(from Americus Vespucius, falsely said to be the first discoverer of the continent); one of the four America. four quarters of the world, probably the largest of the whole, and from its late discovery frequently denominated the New World.

This vast country extends from the 80th degree of north, to the 56th degree of south latitude; and, where its breadth is known, from the 35th to the 136th degree west longitude from London; stretching between 8000 and 9000 miles in length, and in its greatest breadth 3600. It faces both hemispheres, has two summers and a double winter, and enjoys all the variety of climates which the earth affords. It is washed by the two great oceans. To the eastward it has the Atlantic, which divides it from Europe and Africa; to the west it has the Pacific or Great South Sea, by which it is separated from Asia. By these seas it may, and does, carry on a direct commerce with the other three parts of the world.

America is not of equal breadth throughout its whole extent; but is divided into two great continents, called North and South America, by an isthmus 1500 miles long, and which at Darien, about Lat. 9° N. is only 60 miles over. This isthmus forms, with the northern and southern continents, a vast gulf, in which lie a great number of islands, called the West Indies, in contradistinction to the eastern parts of Asia, which are called the East Indies.

Between the New World and the Old, there are several very striking differences; but the most remarkable is the general predominance of cold throughout the whole extent of America. Though we cannot, in any country, determine the precise degree of heat merely by the distance of the equator, because the elevation above the sea, the nature of the soil, &c., affect the climate; yet, in the ancient continent, the heat is much more in proportion to the vicinity to the equator than in any part of America. Here the rigour of the frigid zone extends over half that which should be temperate by its position. Even in those latitudes where the winter is scarcely felt on the Old continent, it reigns with great severity in America, though during a short period. Nor does this cold, prevalent in the New World, confine itself to the temperate zones; but extends its influence to the torrid zone also, considerably mitigating the excess of its heat.—Along the eastern coast, the climate, though more similar to that of the torrid zone in other parts of the earth, is nevertheless considerably milder than in those countries of Asia and Africa which lie in the same latitude. From the southern tropic to the extremity of the American continent, the cold is said to be much greater than in parallel northern latitudes even of America itself.

For this so remarkable difference between the climate of the New continent and the Old, various causes have been assigned by different authors. The following is the opinion of the learned Dr Robertson on this subject. "Though the utmost extent of America towards the north be not yet discovered, we know that it advances nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. The latter have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year; and, even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them is less intensely cold than that which blows over land in the same latitudes. But, in America, the land stretches from the river St Lawrence towards the pole, and spreads out immensely to the west. A chain of enormous mountains, covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becomes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer climates; and is not entirely mitigated until it reach the gulph of Mexico. Over all the continent of North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonymous terms. Even in the most fultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from heat to cold no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may ascribe the extraordinary dominion of cold, and its violent inroads into the southern provinces in that part of the globe.

"Other causes, no less remarkable, diminish the active power of heat in those parts of the American continent which lie between the tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind blows in an invariable direction from east to west. As this wind holds its course across the ancient continent, it arrives at the countries which stretch along the western shore of Africa, inflamed with all the fiery particles which it hath collected from the fultry plains of Asia, and the burning sands in the African deserts. The coast of Africa is accordingly the region of the earth which feels the most fervent heat, and is exposed to the unmitigated ardour of the torrid zone. But this same wind, which brings such an accession of warmth to the countries lying between the river of Senegal and Cafraria, traverses the Atlantic ocean before it reaches the American shore. It is cooled in its passage over this vast body of water; and is felt as a refreshing gale along the coasts of Brazil and Guiana, rendering those countries, tho' amongst the warmest in America, temperate, when compared with those which lie opposite to them in Africa. As this wind advances in its course across America, it meets with immense plains covered with impenetrable forests; or occupied by large rivers, marshes, and stagnating waters, where it can recover no considerable degree of heat. At length it arrives at the Andes, which run from north to south thro' the whole continent. In passing over their elevated and frozen summits, it is so thoroughly cooled, that the greater part of the countries beyond them hardly feel the ardour to which they seem exposed by their situation. In the other provinces of America, from Terra Firma westward to the Mexican empire, the heat of the climate is tempered, in some places, by the elevation of the land above the sea; in others, by their extraordinary humidity; and in all, by the enormous mountains scattered over this tract. The islands of America in the torrid zone are either small or mountainous, and are fanned alternately by refreshing sea and land breezes.

"The causes of the extraordinary cold towards the southern limits of America, and in the seas beyond it, cannot be ascertained in a manner equally satisfying. It was long supposed, that a vast continent, distinguished by the name of Terra Australis Incognita, lay between the southern extremity of America and the antarctic pole. The same principles which account for the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern regions of America, were employed in order to explain that which is felt at Cape Horn and the adjacent countries. The immense extent of the southern continent, and the rivers America. rivers which it poured into the ocean, were mentioned and admitted by philosophers as causes sufficient to occasion the unusual sensation of cold, and the still more uncommon appearances of frozen seas in that region of the globe. But the imaginary continent to which such influence was ascribed having been searched for in vain, and the space which it was supposed to occupy having been found to be an open sea; new conjectures must be formed with respect to the causes of a temperature of climate, so extremely different from that which we experience in countries removed at the same distance from the opposite pole.

"The most obvious and probable cause of this superior degree of cold towards the southern extremity of America, seems to be the form of the continent there. Its breadth gradually decreases as it stretches from St Antonio southwards, and from the bay of St Julian to the straits of Magellan its dimensions are much contracted. On the east and west sides, it is washed by the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. From its southern point, it is probable that an open sea stretches to the antarctic pole. In whichever of these directions the wind blows, it is cooled before it approaches the Magellanic regions, by passing over a vast body of water; nor is the land there of such extent, that it can recover any considerable degree of heat in its progress over it. These circumstances concur in rendering the temperature of the air in this district of America, more similar to that of an insular, than to that of a continental climate; and hinder it from acquiring the same degree of summer-heat, with places in Europe and Asia, in a corresponding northern latitude. The north wind is the only one that reaches this part of America, after blowing over a great continent. But, from an attentive survey of its position, this will be found to have a tendency rather to diminish than augment the degree of heat. The southern extremity of America is properly the termination of the immense ridge of the Andes, which stretches nearly in a direct line from north to south, through the whole extent of the continent. The most sultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, and Tucuman, lie many degrees to the east of the Magellanic regions. The level country of Peru, which enjoys the tropical heats, is situated considerably to the west of them. The north wind, then, though it blows over land, does not bring to the southern extremity of America an increase of heat collected in its passage over torrid regions; but, before it arrives there, it must have swept along the summit of the Andes, and come impregnated with the cold of that frozen region."

Another particularity in the climate of America is its excessive moisture in general. In some places, indeed, on the western coast, rain is not known; but, in all other parts, the moistness of the climate is as remarkable as the cold.—The forests wherewith it is everywhere covered, no doubt, partly occasion the moisture of its climate; but the most prevalent cause is the vast quantity of water in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, with which America is environed on all sides. Hence those places where the continent is narrowest are deluged with almost perpetual rains, accompanied with violent thunder and lightning, by which some of them, particularly Porto Bello, are rendered in a manner uninhabitable.

This extreme moisture of the American climate is productive of much larger rivers there than in any other part of the world. The Danube, the Nile, the Indus, or the Ganges, are not comparable to the Mississippi, vers, and the River St Lawrence, or that of the Amazons; nor are there large lakes to be found anywhere as those which North America affords.—To the same cause we are also partly to ascribe the excessive luxuriance of all kinds of vegetables in almost all parts of this country. In the southern provinces, where the moisture of the climate is aided by the warmth of the sun, the woods are almost impervious, and the surface of the ground is hid from the eye, under a thick covering of shrubs, herbs, and weeds.—In the northern provinces, the forests are not encumbered with the same luxuriance of vegetation; nevertheless, they afford trees much larger of their kind than what are to be found anywhere else.

From the coldness and the moisture of America, an extreme malignity of climate has been inferred, and asserted by M. de Paw in his Recherches Philosophiques, scribed to Hence, according to his hypothesis, the mildness and America, irregularity of the nobler animals, and the size and enormous multiplication of reptiles and insects.

But the supposed mildness and less ferocity of the History of American animals, the Abbé Clavigero observes, instead of the malignity, demonstrates the mildness and bounty of the clime, if we give credit to Buffon, at whose fountain M. de Paw has drank, and of whose testimony he has availed himself against Don Perretty. Buffon, who in many places of his Natural History produces the mildness of the American animals as a certain argument of the malignity of the climate of America; in treating afterwards of savage animals, in Tom. II. speaks thus: "As all things, even the most free creatures, are subject to natural laws, and animals as well as men are subjected to the influence of climate and soil, it appears that the same causes which have civilized and polished the human species in our climates, may have likewise produced similar effects upon other species. The wolf, which is perhaps the fiercest of all the quadrupeds of the temperate zone, is however incomparably less terrible than the tiger, the lion, and the panther of the torrid zone; and the white bear and hyena of the frigid zone. In America, where the air and the earth are more mild than those of Africa, the tiger, the lion, and the panther, are not terrible but in the name. They have degenerated, if fierceness joined to cruelty, made their nature; or, to speak more properly, they have only suffered the influence of the climate: under a milder sky their nature also has become more mild. From climes which are immoderate in their temperature are obtained drugs, perfumes, poisons, and all those plants whose qualities are strong. The temperate earth, on the contrary, produces only things which are temperate; the mildest herbs, the most wholesome pulse, the sweetest fruits, the most quiet animals, and the most humane men, are the natives of this happy clime. As the earth makes the plants, the earth and plants make animals; the earth, the plants, and the animals make man. The physical qualities of man, and the animals which feed on other animals, depend, though more remotely, on the same causes which influence their dispositions and customs. This is the greatest proof and demonstration, that in temperate climes every thing becomes temperate, and that in in- temperate climes every thing is excessive; and that size and form, which appear fixed and determinate qualities, depend notwithstanding, like the relative qualities, on the influence of climate. The size of our quadrupeds cannot be compared with that of an elephant, the rhinoceros, or sea-horse. The largest of our birds are but small if compared with the ostrich, the condore, and egaoare." So far M. Buffon, whose text we have copied, because it is contrary to what M. de Paw writes against the climate of America, and to Buffon himself in many other places.

If the large and fierce animals are natives of temperate climes, and small and tranquil animals of temperate climes, as M. Buffon has here established; if mildness of climate influences the disposition and customs of animals, M. de Paw does not well deduce the malignity of the climate of America from the smaller size and less fierceness of its animals; he ought rather to have deduced the gentleness and sweetness of its climate from this antecedent. If, on the contrary, the smaller size and less fierceness of the American animals, with respect to those of the old continent, are a proof of their degeneracy, arising from the malignity of the clime, as M. de Paw would have it, we ought in like manner to argue the malignity of the climate of Europe from the smaller size and less fierceness of its animals, compared with those of Africa. If a philosopher of the country of Guinea should undertake a work in imitation of M. de Paw, with this title, Recherches Philosophiques sur les Européens, he might avail himself of the same argument which M. de Paw uses, to demonstrate the malignity of the climate of Europe, and the advantages of that of Africa. The climate of Europe, he would say, is very unfavourable to the production of quadrupeds, which are found incomparably smaller, and more cowardly than ours. What are the horse and the ox, the largest of its animals, compared with our elephants, our rhinoceroses, our sea-horses, and our camels? What are its lizards, either in size or swiftness, compared with our crocodiles? Its wolves, its bears, the most dreadful of its wild beasts, when beside our lions and tygers? Its eagles, its vultures, and cranes, if compared with our ostriches, appear only like hens.

