or Tadmor, a noble city of ancient Syria, now in ruins, the origin of whose name is uncertain. Neither is it well known by whom this city was built; for though, from the identity of the names, it is thought by many to have been the Tadmor in the wilderness built by Solomon, this point is much controverted by many learned men. Nor have we any authentic history of it till after the captivity of the Roman emperor, Valerian, by the Persians. At that time it was become an opulent city, to which its situation in the vicinity of the Roman and Parthian empires greatly contributed; as the caravans, in going to or returning from the East, frequented the place, and thus rendered it a considerable seat of merchandise. It enjoyed an independency till the time of Trajan; who, having made himself master of almost all the Parthian empire, reduced Palmyra likewise, and it was afterwards accounted part of the Roman dominions. But when the defeat and captivity of Valerian had so much weakened the empire, that the Persians seemed to be in a fair way of becoming masters of all the eastern provinces, the Palmyrenians began to entertain thoughts of recovering their liberty. Odenathus, prince of Palmyra, sent a very respectful letter to Sapor on his return, accompanied with considerable presents; but by that haughty conqueror his letter and embassy were treated with the most provoking contempt. The presents were thrown into the Euphrates; and to his letter Sapor replied, That his insolence in presuming to write to his lord was inexcusable; but if he could stone for it in any way, it would be by presenting himself before the throne bound hand and foot, in token of a consciousness of his crime, and the punishment he deserved. With this injurious treatment Odenathus was so provoked, that he swore either to bring down the pride of the haughty conqueror, or die in the attempt. Accordingly, having assembled what forces he could, he fell upon the Persians, destroyed a number of them, took a great part of their baggage, and some of the king's concubines. Of the war of Odenathus with the Persians, however, we know very little: only that though the latter were often vanquished, and the independency of Palmyra established for the present; yet Valerian was never released from his captivity, tho' Odenathus earnestly wished to have the honour of rescuing him from his enemies.

Odenathus enjoyed his sovereignty but a very short time; being murdered by his nephew, who was soon after put to death by Zenobia the wife of Odenathus. This lady is said to have been possessed of extraordinary endowments both of body and mind, being, according to Mr Gibbon, almost the only Asiatic woman who is recorded to have overcome the obstacles arising from the confined situation of the fair sex in that part of the world. Immediately on taking vengeance for the murder of her husband, she assumed the government, and soon strengthened herself so much, that she resolved to submit neither to the Roman nor Persian power. The neighbouring states of Arabia, Armenia, and Persia, dreaded her enmity, and solicited her alliance. To the dominions of Odenathus, which extended from the Euphrates to the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added the inheritance of her ancestors, the populous and fertile kingdom of Egypt. The emperor Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was content, that, while he pursued the Gothic war, she should affect the dignity of the empire in the east. The conduct, however, of Zenobia, was attended with some ambiguity; nor is it unlikely that she had conceived the design of erecting an independent and hostile monarchy. She blended with the popular manners of Roman princes the stately pomp of the courts of Asia, and exacted from her subjects the same adoration that was paid to the successors of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three sons a Latin education, and often shewed them to the troops adorned with the imperial purple. For herself she reserved the diadem, with the splendid but doubtful title of Queen of the East.

When Aurelian palled over into Asia, against an adversary whose sex alone could render her an object of contempt, his presence restored obedience to the province of Bithynia, already shaken by the arms and intrigues of Zenobia. Advancing at the head of his legions, he accepted the submission of Ancyra; and was admitted into Tyana, after an obstinate siege, by the help of a perfidious citizen. The generous, too, fierce temper of Aurelian, abandoned the traitor to the rage of the soldiers; a superstitious reverence induced him to treat with lenity the countrymen of Apollonius the philosopher. Antioch was deserted on his approach; till the emperor, by his salutary edicts, recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who, from necessity rather than choice, had been engaged in the service of the Palmyrean queen. The unexpected mildness of such a conduct reconciled the minds of the Syrians, and, as far as the gates of Emefa, the wishes of the people seconded the terror of his arms.

Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she indolently permitted the emperor of the West to approach within 100 miles of her capital. The fate of the East was decided in two great battles; so similar in almost every circumstance, that we can scarcely distinguish them from each other, except by observing that the first was fought near Antioch, and the second near Emefa. In both, the queen of Palmyra animated the armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of her orders on Zaladas, who had already signalized his military talents by the conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia, consisted for the most part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry clothed in complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were unable to sustain the ponderous charge of their antagonists. They fled in real or affected disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious pursuit, harassed them by a desultory combat, and at length discomfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of cavalry. The light infantry, in the meantime, when they had exhausted their quivers, remaining without protection against a closer onset, exposed their naked sides to the swords of the legions. Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops, who were usually stationed on the Upper Danube, and whose valour had been severely tried in the Alamannic war. After the defeat of Emefa, Zenobia found it impossible to collect a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt, the nations subject to her empire had joined the standard of the conqueror; who detached Probus, the bravest of his generals, to possess himself of the Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the last resource of the widow of Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital; made every preparation for a vigorous resistance; and declared with the intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her reign and of her life should be the same.

