the west, and from Cuyocan towards the south. Those towns were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and intended for their defence. He appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Cristóbal de Olid in the third; allotting to each a numerous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, who, by the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted now to 86 horsemen, and 818 foot-soldiers; of whom 118 were armed with muskets or cross-bows. Their train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and 15 field-pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with 25 Spaniards.

As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them, they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had erected for conveying water into the capital, and, by the dilapidations to which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a beginning to the calamities which they were destined to suffer. Alvarado and Olid found the towns, of which they were ordered to take possession, deserted by their inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a successful stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to assail him.

The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of brigantines, the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and dreaded. Though the brigantines, after all the labour and merit of Cortes in constructing them, were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely constructed, and manned chiefly with landmen, hardly possessed of skill enough to conduct them, they must have been objects of terror to a people unacquainted with any navigation but that of their lake, and possessed of no vessel larger than a canoe. Necessity, however, urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack; and hoping to supply by numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on boldly to the charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a breeze suddenly sprung up; in a moment the sails were spread, and the brigantines with irresistible impetuosity broke their feeble opponents, overthrew many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced the Mexicans, that the progress of the Europeans in knowledge and arts rendered their superiority greater on this new element than they had hitherto found it by land.

From that time Cortes remained master of the lake; and the brigantines not only preserved a communication between the Spaniards in their different stations, though at considerable distance from each other; but were employed to cover the causeways on each side, and keep off the canoes, when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the city. He formed the brigantines in three divisions, allotting one to each station, with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against the city with equal vigour; but in a manner very different from that whereby sieges are conducted in regular war, as might appear no less improper than singular to persons unacquainted with his situation. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and thro' the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining some decisive advantage, which might force the enemy to surrender, and terminate the war at once; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, in some measure, continually renewed; the Mexicans repairing in the night what the Spaniards had destroyed through the day, and recovering the posts from which they had driven them. But necessity prescribed this slow and untoward mode of operation. The number of his troops was so small, that Cortes durst not, with a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgment in a city where he might be surrounded and annoyed by such a multitude of enemies. The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the ill-judged confidence with which he had ventured into such a dangerous situation, was still fresh in his mind. The Spaniards, exhausted with fatigue, were unable to guard the various posts which they daily gained; and though their camp was filled with Indian auxiliaries, they durst not devolve this charge upon them, because they were so little accustomed to discipline, that no confidence could be placed in their vigilance. Besides this, Cortes was extremely solicitous to preserve the city as much as possible from being destroyed, both as he destined it to be the capital of his conquests, and wished that it might remain as a monument of his glory. From all these considerations, he adhered obstinately, for a month after the siege was opened, to the system which he had adopted. The Mexicans, in their own defence, displayed valour which was hardly inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night and by day, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the injuries of the season, the periodical rains being now set in with their usual violence.

Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of the siege, Cortes determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto followed, and had recourse to any other mode of attack. With this view, he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance with their divisions to a general assault, and took the command in person of that posted on the causeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his presence, and the expectation of some decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over the ditches and canals, and having entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget that he might still find it necessary to retreat; and in order to secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as the main body advanced. That officer deeming it inglorious to be thus employed, while his companions were in the heat of action and the career of victory, neglected the important charge committed to him, and hurried on inconsiderately to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their monarch.

Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequences of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, while he dispatched a large body of chosen warriors through different streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great breach in the causeway, which had been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests in the great temple struck the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to inspire them with contempt of death and with enthusiastic ardour, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good countenance; but as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became so general, that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops; fear rendered them regardless of his intreacies or commands. Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water; but while thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, six Mexican captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and tho' two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their own lives, he received several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above 60 Spaniards perished in the rout; and what rendered the disaster more afflicting, 40 of these fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive.

The approach of night, though it delivered the defeated Spaniards from the attacks of the enemy, ushered in, what was hardly less grievous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated; the great temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly plainly see the people in motion, and the priests bury in hastening the preparations for the death of the pri- soners. Through the gloom they fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of their skins, as they were stripped naked and compelled to dance before the image of the god to whom they were to be offered. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the well-known sound of his voice. Imagination added to what they really saw or heard, and augmented its horror. The most unfeeling melted into tears of compassion, and the stoutest heart trem- bled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld.