As to the enormous size and prodigious multiplication of the insects and other little noxious animals, "The surface of the earth (says M. de Paw), infected by putrefaction, was over-run with lizards, serpents, reptiles, and insects monstrous for size, and the activity of their poison, which they drew from the copious juices of this uncultivated soil, that was corrupted and abandoned to itself, where the nutritive juice became sharp, like the milk in the breast of animals which do not exercise the virtue of propagation. Caterpillars, crabs, butterflies, beetles, spiders, frogs, and toads, were for the most part of an enormous corpulence in their species, and multiplied beyond what can be imagined. Panama is infected with serpents, Carthagena with clouds of enormous bats, Portobello with toads, Surinam with kakelacos or cucarachas, Guadaloupe, and the other colonies of the islands, with beetles, Quito with nigus or chegues, and Lima with lice and bugs. The ancient kings of Mexico, and the emperors of Peru, found no other means of ridding their subjects of these insects which fed upon them, than the imposition of an annual tribute of a certain quantity of lice.

Ferdinand Cortes found bags full of them in the palace of Montezuma." But this argument, exaggerated as it is, proves nothing against the climate of America in general, much less against that of Mexico. There being some lands in America, in which, on account of their heat, humidity, or want of inhabitants, large insects are found, and excessively multiplied, will prove at most, that in some places the surface of the earth is infected, as he says, with putrefaction; but not that the soil of Mexico, or that of all America, is stinking, uncultivated, vitiated, and abandoned to itself. If such a deduction were just, M. de Paw might also say, that the soil of the old continent is barren, and stinks; as in many countries of it there are prodigious multitudes of monstrous insects, noxious reptiles, and vile animals, as in the Philippine Isles, in many of those of the Indian archipelago, in several countries of the south of Asia, in many of Africa, and even in some of Europe. The Philippine Isles are infested with enormous ants and monstrous butterflies; Japan with scorpions; South of Asia and Africa with serpents; Egypt with apes; Guinea and Ethiopia with armies of ants; Holland with field-rats; Ukrania with toads, as M. de Paw himself affirms. In Italy, the Campagna di Roma (although peopled for so many ages), with vipers; Calabria with tarantulas; the shores of the Adriatic sea with clouds of gnats; and even in France, the population of which is so great and so ancient, whose lands are so well cultivated, and whose climate is so celebrated by the French, there appeared, a few years ago, according to M. Buffon, a new species of field-mice, larger than the common kind, called by him Surmulots, which have multiplied exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. M. Bazin, in his Compendium of the History of Insects, numbers 77 species of bugs, which are all found in Paris and its neighbourhood. That large capital, as Mr Bomare says, swarms with those disagreeable insects. It is true that there are places in America, where the multitude of insects, and filthy vermin, make life irksome; but we do not know that they have arrived to such excess of multiplication as to depopulate any place, at least there cannot be so many examples produced of this cause of depopulation in the new as in the old continent, which are attested by Theophrastus, Varro, Pliny, and other authors. The frogs depopulated one place in Gaul, and the locusts another in Africa. One of the Cyclades was depopulated by mice; Amiclas, near to Taracina, by serpents; another place, near to Ethiopia, by scorpions and poisonous ants; and another by icolopendras; and not so distant from our own times, the Mauritius was going to have been abandoned on account of the extraordinary multiplication of rats, as we can remember to have read in a French author.

With respect to the size of the insects, reptiles, and such animals, M. de Paw makes use of the testimony of Mr Dumont, who, in his Memoirs on Louisiana, says, that the frogs are so large there that they weigh 37 French pounds, and their horrid croaking imitates the bellowing of cows. But M. de Paw himself says (in his answer to Don Pernetty, cap. 17.), that all those who have written about Louisiana from Henepin, Le Clerc, and Cav. Tonti, to Dumont, have contradicted each other, sometimes on one and sometimes on another. ther subject. In fact, neither in the old or the new continent are there frogs of 37 pounds in weight; but there are in Asia and Africa serpents, butterflies, ants, and other animals of such monstrous size, that they exceed all those which have been discovered in the new world. We know very well, that some American historian says, that a certain gigantic species of serpents is to be found in the woods, which attract men with their breath, and swallow them up; but we know also that several historians, both ancient and modern, report the same thing of the serpents of Asia, and even something more. Megalothenes, cited by Pliny, said, that there were serpents found in Asia, so large, that they swallowed entire flags and bulls. Metrodorus, cited by the same author, affirms, that in Asia there were serpents which, by their breath, attracted birds, however high they were, or quick their flight. Among the moderns, Gemelli, in Vol. V. of his Tour of the World, when he treats of the animals of the Philippine isles, speaks thus: "There are serpents in these islands of immoderate size; there is one called Ibitin, very long, which suspending itself by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits till flags, bears, and also men pass by, in order to attract them with its breath, and devour them at once entirely:" from whence it is evident, that this very ancient fable has been common to both continents.

Further, it may be asked, In what country of America could M. de Paw find ants to equal those of the Philippine islands, called Satum, respecting which Hernandez affirms, that they are six fingers broad in length and one in breadth? Who has ever seen in America butterflies so large as those of Bourbon, Ternate, the Philippine isles, and all the Indian archipelago? The largest bat of America (native to hot shady countries), which is that called by Buffon Vampiro, is, according to him, of the size of a pigeon... La Rougette, one of the species of Asia, is as large as a raven; and the Rougette, another species of Asia, is as big as a large hen. Its wings, when extended, measure from tip to tip three Parisian feet, and according to Gemelli, who measured it in the Philippine isles, fix palms. M. Buffon acknowledges the excess in size of the Asiatic bat over the American species, but denies it as to number. Gemelli says, that those of the island of Luzon were so numerous that they darkened the air, and that the noise which they made with their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was heard at the distance of two miles. M. de Paw says, in talking of serpents, "it cannot be affirmed that the new world has shown any serpents larger than those which Mr Adanfon saw in the deserts of Africa." The greatest serpent found in Mexico, after a diligent search made by Hernandez, was 18 feet long: but this is not to be compared with that of the Moluccas, which Bomare says is 33 feet in length; nor with the An-candaja of Ceylon, which the same author says is more than 33 feet long: nor with others of Asia and Africa, mentioned by the same author. Lastly, the argument drawn from the multitude and size of the American insects is fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the smallness and scarcity of quadrupeds, and both detect the same ignorance, or rather the same voluntary and studied forgetfulness, of the things of the old continent.

With respect to what M. de Paw has said of the tribute of lice in Mexico, in that as well as in many other things he discovers his ridiculous credulity. It is true that Cortes found bags of lice in the magazines of the palace of king Axayacatl. It is also true, that Montezuma imposed such a tribute, not on all his subjects however, but only on those who were beggars; not on account of the extraordinary multitude of those insects, as M. de Paw affirms, but because Montezuma, who could not suffer idleness in his subjects, resolved that that miserable set of people, who could not labour, should at least be occupied in lousing themselves. This was the true reason of such an extravagant tribute, as Torquemada, Betancourt, and other historians relate; and nobody ever before thought of that which M. de Paw affirms, merely because it suited his preposterous system. Those disgusting insects possibly abound as much in the hair and cloaths of American beggars, as of any poor and uncleanly low people in the world: but there is not a doubt, that if any sovereign of Europe was to exact such a tribute from the poor in his dominions, not only bags, but great vessels might be filled with them.

At the time America was discovered, it was found General de-inhabited by a race of men no less different from those description of in the other parts of the world, than the climate and the natives. natural productions of this continent are different from those of Europe, Asia, or Africa.—One great peculiarity in the native Americans is their colour, and the indentity of it throughout the whole extent of the continent. In Europe and Asia, the people who inhabit the northern countries are of a fairer complexion than those who dwell more to the southward. In the torrid zone, both in Africa and Asia, the natives are entirely black, or the next thing to it. This, however, must be understood with some limitation. The people of Lapland, who inhabit the most northerly part of Europe, are, by no means so fair as the inhabitants of Britain; nor are the Tartars so fair as the inhabitants of Europe, who lie under the same parallels of latitude. Nevertheless, a Laplander is fair when compared with an Abyssinian, and a Tartar if compared with a native of the Molucca islands.—In America, this distinction of colour was not to be found. In the torrid zone there were no negroes, and in the temperate and frigid zones there were no white people. All of them were of a kind of red copper-colour, which Mr Forster observed, in the Pefferays of Terra del Fuego, to have something of a glofs resembling that metal. It doth not appear, however, that this matter hath ever been inquired into with sufficient accuracy. The inhabitants of the inland parts of South America, where the continent is widest, and consequently the influence of the sun the most powerful, have never been compared with those of Canada, or more northerly parts, at least by any person of credit. Yet this ought to have been done, and that in many instances too, before it could be asserted so positively as most authors do, that there is not the least difference of complexion among the natives of America. Indeed, so many systems have been formed concerning them, that it is very difficult to obtain a true knowledge of the most simple facts.—If we may believe the Abbé Raynal, the Californians are farther than the Mexicans; and so positive is he in this opinion, that he gives a reason for it. "This difference of colour," says he, "proves, that the civilized life of society subverts, or totally changes, the order and laws of nature, since..." we find, under the temperate zone, a savage people that are blacker than the civilized nations of the torrid zone."

—On the other hand, Dr Robertson classes all the inhabitants of Spanish America together with regard to colour, whether they are civilized or uncivilized; and when he speaks of California, takes no notice of any peculiarity in their colour more than others.—The general appearance of the indigenous Americans in various districts is thus described by the chevalier Pinto:

"They are all of a copper colour, with some diversity of shade, not in proportion to their distance from the Equator, but according to the degree of elevation of the territory in which they reside. Those who live in a high country are fairer than those in the marshy low lands on the coast. Their face is round; farther removed, perhaps, than that of any people, from an oval shape. Their fore-head is small; the extremity of their ears far from the face; their lips thick; their nose flat; their eyes black, or of a chestnut colour, small, but capable of discerning objects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without any tendency to curl. At the first aspect, a South-American appears to be mild and innocent; but, on a more attentive view, one discovers in his countenance something wild, disreputable, and sullen."

Don Ulloa's account.

The following account of the native Americans is given by Don Antonio Ulloa, in a work intitled Mémoires philosophiques, historiques, et physiques, concernant la découverte de l'Amérique, lately published.