In his march over the sandy desert, between Emefa and Palmyra, the emperor Aurelian was perpetually harassed by the Arabs; nor could he always defend his army, and especially his baggage, from those flying troops of active and daring robbers, who watched the moment of surprize, and directed the slow pursuit of the legions. The siege of Palmyra was an object far more difficult and important; and the emperor, who with incessant vigour pressed the attacks in person, was himself wounded with a dart. "The Roman people, (says Aurelian, in an original letter), speak with contempt of the war which I am waging against a woman. They are ignorant both of the character and of the power of Zenobia. It is impossible to enumerate her warlike preparations, of stones, of arrows, and of every species of missile weapons. Every part of the walls is provided with two or three balistae, and artificial fires are thrown from her military engines. The fear of punishment has armed her with a desperate courage. Yet I trust still in the protecting deities of Rome, who have hitherto been favourable to all my undertakings." Doubtful, however, of the protection of the gods, and of the event of the siege, Aurelian judged it more prudent to offer terms of an advantageous capitulation to the queen, a splendid retreat; to the citizens, their ancient privileges. His proposals were obstinately rejected, Palmyra, jeated, and the refusal was accompanied with insult.

The firmness of Zenobia was supported by the hope, that in a very short time famine would compel the Roman army to repulse the desert; and by the reasonable expectation that the kings of the East, and particularly the Persian monarch, would arm in the defense of their most natural ally. But fortune, and the perseverance of Aurelian, overcame every obstacle. The death of Sapor, which happened about this time, distracted the councils of Persia; and the inconsiderable succours that attempted to relieve Palmyra, were easily intercepted either by the arms or the liberality of the emperor. From every part of Syria a regular succession of convoys safely arrived in the camp, which was increased by the return of Probus with his victorious troops from the conquest of Egypt. It was then that Zenobia resolved to fly. She mounted the fleetest of her dromedaries; and had already reached the banks of the Euphrates, about 60 miles from Palmyra, when she was overtaken by the pursuit of Aurelian's light-horse, seized, and brought back a captive to the feet of the emperor. Her capital soon after surrendered, and was treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horses, and camels, with an immense treasure of gold, silver, silk, and precious stones, were all delivered to the conqueror; who, leaving only a garrison of 600 archers, returned to Emesa, and employed some time in the distribution of rewards and punishments at the end of so memorable a war, which restored to the obedience of Rome those provinces that had renounced their allegiance since the captivity of Valerian.

When the Syrian queen was brought into the presence of Aurelian, he sternly asked her, How she had presumed to rise in arms against the emperors of Rome? The answer of Zenobia was a prudent mixture of respect and firmness: "Because I didfained to consider as Roman emperors, an Aurelius or a Galienus. You alone I acknowledge as my conqueror and my sovereign." But as female fortitude is commonly artificial, so it is seldom steady or consistent. The courage of Zenobia deserted her in the hour of trial; she trembled at the angry clamours of the soldiers, who called aloud for her immediate execution; forgot the generous despair of Cleopatra, which she had professed as her model; and ignominiously purchased life by the sacrifice of her fame and her friends. It was to their counsels which governed the weaknesses of her sex, that she imputed the guilt of her obstinate resistance; it was on their heads that she directed the vengeance of the cruel Aurelian. The fate of Longinus, who was included among the numerous and perhaps innocent victims of her fear, will survive that of the queen who betrayed, or the tyrant who condemned him. Genius and learning were incapable of moving a fierce unlettered soldiery, but they had served to elevate and harmonize the soul of Longinus. Without uttering a complaint, he calmly followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy mistress, and bestowing comfort on his afflicted friends.

Returning from the conquest of the East, Aurelian had already crossed the straits which divide Europe from Asia; when he was provoked by the intelligence that the Palmyrenians had massacred the governor and garrison which he had left among them, and again erected the standard of revolt. Without a moment's deliberation, he once more turned his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed by his rapid approach, and the helpless city of Palmyra felt the irresistible weight of his resentment. We have a letter of Aurelian himself, in which he acknowledges, that old men, women, children, and peasants, had been involved in that dreadful execution, which should have been confined to armed rebellion; and although his principal concern seems directed to the re-establishment of a temple of the Sun, he discovers some pity for the remnant of the Palmyrenians, to whom he grants the permission of rebuilding and inhabiting their city. But it is easier to destroy than to restore. The seat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually sunk into an obscure town, a trifling fortress, and at length a miserable village. The ruins of its temples, palaces, and porticos of Grecian architecture, lie scattered over an extent of several miles. These magnificent remains were accidentally discovered by some English travellers from Aleppo about a century ago; and most splendid views have since been given of them by Messrs Wood and Dawkins, to whose work the curious reader is referred.