a country of South America, bounded on the north by Popayan, on the west by the South Sea, and on the east by the vast ridge of mountains called the Andes; and extending 1500 miles in length from north to south, though only 125 in breadth from east to west, between the Andes and the sea; though in other places it is much broader, and, according to some, not less than 300 miles.

This country was discovered by the Spaniards; and how discovered by the first intelligence they had of it was on the following occasion. Nunez de Balboa having been raised to the government of the small colony at Santa Maria in Darien by the suffrages of his companions, was very desirous of having that authority confirmed by the court of Spain. For this purpose he endeavoured to recommend himself to the Spanish ministry by some important service; that is, by extorting from the Indians as much gold and silver as he could. He therefore made frequent inroads into the adjacent country, subdued several of the caciques or petty princes, and collected a considerable quantity of gold. In one of these expeditions, the Spaniards contended so violently about the division of some gold which they had taken, that they were on the point of coming to blows with one another. A young cacique who was present, astonished at such contention about a thing of which he knew not the use, tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation, and turning to the Spaniards, told them, that since they valued gold so very highly, he would conduct them to a country where the most common utensils were made of that metal. The Spaniards eagerly caught at this hint; and upon further questioning the cacique, were informed, that at the distance of six days journey, towards the south, from the place where they were at that time, they should discover another ocean, near which this desirable country was situated; but if they intended to attack that powerful state, they must assemble a much greater number of forces than had hitherto appeared on the continent.

Balboa was transported at the news. He immediately concluded, that the ocean mentioned by the cacique was that which Columbus had so long fought for in vain, and that the rich territory described to him must be part of the East Indies. He was therefore impatient till he should arrive at that happy country, in comparison with the discovery of which all former exploits almost vanished into nothing. In order therefore to procure a force sufficient to ensure success in his enterprise, he first secured the friendship of the neighbouring caciques, and then dispatched some of his officers to Hispaniola, with a large quantity of gold as a proof of his past success, and an earnest of what he expected. By this means he secured the friendship of the governor, and procured a considerable reinforcement. But though he now imagined himself sufficiently strong to attempt the discovery, there were still prodigious difficulties to be surmounted. Difficulties: The isthmus of Darien, though not above 60 miles in breadth, has a chain of lofty mountains running through its whole extent. Being situated between two vast oceans, the Atlantic and Pacific, the climate is excessively moist, insomuch that it rains for two-thirds of the year. In consequence of this the valleys are marshy, and so frequently overflowed, that the inhabitants find it necessary in some places to build their houses upon trees, in order to be elevated at some distance from the damp soil, and the odious reptiles engendered in the waters. There are also many large rivers very difficult to be crossed; and as the country at that time was only inhabited by a few wandering savages, the enterprise of Balboa is looked upon as the most difficult that had been undertaken by any Spanish adventurer.

On this arduous task Balboa set out on the 1st day of September 1513, about the time that the periodical rains begin to abate. He had only 190 Spaniards along with him; but all of them were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of America, and very much attached to their leader. A thousand Indians attended in order to carry their provisions and other necessaries; and they had along with them some of those fierce dogs so terrible to the natives of America.

Balboa proceeded by sea, and without difficulty, to the territories of a cacique whose friendship he had gained; but as soon as he began to advance into the interior parts of the country, he met with all the difficulties above mentioned. Some of the caciques also, at his approach, fled with all their people to the mountains, carrying off or destroying whatever could afford subsistence to an army. Others collected their force in order to oppose him; however Balboa continued unmoved in spite of all difficulties; and at last, after a most painful journey of 25 days, he arrived at the South Sea; when, with the most extravagant transports of joy, he went into it up to the middle, gets a sight and took possession of the ocean in his master's name, of the South Sea, vowing to defend it against all the enemies of Spain.

That part of the South Sea which Balboa now discovered, he called the Gulf of St Michael; which name it still retains, and is situated to the east of Panama. From some of the neighbouring caciques he extorted provisions and gold by force; others sent him presents voluntarily; and he had the satisfaction to hear, that the adjacent coasts abounded with pearl-oysters. The inhabitants were also unanimous in declaring, that there was to the southward a very rich and populous country, where the people had tame animals, which they endeavoured to describe to him, meaning the Peruvian sheep. But however impatient he might be to visit this empire, he considered it as highly highly improper to venture thither with a handful of men exhausted by labour and disease. He therefore led back his followers to Santa Maria, in order to refresh them after their fatigues; and from thence he sent an account to the court of Spain of the important discovery he had made, demanding a reinforcement of 1000 men, in order to conquer the country he had newly discovered. But here his hopes were all blasted at once. The king indeed determined to prosecute the discovery, but refused to continue Balboa in his government, appointing Pedrarias Davila to supercede him, and giving him the command of 15 stout vessels, with 1200 soldiers, to ensure his success.

Balboa, though much mortified by his disgrace, submitted to the king's pleasure without repining. It was not long, however, before he met with an additional misfortune; the new governor tried him for some pretended irregularities committed before his arrival, and fined him of almost all he was worth. In the mean time the Spaniards, paying no regard to the treaties concluded by Balboa with the Indians, plundered and destroyed all indiscriminately, insomuch that the whole country, from the gulph of Darien to the lake Nicaragua, was desolated. The new comers had also arrived at the most unlucky time of the year, namely, about the middle of the wet season, when the excessive rains produced the most violent and fatal effects. To this was joined an extreme scarcity of provisions; so that in the space of a month above 600 Spaniards perished in the utmost misery.

Balboa failed not to send violent remonstrances to Spain against the conduct of the new governor; and he, on the other hand, accused his antagonist of having deceived the king by false accounts of the country, and magnifying his own exploits beyond measure. At last the king, sensible of his error in superceding Balboa, appointed him adelantado, or lieutenant-governor of the countries on the South Sea, with very extensive privileges and authority; enjoining Pedrarias to support him in all his enterprises, and to consult with him in every thing which he himself undertook. It was impossible, however, to extinguish the envy of Pedrarias; and therefore, though a reconciliation took place in appearance, even to far, that Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in marriage to Balboa, yet he soon after had him condemned and executed on pretence of disloyalty, and an intention to revolt from the king.

On the death of Balboa, the thoughts of conquering Peru were for a time laid aside; however it still remained an object of desire to all the Spanish adventurers in America. Accordingly several armaments were fitted out with a design to explore and take possession of the countries to the east of Panama; but, either through the difficulties which attended the undertaking itself, or the bad conduct of the adventurers, all of them proved unsuccessful, until at last it became a general opinion, that Balboa's scheme had been entirely visionary.

Still, however, there were three persons settled at Panama, on whom the common opinion made so little impression, that they determined to go in quest of this country, looked upon to be chimerical by the generality of their neighbours. Their names were Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luque. Pizarro and Almagro were soldiers of fortune, and Luque was an ecclesiastic, who acted both as priest and schoolmaster at Panama. Their confederacy was authorized by Pedrarias governor of Panama; and each engaged to employ his whole fortune in the adventure. Pizarro, being the least wealthy of the three, engaged to take upon himself the greatest share of the fatigue and danger, and to command in person the armament which was to go first upon the discovery. Almagro offered to conduct the supplies of provisions and reinforcements of troops which might be necessary; and Luque was to remain at Panama, in order to negotiate with the governor, and to superintend whatever was carrying on for the general interest.

In 1524, Pizarro set sail from Panama with a single vessel of small burthen, and 112 men; and so little was bad success he or his countrymen at that time acquainted with the climate of America, that the most improper season of the whole year was chosen for his departure; the periodical winds, which were then set in, being directly opposite to the course which he proposed to steer. The consequence of this was, that after beating about for 70 days, with much danger and fatigue, he had advanced scarce as far to the south-east as a skilful navigator will now make in three days. He touched at several places of Terra Firma; but finding that country exceedingly inhospitable and unhealthy, he was obliged to retire to Chuahama, opposite to the Pearl Islands, where he hoped to receive some reinforcements from Panama. Here he was found by Almagro, who had set out in quest of him with a reinforcement of 70 men, and had suffered distresses very much resembling those of Pizarro himself. In particular, he had lost an eye in a combat with the Indians. However, he had advanced as far as the river of St Juan in the province of Popayan, where the country shewing a better aspect, and the inhabitants more friendly, our projectors again began to indulge themselves in hopes, and determined by no means to abandon their scheme.

Almagro returned to Panama, in hopes of recruiting their shattered troops. But the bad accounts of the service gave his countrymen such an unfavourable idea of it, that Almagro could levy no more than 80 men, and these with great difficulty. Slender as this reinforcement was, however, the adventurers did not hesitate at renewing their enterprise. The disasters and disappointments they met with in this new attempt, were scarce inferior to those they had already experienced, when part of the armament at last reached the bay of St Matthew on the coast of Quito, and landed at Tacamez, to the south of the River of Emeralds, where they met with a more fertile and champaign country than any they had yet seen; the natives also were more civilized, and clothed in garments of cotton or woollen stuff, adorned with trinkets of gold and silver. But notwithstanding these favourable appearances, Pizarro did not think fit to attack such a powerful empire with an handful of soldiers already exhausted; and therefore retired to a small island called Gallo, with part of the troops; from whence he dispatched Almagro to Panama, in hopes of obtaining a reinforcement.

The reception which Almagro met with was by no means agreeable. Some of the adventurers had informed their friends of the many dangers and losses which which they had sustained; which not only disheartened people from engaging in the service, but weighed so much with Pedro de los Rios, the successor of Pedrarias, that he prohibited the raising of new recruits, and even dispatched a vessel to bring home Pizarro and his companions from the island of Gallo. Almagro and Luque, though much mortified with this disappointment, privately advised Pizarro not to relinquish an enterprise on which they had built all their hopes. He therefore positively refused to obey the orders of the governor, and employed all his address in persuading his men not to abandon him. But the calamities to which they had been exposed had such an effect upon them, that when he drew a line upon the sand with his sword, telling such as wished to return that they might pass over it, only 13 had resolution to remain with him.