Cortes, who, besides all that he felt in common with his soldiers, was oppressed with the additional load of anxious reflections natural to a general on such an un- expected calamity, could not like them relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to af- fume an air of tranquillity in order to revive the spirits and hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, re- quired an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. The Mexicans, elated with their victory, fell out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacri- ficed to the leading men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days time those hated enemies should be final- ly destroyed, and peace and prosperity re-established in the empire.

A prediction, uttered with such confidence, and in terms so void of ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. The zeal of the provinces which had already declared against the Spaniards augmented, and several which had hitherto remained inactive took arms with enthusiastic ardour to execute the decrees of the gods. The Indian auxi- liaries who had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of men devoted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlaca- lan was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left al- most alone in their stations. Cortes finding that he at- tempted in vain to dispel the superstitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advantage from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy in fixing its accomplishment to near at hand, to give them a striking demonstration of his falsity. He suspen- ded all military operations during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which kept the army at a distance, his troops lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster.

His allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their station. Other tribes, judging that the gods, who had now deceived the Mexicans, had decreed fi- nally to withdraw their protection from them, joined his standard; and such was the levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impression, that, in a short time after such a general defection of his con- federates, Cortes saw himself, if we may believe his own account, at the head of 150,000 Indians. Even with such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more wary system of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to become master of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous efforts of valour as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every possible precaution against exposing his men to any calamity similar to that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the In- dians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they got possession of any part of the town, the houses were instantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their ene- mies gained ground, were hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to defend his capi- tal with obstinate resolution, and disputed every inch of ground. But the Spaniards, having not only va- ried their mode of attack, but, by orders of Cortes, having changed the weapons with which they fought, were again armed with the long Chinantlan spears, which they had employed with such success against Narvaez; and, by the firm array in which this en- abled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans: in- credible numbers of them fell in the conflicts, which they renewed every day. While war waited without, famine began to consume them within the city. The Spanish brigantines, having the entire command of the lake, rendered it impossible to receive any supply of provisions by water. The vast number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues to the city by land. The stores which Guatimozin had laid up were exhausted by the multitudes which crowd- ed into the capital, to defend their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but per- sons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of want. What they suffered brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity that visits be- sieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes.

But, under the pressure of so many and such various Guatimozin evils, the spirit of Guatimozin remained firm and un- subdued. He rejected with scorn every overture of peace from Cortes; and, disdaining the idea of submit- ting to the oppressors of his country, determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards continued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there. Three-fourths of the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. The re- maining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants who attacked it from their new station with superior advantage, and more assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, foli- citous to save the life of a monarch whom they rever- ed, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the pub- lic enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Cortes with over- tures of submission, that, while his attention was em- ployed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Guat- imozin might escape unperceived. But they made this attempt upon a leader of greater sagacity and discern- ment than to be deceived by their arts. Cortes suspec- ting their intention, and aware of what moment it was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whose vigilance he could most perfectly rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing along the lake with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Gracia Holguin, who commanded the fleetest brigantine, soon overtook them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize; and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the fullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor with the dejection of a supplicant. "I have done," said he, addressing himself to the Spanish general, "what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger," laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, "plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use."

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resitance of the Mexicans ceased; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed. Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued 75 days, hardly one of which passed without some extraordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence of a city, on the fate of which both knew that the fortune of the empire depended. As the struggle here was more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhabitants of the Old and New Worlds. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the superiority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must have relinquished the enterprise, if they had trusted for success to themselves alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By their effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to accomplish what, without such support, he would hardly have ventured to attempt. How much fewer this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, from the marvellous relations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that to simple and obvious causes which they attribute to the romantic valour of their countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendancy over unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carrying his scheme into execution.

The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this arduous enterprise, was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped by the cruel disappointment of those languine hopes which had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected from becoming masters of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, their rapaciousnesses could collect only an inconsiderable booty amidst ruins and desolation (A). Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered what remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors to be thrown into the lake. The Indian auxiliaries, while the Spaniards were engaged in conflict with the enemy, had carried off the most valuable part of the spoil. The sum to be divided among the conquerors was so small, that many of them declined to accept of the pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured and exclaimed; some against Cortes and his confidants, whom they suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large portion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock; others against Guatimozin, whom they accused of obstinacy, in refusing to discover the place where he had hidden his treasure.

Arguments, intreacies, and promises, were employed in order to soothe them; but with so little effect, that Cortes, from solicitude to check this growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed which stained the glory of all his great actions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, he subjected the unhappy monarch, together with his chief favourite, to torture, in order to force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever the refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict, with the invincible fortitude of an American warrior. His fellow-sufferer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, turned a dejected eye towards his master, which seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the high-spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, checked his weakness, by asking, "Am I now reposing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the reproach, he persevered in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a scene so horrid, refused the royal victim from the hands of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and sufferings.