The American Indians are naturally of a colour bordering upon red. Their frequent exposure to the sun and wind changes it to their ordinary dusky hue. The temperature of the air appears to have little or no influence in this respect. There is no perceptible difference in complexion between the inhabitants of the high and those of the low parts of Peru; yet the climates are of an extreme difference. Nay, the Indians who live as far as 40 degrees and upwards south or north of the equator, are not to be distinguished, in point of colour, from those immediately under it.

There is also a general conformation of features and person, which, more or less, characterizeth them all. Their chief distinctions in these respects are a small forehead, partly covered with hair to the eye-brows, little eyes, the nose thin, pointed, and bent towards the upper lip; a broad face, large ears, black, thick, and lank hair; the legs well formed, the feet small, the body thick and muscular; little or no beard on the face, and that little never extending beyond a small part of the chin and upper lip. It may easily be supposed that this general description cannot apply, in all its parts, to every individual; but all of them partake so much of it, that they may be easily distinguished even from the mulattoes, who come nearest to them in point of colour.

The resemblance among all the American tribes is not less remarkable in respect to their genius, character, manners, and particular customs. The most distant tribes are, in these respects, as similar as though they formed but one nation.

All the Indian nations have a peculiar pleasure in painting their bodies of a red colour, with a certain species of earth. The mine of Guanacavilca was formerly of no other use than to supply them with this material for dyeing their bodies; and the cinnabar extracted from it was applied entirely to this purpose. America. The tribes in Louisiana and Canada have the same passion; hence minium is the commodity most in demand there.

It may seem singular that these nations, whose natural colour is red, should affect the same colour as an artificial ornament. But it may be observed, that they do nothing in this respect but what corresponds to the practice of Europeans, who also study to heighten and display to advantage the natural red and white of their complexions. The Indians of Peru have now indeed abandoned the custom of painting their bodies; but it was common among them before they were conquered by the Spaniards; and it still remains the custom of all those tribes who have preserved their liberty. The northern nations of America, besides the red colour which is predominant, employ also black, white, blue, and green, in painting their bodies.

The adjustment of these colours is a matter of as great consideration with the Indians of Louisiana and guard to the vast regions extending to the north, as the ornaments and dress among the most polished nations. The dress itself they call Matashe, and they do not fail to apply all their talents and affluence to accomplish it in the most finished manner. No lady of the greatest fashion ever confutes her mirror with more anxiety, than the Indians do while painting their bodies. The colours are applied with the utmost accuracy and address. Upon the eye-lids, precisely at the root of the eye lashes, they draw two lines as fine as the smallest thread; the same upon the lips, the openings of the nostrils, the eyebrows, and the ears; of which last they even follow all the inflexions and sinuosities. As to the rest of the face, they distribute various figures, in all which the red predominates, and the other colours are assorted to throw it out to the best advantage. The neck also receives its proper ornaments; a thick coat of vermilion commonly distinguishes the cheeks. Five or six hours are requisite for accomplishing all this with the nicety which they affect. As their first attempts do not always succeed to their wish, they efface them, and begin anew upon a better plan. No coquette is more fastidious in her choice of ornament, none more vain when the important adjustment is finished. Their delight and self-satisfaction are then so great, that the mirror is hardly ever laid down. An Indian Matashe to his mind is the vainest of all the human species. The other parts of the body are left in their natural state, and, excepting what is called a cachecol, they go entirely naked.

Such of them as have made themselves eminent for bravery, or other qualifications, are distinguished by figures painted on their bodies. They introduce the colours by making punctures on their skin, and the extent of surface which this ornament covers is proportioned to the exploits they have performed. Some paint only their arms, others both their arms and legs; others again their thighs, while those who have attained the summit of warlike renown, have their bodies painted from the waist upwards. This is the heraldry of the Indians; the devices of which are probably more exactly adjusted to the merits of the persons who bear them, than those of more civilized countries.

Besides these ornaments, the warriors also carry plumes plumes of feathers on their heads, their arms, and ankles. These likewise are tokens of valour, and none but such as have been thus distinguished may wear them.

The propensity to indolence is equal among all the tribes of Indians, civilized or savage. The only employment of those who have preserved their independence is hunting and fishing. In some districts the women exercise a little agriculture, in raising Indian corn and pompoms, of which they form a species of aliment, by bruising them together; they also prepare the ordinary beverage in use among them, taking care, at the same time, of the children, of whom the fathers take no charge.

The female Indians of all the conquered regions of South America practice what is called the urcu (a word which among them signifies elevation). It consists in throwing forward the hair from the crown of the head upon the brow, and cutting it round from the ears to above the eye; so that the forehead and eye-brows are entirely covered. The same custom takes place in the Northern countries. The female inhabitants of both regions tie the rest of their hair behind, so exactly on the same fashion, that it might be supposed the effect of mutual imitation. This however being impossible, from the vast distance that separates them, is thought to countenance the supposition of the whole of America being originally planted with one race of people.

This custom does not take place among the males. Those of the higher parts of Peru wear long and flowing hair, which they reckon a great ornament. In the lower parts of the same country they cut it short, on account of the heat of the climate; a circumstance in which they imitate the Spaniards. The inhabitants of Louisiana pluck out their hair by the root, from the crown of the head forwards, in order to obtain a large forehead, otherwise denied them by nature. The rest of their hair they cut as short as possible, to prevent their enemies from seizing them by it in battle, and also to prevent them from easily getting their scalp, should they fall into their hands as prisoners.

The whole race of American Indians is distinguished by thickness of skin and hardness of fibres; circumstances which probably contribute to that insensibility to bodily pain for which they are remarkable. An instance of this insensibility occurred in an Indian who was under the necessity of submitting to be cut for the stone. This operation, in ordinary cases, seldom lasts above four or five minutes. Unfavourable circumstances in his case prolonged it to the uncommon period of 27 minutes. Yet all this time the patient gave no tokens of the extreme pain commonly attending this operation: he complained only as a person does who feels some slight uneasiness. At last the stone was extracted. Two days after, he expressed a desire for food, and on the eighth day from the operation he quitted his bed, free from pain, although the wound was not yet thoroughly closed. The same want of sensibility is observed in cases of fractures, wounds, and other accidents of a similar nature. In all these cases their cure is easily effected, and they seem to suffer less present pain than any other race of men. The skulls that have been taken up in their ancient burying-grounds are of a greater thickness than that bone is commonly found, being from six to seven lines from the outer to the inner superficies. The same is remarked as to the thickness of their skins.

It is natural to infer from hence, that their comparative insensibility to pain is owing to a coarser and stronger organization, than that of other nations. The ease with which they endure the severities of climate is another proof of this. The inhabitants of the higher parts of Peru live amidst perpetual frost and snow. Although their clothing is very slight, they support this inclement temperature without the least inconvenience. Habit, it is to be confessed, may contribute a good deal to this, but much also is to be ascribed to the compact texture of their skin, which defends them from the impression of cold through their pores.

The northern Indians resemble them in this respect. The utmost rigours of the winter season do not prevent them from following the chase almost naked. It is true, they wear a kind of woollen cloak, or sometimes the skin of a wild beast, upon their shoulders; but besides that it covers only a small part of their body, it would appear that they use it rather for ornament than warmth. In fact, they wear it indiscriminately, in the severities of winter and in the furtihest heats of summer, when neither Europeans nor Negroes can suffer any but the slightest clothing. They even frequently throw aside this cloak when they go a-hunting, that it may not embarrass them in traversing their forests, where they say the thorns and undergrowth would take hold of it; while, on the contrary, they slide smoothly over the surface of their naked bodies. At all times they go with their heads uncovered, without suffering the least inconvenience, either from the cold, or from those coups de froid, which in Louisiana are so often fatal to the inhabitants of other climates.

The Indians of South America distinguish themselves by modern dresses, in which they affect various tassels. Those of the high country, and of the valleys in Peru, dress partly in the Spanish fashion. Instead of hats they wear bonnets of coarse double cloth, the weight of which neither seems to incommode them when they go to warmer climates, nor does the accidental want of them seem to be felt in situations where the most piercing cold reigns. Their legs and feet are always bare, if we except a sort of sandals made of the skins of oxen. The inhabitants of South America, compared with those of North America, are described as generally more feeble in their frame; less vigorous in the efforts of their mind; of gentler dispositions, more addicted to pleasure, and sunk in indolence.—This, however, is not universally the case. Many of their nations are as intrepid and enterprising as any others on the whole continent. Among the tribes on the banks of the Oronooko, if a warrior aspires to the trials unpoft of captain, his probation begins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemious hermit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble; and each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously, that his body is almost flayed. If he betrays the least symptom of impatience, or even of sensibility, he is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the honour. After some interval, his constancy is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in his hammock with his hands bound fast; and an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whose whose bite occasions a violent pain and inflammation, are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit stand around the hammock; and whilst these cruel insects fall upon the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, or an involuntary motion expressive of what he suffers, would exclude him from the dignity of which he is ambitious. Even after this evidence, his fortitude is not deemed to be sufficiently ascertained, till he has stood another test more severe, if possible, than the former. He is again supended in his hammock, and covered with the leaves of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he may feel its heat, and be involved in smoke. Though scorched and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure this with the same patient inflexibility. Many perish in this essay of their firmness and courage; but such as go through it with applause, receive the ensigns of their new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved resolution, whose behaviour, in the most trying situations, will do honour to their country. In North America, the previous trial of a warrior is neither so formal nor so severe: though, even there, before a youth is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blows, by fire, and by insults, more intolerable to a haughty spirit than either.

Of the manners and customs of the North Americans more particularly, the following is the most consistent account that can be collected from the best informed and most impartial writers.

When the Europeans first arrived in America, they found the Indians quite naked, except those parts which even the most uncultivated people usually conceal. Since that time, however, they generally use a coarse blanket, which they buy of the neighbouring planters.

Their huts or cabins are made of stakes of wood driven into the ground, and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie on the floor either on mats or the skins of wild beasts. Their dishes are of timber; but their spoons are made of the skulls of wild oxen, and their knives of flint. A kettle and a large plate constitute almost the whole utensils of the family. Their diet consists chiefly in what they procure by hunting; and sagamite, or pottage, is likewise one of their most common kinds of food. The most honourable furniture amongst them is the scalps of their enemies; with those they ornament their huts, which are esteemed in proportion to the number of this sort of spoils.

The character of the Indians is altogether founded upon their circumstances and way of life. A people who are constantly employed in procuring the means of a precarious subsistence, who live by hunting the wild animals, and who are generally engaged in war with their neighbours, cannot be supposed to enjoy much gaiety of temper, or a high flow of spirits. The Indians therefore are in general grave even to sadness; they have nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar to some nations of Europe, and they despise it. Their behaviour towards about them is regular, modest, and respectful. Ignorant of the arts of amusement, of which that of saying trifles agreeably is one of the most considerate, they never speak but when they have something important to observe; and all their actions, words, and even looks, are attended with some meaning. This is extremely natural to men who are almost continually engaged in pursuits, which to them are of the highest importance. Their subsistence depends entirely on what they procure with their hands; and their lives, their honour, and everything dear to them, may be lost by the smallest inattention to the designs of their enemies. As they have no particular object to attach them to one place rather than another, they fly wherever they expect to find the necessities of life in greatest abundance. Cities, which are the effects of agriculture and arts, they have none. The different tribes or nations are for the same reason extremely small, when compared with civilized societies, in which industry, arts, agriculture, and commerce, have united a vast number of individuals, whom a complicated luxury renders useful to one another. These small tribes live at an immense distance; they are separated by a desert frontier, and hid in the bottom of impenetrable and almost boundless forests.