Pizarro with his little troop now fixed their residence on the island of Gorgona, which they considered as a safer retreat than Gallo, as being farther removed from the coast and uninhabited, so that they might with the greater security wait for supplies. Here, they continued five months in the most unwholesome climate imaginable, and at last had come to a resolution of committing themselves to sea on a float, when a vessel arrived from Panama to their relief. This was the effect of the continued solicitations of Almagro and Luque; who, though they could not prevail upon the governor to favour the undertaking, had succeeded so far as to induce him to send a small vessel to the relief of Pizarro and his unfortunate associates. However, the more effectually to shew his disapprobation of Pizarro's scheme, the governor refused to allow one land-man to go on board of the ship which he sent.—The hopes of the adventurers, however, were now again revived, and Pizarro easily induced them to resume their scheme. Instead of returning to Panama, therefore, they sailed to the south-east, and in 20 days after the discovery of Gorgona they discovered the coast of Peru. Having touched at some places of less note, they at length arrived at Tumbez, remarkable for its stately temple, and a palace of the Incas, or sovereigns of the country. Here, they found that what had been told them concerning the riches of the country was true; not only ornaments and sacred vessels being made of gold and silver, but even such as were for common use. Yet to attempt the conquest of this opulent empire with their slender force, would have been madness; they contented themselves therefore with viewing it, procuring two of the beasts of burden called Llamas, to which they gave the name of sheep, some vessels of gold and silver, and two young men, whom they proposed to instruct in the Castilian language. With these Pizarro arrived at Panama in the year 1527, near three years after he had set out from that place in his expedition.

The empire of Peru thus discovered, is said to have been originally possessed by independent tribes, justly reckoned among the most savage even in America; living more like wild beasts than men. For several ages they lived in this manner, when suddenly there appeared on the banks of a lake called Titicaca, a man and woman of majestic form, and cloathed in decent garments. They declared themselves to be the children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent to instruct and reclaim mankind.

The names of these two extraordinary personages were Manco Capac and Mama Ocloo. At their persuasion, several of the dispersed savages united, and, receiving their commands as heavenly injunctions, followed them to Cuzco, where they settled, and began to lay the foundations of a city. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture, and other useful arts; while Mama Ocloo taught the women to spin and weave; after which Manco turned his attention towards the introducing of proper laws, and regulations into his new state.

Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was founded the empire of the Incas, or lords of Peru. At first its extent was small, the territory of Manco Capac reaching not above eight leagues from Cuzco his capital. Within these narrow limits, however, he exercised the most perfect despotism, and the same was maintained by his successors, all of whom were not only obeyed as monarchs, but reverenced as deities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and, by prohibiting intermarriages with the people, was never contaminated by mixing with that of any other race. The family, thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguished by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for others to assume. Among the Peruvians, however, it is said, that this high degree of veneration was made use of by the monarchs only to promote the good of their subjects. If we may believe the accounts given by their countrymen, the Peruvian monarchs extended their empire not with a view to increase their own power and wealth, but from a desire of diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts which they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced, and, during a succession of 12 monarchs, not one deviated from this character.

When the Spaniards first visited this country, they found it agitated by a civil war. Huana Capac, the 12th monarch from the founder of the state, was seated on the throne; who is represented as a prince no less conspicuous for his abilities in war, than for his pacific virtues. By him the kingdom of Quito was natives subdued, which almost doubled the extent of the dominions and power of the Peruvian empire. Notwithstanding the ancient and fundamental law against polluting the blood of the Inca with any foreign alliance, Huana married the daughter of the conquered monarch, by whom he had a son named Atahualpa, commonly written Atabalipa, to whom, at his death in 1529, he left the kingdom of Quito, bestowing the rest of his dominions upon Huascar his eldest son by a mother of the royal race. This produced a civil war, in which Atabalipa proved victorious, and afterwards attempted to secure himself on the throne by putting to death all the descendants of Mingo Capac, styled the children of the Sun, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem; however, from a political motive, he spared the life of his rival Huascar, who had the misfortune to be taken prisoner in an engagement, that, by issuing out orders in his name, he might more easily establish his own authority, and cover the illegality of his birth.

This contest had so much engaged the attention of the Peruvians, that they never once attempted to check... check the progress of the Spaniards. It was some time, however, before Pizarro was informed of this contest, so much in his favour. The first intelligence which he received of it was a message from Huascar, asking his assistance against Atabalipa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper. Pizarro perceived the importance of the intelligence, and therefore determined to push forward, while intestine discord put it out of the power of the Peruvians to attack him with their whole force. Being obliged to divide his troops, in order to leave a garrison in St Michael, which might serve for a place of retreat in case of a disaster, he began his march with only 62 horsemen and 102 foot-soldiers, 20 of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three with muskets. He directed his course towards Caxamalca, a small town at the distance of 12 days' march from St Michael, where Atabalipa was encamped with a considerable body of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an officer dispatched by the Inca met him with a valuable present from that prince, accompanied with a proffer of his alliance, and his assurances of a friendly reception at Caxamalca. Pizarro, according to the usual artifice of his countrymen in America, pretended to come as the ambassador of a very powerful monarch, and declared that he was now advancing with intention to offer Atabalipa his aid against those enemies who disputed his title to the throne.

As the object of the Spaniards in entering their country was altogether incomprehensible to the Peruvians, they had formed various conjectures concerning it, without being able to decide whether they should consider their new guests as beings of a superior nature, who had visited them from some benevolent motive, or as formidable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to their repose and liberty. The continual professions of the Spaniards, that they came to enlighten them with the knowledge of truth, and lead them in the way of happiness, favoured the former opinion; but the outrages which they committed, their rapaciousness and cruelty, were awful confirmations of the latter. While in this state of uncertainty, Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed all the Inca's fears, that he determined to give him a friendly reception. In consequence of this resolution, the Spaniards were allowed to march in tranquillity across the sandy desert between St Michael and Motupe, where the most feeble effort of an enemy, added to the unavoidable difficulties which they suffered in passing through that comfortless region, must have proved fatal to them. From Motupe they advanced towards the mountains which encompass the low country of Peru, and passed through a defile so narrow and inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against a numerous army. But here likewise, from the same inconsiderate credulity of the Inca, the Spaniards met with no opposition, and took quiet possession of a fort erected for the security of that important station. As they now approached near to Caxamalca, Atabalipa renewed his professions of friendship; and, as an evidence of his sincerity, sent them presents of greater value than the former.

On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took possession of a large court, on one side of which was a house which the Spanish historians call a palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the sun, the whole surrounded with a strong rampart or wall of earth. When he had posted his troops in this advantageous station, he dispatched Hernando Soto, and his brother Ferdinand, to the camp of Atabalipa, which was about a league distant from the town. He instructed them to confirm the declaration which he had formerly made of his pacific disposition, and to define an interview with the Inca, that he might explain more fully the intention of the Spaniards in visiting his country. They were treated with all the respectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians in the reception of their most cordial friends, and Atabalipa promised to visit the Spanish commander next day in his quarters. The decent deportment of the Peruvian monarch, the order of his court, and the reverence with which his subjects approached his person and obeyed his commands, astonished those Spaniards, who had never met in America with anything more dignified than the petty cacique of a barbarous tribe. But their eyes were still more powerfully attracted by the vast profusion of wealth which they observed in the Inca's camp. The rich ornaments worn by him and his attendants, the vessels of gold and silver in which the repast offered to them was served up, the multitude of utensils of every kind formed of those precious metals, opened prospects far exceeding any idea of opulence that a European of the 16th century could form.

On their return to Caxamalca, while their minds were yet warm with admiration and desire of the wealth which they had beheld, they gave such a description of it to their countrymen, as confirmed Pizarro in a resolution which he had already taken. From his own observation of American manners during his long service in the New World, as well as from the advantages which Cortes had derived from feigning Montezuma, he knew of what consequence it was to have the Inca in his power. For this purpose, he formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. Notwithstanding the character he had assumed of an ambassador from a powerful monarch, who courted an alliance with the Inca, and in violation of the repeated offers which he had made to him of his own friendship and assistance, he determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious simplicity with which Atabalipa relied on his professions, and to seize his person during the interview to which he had invited him. He prepared for the execution of his scheme with the same deliberate arrangement, and with as little compunction, as if it had reflected no disgrace on himself or his country. He divided his cavalry into three small squadrons, under the command of his brother Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalcazar; his infantry was formed into one body, except 20 of most tried courage, whom he kept near his own person to support him in the dangerous service which he reserved for himself; the artillery, consisting of two field-pieces, and the crossbow men, were placed opposite to the avenue by which Atabalipa was to approach. All were commanded to keep within the square, and not to move until the signal for action was given.

Early in the morning the Peruvian camp was all in motion. But as Atabalipa was solicitous to appear with the greatest splendour and magnificence in his first interview with the strangers, the preparations for this were so tedious, that the day was far advanced before he began his march. Even then, lest the order of the procession should be deranged, he moved so slowly, that the Spaniards became impatient and apprehensive that some suspicion of their intention might be the cause of this delay. In order to remove this, Pizarro dispatched one of his officers with fresh assurances of his friendly disposition. At length the Inca approached. First of all appeared 400 men in an uniform dress, as harbingers to clear the way before him. He himself, sitting on a throne or couch, adorned with plumes of various colours, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver enriched with precious stones, was carried on the shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him came some chief officers of his court, carried in the same manner. Several bands of singers and dancers accompanied this cavalcade; and the whole plain was covered with troops, amounting to more than 30,000 men.