The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provinces submitted one after another to the conquerors. Small detachments of Spaniards marching through them without interruption, penetrated, in different quarters, to the great Southern Ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short as well as easy passage to the East Indies, and secure to the crown of Castile all the envied wealth of those fertile regions; and the active mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for attempting this important discovery. In his after schemes, however, he was disappointed; but Mexico hath ever since remained in the hands of the Spaniards.

Mexico is almost entirely situated within the torrid Climate zone. The air is excessively warm, moist, and unwholesome, on the coasts of the North Sea. These Mexico de-

(A) The gold and silver, according to Cortes, amounted only to 120,000 pesos, Relat. 280, A. a sum far inferior to that which the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. defects of the climate are infinitely less felt on the coasts of the South Sea, and hardly at all in the inland country, which is intersected by a chain of mountains, that are supposed to be a continuation of the Cordeleras.

The quality of the soil has the same variations. The eastern part is low, marshy, overflowed in the rainy seasons, covered with impenetrable forests, and totally uncultivated. The soil on the western side is higher, of a better quality, on which there are many fields, and several houses are built upon it. In the low lands there are districts on which nature has been very liberal; but, like every country situated under the tropics, they abound more in fruits than in corn.

The population of this vast empire is not less various than its soil. Its most distinguished inhabitants are the Spaniards sent hither by the court, to fill the posts of government. They are obliged, like those in the mother-country who aspire to any ecclesiastical, civil, or military employments, to prove that there have been neither heretics, Jews, Mohammedans, nor any persons in their family who have been called before the inquisition for four generations. Merchants who are desirous of going to Mexico, as well as to other parts of America, without becoming colonists, are compelled to observe the same forms. They are also obliged to swear that they have 300 palms of merchandise, their own property, in the fleet in which they embark, and that they will not carry their wives with them. On these absurd conditions they become the principal agents of the European commerce with the Indies. Though their charter is only to continue three years, and a little longer for countries more remote, it is of great importance. To them alone belongs the right of selling, as commissioners, the major part of the cargo. If these laws were observed, the merchants stationed in the new world would be confined to dispose of what they have received on their own account.

The predilection which administration has for Spaniards born in Europe, has reduced the Spanish Creoles to acquire subordinate stations. The descendants of the companions of Cortes, and of those who came after them, being constantly excluded from all places of honour or of trust that were any way considerable, have seen the gradual decay of the power that supported their fathers. The habit of being obliged to bear that unjust contempt with which they have been treated, has at last made them become really contemptible. They have totally lost, in the vices which originate from indolence, from the heat of the climate, and from a superfluous enjoyment of all things, that firmness and that fort of pride which have ever characterized their nation. A barbarous luxury, shameful pleasures, and romantic intrigues, have enervated all the vigour of their minds, and superstition hath completed the ruin of their virtues. Blindly devoted to priests too ignorant to enlighten them by their instructions, too depraved to edify them by their example, and too mercenary to attend to both these duties of their function, they have no attachment to any part of their religion but that which enfeebles the mind, and have neglected what might have contributed to rectify their morals.

The Mestees, who constitute the third order of citizens, are held in still greater contempt. It is well known that the court of Madrid, in order to replenish a part of that dreadful vacancy which the avarice and cruelty of the conquerors had occasioned, and to regain the confidence of those who had escaped their fury, encouraged as much as possible the marriage of Spaniards with Indian women. These alliances, which became pretty common throughout all America, were particularly frequent in Mexico, where the women had more understanding and were more agreeable than in other places. The Creoles transferred to this mixed progeny the contemptuous slight they received from the Europeans. Their condition, equivocal at first, in process of time at last was fixed between the whites and the blacks.

These blacks are not very numerous in Mexico. As the natives are more intelligent, more robust, and more industrious, than those of the other colonies, they have hardly introduced any Africans except such as were required either to indulge the caprice, or perform the domestic service, of rich people. These slaves, who are much beloved by their masters, on whom they absolutely depend, who purchased them at an extravagant price, and who make them the ministers of their pleasures, take advantage of the high favour they enjoy, to oppress the Mexicans. They assume over these men, who are called free, an ascendancy which keeps up an implacable hatred between the two nations. The law has studied to encourage this aversion, by taking effectual measures to prevent all connection between them. Negroes are prohibited from having any amorous correspondence with the Indians; the men, on pain of being mutilated, the women of being severely punished. On all these accounts, the Africans, who in other settlements are enemies to Europeans, are in the Spanish Indies their warm friends.