There is established in each society a certain species of government, which over the whole continent of America prevails with exceeding little variation; because among them, over the whole of this continent the manners and way of life are nearly similar and uniform. Without arts, riches, or luxury, the great instruments of subjection in polished societies, an American has no method by which he can render himself considerable among his companions, but by superiority in personal qualities of body or mind. But as Nature has not been very lavish in her personal distinctions, where all enjoy the same education, all are pretty much equal, and will desire to remain so. Liberty, therefore, is the prevailing passion of the Americans; and their government, under the influence of this sentiment, is better secured than by the wisest political regulations. They are very far, however, from despising all sort of authority; they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, which experience has conferred on the aged, and they enlist under the banners of the chief in whose valour and military address they have learned to repose their confidence. In every society, therefore, there is to be considered the power of the chief and of the elders; and according as the government inclines more to the one or to the other, it may be regarded as monarchical, or as a species of aristocracy. Among those tribes which are most engaged in war, the power of the chief is naturally predominant; because the idea of having a military leader was the first source of his superiority, and the continual exigencies of the state requiring such a leader, will continue to support, and even to enhance it. His power, however, is rather persuasive than coercive; he is reverenced as a father, rather than feared as a monarch. He has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice, and one act of ill-judged violence would pull him from the throne. The elders, in the other form of government, which may be considered as an aristocracy, have no more power. In some tribes, indeed, there are a kind of hereditary nobility, whose influence being constantly augmented by time, is more considerable. (See the article NIAGARA.) But this source of power, which depends chiefly on the imagination, by which we annex to the merit of our contemporaries that of their forefathers, is too refined to be very common among the natives of America. most countries, therefore, age alone is sufficient for acquiring respect, influence, and authority. It is age which teaches experience, and experience is the only source of knowledge among a barbarous people. Among those persons buffets is conducted with the utmost simplicity, and which may recall to those who are acquainted with antiquity a picture of the most early ages. The heads of families meet together in a house or cabin appointed for the purpose. Here the buffet is discussed; and here those of the nation, distinguished for their eloquence or wisdom, have an opportunity of displaying those talents. Their orators, like those of Homer, express themselves in a bold figurative style, stronger than refined, or rather softened nations can well bear, and with gestures equally violent, but often extremely natural and expressive. When the buffet is over, and they happen to be well provided with food, they appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost the whole nation partakes. The feast is accompanied with a song, in which the real or fabulous exploits of their forefathers are celebrated. They have dances too, though, like those of the Greeks and Romans, chiefly of the military kind; and their music and dancing accompany every feast.

To assist their memory, they have belts of small shells, or beads, of different colours, each representing a particular object, which is marked by their colour and arrangement. At the conclusion of every subject on which they discourse, when they treat with a foreign state, they deliver one of those belts; for if this ceremony should be omitted, all that they have said passes for nothing. Those belts are carefully deposited in each town, as the public records of the nation; and to them they occasionally have recourse, when any public contest happens with a neighbouring tribe. Of late, as the materials of which those belts are made, have become scarce, they often give some skin in place of the wampum (the name of the beads), and receive in return presents of a more valuable return from our commissioners; for they never consider a treaty as of any weight, unless every article in it be ratified by such a gratification.

It often happens, that those different tribes or nations, scattered as they are at an immense distance from one another, meet in their excursions after prey. If there subsists no animosity between them, which seldom is the case, they behave in the most friendly and courteous manner; but if they happen to be in a state of war, or if there has been no previous intercourse between them, all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and they fight with the most savage fury.

War, if we except hunting, is the only employment of the men; as to every other concern, and even the little agriculture they enjoy, it is left to the women. Their most common motive for entering into war, when it does not arise from an accidental encounter or interference, is either to revenge themselves for the death of some lost friends, or to acquire prisoners, who may assist them in their hunting, and whom they adopt into their society. These wars are either undertaken by some private adventurers, or at the instance of the whole community. In the latter case, all the young men who are disposed to go out to battle (for no one is compelled contrary to his inclination), give a bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him; for everything among these people is transacted with a great deal of ceremony and many forms. The chief who is to conduct them lasts several days, during which he converses with no one, and is particularly careful to observe his dreams; which the presumption natural to savages generally renders as favourable as he could desire. A variety of other superstitions and ceremonies are observed. One of the most hideous is setting the war-kettle on the fire, as an emblem that they are going out to devour their enemies; which among some nations must formerly have been the case, since they still continue to express it in clear terms, and use an emblem significant of the ancient usage. Then they dispatch a porcelane, or large shell, to their allies, inviting them to come along, and drink the blood of their enemies. For with the Americans, as with the Greeks of old,

"A generous friendship no cold medium knows; "But with one love, with one resentment, glows."

They think that those in their alliance must not only adopt their enemies, but have their resentment wound up to the same pitch with themselves. And indeed no people carry their friendships or their resentment so far as they do; and this is what should be expected from their peculiar circumstances: that principle in human nature which is the spring of the social affections, acts with so much the greater force the more it is restrained. The Americans, who live in small societies, who see few objects and few persons, become wonderfully attached to these objects and persons, and cannot be deprived of them without feeling themselves miserable. Their ideas are too confined to enable them to entertain just sentiments of humanity, or universal benevolence. But this very circumstance, while it makes them cruel and savage to an incredible degree, towards those with whom they are at war, adds a new force to their particular friendships, and to the common tie which unites the members of the same tribe, or of those different tribes which are in alliance with one another. Without attending to this reflection, some facts we are going to relate would excite our wonder without informing our reason, and we would be bewildered in a number of particulars, seemingly opposite to one another, without being sensible of the general cause from which they proceed.

Having finished all the ceremonies previous to the war, and the day appointed for their setting out on the expedition being arrived, they take leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, or whatever moveables they have, in token of mutual friendship; after which they proceed from the town, their wives and female relations walking before, and attending them to some distance. The warriors march all dressed in their finest apparel and most showy ornaments, without any order. The chief walks slowly before them, fingering the war-fong, while the rest observe the most profound silence. When they come up to their women, they deliver them all their finery, and putting on their worst clothes, proceed on their expedition.

Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standard, which is generally some beast, bird, or fish. Those among the Five Nations are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and eagle; and by these names the tribes are usually distinguished. They have the figures of those animals... animals pricked and painted on several parts of their bodies; and when they march through the woods, they commonly, at every encampment, cut the representation of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful campaign: marking at the same time the number of scalps or prisoners they have taken. Their military dress is extremely singular. They cut off or pull out all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two English crown-pieces, near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy their eye-brows. The lock left upon their heads is divided into several parcels, each of which is stiffened and adorned with wampum, beads, and feathers of various kinds, the whole being twisted into a form much resembling the modern pompon. Their heads are painted red down to the eyebrows, and sprinkled over with white down. The griffles of their ears are split almost quite round, and distended with wires or splinters so as to meet and tie together on the nape of the neck. These are also hung with ornaments, and generally bear the representation of some bird or beast. Their noses are likewise bored and hung with trinkets of beads, and their faces painted with various colours so as to make an awful appearance. Their breasts are adorned with a gorget or medal, of brass, copper, or some other metal; and that dreadful weapon the scalping-knife hangs by a string from their neck.

The great qualities in an Indian war are vigilance and attention, to give and to avoid a surprize; and indeed in these they are superior to all nations in the world. Accustomed to continual wandering in the forests, having their perceptions sharpened by keen necessity, and living in every respect according to nature, their external senses have a degree of acuteness which at first view appears incredible. They can trace out their enemies at an immense distance by the smoke of their fires, which they smell, and by the tracks of their feet on the ground, imperceptible to an European eye, but which they can count and distinguish with the utmost facility. They can even distinguish the different nations with whom they are acquainted, and can determine the precise time when they passed, where an European could not, with all his glasses, distinguish footsteps at all. These circumstances, however, are of small importance, because their enemies are no less acquainted with them. When they go out, therefore, they take care to avoid making use of anything by which they might run the danger of a discovery. They light no fire to warm themselves or to prepare their victuals: they lie close to the ground all day, and travel only in the night; and marching along in files, he that closes the rear diligently covers with leaves the tracks of his own feet and of theirs who preceded him. When they halt to refresh themselves, scouts are sent out to reconnoitre the country and beat up every place where they suspect an enemy to lie concealed. In this manner they enter unawares the villages of their foes; and while the flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, massacre all the children, women, and helpless old men, or make prisoners of as many as they can manage, or have strength enough to be useful to their nation. But when the enemy is apprised of their design, and coming on in arms against them, they throw themselves flat on the ground among the withered herbs and leaves, which their faces are painted to resemble. Then they allow a part to pass unmolested, when all at once, with a tremendous shout, rising up from their ambush, they pour a storm of musket-bullets on their foes. The party attacked returns the same cry. Every one shelters himself with fighting a tree, and returns the fire of the adverse party, as soon as they raise themselves from the ground to give a second fire. Thus does the battle continue until the one party is so much weakened as to be incapable of farther resistance. But if the force on each side continues nearly equal, the fierce spirits of the savages, inflamed by the loss of their friends, can no longer be restrained. They abandon their distant war; they rush upon one another with clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own courage, and insulting their enemies with the bitterest reproaches. A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand hideous forms, which would congeal the blood of civilized nations to behold, but which rouse the fury of savages. They trample, they insult over the dead bodies, tearing the scalp from the head, wallowing in their blood like wild beasts, and sometimes devouring their flesh. The flame rages on till it meets with no resistance; then the prisoners are secured, those unhappy men, whose fate is a thousand times more dreadful than theirs who have died in the field. The conquerors set up a hideous howling to lament the friends they have lost. They approach in a melancholy and severe gloom to their own village; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the women, with frightful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead brothers or their husbands. When they are arrived, the chief relates in a low voice to the elders, a circumstantial account of every particular of the expedition. The orator proclaims aloud this account to the people; and as he mentions the names of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are redoubled. The men too join in these cries, according as each is most connected with the deceased by blood or friendship. The last ceremony is the proclamation of the victory; each individual then forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of his nation; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an unaccountable transtion, they pass in a moment from the bitterness of sorrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treatment of the prisoners, whose fate all this time remains undecided, is what chiefly characterizes the savages.