As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, father Vincent Valverde, chaplain to the expedition, advanced with a crucifix in one hand, and a breviary in the other, and in a long discourse explained to him the doctrine of the creation, the fall of Adam, the incarnation, the sufferings and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the appointment of St Peter as God's viceregent on earth, the transmission of his apostolic power by succession to the popes, the donation made to the king of Castile by pope Alexander of all the regions in the New World. In consequence of all this, he required Atabalipa to embrace the Christian faith, to acknowledge the supreme jurisdiction of the pope, and to submit to the king of Castile as his lawful sovereign; promising, if he complied instantly with this requisition, that the Castilian monarch would protect his dominions, and permit him to continue in the exercise of his royal authority; but if he should impiously refuse to obey this summons, he denounced war against him in his master's name, and threatened him with the most dreadful effects of his vengeance.

This strange harangue, unfolding deep mysteries, and alluding to unknown facts, of which no power of eloquence could have conveyed at once a distinct idea to an American, was so lamely translated by an unskilful interpreter, little acquainted with the idiom of the Spanish tongue, and incapable of expressing himself with propriety in the language of the Incas, that its general tenor was altogether incomprehensible to Atabalipa. Some parts in it of more obvious meaning, filled him with astonishment and indignation. His reply, however, was temperate. He began with observing, that he was lord of the dominions over which he reigned by hereditary succession; and added, that he could not conceive how a foreign priest should pretend to dispose of territories which did not belong to him; that if such a preposterous grant had been made, he, who was the rightful possessor, refused to confirm it; that he had no inclination to renounce the religious institutions established by his ancestors; nor would he forsake the service of the sun, the immortal divinity whom he and his people revered, in order to worship the God of the Spaniards, who was subject to death; that with respect to other matters contained in his discourse, as he had never heard of them before, and did not now understand their meaning, he desired to know where he had learned things so extraordinary. "In this book," answered Valverde, reaching out to him his breviary. The Inca opened it eagerly; and turning over the leaves, lifted it to his ear: "This," says he, "is silent; it tells me nothing;" and threw it with disdain to the ground. The enraged monk, running towards his countrymen, cried out, "To arms, Christians, to arms; the word of God is insulted; avenge this profanation on those impious dogs."

Pizarro, who, during this long conference, had with difficulty restrained his soldiers, eager to seize the rich spoils of which they had now so near a view, immediately gave the signal of assault. At once the martial music struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, the horse fell back fiercely to the charge, the infantry rushed on sword in hand. The Peruvians, astonished at the suddenness of an attack which they did not expect, and dismayed with the destructive effects of the fire-arms, and the irresistible impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on every side, without attempting either to annoy the enemy, or to defend themselves. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, advanced directly towards the Inca; and though his nobles crowded around him with officious zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, while they vied Atabalipa one with another in sacrificing their own lives, that they might cover the sacred person of their sovereign, the Spaniards soon penetrated to the royal seat; and Pizarro seizing the Inca by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carried him as a prisoner to his quarters. The fate of the monarch increased the precipitate flight of his followers. The Spaniards pursued them towards every quarter, and, with deliberate and unrelenting barbarity, continued to slaughter wretched fugitives, who never once offered at resistance. The carnage did not cease until the close of day. Above 4000 Peruvians were killed. Not a single Spaniard fell, nor was one wounded but Pizarro himself, whose hand was slightly hurt by one of his own soldiers, while struggling eagerly to lay hold on the Inca.

The plunder taken on this occasion was immense, but the Spaniards were still unsatisfied; which being observed by the Inca, he endeavoured to apply himself to their ruling passion, avarice, in order to obtain his liberty; and therefore offered such a ransom as afforded an immense sum for his opulence of the country. The apartment in which he was confined was 22 feet in length and 16 in breadth; and all this space he engaged to fill with vessels of gold as high as he could reach. This proposal was eagerly caught by Pizarro, and a line was drawn upon the walls to mark the stipulated height.

Atabalipa, charmed with the thoughts of liberty, immediately set about performing his part of the agreement, and dispatched messengers into all parts of the empire, in order to collect the immense quantity of gold which he had promised; and though the unfortunate monarch was now in the hands of his enemies, such was the veneration which his subjects had for him, that his orders were obeyed with as great alacrity as though he had been at full liberty; while he, in the mean time, flattering himself with the hopes of being soon released, made no preparations for expelling the invaders from his dominions.

In a short time, Pizarro received intelligence that Almagro was arrived at St Michael with a reinforcement equal to the force he had with him. This was a matter of great joy to the Spaniards, and no small vexation to Atabalipa, who now considered his kingdom as in danger of being totally over-run by these strangers, whose force he neither knew, nor the means they had of transporting themselves. For this reason he determined to put his brother Huascar to death, lest he should join the strangers against him. To this he was rather inclined, as he had got information that the captive prince had been making applications to them, and had offered them a much larger sum than what was stipulated for the Inca's ransom; and in consequence of this determination the unfortunate prince lost his life.

In the mean time, the Indians daily arrived at Caxamalca with vast quantities of treasure; the sight of which so much inflamed the Spaniards, that they insisted upon an immediate division; and this being complied with, there fell to the share of each horseman 8000 pesos, at that time not inferior to the value of as many pounds sterling in the present century, and half as much to each foot-soldier. Pizarro and his officers receiving shares proportionable to their dignity. A fifth part was reserved for the emperor, together with some vessels of curious workmanship as a present. In consequence of this immense acquisition of wealth, many of the Spaniards became clamorous for their discharge; which was readily granted by their general, as well knowing that the display of their riches would not fail to allure adventurers more hardy, though less opulent, to his standard.

After this division of the spoil, Atabalipa was very ill-tempered with Pizarro in order to recover his liberty; but the Spaniard, with unparallelled treachery and cruelty, had now determined to put him to death. To this he was urged by Almagro's soldiers, who, though they had received an equal share with the rest, were still unsatisfied. The Inca's ransom had not been completed; and they were apprehensive, that whatever sums might afterwards be brought in, the troops of Pizarro would appropriate them to themselves as part of that ransom. They insisted with Pizarro, therefore, to put him to death, that all the adventurers might for the future be on an equal footing. Accounts were likewise received, that troops were assembling in the remote provinces of the empire, which Pizarro suspected to be done by the Inca's orders. These accounts were heightened by one Phillippillo an Indian interpreter, who had conceived a passion for one of the unhappy monarch's wives; and for that reason wished to have him put to death. Atabalipa himself, too, had the misfortune to fall into his own ruin by his conceiving a contemptuous notion of Pizarro, which he had not the precaution to conceal. He had long admired the European arts of reading and writing, and wished much to know whether he should regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him to write the name of God upon the nail of his thumb. This he showed to several Spaniards successively, asking its meaning; and, to his surprise, they all returned the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and, on presenting it to him, he blushed, and was obliged to own his ignorance; which inspired the Inca with the contemptuous notion of him abovementioned.

In order, however, to give some shew of justice to such a detestable action, and that he might be exempted from standing singly as the perpetrator, Pizarro resolved to accuse the Inca of some capital crime, and institute a court of judicature for the purpose of trying him. For this purpose, he appointed himself and Almagro, with two assistants, as judges, with full powers to acquit or condemn: an attorney-general was named to carry on the prosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record the proceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited still more amazing. It consisted of various articles: that Atabalipa, though a bastard, had dispossessed the lawful owner of the throne, and usurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign to death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, but commanded the offering up of human sacrifices; that he had a great number of concubines; that since his imprisonment, he had wasted and embezzled the royal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; and that he had excited his subjects to take up arms against the Spaniards. On these heads of accusation they proceeded to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom they had no jurisdiction. To all these charges the Inca pleaded not guilty. With respect to the death of his brother, he alleged, that the Spaniards could take no cognizance of the fact. With regard to the taxes which he had levied, and the wars he had carried on, they were nothing to the Spaniards; and as to the conspiracy against the Spaniards, he utterly denied it. He called heaven and earth to witness the integrity of his conduct, and how faithfully he had performed his engagements, and the fidelity of his accusers. He desired to be sent over to Spain to take his trial before the emperor; but no regard was paid to his intrigues; he was condemned to be burnt alive; which cruel sentence was mitigated, led as a great favour, to strangling; and the unhappy monarch was executed without mercy.

The death of the Inca was followed by a revolution in the Spanish affairs, who now became generally odious. Hideous cries were set up by his women as the funeral procession passed by their apartment: many offered to bury themselves alive with him; and on being hindered, strangled themselves out of grief and vexation. The whole town of Caxamalca was filled with lamentation, which quickly extended itself over revolt of the whole kingdom. Friends and enemies accused the Peruvians of inhumanity and treachery. Loads of gold that were coming to Caxamalca by order of the deceased Inca were now stopped; and the loss of the treasure was the first unfortunate consequence which the Spaniards felt from their late iniquitous conduct. The two factions of Indians united against Pizarro; and many of the Spaniards not only exclaimed against the cruelty of the invaders, but would even have mutinied, had not a sense of the impending danger kept them quiet. At Cuzco the friends of the emperor Huascar proclaimed Mango Capac the legitimate brother of the late Inca, determining to support him to the last against all the machinations of his enemies. Pizarro, in the mean time, set up Taparpa, the son of Atabalipa, causing him to be treated with all the honours due to an emperor. Immediately he let out for Cuzco, the gaining of which was absolutely necessary for his design. An army of Indians occupied the passes, and resolved to dispute his progress. The contest, however, was soon decided; the Spanish cavalry bore down everything before them, and great numbers of Indians were slain. The conquerors gained a considerable booty; and Pizarro dispatched Almagro to reduce Cuzco, while he himself founded a new colony in the fruitful valley of Xauna; which, however, was not permanent, being afterwards removed to the place where Lima now stands.