Authority has no need of this support, at least in Mexico, where population is no longer what it was formerly. The first historians, and those who copied them, have recorded, that the Spaniards found there 10,000,000 of souls. This is supposed to have been the exaggerated account of conquerors, to exalt the magnificence of their triumph; and it was adopted, without examination, with so much the more readiness, as it rendered them the more odious. We need only trace with attention the progress of those rogues who at first defoliated these fine countries, in order to be convinced that they had not succeeded in multiplying men at Mexico and the adjacent parts, but by depopulating the centre of the empire; and that the provinces which are remote from the capital, differed in nothing from the other deserts of South and North-America. It is making a great concession, to allow that the population of Mexico has only been exaggerated one-half; for it does not now much exceed 2,000,000.

It is generally believed, that the first conquerors massacred the Indians out of wantonness, and that cruelly even the priests incited them to these acts of ferocity. Undoubtedly these inhuman soldiers frequently died hard, and certainly their fanatic missionaries did not oppose these barbarities as they ought to have done. This was not, however, The Spaniards are encouraged to prosecute the labours which these cultures require, from the happy circumstance of their having discovered iron mines, which were entirely unknown to the Mexicans, as well as some mines of a kind of copper that is hard enough to serve for implements of husbandry. All these articles, however, for want of men and industry, are merely consumed within the country.—There is only the vanilla, indigo, and cochineal, which make part of the trade of Mexico with other nations.

New-Mexico, so called because of its being discovered later than Old-Mexico, a country of America, is bounded on the north by high mountains, beyond which is a country altogether unknown; by Louisiana on the east; by New-Spain on the south; and on the west by the gulph of California, and the Rio Colorado; extending, it is said, above 100 miles from east to west, and about 900 from south to north; but the twentieth part of the country within these limits is neither cultivated nor inhabited either by Spaniards or Indians. As it lies in the midst of the temperate zone, the climate, in general, is very pleasant; the summers, though very warm, are neither sultry nor unwholesome; and the winters, though pretty sharp, are far from being insupportable, and, for the most part, clear and healthy.

The greatest encomiums are lavished on the fertility of the soil, the richness of the mines, and the variety of valuable commodities produced in this country. It is said to be beautifully diversified with fields, meadows, rising grounds, and rivers; abounding with fruit and timber-trees, turquoises, emeralds, and other precious stones, mines of gold and silver, a great variety of wild and tame cattle, fish, and fowls. Upon the whole, we may safely affirm, that New-Mexico is among the pleasankest, richest, and most plentiful countries in America, or any other part of the world. There are few great or navigable rivers in it: the most considerable are, the Rio Solado and Rio del Norte, which, with several smaller streams, fall into the gulph of Mexico. On the coast of the gulph are divers bays, ports, and creeks, which might be easily converted into excellent harbours if the Spaniards were possessed of any portion of that commercial spirit which animates the other maritime nations of Europe.

The Spanish writers tell us, that New-Mexico is inhabited by a great variety of Indian nations or tribes, totally unconnected with each other: but the principal are the Apaches, a brave, warlike, resolute people; fond of liberty, and the inveterate enemies of tyranny and oppression. About the close of the last century, thinking themselves aggrieved by the Spanish government, they made a general insurrection, and did a great deal of mischief; but were at last obliged to submit, and have since been curbed by stronger garrisons. Most of the natives are now Christians. When the Spaniards first entered this country, they found the natives well clothed, their lands cultivated, their villages neat, and their houses built with stone. Their flocks also were numerous, and they lived more comfortably than most of the other savages of America. As to religion, they were idolaters, and worshipped the sun and moon; but whether they offered human sacrifices, we are not sufficiently informed.

As to the number of the provinces of this country, Mezeray, we can advance nothing certain; some writers making them only five, others 15, 18, 20, and 25; but adding no description, either of them or the towns contained in them, excepting the capital, Santa Fé, which we are told, stands near the source of the Rio del Norte, in 36° of north latitude, and about 130 leagues from the gulph: that it is a well-built handsome, rich town; and the seat of a bishop, suffragan of Mexico, as well as of the governor of the province, who is subordinate to the viceroy of Mexico, or New-Spain.