We have already mentioned the strength of their affections or resentments. United as they are in small societies, connected within themselves by the firmest ties, their friendly affections, which glow with the most intense warmth within the walls of their own village, seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the enemies of their nation; and their resentment is easily extended from the individual who has injured them to all others of the same tribe. The prisoners, who have themselves the same feelings, know the intentions of their conquerors, and are prepared for them. The person who has taken the captive attends him to the cottage, where, according to the distribution made of their prisoners by the elders, he is to be delivered to supply the losses of a citizen. If those who receive him have their family weakened by war or other accidents, they adopt the captive into the family, of which he becomes a member. But if they have no occasion for him, or their their resentment for the loss of their friends be too high to endure the sight of any connected with those who were concerned in it, they sentence him to death. All those who have met with the same severe sentence being collected, the whole nation is assembled at the execution, as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is erected, and the prisoners are tied to the stake, where they commence their death-fong, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty with the most undaunted courage. Their enemies, on the other side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most refined and exquisite tortures. They begin at the extremity of his body, and gradually approach the more vital parts. One plucks out his nails by the roots, one by one; another takes a finger into his mouth, and tears off the flesh with his teeth; a third thrusts the finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe made red-hot, which he smokes like tobacco; then they pound histoes and fingers to pieces between two stones; they cut circles about his joints, and gashes in the fleshy parts of his limbs, which they fear immediately with red-hot irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them alternately; they pull off this flesh, thus mangled and roasted, bit by bit, devouring it with greediness, and smearing their faces with the blood in an enthusiasm of horror and fury. When they have thus torn off the flesh, they twist the bare nerves and tendons about an iron, tearing and snapping them, whilst others are employed in pulling and extending their limbs in every way that can increase the torment. This continues often five or six hours; and sometimes, such is the strength of the savages, days together. Then they frequently unbind him, to give a breathing to their fury, to think what new torments they shall inflict, and to refresh the strength of the sufferer, who, wearied out with such a variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into so profound a sleep, that they are obliged to apply the fire to awake him, and renew his sufferings. He is again fastened to the stake, and again they renew their cruelty; they stick him all over with small matches of wood that easily takes fire, but burns slowly; they continually run sharp reeds into every part of his body; they drag out his teeth with pincers, and thrust out his eyes; and lastly, after having burned his flesh from the bones with slow fires; after having so mangled the body that it is all but one wound; after having mutilated his face in such a manner as to carry nothing human in it; after having peeled the skin from the head, and poured a heap of red-hot coals or boiling water on the naked skull—they once more unbind the wretch; who, blind, and flagging with pain and weakness, assaulted and pelted upon every side with clubs and stones, now up, now down, falling into their fires at every step, runs hither and thither, until one of the chiefs, whether out of compassion, or weary of cruelty, puts an end to his life with a club or dagger. The body is then put into a kettle, and this barbarous employment is succeeded by a feast as barbarous.

The women, forgetting the human as well as the female nature, and transformed into something worse than furies, even outside the men in this scene of horror; while the principal persons of the country sit round the stake, smoking and looking on without the least emotion. What is most extraordinary, the sufferer himself, in the little intervals of his torments, smokes too, appears unconcerned, and converses with his torturers about indifferent matters. Indeed, during the whole time of his execution, there seems a contest which shall exceed, they in inflicting the most horrid of the sufferings, or he in enduring them with a firmness and constancy almost above human: not a groan, not a sigh, not a distortion of countenance, escapes him; he professes his mind entirely in the midst of his torments; he recounts his own exploits; he informs them what cruelties he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and threatens them with the revenge that will attend his death; and, though his reproaches exasperate them to a perfect madness of rage and fury, he continues his insults even of their ignorance of the art of tormenting, pointing out himself more exquisite methods, and more sensible parts of the body to be afflicted. The women have this part of courage as well as the men; and it is as rare for an Indian to behave otherwise as it would be for any European to suffer as an Indian. Such is the wonderful power of an early intuition, and a ferocious thirst of glory. "I am brave and intrepid (exclaims the savage in the face of his tormentors); I do not fear death, nor any kind of tortures; those who fear them are cowards; they are less than women; life is nothing to those that have courage: May my enemies be confounded with despair and rage! Oh! that I could devour them, and drink their blood to the last drop."

But neither the intrepidity on one side, nor the insurprising flexibility on the other, are among themselves matters of astonishment: for vengeance, and fortitude in the midst of torment, are duties which they consider as sacred; they are the effects of their earliest education, and depend upon principles instilled into them from their infancy. On all other occasions they are humane and compassionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of their affection towards their friends, who consist of all those who live in the same village, or are in alliance with it; among these all things are common; and this, though it may in part arise from their not possessing very distinct notions of separate property, is chiefly to be attributed to the strength of their attachment; because in everything else, with their lives as well as their fortunes, they are ready to serve their friends. Their houses, their provision, even their young women, are not enough to oblige a guest. Has any one of these succeeded ill in his hunting? Has his harvest failed? or is his house burned? He feels no other effect of his misfortunes, than that it gives him an opportunity to experience the benevolence and regard of his fellow-citizens. On the other hand, to the enemies of his country, or to those who have privately offended, the American is implacable. He conceals his sentiments, he appears reconciled until by some treachery or surprise he has an opportunity of executing an horrible revenge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his resentment; no distance of place great enough to protect the object; he crosses the steep mountains, he pierces the most impracticable forests, and traverses the most hideous bogs and deserts for several hundreds of miles; bearing the inclemency of the seasons, the fatigue of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, on whom he exercises the most shocking barbarities, even to the eating of his flesh. To such extremes tremes do the Indians push their friendship or their cuntry; and such indeed, in general, is the character of all strong and uncultivated minds.

But what we have said respecting the Indians would be a faint picture, did we omit observing the force of their friendship, which principally appears by the treat- ment of their dead. When any one of the society is cut off, he is lamented by the whole: on this occasion a thousand ceremonies are practised, denoting the most lively sorrow. No burdens are tranfacted, however preft- ing, till all the pious ceremonies due to the dead are performed. The body is washed, anointed, and paint- ed. Then the women lament the loss with hideous howlings, intermixed with songs which celebrate the great actions of the deceased and his ancestors. The men mourn in a less extravagant manner. The whole village is present at the interment, and the corpse is habited in their most sumptuous ornaments. Clofe to the body of the defunct are placed his bows and ar- rows, with whatever he valued most in his life, and a quantity of provision for his subsistence on the journey which he is supposed to take. This solemnity, like every other, is attended with feasting. The funeral being ended, the relations of the deceased confine themselves to their huts for a considerable time to indulge their grief. After an interval of some weeks they visit the grave, repeat their sorrow, new clothe the remains of the body, and act over again all the solemnities of the funeral.

Among the various tokens of their regard for their deceased friends, the most remarkable is what they call the feast of the dead, or the feast of souls. The day for this ceremony is appointed in the council of their chiefs, who give orders for every thing which may enable them to celebrate it with pomp and magnifi- cence; and the neighbouring nations are invited to partake of the entertainment. At this time, all who have died since the preceding feast of the kind are ta- ken out of their graves. Even those who have been interred at the greatest distance from the villages are diligently sought for, and conducted to this rendezvous of the dead, which exhibits a scene of horror beyond the power of description. When the least is conclu- ded, the bodies are dressed in the finest skins which can be procured, and after being exposed for some time in this pomp, are again committed to the earth with great solemnity, which is succeeded by funeral games.

Their taste for war, which forms the chief ingredi- ent in their character, gives a strong bias to their re- ligion. Arekou, or the god of battle, is revered as the great god of the Indians. Him they invoke be- fore they go into the field; and according as his dis- position is more or less favourable to them, they con- clude they will be more or less successful. Some na- tions worship the sun and moon; among others there are a number of traditions, relative to the creation of the world and the history of the gods: traditions which resemble the Grecian fables, but which are still more absurd and inconsistent. But religion is not the pre- vailing character of the Indians; and except when they have some immediate occasion for the affluence of their gods, they pay them no sort of worship. Like all rude nations, however, they are strongly addicted to superstition. They believe in the existence of a number of good and bad genii or spirits, who inter- fere in the affairs of mortals, and produce all our hap- pines or misery. It is from the evil genii, in partic- ular, that our diseases proceed; and it is to the good genii we are indebted for a cure. The ministers of the genii are the jugglers, who are also the only phy- sicians among the savages. These jugglers are suppo- sed to be inspired by the good genii, most commonly in their dreams, with the knowledge of future events; they are called in to the assistance of the sick, and are supposed to be informed by the genii whether they will get over the disease, and in what way they must be treated. But these spirits are extremely simple in their system of physic, and, in almost every disease, direct the juggler to the same remedy. The patient is inclosed in a narrow cabin, in the midst of which is a stone red-hot; on this they throw water, until it is well soaked with the warm vapour and his own sweat. Then they hurry him from this bath, and plunge him suddenly into the next river. This coarse method, which costs many their lives, often performs very ex- traordinary cures. The jugglers have likewise the use of some specifics of wonderful efficacy; and all the savages are dexterous in curing wounds by the applica- tion of herbs. But the power of these remedies is always attributed to the magical ceremonies with which they are administered.

Though the women generally bear the laborious part of domestic economy, their condition is far from be- ing so florid as it appears. On the contrary, the men receive the greatest respect paid by the men to the female sex. The women even hold their councils, and have their share in all deliberations which concern the state. Po- lygamy is practised by some nations, but is not gene- ral. In most, they content themselves with one wife; but a divorce is admitted in case of adultery. No na- tion of the Americans is without a regular marriage, in which there are many ceremonies; the principal of which is, the bride's presenting the bridegroom with a plate of their corn. The women, though before in- continent, are remarkable for chastity after marriage.

Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling passion of the Indians, their education is directed in such a manner as to cherish this disposition to the utmost. Hence children are never upon any account chastified with blows, and they are seldom even reprimanded. Reason, they say, will guide their children when they come to the use of it, and before that time their faults cannot be very great: but blows might damp their free and martial spirit, by the habit of a slavish motive to action. When grown up, they experience nothing like command, dependence, or subordination; even strong persuasion is indifferently with-held by those who have influence among them.—No man is held in great esteem, unless he has increased the strength of his country with a captive, or adorned his hut with a scalp of one of his enemies.

Controversies among the Indians are few, and quick- ly decided. When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to become a national concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of the great council; but in ordinary cases, the crime is either revenged or compromised by the parties concerned. If a murder be committed, the family which has lost a relation prepares to retaliate on punishments, and when this happens, the kindred of the last per- son slain... slain look upon themselves to be as much injured, and to have the same right to vengeance, as the other party. In general, however, the offender absents himself; the friends send compliments of condolence to those of the person that has been murdered. The head of the family at length appears with a number of presents, the delivery of which he accompanies with a formal speech. The whole ends, as usual, in mutual feelings, songs, and dances. If the murder is committed by one of the same family or cabin, that cabin has the full right of judgment within itself, either to punish the guilty with death, or to pardon him, or to oblige him to give some recompense to the wife or children of the slain. Instances of such a crime, however, very seldom happen; for their attachment to those of the same family is remarkably strong, and is said to produce such friendships as may vie with the most celebrated in fabulous antiquity.