While Pizarro was thus employed, another commander, named Ferdinando Soto, was detached with 60 horse to make the best of his way to Cuzco, and clear the road for the march of the remainder of the army. He was opposed by a formidable collection of Indians, who had fortified themselves in order to defend a pass against him; for which reason, fearing lest his strength might be unequal, he sent a message to Pizarro, deeming that the Inca might join him, thinking that his presence would awe the Peruvians, and prevent the further effusion of blood; but his expectations were frustrated by the death of the Inca, which happened about this time; so that there was now a necessity for having recourse to arms; for as the Spaniards set up no person in his room, the title of Mango Capac was universally acknowledged.

In the mean time, a new supply of soldiers arriving from Spain, Benalcazar, governor of St Michael, undertook an expedition against Quito, where, according to the report of the natives, Atabalipa had left the greatest part of his treasure. He accomplished his purpose with very great difficulty, having a country covered with rocks and mountains to pass, and being opposed by large bodies of the natives. But when he got possession of the city, to his extreme mortification, he found that the inhabitants had carried off all their gold and silver; for they being now acquainted with the ruling passion of the Spaniards, had taken care to disappoint it, by removing the treasures which they knew very well had been the cause of the expedition.

About the same time, Alvarado, governor of Guatemala, invaded the province of Chili. In this expedition his troops endured such hardships, and suffered so much from the cold among the Andes, that a fifth part of the men and all the horses died, and at the same time the rest were so much dispirited and emaciated, that they became quite unfit for service. What was worst of all, when they had arrived at the end of their journey, they met with a body of Spaniards drawn up in hostile array to oppose them. These had been sent against him by Pizarro, who claimed Chili as part of his jurisdiction, and were now joined by Benalcazar, with the troops under his command. Alvarado, however, advanced boldly to the attack; but, on the interposition of some moderate men in each party, the difference was accommodated; Alvarado engaged to return to his government, upon his being paid 100,000 pesos to defray the expense of his armament; however, most of his followers remained in the country, and enlisted in the service of Pizarro.

In the mean time Ferdinand Pizarro, the brother of the general, had landed in Spain, where he produced such immense quantities of gold and silver as astonished the court, even after all they had seen of the wealth of their new-discovered territories. The general's authority was confirmed to him with new powers and honours privileges, and the addition of 70 leagues extending along the coast, to the southward of the territory granted in his former patent. Almagro had the title of adelantado or governor conferred upon him, with jurisdiction over 200 leagues of a country lying southward from the province allotted to Pizarro; he himself was made a knight of the order of St Jago.

Of these transactions some accounts were received at Peru before the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro himself; and no sooner did Almagro hear that he had obtained the royal grant of an independent government, than, pretending that Cuzco, the capital of all Peru, lay within his jurisdiction, he attempted to seize it. Pizarro was not less ready to oppose him; and a very dangerous civil war was about to take place, when the quarrel was made up, on condition that Almagro should attempt the conquest of Chili; and if he did not find there an establishment equivalent to his expectations, Pizarro should yield up to him part of Peru.

By this reconciliation Pizarro was left at liberty to settle the internal policy of his province, which, though little qualified for a legislator, he attempted, by dividing the country into various districts, appointing magistrates to preside in each, and establishing such regulations concerning the administration of justice, the royal revenue, &c., as occurred to him. The seat of government he removed from Cuzco to Lima, which he named Ciudad del Rey, and which name it still retains among the Spaniards in all legal and formal deeds. Its other name, Lima, is a corruption of Rimac, the name of the valley in which the city stands.

In the mean time Almagro had set out on his expedition to Chili; the event of which has been related under the article Chili; and while he was thus employed, Pizarro encouraged some of his most distinguished officers to invade those provinces of the empire which had not yet been visited by the Spaniards. This he did with a view to keep them employed, and prevent tumults; but it was attended with very terrible consequences. No sooner did Mango Capac the Inca perceive the security of the Spaniards in thus dividing their forces, than he seized the opportunity of making one vigorous effort to redress the wrongs of himself and his countrymen, and expel the invaders, who had tyrannized in such a cruel manner. Though strictly guarded by the Spaniards, he found means to communicate his intentions to the chief men of his nation, whom he joined in the year 1536, under pretence of celebrating a festival which he had obtained liberty from Pizarro to attend. Upon this the standard of a dreadful war was immediately erected, and a most formidable insurrection army, according to the Spanish historians, of 200,000 Peruvians collected. Many Spaniards were massacred in their habitations, and several detachments entirely cut off; and while this vast army laid siege to Cuzco, another formidable body invested Lima, and kept the governor closely shut up. The greatest effort, however, was made against Cuzco, which was defended by Pizarro and his two brothers, with only 170 men. The siege lasted nine months; many of the Spaniards were killed; among whom was Juan Pizarro, the general's brother, and the best beloved of them all. The rest were reduced to the most desperate situation, when Almagro appeared suddenly in the neighbourhood of Cuzco. He had received such accounts of the insurrection in Peru, as would at any rate have determined him to return to the assistance of Pizarro; but besides this, he had now received the royal patent, creating him governor of Chili, and deemed it certain beyond all contradiction, that Cuzco lay within his jurisdiction; for which reason he hastened to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Peruvians. On his arrival his assistance was solicited by both parties. The Inca made many advantageous proposals; but at length despairing of obtaining any cordial union with a Spaniard, he attacked him in the night by surprise with a great body of chosen troops. But the Spanish valour and discipline prevailed against all the numbers of their enemies; and the Peruvians were repulsed with such slaughter, that a great part of the remainder dispersed, and Almagro advanced to the gates of Cuzco without opposition. Pizarro's brothers took measures to oppose his entrance; but prudence for the present restrained both parties from entering into a civil war while they were surrounded with enemies; and therefore each leader endeavoured to corrupt the followers of his antagonist. In this Almagro had the advantage; and so many of Pizarro's troops deserted in the night, that Almagro was encouraged to advance towards the city, where he surprised the sentinels; and investing the house where the two brothers were lodged, he compelled them, after an obstinate defence, to surrender at discretion; and Almagro's authority over Cuzco was immediately recognized as authentic.

In this fray only two or three persons were killed; but matters soon began to wear a more serious aspect. Civil war between Pizarro and Almagro. Francis Pizarro, having dispersed the Peruvians who invested Lima, and received considerable reinforcements from other provinces, ordered 500 men under the command of Alonso de Alvarado to march to Cuzco, in hopes of relieving his brothers, if they were not already cut off. They advanced to a small distance from the capital, before they knew that they had a more formidable enemy than the Indians to encounter. When they saw their countrymen drawn up on the banks of a river to oppose them, they were greatly surprised; however, Almagro, who wished rather to gain them than to fight, began with attempting to seduce their leader. Alvarado could not by any means be gained over; but being inferior in military skill, Almagro attacked him by surprise, entirely defeated and dispersed his army, taking himself and some of his principal officers prisoners.

This victory seemed decisive; and Almagro was advised to make it so by putting to death Gonzalo and Ferdinand Pizzaros, Alvarado, and some others whom he could not hope to gain. This advice, however, he declined from motives of humanity, and a desire of making his adversary appear the aggressor. For these reasons, instead of marching directly against Pizarro, he retired quietly to Cuzco; which gave his adversary time to recollect himself from the disorder into which the news of so many disasters had thrown him. He began again to practise upon Almagro those arts which had before proved successful; and Almagro again suffered himself to be deceived by pretended offers of pacification. The negotiations for this purpose were protracted for several months; and while Almagro was employed in detecting and eluding the fraudulent intentions of the governor, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado found means to corrupt the soldiers who guarded them, and not only made their own escape, but persuaded 60 of Almagro's men to accompany them. There now remained only Ferdinand Pizarro in the hands of Almagro; and he was delivered by another act of treachery. The general proposed that all points of controversy should be submitted to the decision of their sovereign; and that Ferdinand Pizarro should be instantly set at liberty, and return to Spain, together with some other officers whom the general proposed to send over to show the justice of his claims. Though the intention of Pizarro by making this proposal was evident, Almagro was deceived by it, and released those whom Pizarro wanted; which he had no sooner done, than the latter threw off all disguise, and openly declared, that arms alone must now decide the matter between them. He therefore immediately set out for Cuzco with an army of 700 men, to which Almagro had only 500 to oppose. From the weakness of his forces, probably, Almagro did not attempt to guard some strong passes, through which Pizarro had to march, but waited patiently for his adversary in a plain open country.

In the meantime, Pizarro advanced without any obstruction from his enemy; and an engagement soon happened, in which Almagro was defeated and taken prisoner. The conquerors behaved with great cruelty, massacring a great number of officers, and treating Almagro himself with great severity. The Indians had assembled in great numbers to see the battle, with an intention to join the vanquished party; but were so much overawed by the Spaniards, that they retired quietly after the battle was over, and thus lost the only opportunity they ever had of expelling their tyrants.—Almagro, after having for some months languished in prison, was at length formally tried, and condemned to die by Pizarro. Notwithstanding his consummate bravery for which he was remarkable, this hardy veteran could not bear the deliberate approach of death, but condescended to use intretries to save his life. The Pizzaros, however, continued inflexible; and he was first strangled in prison, and then publicly beheaded. He left one son by an Indian woman, whom he appointed his successor, by virtue of a power led granted him by the emperor.