Such, in general, are the manners and customs of the Indian nations; but every tribe has something peculiar to itself. Among the Hurons and Natchez, the dignity of the chief is hereditary, and the right of succession in the female line. When this happens to be extinct, the most respectable matron of the tribe makes choice of whom she pleases to succeed.

The Cherokees are governed by several sachems or chiefs, elected by the different villages; as are also the Creeks and Choctaws. The two latter punish adultery in a woman by cutting off her hair, which they will not suffer to grow till the corn is ripe the next season; but the Illinois, for the same crime, cut off the women's noses and ears.

The Indians on the lakes are formed into a sort of empire; and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is that of the Ottowawas. He has the greatest authority of any chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. A few years ago, the person who held this rank formed a design of uniting all the Indian nations under his sovereignty; but he miscarried in the attempt.

In general the American Indians live to a great age, although it is not possible to know from themselves the exact number of their years. It was asked of an Indian, who appeared to be extremely old, what age he was of? I am above twenty, was his reply. Upon putting the question in a different form, by reminding him of certain circumstances in former times, my machu, said he, spoke to me when I was young of the Incas; and he had seen these princes. According to this reply, there must have elapsed, from the date of his machu's (his grandfather's) remembrance to that time, a period of at least 232 years. The man who made this reply appeared to be 120 years of age: for, besides the whiteness of his hair and beard, his body was almost bent to the ground; without, however, showing any other marks of debility or suffering. This happened in 1764. This longevity, attended in general with uninterrupted health, is probably the consequence in part of their vacancy from all serious thought and employment, joined also with the robust texture and conformation of their bodily organs. If the Indians did not destroy one another in their almost perpetual wars, and if their habits of intoxication were not so universal and incurable, they would be, of all the races of men who inhabit the globe, the most likely to prolong, not only the bounds, but the enjoyments, of animal life to their utmost duration.

Let us now attend to other pictures which have been given of the aboriginal inhabitants of the New World. The vices and defects of the American Indians have by several writers been most unaccountably aggravated, and every virtue and good quality denied them. Their cruelties have been already described and accounted for. The following anecdote of an Algonquin woman we find adduced as a remarkable proof of their innate thirst of blood. That nation being at war with the Iroquois, she happened to be carried prisoner, and was carried to one of the villages belonging to them. Here she was stripped naked, and her hands and feet bound with ropes in one of their cabins. In this condition she remained ten days, the savages sleeping round her every night. The eleventh night, while they were asleep, she found means to disengage one of her hands, with which she immediately freed herself from the ropes, and went to the door. Though she had now an opportunity of escaping unperceived, her revengeful temper could not let slip so favourable an opportunity of killing one of her enemies. The attempt was manifestly at the hazard of her own life; yet, snatching up a hatchet, she killed the savage that lay next her; and, springing out of the cabin, concealed herself in a hollow tree which she had observed the day before. The groans of the dying person soon alarmed the other savages, and the young ones immediately set out in pursuit of her.—Perceiving from her tree, that they all directed their course one way, and that no savage was near her, she left her sanctuary, and, flying by an opposite direction, ran into a forest without being perceived. The second day after this happened, her footsteps were discovered; and they pursued her with such expedition, that the third day she discovered her enemies at her heels. Upon this she threw herself into a pond of water; and, diving among some weeds and bulrushes, she could just breathe above water without being perceived. Her pursuers, after making the most diligent search, were forced to return.—For 35 days this woman held on her course through woods and deserts, without any other sustenance than roots and wild berries. When she came to the river St Lawrence, she made with her own hands a kind of a wicker raft, on which she crossed it. As she went by the French for Trois Rivieres, without well knowing where she was, she perceived a canoe full of savages; and fearing they might be Iroquois, ran again into the woods, where she remained till sunset.—Continuing her course soon after, she saw Trois Rivieres; and was then discovered by a party whom she knew to be Hurons, a nation in alliance with the Algonquins. She then squatted down behind a bush, calling out to them that she was not in a condition to be seen, because she was naked. They immediately threw her a blanket, and then conducted her to the fort, where she recounted her story.

Personal courage has been denied them. In proof of their philanthropy, the following incidents are quoted with praise from Charlevoix by Lord Kames, in his Sketches of the History of Man. "The fort de Vercheres in Canada, belonging to the French, was, in the year 1690, attacked by some Iroquois. They approached silently, preparing to scale the palafade, when force musket-shot made them retire. Advancing a second time, they were again repulsed, wondering that they could discover none but a woman, who was seen everywhere. This was Madame de Vercheres, who appeared as resolute as if supported by a numerous garrison. The hopes of storming a place without men to defend it, occasioned reiterated attacks. After two days' siege, they retired, fearing to be intercepted in their retreat. Two years after, a party of the same nation appeared before the fort so unexpectedly, that a girl of fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but time to shut the gate. With the young woman there was not a foul but one raw soldier. She showed herself with her afflant, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another; changing her dress frequently, in order to give some appearance of a garrison; and always fired opportunely. The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped without success.

There is no instance, it is said, either of a single Indian facing an individual of any other nation in fair and open combat, or of their jointly venturing to try the fate of battle with an equal number of any foes. Even with the greatest superiority of numbers they dare not meet an open attack. Yet notwithstanding this want of courage, they are still formidable; nay, it has been known, that a small party of them has routed a much superior body of regular troops; but this can only happen when they have surprised them in the fastnesses of their forests, where the covert of the wood may conceal them until they take aim with the utmost certainty. After one such discharge they immediately retreat, without leaving the smallest trace of their route. It may easily be supposed, that an onset of this kind must produce confusion even among the stoutest troops, when they can neither know the number of their enemies, nor perceive the place where they lie in ambush.

Perfidy combined with cruelty has been also made a part of their character. Don Ulloa relates, that the Indians of the country called Natches, in Louisiana, laid a plot of massacring in one night every individual belonging to the French colony established there. This plot they actually executed, notwithstanding the seeming good understanding that subsisted between them and the European neighbours. Such was the secrecy which they observed, that no person had the least suspicion of their design until the blow was struck. One Frenchman alone escaped, by favour of the darkness, to relate the disaster of his countrymen. The compassion of a female Indian contributed also in some measure to his exemption from the general massacre. The tribe of Natches had invited the Indians of other countries, even to a considerable distance, to join in the same conspiracy. The day, or rather the night, was fixed, on which they were to make an united attack on the French colonists. It was intimated by sending a parcel of rods, more or less numerous according to the local distance of each tribe, with an injunction to abstract one rod daily; the day on which the last fell to be taken away being that fixed for the execution of their plan. The women were partners of the bloody secret. The parcels of rods being thus distributed, that belonging to the tribe of Natches happened to remain in the custody of a female. This woman, either moved by her own feelings of compassion, or by the commiseration expressed by her female acquaintances in the view of the proposed scene of bloodshed, abstained one day three or four of the rods, and thus anticipated the term of her tribe's proceeding to the execution of the general conspiracy. The consequence of this was, that the Natches were the only actors in this carnage; their distant associates having till several rods remaining at the time when the former made the attack. An opportunity was thereby given to the colonists in those quarters to take measures for their defense, and for preventing a more extensive execution of the design.

It was by conspiracies similar to this that the Indians of the province of Macas, in the kingdom of Quito, destroyed the opulent city of Logroño, the colony of Guayaquil, and its capital Sevilla del Oro; and that so completely, that it is no longer known in what place these settlements existed, or where that abundance of gold was found from which the last-mentioned city took the addition to its name. Like ravages have been committed upon l'Imperiale in Chili, the colonies of the Millions of Chuncas, those of Darien in Terra Firme, and many other places, which have afforded scenes of this barbarous ferocity. These conspiracies are always carried on in the same manner. The secret is inviolably kept, the actors assemble at the precise hour appointed, and every individual is animated with the same sanguinary purposes. The males that fall into their hands are put to death with every shocking circumstance that can be suggested by a cool and determined cruelty. The females are carried off and preserved as monuments of their victory, to be employed as their occasions require.

Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it is said, be justly ascribed to their subjection to a foreign yoke, seeing the same character belongs equally to all the original inhabitants of this vast continent, even those who have preferred their independence most completely. Certain it is, continues he, that these people, with the most limited capacities for every thing else, display an astonishing degree of penetration and subtlety with respect to every object that involves treachery, bloodshed, and rapine. As to these, they seem to have been all educated at one school; and a secret, referring to any such plan, no consideration on earth can extort from them.

Their understandings also have been represented as their worst, lest contemptible than their manners are gross and degrading brutality. Many nations are neither capable of forming, representing an arrangement for futurity, nor did their solicitude or foresight extend so far. They set no value upon those things of which they were not in some immediate want. In the evening, when a Carib is going to rest, no consideration will tempt him to sell his hammock; but in the morning he will part with it for the slightest trifle. At the close of winter, a North American, mindful of what he has suffered from the cold, sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erecting a comfortable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the succeeding season; but as soon as the weather becomes mild, he abandons his work, and never thinks of it more till the return of the cold compels him to resume it.—In short, to be free from labour seems to be the utmost wish of an American. They will continue whole days stretched in their hammocks, mocks, or seated on the earth, without changing their posture, raising their eyes, or uttering a single word. They cannot compute the succession of days nor of weeks. The different aspects of the moon alone engage their attention as a measure of time. Of the year they have no other conception than what is suggested to them by the alternate heat of summer and cold of winter; nor have they the least idea of applying to this period the obvious computation of the months which it contains. When it is asked of any old man in Peru, even the most civilized, what age he is of? the only answer he can give is the number of caciques he has seen. It often happens, too, that they only recollect the most distant of these princes in whose time certain circumstances had happened peculiarly memorable, while of those that lived in a more recent period they have lost all remembrance.

The same gross stupidity is alleged to be observable in those Indians who have retained their original liberty. They are never known to fix the dates of any events in their minds, or to trace the succession of circumstances that have arisen from such events. Their imagination takes in only the present, and in that only what intimately concerns themselves. Nor can discipline or instruction overcome this natural defect of apprehension. In fact, the subjected Indians in Peru, who have a continual intercourse with the Spaniards, who are furnished with curates perpetually occupied in giving them lessons of religion and morality, and who mix with all ranks of the civilized society established among them, are almost as stupid and barbarous as their countrymen who have had no such advantages. The Peruvians, while they lived under the government of their Incas, preserved the records of certain remarkable events. They had also a kind of regular government, described by the historians of the conquest of Peru. This government originated entirely from the attention and abilities of their princes, and from the regulations enacted by them for directing the conduct of their subjects. This ancient degree of civilization among them gives ground to presume that their legislatures sprung from some race more enlightened than the other tribes of Indians; a race of which no individual seems to remain in the present times.