As during these dissensions all intercourse with Spain ceased, it was some time before the accounts of the civil war were received at court. The first intelligence was given by some of Almagro's soldiers, who had left America on the ruin of their cause; and they did not fail to represent the injustice and violence of Pizarro in the strongest colours, which strongly prejudiced the emperor against him. In a short time, however, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived, and endeavoured to give matters a new turn. The emperor was uncertain which of them he ought to believe; and therefore thought it necessary to send over some person with ample powers to... to inquire into the merits of the cause, and to determine certainly who was in the wrong. If he found the governor still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, in order to have the appearance of acting in concert with him; but if he was dead, the viceroy might then produce his commission appointing him Pizarro's successor in the government. This complaisance to Pizarro, however, proceeded more from a dread of his power than from any other thing; for in the meantime, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confined to a prison, where he remained above 20 years. The person nominated to this important trust was Cristoval Vaca de Castro.

While this gentleman was preparing for his voyage, Pizarro, considering himself as the unrivalled master of Peru, proceeded to parcel out its territories among the conquerors; and had this division been made with any degree of impartiality, the extent of country which he had to bestow was sufficient to have gratified his friends, and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro conducted this transaction, not with the equity and candour of a judge attentive to discover and to reward merit, but with the illiberal spirit of a party-leader. Large districts, in parts of the country most cultivated and populous, were set apart as his own property, or granted to his brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To others, lots less valuable and inviting were assigned. The followers of Almagro, amongst whom were many of the original adventurers, to whose valour and perseverance Pizarro was indebted for his success, were totally excluded from any portion of those lands, towards the acquisition of which they had contributed so largely. As the vanity of every individual sets an immoderate value upon his own services, and the idea of each concerning the recompense due to them, rose gradually to a more exorbitant height in proportion as their conquests extended, all who were disappointed in their expectations exclaimed loudly against the rapaciousness and partiality of the governor. The partisans of Almagro murmured in secret, and meditated revenge.

Rapid as the progress of the Spaniards in South America had been since Pizarro landed in Peru, their avidity of dominion was not yet satisfied. The officers to whom Ferdinand Pizarro gave the command of different detachments, penetrated into several new provinces; and though some of them were exposed to great hardships in the cold and barren regions of the Andes, and others suffered distresses not inferior amidst the woods and marshes of the plains, they made discoveries and conquests which extended their knowledge of the country, as well as added to their power. Pedro de Valdivia re-assumed Almagro's scheme of invading Chili; and, notwithstanding the fortitude of the natives in defending their possessions, made such progress in the conquest of the country, that he founded the city of St Jago, and gave a beginning to the establishment of the Spanish dominion there. But of all the enterprises undertaken about this period, that of Expedition Gonzales Pizarro was the most remarkable. The governor, who seems to have resolved that no person in Peru should possess any station of distinguished eminence or authority but those of his own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, of his command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzalo to take the government of it. He instructed him to attempt the discovery and conquest of the country to the east of the Andes; which, according to the information of the Indians, abounded with cinnamon and other valuable spices. Gonzales, not inferior to any of his brothers in courage, and no less ambitious of acquiring distinction, eagerly engaged in this difficult service. He set out from Quito at the head of 340 soldiers, near one half of whom were horsemen, with 4000 Indians to carry their provisions. In forcing their way through the defiles, or over the ridges of the Andes, excess of cold and fatigue, to neither of which they were accustomed, proved fatal to the greater part of the wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though more robust, and inured to a variety of climates, suffered considerably, and lost some men; but when they descended into the low country, their distresses increased. During two months it rained incessantly, without any interval of fair weather long enough to dry their cloaths. The vast plains upon which they were now entering, either altogether without inhabitants, or occupied by the rudest and least industrious tribes in the New World, yielded little subsistence. They could not advance a step but as they cut a road through woods, or made it through marshes. Such incessant toil, and continual scarcity of food, seem more than sufficient to have exhausted and dispirited any troops. But the fortitude and perseverance of the Spaniards in the 16th century were insuperable. Allured by frequent but false accounts of rich countries before them, they persisted in struggling on, until they reached the banks of the Coca or Napo, one of the large rivers whose waters pour into the Maragnon, and contribute to its grandeur. There, with infinite labour, they built a bark, which they expected would prove of great utility, both in conveying them over rivers, in procuring provisions, and in exploring the country. This was manned with 50 soldiers, under the command of Francis Orellana, the officer next in rank to Pizarro. The stream carried them down with such rapidity, that they were soon far ahead of their countrymen, who followed slowly and with difficulty by land.

At this distance from his commander, Orellana, a young man of an aspiring mind, began to fancy himself independent; and, transported with the predominant river passion of the age, he formed the scheme of distinguishing himself as a discoverer, by following the course of Pizarro. The Maragnon until it joined the ocean, and by surveying the vast regions through which it flows. This scheme of Orellana's was as bold as it was treacherous. For, if he be chargeable with the guilt of having violated his duty to his commander, and with having abandoned his fellow-soldiers in a pathless desert, where they had hardly any hopes of success, or even of safety, but what were founded on the service which they expected from the bark, his crime is, in some measure, balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a navigation of near 2000 leagues, through unknown nations, in a vessel hastily constructed with green timber, and by very unskilful hands, without provisions, without a compass, or a pilot. But his courage and alacrity supplied every defect. Committing himself fearlessly to the guidance of the stream, the Napo bore him along to the south, until he reached the great channel of the Maragnon. Turning with it towards the... the coast, he held on his course in that direction. He made frequent descents on both sides the river, sometimes seizing by force of arms the provisions of the fierce savages seated on its banks, and sometimes procuring a supply of food by a friendly intercourse with more gentle tribes. After a long series of dangers, which he encountered with amazing fortitude, and of difficulties which he supported with no less magnanimity, he reached the ocean, where new perils awaited him. These he likewise surmounted, and got safe to the Spanish settlement in the island Cabagua; from thence he sailed to Spain. The vanity natural to travellers who visit regions unknown to the rest of mankind, and the art of an adventurer, solicitous to magnify his own merit, concurred in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary proportion of the marvellous in the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have discovered nations so rich, that the roofs of their temples were covered with plates of gold; and described a republic of women so warlike and powerful, as to have extended their dominion over a considerable tract of the fertile plains which he had visited. Extravagant as those tales were, they gave rise to an opinion, that a region abounding with gold, distinguished by the name of El Dorado, and a community of Amazons, were to be found in this part of the New World; and such is the propensity of mankind to believe what is wonderful, that it has been slowly, and with difficulty, that reason and observation have exploded those fables.

The voyage, however, even when stripped of every romantic embellishment, deserves to be recorded, not only as one of the most memorable occurrences in that adventurous age, but as the first event that led to any certain knowledge of those immense regions that stretch eastward from the Andes to the ocean.

No words can describe the consternation of Pizarro, when he did not find the bark at the confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He would not allow himself to suspect that a man, whom he had entrusted with such an important command, could be so base and so unfeeling as to desert him at such a juncture. But imputing his absence from the place of rendezvous to some unknown accident, he advanced above 50 leagues along the banks of the Maragnon, expecting every moment to see the bark appear with a supply of provisions. At length he came up with an officer whom Orellana had left to perish in the desert, because he had the courage to remonstrate against his perfidy. From him he learned the extent of Orellana's crime; and his followers perceived at once their own desperate situation, when deprived of their only resource. The spirit of the stoutest hearted veteran sunk within him; and all demanded to be led back instantly. Pizarro, though he assumed an appearance of tranquillity, did not oppose their inclination. But he was now 1200 miles from Quito; and in that long march the Spaniards encountered hardships greater than those they had endured in their progress outward, without the alluring hopes which then soothed and animated them under their sufferings. Hunger compelled them to feed on roots and berries, to eat all their dogs and horses, to devour the most loathsome reptiles, and even to gnaw the leather of their saddles and sword-belts. Four thousand Indians, and 210 Spaniards, perished in this wild and disastrous expedition, which continued near two years; and as 50 men were aboard the bark with Orellana, only 80 got back to Quito. These were naked like savages, and so emaciated with famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had more the appearance of spectres than of men.

But, instead of returning to enjoy the repose which his condition required, Pizarro, on entering Quito, received accounts of a fatal event that threatened calamities more dreadful to him than those through which nor he had passed. From the time that his brother made that partial division of his conquests which has been mentioned, the adherents of Almagro, considering themselves as proscribed by the party in power, no longer entertained any hope of bettering their condition. Great numbers in despair resorted to Lima, where the house of young Almagro was always open to them; and the slender portion of his father's fortune, which the governor allowed him to enjoy, was spent in affording them subsistence. The warm attachment with which every person who served under the elder Almagro devoted himself to his interests, was quickly transferred to his son, who was now grown up to the age of manhood, and possessed all the qualities which captivate the affections of soldiers. Of a graceful appearance, dextrous at all martial exercises, bold, open, generous, he seemed to be formed for command; and as his father, conscious of his own inferiority from the total want of education, had been extremely attentive to have him instructed in every science becoming a gentleman; the accomplishments which he had acquired heightened the respect of his followers, as they gave him distinction and eminence among illiterate adventurers. In this young man the Almagrians found a point of union which they wanted; and looking up to him as their head, were ready to undertake anything for his advancement. Nor was affection for Almagro their only incitement; they were urged on by their own distresses. Many of them, destitute of common necessaries, and weary of loitering away life, a burden to their chief, or to such of their associates as had saved some remnant of their fortune from pillage and confiscation, longed impatiently for an occasion to exert their activity and courage, and began to deliberate how they might be avenged on the author of all their misery. Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved; and the governor was warned to be on his guard against men who meditated some desperate deed, and had resolution to execute it. But, either from the native intrepidity of his mind, or from contempt of persons whose poverty rendered their machinations of little consequence, he disregarded the admonitions of his friends. "Be in no pain (said he carelessly) about my life; it is perfectly safe, as long as every man in Peru knows that I can in a moment put him to death who dares to harbour a thought against it." This security gave the Almagrians full leisure to digest and ripen every part of their scheme; and Juan de Herada, an officer of great abilities, who had the charge of Almagro's education, took the lead in their consultations, with all the zeal which that connection inspired, and with all the authority which the ascendant that he was known to have over the mind of his pupil gave him.

On Sunday, the 26th of June, at mid-day, the sea- son of tranquillity and repose in all sultry climates, Herrada, at the head of 18 of the most determined conspirators, fell out of Almagro's house in complete armour; and drawing their swords, as they advanced hastily towards the governor's palace, cried out, "Long live the king, but let the tyrant die." Their associates, warned of their motions by a signal, were in arms at different stations ready to support them. Though Pizarro was usually surrounded by such a numerous train of attendants as suited the magnificence of the most opulent subject of the age in which he lived, yet as he was just risen from table, and most of his own domestics had retired to their own apartments, the conspirators passed through the two outer courts of the palace unobserved. They were at the bottom of the stair-case, before a page in waiting could give the alarm to his master, who was conversing with a few friends in a large hall. The governor, whose steady mind no form of danger could appal, starting up, called for arms, and commanded Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door. But that officer, who did not retain so much presence of mind as to obey this prudent order, running to the top of the stair-case, wildly asked the conspirators what they meant, and whither they were going? Instead of answering, they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into the hall. Some of the persons who were there threw themselves from the windows; others attempted to fly; and a few drawing their swords, followed their leader into an inner apartment. The conspirators, animated with having the object of their vengeance now in view, rushed forward after them. Pizarro, with no other arms than his sword and buckler, defended the entry, and, supported by his half-brother Alcantara and his little knot of friends, maintained the unequal contest with intrepidity worthy of his past exploits, and with the vigour of a youthful combatant. "Courage," cried he, companions, we are yet now to make those traitors repent of their audacity." But the armour of the conspirators protected them, while every thrust they made took effect. Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet; his other defendants were mortally wounded. The governor, so weary that he could hardly wield his sword, and no longer able to parry the many weapons furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, sunk to the ground, and expired.

As soon as he was slain, the assassins ran out into the streets, and waving their bloody swords, proclaimed the death of the tyrant. Above 200 of their associates having joined them, they conducted young Almagro in solemn procession through the city; and assembling the magistrates and principal citizens, compelled them to acknowledge him as lawful successor to his father in his government. The palace of Pizarro, together with the houses of several of his adherents, were pillaged by the soldiers; who had the satisfaction at once of being avenged on their enemies, and of enriching themselves by the spoils of those through whose hands all the wealth of Peru had passed.

The new governor marched into the heart of the empire, in order to reduce such places as refused to acknowledge his authority. A multitude of rustics joined him on his march. His army breathed nothing but vengeance and plunder; every thing gave way before it. If the military talents of the general had equalled the ardour of his troops, the war had ended here. Unhappily for Almagro, he had lost his conductor John de Herrada. His inexperience made him fall into the snares that were laid for him by Pedro Alvarez, who had put himself at the head of the opposite party. He lost, in attempting to unravel his plots, that time that he ought to have employed in fighting. In these circumstances, an event, which no one could have foreseen, happened to change the face of affairs.

The licentiate Vaca di Castro, who had been sent from Europe to try the murderers of old Almagro, arrived at Peru. As he was appointed to assume the government in case Pizarro was no more, all who had not folded themselves to the tyrant hastened to acknowledge him. Uncertainty and jealousy, which had for too long a time kept them dispersed, were no longer an obstacle to their re-union. Castro, who was as resolute as if he had grown old in the service, did not suffer their impatience to languish, but instantly led them against the enemy. The two armies engaged at Chapas on the 16th of September 1542, and fought with inexpressible obstinacy. Victory, after having wavering a long time, at the close of the day decided in favour of that party whose cause was the most just. Those among the rebels who were most guilty, dreading to languish under disgraceful tortures, provoked the conquerors to murder them, crying out, like men in despair, "It was I who killed Pizarro." Their chief was taken prisoner, and died on the scaffold.

While these scenes of horror were transacting in America, the Spaniards in Europe were employed in finding out expedients to terminate them; though no measures had been taken to prevent them. Peru had only been made subject to the audience of Panama, which was too remote to superintend the maintenance of good order, and had too little influence to make its decrees respected. A supreme tribunal was then established at Lima for the dispensation of justice, which was to be invested with authority sufficient to enforce and to reward a due obedience to the laws. Blasco Nunez Vela, who presided in it as viceroy, arrived in 1544, attended by his subordinates in office, and found everything in the most dreadful disorder.

To put an end to these tumults which now subsisted, would have required a profound genius, and many other qualities which are seldom united. Nunez had none of these advantages. Nature had only given him probity, firmness, and ardour; and he had taken no pains to improve these gifts. With these virtues, which were almost defects in his situation, he began to fulfil his commission, without regard to places, persons, or circumstances.

Contrary to the opinion of all intelligent persons, who wished that he should wait for fresh instructions from Europe, he published ordinances, which declared viceroy Nunez Vela, that the lands the conquerors had seized should not pass to their descendants, and which dispossessed those who had taken part in the civil commotions. All the Peruvians who had been enslaved by monks, bishops, and persons belonging to the government, were declared free. Those who belonged to other masters were to be freed from their shackles at the death of their oppressors. They could no longer be compelled to bury themselves in the mines, nor could any kind of labour labour be exacted from them without payment. Their tribute was fixed. The Spaniards who travelled on foot were deprived of the right of taking three Indians to carry their baggage; and those who travelled on horseback, of the right of taking five. The caciques were discharged from the obligation of furnishing the traveller and his retinue with provisions gratis. Other tyrannical establishments also would soon have been profligated; and the conquered people were on the eve of being sheltered under the protection of laws, which would at least have tempered the rigours of the right of conquest, if even they had not entirely repaired the injustice of them; but it should seem that the Spanish government was only to be unfortunate in the good it attempted to effect.

A change so unexpected filled those with consternation who saw their fortunes wrestled from them, or who lost the flattering hope of transmitting theirs to their posterity. Even those who were not affected by these interested views, being accustomed to look upon the Indians as the instruments and victims of their avarice, had no conception that any other ideas could prevail concerning them. From astonishment they proceeded to indignation, murmuring, and sedition. The viceroy was degraded, put in irons, and banished to a distant island, till he could be conveyed to Spain.

Gonzales Pizarro was then returned from his hazardous expedition, which had employed him long enough to prevent him from taking a part in those revolutions which had so rapidly succeeded each other. The anarchy he found prevailing at his return, inspired him with the idea of seizing the supreme authority. His fame and his forces made it impossible that this should be refused him; but his usurpation was marked with so many enormities, that Nunez was regretted. He was recalled from exile, and soon collected a sufficient number of forces to enable him to take the field. Civil commotions were then renewed with extreme fury by both parties. No quarter was asked or given on either side. The Indians took part in this as they had done in the preceding wars; some ranged themselves under the standard of the viceroy, others under the banners of Gonzales. From 15,000 to 20,000 of these unhappy wretches, who were scattered about in each army, dragged up the artillery, levelled the roads, carried the baggage, and destroyed one another. Their conquerors had taught them to be sanguinary. After a variety of advantages for a long time alternately obtained, fortune at length favoured the rebellion under the walls of Quito in the month of January, in the year 1545; and Nunez with the greatest part of his men were massacred.

Pizarro took the road of Lima, where they were deliberating on the ceremonies with which they should receive him. Some officers wished that a canopy should be carried for him to march under, after the manner of kings. Others, with adulation still more extravagant, pretended that part of the walls of the town, and even some houses, must be pulled down, as was the custom at Rome, when a general obtained the honours of a triumph. Gonzales contented himself with making his entrance on horseback, preceded by his lieutenant, who marched on foot. Four bishops accompanied him, and he was followed by the magistrates. The streets were strewn with flowers, and the air resounded with the noise of bells and various musical instruments. This homage totally turned the head of a man naturally haughty, and of confined ideas. He spoke and acted in the most despotic manner.

Had Gonzales possessed judgment and the appearance of moderation, it would have been possible for him to render himself independent. The principal persons of his party wished it. The majority would have beheld this event with indifference, and the rest would have been obliged to consent to it. Blind cruelties, insatiable avarice, and unbounded pride, altered these dispositions. Even those, whose interests were connected with those of the tyrant, wished for a deliverer.

Such a deliverer arrived from Europe in the person of the licentiate Pedro de la Gaufa. The squadron put to sea and the provinces of the mountains immediately declared for a person who was invested with a lawful authority to govern them. Those who lived concealed in deserts, caverns, and forests, quitted their retreats to join him. Gonzales, who saw no resource left to support him but in some great achievement, took the road of Cuzco, with a resolution to give battle. At some leagues distance from this place he met the royal army, and attacked it on the 9th of June 1548. One of his lieutenants, seeing him abandoned at the first charge by his best soldiers, advised him to throw himself into the enemy's battalions, and perish like a Roman; but this weak man chose rather to surrender, and end his life on a scaffold. Carvajal, a more able warrior, and more ferocious than himself, was quartered. This man, when he was expiring, boasted that he had massacred with his own hand 1400 Spaniards and 20,000 Indians.

Such was the last scene of a tragedy, of which every act has been marked with blood. The government was moderate enough not to continue the proscriptions; and the remembrance of the horrid calamities they had suffered kept the Spaniards in the bounds of subjection. What still remained of that commotion that had been raised in their minds, infallibly sunk into a calm; and the country hath remained in quiet ever since.