Vanity and conceit are said to be blended with their ignorance and treachery. Notwithstanding all they suffer from Europeans, they still, it is said, consider themselves as a race of men far superior to their conquerors. This proud belief, arising from their perverted ideas of excellence, is universal over the whole known continent of America. They do not think it possible that anyone can be so intelligent as themselves. When they are detected in any of their plots, it is their common observation, that the Spaniards, or Viracochas, want to be as knowing as they are. Those of Louisiana and the countries adjacent, are equally vain of their superior understanding, confounding that quality with the cunning which they themselves constantly practice. The whole object of their transactions is to over-reach those with whom they deal. Yet though faithless themselves, they never forgive the breach of promise on the part of others. While the Europeans seek their amity by presents, they give themselves no concern to secure a reciprocal friendship. Hence, probably, arises their idea, that they must be a superior race of men, in ability and intelligence, to those who are at such pains to court their alliance, and avert their enmity.

Their natural eloquence has also been decried. The free tribes of savages who enter into conventions with the Europeans, it is observed, are accustomed to make paraded, long, pompous, and, according to their own notions, sublime harangues, but without any method or connection. The whole is a collection of disjointed metaphors and comparisons. The light, heat, and course of the sun, form the principal topic of their discourse; and these unintelligible reasonings are always accompanied with violent and ridiculous gestures. Numberless repetitions prolong the oration, which, if not interrupted, would last whole days: At the same time, they meditate very accurately beforehand, in order to avoid mentioning any thing but what they are desirous to obtain. This pompous faculty of making speeches is also one of the grounds on which they conceive themselves to be superior to the nations of Europe: They imagine that it is their eloquence that procures them the favours they ask. The subjected Indians converse precisely in the same style. Prolific and tedious, they never know when to stop; so that, excepting by the difference in language, it would be impossible, in this respect, to distinguish a civilized Peruvian from an inhabitant of the most savage districts to the northward.

But such partial and detached views as the above, were they even free from misrepresentation, are not the views partly ground upon which to form an estimate of their character. Their qualities, good and bad (for they certainly possess both), their way of life, the state of society among them, with all the circumstances of their condition, ought to be considered in connection, and in regard to their mutual influence. Such a view has been given in the preceding part of this article; from which, it is hoped, their real character may be easily deduced.

Many of the disagreeable traits exhibited in the anecdotes just quoted, are indeed extracted from Don Ulloa; an author of credit and reputation; but a Spaniard, and evidently biased in some degree by a desire to palliate the enormities of his countrymen in that quarter of the globe. And, with regard to the worst and least equivocal parts of the American character, cruelty and revenge; it may be fairly questioned, whether the instances of these, either in respect of their cane or their atrocity, be at all comparable to those exhibited in European history, and staining the annals of Christendom—to those, for instance, of the Spaniards themselves, at their first discovery of America; to those indicated by the engines found on board their mighty Armada; to those which, in cold blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Amboyna; to the dragoonings of the French; to their religious massacres; or even to the tender mercies of the Inquisition!

Still harsher, however, are the descriptions given by the physiologists Buffon and de Pauw of the natives of this whole conical continent, in which the most mortifying degeneracy of the human race, as well as of all the inferior animals, is painfully retouched to be conspicuous. Against those philosophers, or rather theorists, the Americans have found an able advocate in the Abbé Clavigero; an historian, whose v.ii. p.328. whose situation and long residence in America afforded him the best means of information, and who, though himself a subject of Spain, appears superior to prejudice, and disdains in his description the glosses of policy.

Concerning the stature of the Americans, M. de Paw says, in general, that although it is not equal to the stature of the Caftilians, there is but little difference between them. But the Abbé Clavigero evinces, that the Indians who inhabit those countries lying between 9 and 40 degrees of north latitude, which are the limits of the discoveries of the Spaniards, are more than five Parisian feet in height, and that those who do not reach that stature are as few in number amongst the Indians as they are amongst the Spaniards. It is besides certain, that many of those nations, as the Apaches, the Hiaques, the Pime, and Cochimies, are at least as tall as the tallest Europeans; and that, in all the vast extent of the New World, no race of people has been found, except the Esquimaux, so diminutive in stature as the Laplanders, the Samojes, and Tartars, in the north of the Old continent. In this respect, therefore, the inhabitants of the two continents are upon an equality.

Of the shape and character of the Mexican Indians, the Abbé gives a most advantageous description; which he affirms no one who reads it in America will contradict, unless he views them with the eye of a prejudiced mind. It is true, that Ulloa says, in speaking of the Indians of Quito, he had observed, "that imperfect people abounded among them; that they were either irregularly diminutive, or monstrous in some other respect; that they became either infensible, dumb, or blind; or wanted some limb of their body." Having therefore made some inquiry respecting this singularity of the Quirans, the Abbé found, that such defects were neither caused by bad humours, nor by the climate, but by the mistaken and blind humanity of their parents, who, in order to free their children from the hardships and toils to which the healthy Indians are subjected by the Spaniards, fix some deformity or weaknesses upon them that they may become useless: a circumstance of misery which does not happen in other countries of America, nor in those places of the same kingdom of Quito, where the Indians are under no such oppression. M. de Paw, and, in agreement with him, Dr Robertson, says, that no deformed persons are to be found among the savages of America; because, like the ancient Lacedemonians, they put to death those children which are born hunch-backed, blind, or defective in any limb; but that in those countries where they are formed into societies, and the vigilance of their rulers prevent the murder of such infants, the number of their deformed individuals is greater than it is in any other country of Europe. This would make an exceeding good solution of the difficulty if it were true; but if, possibly, there has been in America a tribe of savages who have imitated the barbarous example of the celebrated Lacedemonians, it is certain that those authors have no grounds to impute such inhumanity to the rest of the Americans; for that it has not been the practice, at least with the far greater part of those nations, is to be demonstrated from the attestations of the authors the best acquainted with their customs.

No argument against the New World can be drawn from the colour of the Americans: for their colour is less distant from the white of the Europeans than it is from the black of the Africans, and a great part of the Asiatics. The hair of the Mexicans and of the greater part of the Indians is, as we have already said, coarse and thick; on their face they appear to have little, and in general none on their arms and legs: but it is an error to say, as M. de Paw does, that they are entirely destitute of hair in all the other parts of their body. This is one of the many paffages of the Philosophical Researches concerning which the Mexicans, and all the other nations, must smile to find an European philosopher so eager to divert them of the defects they had from nature. Don Ulloa, indeed, in the description which he gives of the Indians of Quito, says, that hair neither grows upon the men nor upon the women when they arrive at puberty, as it does on the rest of mankind; but whatever singularity may attend the Quirans, or occasion this circumstance, there is no doubt that among the Americans in general, the period of puberty is accompanied with the same symptoms as it is among other nations of the world. In fact, with the North Americans, it is disgraceful to be hairy on the body. They say it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck the hair as fast as it appears. But the traders who marry their women, and prevail on them to discontinue this practice, say, that nature is the same with them as with the whites. As to the beards of the men, had Buffon or de Paw known the pains and trouble it costs them to pluck out by the roots the hair that grows on their faces, they would have seen that nature had not been deficient in that respect. Every nation has its customs. "I have seen an Indian beau, with a looking-glass in his hand (says Mr Jefferon), examining his face for hours together, and plucking out by the roots every hair he could discover, with a kind of tweezer made of a piece of fine braids wire, that had been twisted round a stick, and which he used with great dexterity."

The very aspect of an Angolan, or Theirform Congan, would have shocked M. de Paw, and made him recall that censure which he passes on the colour with those who make, and hair of the Americans. What can be of some imagined more contrary to the idea we have of beauty, other than the perfection of the human frame, than a man whose body emits a rank smell, whose skin is as black as ink, whose head and face are covered with black wool instead of hair, whose eyes are yellow and bloody, whose lips are thick and blackish, and whose nose is flat? Such are the inhabitants of a very large portion of Africa, and of many islands of Asia. What men can be more imperfect than those who measure no more than four feet in stature, whose faces are long and flat, the nose compressed, the irises yellowish black, the eyelids turned back towards the temples, the cheeks extraordinarily elevated, their mouths monstrously large, their lips thick and prominent, and the lower part of their visages extremely narrow? Such, according to Count de Buffon, are the Laplanders, the Zembians, the Borondines, the Samojeds, and Tartars in the East. What objects more deformed than men whose faces are too long and wrinkled even in their youth, their noses thick and compressed, their eyes small and sunk, their cheeks very much raised, the upper jaw low, their teeth long... America. Long and disunited, eye-brows so thick that they shade their eyes; the eye-lids thick, some bristles on their faces instead of beard, large thighs and small legs? Such is the picture Count de Buffon gives of the Tartars; that is, of those people who, as he says, inhabit a tract of land in Asia 1200 leagues long and upwards, and more than 750 broad. Amongst these the Calmucks are the most remarkable for their deformity; which is so great, that, according to Tavernier, they are the most brutal men of all the universe. Their faces are so broad that there is a space of five or six inches between their eyes, according as Count de Buffon himself affirms. In Calicut, in Ceylon, and other countries of India, there is, say Pyrard and other writers on those regions, a race of men who have one or both of their legs as thick as the body of a man; and that this deformity among them is almost hereditary. The Hottentots, besides other gross imperfections, have that monstrous irregularity attending them, of a callos appendage extending from the os pubis downwards, according to the testimony of the historians of the Cape of Good Hope. Struys, Gemelli, and other travellers affirm, that in the kingdom of Lambry, in the islands of Formosa, and of Mindoro, men have been found with tails. Bomare says, that a thing of this kind in men is nothing else than an elongation of the os coccygis; but what is a tail in quadrupeds but the elongation of that bone, though divided into distinct articulations? However it may be, it is certain, that that elongation renders those Asiatics fully as irregular as if it was a real tail.

If we were, in like manner, to go through the nations of Asia and Africa, we should hardly find any extensive country where the colour of men is not darker, where there are not stronger irregularities observed, and groser defects to be found in them, than M. de Paw finds fault with in the Americans. The colour of the latter is a good deal clearer than that of almost all the Africans and the inhabitants of southern Asia. Even their alleged scantiness of beard is common to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, and of all the Indian Archipelago, to the famous Chinese, Japanese, Tartars, and many other nations of the Old continent. The imperfections of the Americans, however great they may be represented to be, are certainly not comparable with the defects of that immense people, whose character we have sketched, and others whom we omit.

M. de Paw represents the Americans to be a feeble and diseased set of nations; and, in order to demonstrate the weakness and disorder of their physical constitution, adduces several proofs equally ridiculous and ill founded, and which it will not be expected we should enumerate. He alleges, among other particulars, that they were overcome in wrestling by all the Europeans, and that they sunk under a moderate burden; that by a computation made, 200,000 Americans were found to have perished in one year from carrying of baggage. With respect to the first point, the Abbé Clavigero observes, it would be necessary that the experiment of wrestling was made between many individuals of each continent, and that the victory should be attested by the Americans as well as the Europeans. It is not, however, meant to insist, that the Americans are stronger than the Europeans. They may be less strong, without the human species having degenerated in them. The Swiss are stronger than the Italians; and still we do not believe the Italians are degenerated, nor do we tax the climate of Italy. The instance of 200,000 Americans having died in one year, under the weight of baggage, were it true, would not convince us so much of the weakness of the Americans, as of the inhumanity of the Europeans. In the same manner that those 200,000 Americans perished, 200,000 Prussians would also have perished, had they been obliged to make a journey of between 300 and 400 miles, with 100 pounds of burden upon their backs; if they had collars of iron about their necks, and were obliged to carry that load over rocks and mountains; if those who became exhausted with fatigue, or wounded their feet so as to impede their progress, had their heads cut off that they might not retard the pace of the rest; and if they were not allowed but a small morsel of bread to enable them to support so severe a toil. Les Cafes, from whom M. de Paw got the account of the 200,000 Americans who died under the fatigue of carrying baggage, relates also all the above mentioned circumstances. If that author therefore is to be credited in the last, he is also to be credited in the first. But a philosopher who vaunts the physical and moral qualities of Europeans over those of the Americans, would have done better, we think, to have suppressed facts so opprobrious to the Europeans themselves.