With regard to the Peruvians, the most cruel measures were taken to render it impossible for them to rise against the Peruvians. Tupac Amaru, the heir of their last king, had taken refuge in some remote mountains, where he lived in peace. There he was so closely surrounded by the troops which had been sent out against him, that he was forced to surrender. The viceroy Francis de Toledo caused him to be accused of several crimes that he had not committed, and for which he was beheaded in 1571. All the other descendants of the Incas shared the same fate, under pretence that they had conspired against their conquerors. The horror of these enormities excited so universal an indignation both in the Old and the New World, that Philip II. thought himself obliged to disavow them; but the infamous policy of this prince was so notorious, that no credit was given to this appearance of his justice and humanity.

The empire of Peru, at the time it was subdued, extended along the South Sea, from the River of Eme-rails to Chili, and on the land side to Popayan, according According to some geographers, it contained within its extent that famous chain of mountains which rises in the Terra Magellanica, and is gradually lost in Mexico, in order to unite, as it should seem, the southern parts of America with the northern. Its territory, which is very irregular, may be divided into three classes.

The principal Cordeleras form the first. The summits of these, says M. de la Condamine, are lost in the clouds, and almost all of them are covered with enormous masses of snow as old as the world. From several of these summits, which have in part tumbled down, and from these immense heaps of snow, torrents of smoke and flame issue. Such are the summits of Colopaxi, Tongourargua, and Sangai. The greatest part of the rest have formerly been volcanoes, or will probably one day become such. History has only preserved to us the era of their eruptions since the discovery of America; but the pumice-stones, the calcined earths with which they are strewn, and the evident vestiges that the flame hath left, are authentic testimonies of the reality of former eruptions: their height is prodigious.

Cayambour, which is situated directly under the equator, and Antifona, which is only five leagues distant from it to the south, are more than 3000 toises high, reckoning from the level of the sea; and Chimborazo, which is near 3220 toises high, surpasses by one third the altitude of the Peak of Teneriffe, the highest mountain of the old hemisphere. Pitchincha and Caracora, where the French Academicians made most of their observations with regard to the figure of the earth, have only 2430 and 2470 toises of absolute height; and this is the highest mountain that was ever ascended. Eternal snows have hitherto rendered summits of greater altitude inaccessible.

From this boundary, which is where the snow never melts, not even in the torrid zone, one hardly sees, in descending 100 or 150 toises down, anything except naked rocks or dry sands: a little lower, one may perceive some moss that covers the rocks; various kinds of heath, which, though green and damp, make a clear fire; round hillocks of spungy earth, on which grow small radiated and starry plants, whose petals are like the leaves of yew. Throughout the whole of this space, the snow is only temporary; but it continues sometimes whole weeks and months. Lower still, the ground is commonly covered with a sort of loose grass, which rises a foot and a half high, or two feet. This species of hay is the proper characteristic that distinguishes the mountains which the Spaniards call Paramos. They only give this name to heath, or such uncultivated ground as is too high for wood to grow on it, or where the rain seldom falls otherwise than in the form of snow, tho' it immediately melts. And, lastly, in descending still lower, to the height of about 2000 toises above the level of the sea, one sees it sometimes snow and sometimes rain.

When we come down from these mountains, we find others that are less considerable, which occupy the middle of Peru. The summit of these is commonly cold, barren, and full of mines. The valleys between them are covered with numerous flocks, and seem to offer to agriculture the most copious harvests. There are seldom above two months of winter here; and in the greatest heat we need only pass out of the sun into the shade, to enjoy the temperate zone. This rapid alternative of sensation is not, however, invariable in a climate, which, by the disposition alone of the ground, often changes in the course of a league. But let it be as it will, it is always found healthy. There is no malady peculiar to these countries, and those of our climate seldom prevail there. An European vessel, however, in 1719, brought thither an epidemic disorder, which carried off a great number of Spaniards and Metees, and above 200,000 Indians. A more fatal present still, which these people have received in exchange for their gold, is the small-pox. It shewed itself here for the first time in 1588, and has not failed since to make at intervals inexplicable ravages.

The people are not less exposed to this fatal distemper on the coasts known by the name of valleys. Their temperature is not the same as is elsewhere found in the same latitude. It is very agreeable; and, though the four seasons of the year are sensibly felt here, there is none that can with propriety be deemed inconvenient. The winter is the most strongly marked. This has been accounted for by the winds of the south pole, which bring along with them the impression of those snows and that ice from which they first came: but this they preserve only in part, because they blow while a thick fog lies upon the earth. In reality, these gross vapours never regularly rise till towards noon: but it is seldom that they disperse. The sky commonly continues so much covered with them, that the rays of the sun, which sometimes appear, can only in a very slight manner mitigate the cold.

Whatever may be the cause of so regular a winter under the torrid zone, it is certain that these valleys, which are covered with heaps of sand, are absolutely barren for a space of more than 100 leagues, from Truxillo to Lima. The rest of the coast is less sandy, but it is still too much so to be fruitful. No fields are there found that can be styled fertile, except in such lands as are watered by the streams which descend from the mountains.

Rain might contribute to impart to the soil the fertility of which it is destitute; but it is never known to rain in Lower Peru. Natural philosophy has exerted its efforts in vain to discover the cause of a phenomenon so extraordinary. To this it is owing, that the houses, though only built of crude brick, or of earth mixed with a little grass, are of very long duration. Their covering is only a simple matting, placed horizontally, with a layer of ashes an inch deep above, to absorb the moisture of the fog.

The same reasons that prevent its raining in the valleys, undoubtedly also hinder storms. Those of their inhabitants who never travelled in the mountains, are perfect strangers to thunder and lightning. Their terror is equal to their astonishment, when, out of their country, they first behold so uncommon a spectacle.

But they have a phenomenon much more dangerous and dreadful, and which, in its consequences, leaves much deeper impressions in the human imagination than thunder and the ravages that accompany it. Earthquakes, which in other countries are so rare, that whole generations pass without beholding one, are so common in the valleys of Peru, that they have there contracted an habit of reckoning them as a Peru.

ries of dates; and they are so much the more memorable, as their frequent return does not diminish their violence. There are few places on this extensive coast which do not present most dreadful monuments of these horrible convulsions of the earth.

At the time when the first conquests were made, when emigrations were most frequent, the country of the Incas had a much greater reputation for riches than New Spain; and, in reality, for a long time much more considerable treasures were brought away from it. The desire of partaking of them must necessarily draw thither, as was really the case, a greater number of Castilians. Though they all almost went over there with the hope of returning to their country to enjoy the fortune they might acquire, yet the majority of them settled in the colony. They were induced to this by the softness of the climate, the salubrity of the air, and the goodness of the provisions. Mexico presented not the same advantages, and did not give them reason to expect so much independence as a land infinitely more remote from the mother-country.

Cusco attracted the conquerors in multitudes. They found this capital built on a ground that was very irregular, and divided into as many quarters as there were provinces in the empire. Each of the inhabitants might follow the usages of his native country; but every body was obliged to conform to the worship established by the founder of the monarchy. There was no edifice that had any grandeur, elegance, or convenience; because the people were ignorant of the first elements of architecture. The magnificence of what they called the palace of the sovereign, of the princes of the blood, and of the great men of his empire, consisted in the profusion of the metals that were lavished in decorating them. The temple of the Sun was distinguished above all other edifices; its walls were incrustated or sheathed with gold and silver, ornamented with divers figures, and loaded with the idols of all the nations whom the Incas had enlightened and subdued.

As it was not a solicitude for their own preservation which occupied the Spaniards at first, they had no sooner pillaged the immense riches which had been amassed at Cusco for four centuries, than they went in great numbers in 1534, under the order of Sebastian de Benalcázar, to undertake the destruction of Quito. The other towns and boroughs of the empire were overrun with the same spirit of rapine; and the citizens and the temples were plundered in all parts.

Those of the conquerors, who did not take up their residence in the settlements which they found already formed, built towns on the sea-coasts, where before there were none; for the sterility of the soil had not permitted the Peruvians to multiply much there; and they had not been induced to remove thither from the extremity of their country, because they failed very little. Paita, Truxillo, Callao, Piura, and Arica, were the roads which the Spaniards deemed most convenient for the communication they intended to establish among themselves and with the mother-country. The different positions of these new cities determined the degree of their prosperity.

Those which were afterwards built in the inland parts of the country were not erected in regions which presented a fertile soil, copious harvests, excellent pastures, a mild and salubrious climate, and all the conveniences of life. These places, which had hitherto been so well cultivated by a numerous and flourishing people, were now totally disregarded. Very soon they exhibited only a deplorable picture of a horrid desert; and this wilderness must have been more melancholy and hideous than the dreary aspect of the earth before the origin of societies. The traveller, who was led by accident or curiosity into these desolate plains, could not forbear abhorring the barbarous and bloody authors of these devastations, while he reflected that it was not owing even to the cruel illusions of glory and to the fanaticism of conquest, but to the stupid and abject desire of gold, that they had sacrificed so much more real treasure, and so numerous a population.

This insatiable thirst of gold, which neither tended to subsistence, safety, nor policy, was the only motive for establishing new settlements, some of which have been kept up, while several have decayed, and others have been formed in their stead. The fate of them all has corresponded with the discovery, progress, or declension, of the mines to which they were subordinate.

Fewer errors have been committed in the means of procuring provisions. The natives had hitherto lived hardly on anything else but maize, fruits, and pulse, for which they had used no other seasoning except salt and pimento. Their liquors, which were made from different roots, were more diversified; of these the chica was the most usual; which is made from maize soaked in water, and taken out of the vessel when it begins to sprout. It is dried in the sun, then parched a little, and at last ground. The flour, after it has been well kneaded, is put with water into large pitchers. The fermentation may be expected in two or three days, and must not continue longer. The great inconvenience of this drink, which, when used immoderately, infallibly intoxicates, is, that it will not keep more than eight days without turning sour. Its taste is nearly that of the most indifferent kind of cider. It is a refreshing, nourishing, and aperitive liquor. The Indians, who are never troubled with suppressions of urine, are said to owe that advantage to the use of this drink.

The conquerors were not satisfied either with the liquors or with the food of the people they had subdued. They imported vines from the Old World, which soon multiplied sufficiently in the sands of the coasts at Ica, Piura, Nasca, Moquegua, and Truxillo, to furnish the colony with the wine and brandy it wanted. Olives succeeded still better; and yielded a great abundance of oil, which was much superior to that of the mother-country. Other fruits were transplanted with the same success. Sugar succeeds so well, that none of any other growth can be compared to that which is cultivated in these parts, where it never rains. In the inland country wheat and barley were sown; and at length all the European quadrupeds were soon found grazing at the foot of the mountains.

This was a considerable step; but there still remained much more to be done. After they had provided for a better and a greater choice of subsistence, the next care of the Spaniards was to have a dress more commodious and more agreeable than that of the Peruvians. These were, however, better clothed than any other... American nation. They owed this superiority to the advantage which they alone possessed, of having the Lama and Pacos, domestic animals which served them for this use. See Camelus.

After the conquest, all the Indians were obliged to wear cloths. As the oppression under which they groaned did not allow them to exercise their former industry, they contented themselves with the coarser cloths of Europe, for which they were made to pay an exorbitant price. When the gold and silver which had escaped the rapacity of the conquerors were exhausted, they thought of re-establishing their national manufactures. These were some time after prohibited, on account of the deficiency which they occasioned in the exports of the mother-country. The impossibility which the Peruvians found of purchasing foreign stuffs and paying their taxes, occasioned permission to be given at the end of ten years for their re-establishment. They have not been discontinued since that time, and have been brought to as great a degree of perfection as it was possible they could be under a continual tyranny.

With the wool of the vicuna, a species of wild pacos, they make, at Cuzco and in its territory, stockings, handkerchiefs, and scarfs. These manufactures would have been multiplied, if the spirit of destruction had not fallen on animals as well as on men. The same wool, mixed with that of the sheep imported thither from Europe, which hath exceedingly degenerated, serves for carpets, and makes also tolerably fine cloth. Fleeces of inferior quality are employed in serges, druggets, and in all kinds of coarse stuffs.

The manufactures subservient to luxury are established at Arequipa, Cuzco, and Lima. In these three towns is made a prodigious number of gold toys and plate, for the use of private persons, and also for the churches. All these manufactures are but coarsely wrought, and mixed with a great deal of copper. We seldom discover more taste in their gold and silver laces and embroideries which their manufactures also produce. This is not altogether the case in regard to their lace, which, when mixed with that of Europe, looks very beautiful. This last manufacture is commonly in the hands of the nuns, who employ in it the Peruvian girls, and the young Mestees of the towns, who for the most part before marriage pass some years in the convent.

Other hands are employed in painting and gilding leather for rooms, in making with wood and ivory pieces of inlaid work and sculpture, and in drawing figures on the marble that is found at Cucuca, or on linen imported from Europe. These different works, which are almost all manufactured at Cuzco, serve for ornaments for houses, palaces, and temples: the drawing of them is not bad, but the colours are neither exact nor permanent. If the Indians, who invent nothing, but are excellent imitators, had able masters and excellent models, they would at least make good copies. At the close of the last century, some works of a Peruvian painter, named Michael de St Jacques, were brought to Rome; and the connoisseurs discovered marks of genius in them.

Though the Peruvians were unacquainted with coin, they knew the use of gold and silver; for they employed them in different kinds of ornaments. Independent of what the torrents and accidents procured them of these metals, some mines had been opened of little depth. The Spaniards have not transmitted to us the manner in which these rich productions were drawn from the bottom of the earth. Their pride, which has deprived us of so much useful knowledge, undoubtedly made them think, that, in the inventions of a people whom they called barbarous, there was nothing that was worthy to be recorded.

The difference as to the manner in which the Peruvians worked their mines, did not extend to the mines themselves. The conquerors opened them on all sides. At first the gold mines tempted the avarice of the greater number. Fatal experience discouraged those whom passion had not blinded. They clearly saw, that, for some enormous fortunes raised in this manner, great numbers, who had only moderate fortunes, were totally ruined. These mines sunk into such discredit, that, in order to prevent them from being abandoned, the government was obliged to take the tenth part of their produce, instead of the fifth which it at first received.

The mines of silver were more common, more equal, and richer. They even produced silver of a singular species, rarely found elsewhere. Towards the seacoast, great lumps of this metal are found in the sands.

There are a great number of other mines which are infinitely more important, and are found in the rocks and on the mountains. Several of them gave false hopes. Such, in particular, was that of Ucuntaya, discovered in 1713. This was only an incrustation of almost massive silver, which at first yielded several millions, but was soon exhausted.

Others which were deeper, have been alike deserted. Their produce, though equal to what it was originally, was not sufficient to support the expense of working them, which augmented every day. The mines of Quito, Cuzco, and Arequipa, have experienced that revolution which awaits many of the rest.

There are greater numbers of very rich mines which the waters have invaded. The disposition of the ground, which from the summit of the Cordeleras goes continually shelving to the South Sea, must necessarily render these events more common at Peru than in other places. This inconvenience, which with greater care and skill might often have been prevented or diminished, has been in some instances remedied.

Joseph Salcedo, about the year 1660, had discovered, not far from the town of Puna, the mine of Layacota. It was so rich, that they often cut the silver with a chisel. Prosperity had so elevated the mind of the proprietor, that he permitted all the Spaniards who came to seek their fortune in this part of the New World, to work some days on their own account, without weighing or taking any account of the presents he made them. This generosity drew around him an infinite number of people, whose avidity made them quarrel with each other, and the love of money made them take up arms and fall upon one another; and their benefactor, who had neglected no expedient to prevent and extinguish their sanguinary contentions, was hanged as being the author of them. Whilst he was in prison, the water got possession of his mine. Superstition soon made it imagined that this was a punishment for the horrid act they had perpetrated against him. This idea of divine vengeance was revered for a long time; but at last, in 1740, Diego de Baena associated with other opulent people, to avert the springs which had deluged so much treasure. The labours which this difficult undertaking required, were not finished till 1754. The mine yields as much now as it did at first. But mines still richer than this have been discovered. Such, for example, is that of Potosi, which was found in the same country where the Incas worked that of Porco.

An Indian, named Hualpa, in 1545, pursuing some deer, in order to climb certain steep rocks laid hold of a bush, the roots of which loosed from the earth, and brought to view an ingot of silver. The Indian had recourse to it for his own use; and never failed to return to his treasure every time that his wants or his desires solicited him to it. The change that had happened in his fortune was remarked by one of his countrymen, and he discovered to him the secret. The two friends could not keep their counsel and enjoy their good fortune. They quarrelled; on which the indiscreet confident discovered the whole to his master, Villaroeil, a Spaniard who was settled in the neighbourhood. Upon this the mine became known, and was worked; and a great number of them were found in its vicinity; the principal of which are in the northern part of the mountain, and their direction is from north to south. The most intelligent people of Peru have observed, that this is in general the direction of the richest mines.

The fame of what was passing at Potosi soon spread abroad; and there was quickly built at the foot of the mountain, a town consisting of 60,000 Indians, and 10,000 Spaniards. The fertility of the soil did not prevent its being immediately peopled. Corn, fruit, flocks, American stuffs, European luxuries, arrived there from every quarter. Industry, which everywhere follows the current of money, could not search for it with so much success as at its source. It evidently appeared that in 1738 these mines produced annually near 978,000l. without reckoning the silver which was not registered, and what had been carried off by fraud. From that time the produce has been so much diminished, that no more than one-eighth part of the coin which was formerly struck is now made.

The mines of Potosi, and all the mines of South America, in purifying their gold and silver, use mercury, with which they are supplied from Guanca Velica. The common opinion is, that this mine was discovered in 1564. The trade of mercury was then still free; it became an exclusive trade in 1571. At this period all the mines of mercury were shut; and that of Guanca Velica alone was worked, the property of which the king reserved to himself. It is not found to diminish. This mine is dug in a prodigiously large mountain, 60 leagues from Lima. In its profound abyss are seen streets, squares, and a chapel, where the mysteries of religion on all festivals are celebrated. Millions of flambeaux are continually kept to enlighten it.

Private people at their own expense work the mine of Guanca Velica. They are obliged to deliver to government, at a stipulated price, all the mercury they extract from it. As soon as they have procured the quantity which the demands of one year require, the work is suspended. Part of the mercury is sold on the spot, and the rest is sent to the royal magazines throughout all Peru; from whence it is delivered out at the same price it is sold for in Mexico. This arrangement, which has occasioned many of the mines to drop, and prevented others from being opened, is inexcusable in the Spanish system. The court of Madrid, in this respect, merits the same reproaches as a ministry in other countries would incur, that would be blind enough today a duty on the implements of agriculture.

The mine of Guanca Velica generally affects those who work in it with convulsions: this and the other mines, which are not less unhealthy, are all worked by the Peruvians. These unfortunate victims of an insatiable avarice are crowded all together and plunged naked into these abysses, the greatest part of which are deep, and all excessively cold. Tyranny has invented this refinement in cruelty, to render it impossible for anything to escape its restless vigilance. If there are any wretches who long survive such barbarity, it is the use of cocoa that preserves them.