Nothing in fact demonstrates so clearly the robustness of the Americans as those various and lasting fatigues in which they are continually engaged. M. de Paw says, that when the New World was discovered, nothing was to be seen but thick woods; that at present there are some lands cultivated, not by the Americans, however, but by the Africans and Europeans; and that the soil in cultivation is to the soil which is uncultivated as 2000 to 2,000,000. These three assertions the Abbé demonstrates to be precisely as many errors. Since the conquest, the Americans alone have been the people who have supported all the labours of agriculture in all the vast countries of the continent of South America, and in the greater part of those of South America subject to the crown of Spain. No European is ever to be seen employed in the labours of the field. The Moors who, in comparison of the Americans, are very few in number in the kingdom of New Spain, are charged with the culture of the sugar-cane and tobacco, and the making of sugar; but the soil destined for the cultivation of those plants is not with respect to all the cultivated land of that country in the proportion of one to two thousand. The Americans are the people who labour on the soil. They are the tillers, the sowers, the weeder, and the reapers of the wheat, of the maize, of the rice, of the beans, and other kinds of grain and pulse, of the cacao, of the vanilla, of the cotton, of the indigo, and all other plants useful to the sustenance, the clothing, and commerce of those provinces; and without them so little can be done, that in the year 1762, the harvest of wheat was abandoned in many places on account of a sickness which prevailed and prevented the Indians from reaping it. But this is not all; the Americans are they who cut and transport all the necessary timber from the woods; who cut, transport, and work the stones; who make lime, plaster, and tiles; who construct all the buildings of that kingdom, except a few places. places where none of them inhabit; who open and repair all the roads, who make the canals and sluices, and clean the cities. They work in many mines of gold, of silver, of copper, &c. they are the shepherds, herdsmen, weavers, potters, basket-makers, bakers, couriers, day-labourers, &c.; in a word, they are the persons who bear all the burden of public labours. These, says our justly indignant author, are the employments of the weak, dastardly, and useless Americans; while the vigorous M. de Paw, and other indefatigable Europeans, are occupied in writing invectives against them.

These labours, in which the Indians are continually employed, certainly attest their healthiness and strength; for if they are able to undergo such fatigues, they cannot be diseased, nor have an exhausted stream of blood in their veins, as M. de Paw intimates. In order to make it believed that their constitutions are vitiated, he copies whatever he finds written by historians of America, whether true or false, reflecting the diseases which reign in some particular countries of that great continent. It is not to be denied, that in some countries in the wide compass of America, men are exposed more than elsewhere to the distempers which are occasioned by the intemperance of the air, or the pernicious quality of the aliments; but it is certain, according to the assertion of many respectable authors acquainted with the New World, that the American countries are, for the most part, healthy; and if the Americans were disposed to retaliate on M. de Paw, and other European authors who write as he does, they would have abundant subject of materials to throw discredit on the clime of the Old continent, and the constitution of its inhabitants in the endemic distempers which prevail there.

Lastly, The supposed feebleness and unsound bodily habit of the Americans do not correspond with the length of their lives. Among those Americans whose great fatigues and excessive toils do not anticipate their death, there are not a few who reach the age of 80, 90, and 100 or more years, as formerly mentioned; and what is more, without there being observed in them that decay which time commonly produces in the hair, in the teeth, in the skin, and in the muscles of the human body. This phenomenon, so much admired by the Spaniards who reside in Mexico, cannot be ascribed to any other cause than the vigour of their constitutions, the temperance of their diet, and the salubrity of their climate. Historians, and other persons who have sojourned there for many years, report the same thing of other countries of the New World.

As to the mental qualities of the Americans, M. de Paw has not been able to discover any other characters than a memory so feeble, that to-day they do not remember what they did yesterday; a capacity so blunt, that they are incapable of thinking, or putting their ideas in order; a disposition so cold, that they feel no excitement of love; a dastardly spirit, and a genius that is torpid and indolent. Many other Europeans, indeed, and what is still more wonderful, many of those children or descendants of Europeans who are born in America, think as M. de Paw does; some from ignorance, some from want of reflection, and others from hereditary prejudice and prepossession. But all this and more would not be sufficient to invalidate the testimonies of other Europeans whose authority have a great deal more weight, both because they were men of great judgment, learning, and knowledge, of these countries, and because they gave their testimony in favour of strangers against their own countrymen. In particular, Acosta, whose natural and moral history even de Paw commends as an excellent work, employs the whole fifth book in demonstrating the good sense of the Americans by an explanation of their ancient government, their laws, their histories in paintings and knots, calendars, &c. M. de Paw thinks the Americans are bestial; Acosta, on the other hand, reputes those persons weak and presumptuous who think them so. M. de Paw says, that the most acute Americans were inferior in industry and sagacity to the rudest nations of the Old continent; Acosta extols the civil government of the Mexicans above many republics of Europe. M. de Paw finds, in the moral and political conduct of the Americans, nothing but barbarity, extravagance, and brutality; and Acosta finds there, laws that are admirable and worthy of being preserved for ever.

M. de Paw denies them courage, and alleges the conquest of Mexico as a proof of their cowardice. Cortes (he says), conquered the empire of Mexico with 450 vagabonds and 15 horses, badly armed; his miserable artillery consisted of six falconets, which would not at the present day be capable of exciting the fears of a fortress defended by invalids. During his absence the capital was held in awe by the half of his troops. What men! what events!—It is confirmed by the depositions of all historians, that the Spaniards entered the first time into Mexico without making one single discharge of their artillery. If the title of hero is applicable to him who has the disgrace to occasion the death of a great number of rational animals, Ferdinand Cortes might pretend to it; otherwise I do not see what true glory he has acquired by the overthrow of a tottering monarchy, which might have been destroyed in the same manner by any other affluence of our continent.”

These passages indicate either M. de Paw’s ignorance of the history of the conquest of Mexico, or a wilful suppression of what would openly contradict his system; since all who have read that history know well, that the conquest of Mexico was not made with 450 men, but with more than 200,000. Cortes himself, to whom it was of more importance than to M. de Paw to make his bravery conspicuous, and his conquest appear glorious, confesses the excessive number of the allies who were under his command at the siege of the capital, and combated with more fury against the Mexicans than the Spaniards themselves. According to the account which Cortes gave to the emperor Charles V., the siege of Mexico began with 87 horses, 848 Spanish infantry, armed with guns, cross-bows, swords, and lances, and upwards of 75,000 allies, of Tlaxcala, Hueotzinco, Cholula, and Chalco, equipped with various sorts of arms; with three large pieces of cannon of iron, 15 small of copper, and 13 brigantines. In the course of the siege were assembled the numerous nations of the Otomies, the Cohuixcas, and Matlazincas, and the troops of the populous cities of the lakes; so that the army of the besiegers not only exceeded 200,000, but amounted to 4,000,000, according to the letter from Cortes; and besides these, 3000 boats and canoes came to their assistance. Did it betray cowardice to have su- stained, for full 75 days, the siege of an open city, engaging daily with an army so large, and in part provided with arms so superior, and at the same time having to withstand the ravages of famine? Can they merit the charge of cowardice, who, after having lost seven of the eight parts of their city, and about 50,000 citizens, part cut off by the sword, part by famine and sickness, continued to defend themselves until they were furiously assaulted in the last hold which was left them? See the article Mexico.

According to M. de Paw, "the Americans at first were not believed to be men, but rather satyrs, or large apes, which might be murdered without remorse or reproach." At last, in order to add insult to the oppression of those times, a pope made an original bull, in which he declared, that being desirous of founding bishoprics in the richest countries of America, it pleased him and the Holy Spirit, to acknowledge the Americans to be true men: in so far, that without this decision of an Italian, the habitants of the New World would have appeared, even at this day, to the eyes of the faithful, a race of equivocal men. There is no example of such a decision since this globe has been inhabited by men and apes." Upon this passage the Abbé animadverts, as being a singular instance of calumny and misrepresentation; and gives the following history of the decision alluded to.

"Some of the first Europeans who established themselves in America, not less powerful than avaricious, desirous of enriching themselves to the detriment of the Americans, kept them continually employed, and made use of them as slaves; and in order to avoid the reproaches which were made them by the bishops and millionaires who inculcated humanity, and the giving liberty to those people to get themselves instructed in religion, that they might do their duties towards the church and their families, alleged, that the Indians were by nature slaves and incapable of being instructed; and many other falsehoods of which the Chronicler Herrera makes mention against them. Those zealous ecclesiastics being unable, either by their authority or preaching, to free those unhappy converts from the tyranny of such misers, had recourse to the Catholic kings, and at last obtained from their justice and clemency, those laws as favourable to the Americans as honourable to the court of Spain, that compose the Indian code, which were chiefly due to the indefatigable zeal of the bishop de las Casas. On another side, Garces, bishop of Tlascala, knowing that those Spaniards bore, notwithstanding their perversity, a great respect to the decisions of the vicar of Jesus Christ, made application in the year 1586 to pope Paul III. by that famous letter, of which we have made mention; representing to him the evils which the Indians suffered from the wicked Christians, and praying him to interpose his authority in their behalf. The pope, moved by such heavy renoncements, dispatched the next year the original bull, a faithful copy of which we have here subjoined (A), which was not made, as is manifest, to declare the Americans true men; for such a piece of weakness was very distant from that or any other pope; but solely to support the natural rights of the Americans against the attempts of their oppressors, and to condemn the injustice and inhumanity of those, who, under the pretence of supposing those people idolatrous, or incapable of being instructed, took from them their property and their liberty, and treated them as slaves and beasts.

If at first the Americans were esteemed satyrs, no body can better prove it than Christopher Columbus, their discoverer. Let us hear, therefore, how that celebrated admiral speaks, in his account to the Catholic kings Ferdinand and Isabella, of the first satyrs he saw in the island of Haiti, or Hispaniola. "I swear," he says, "to your majesties, that there is not a better people in the world than these, more affectionate, affable, or mild. They love their neighbours as themselves; their language is the sweetest, the softest, and the most cheerful; for they always speak smiling; and although they go naked, let your majesties believe me, their customs are very becoming; and their king, who is served with great majesty, has such engaging manners, that it gives great pleasure to see him; and also to consider

(A) Paulus papa III. universis Christi Fidelibus presentes Litteras inspecturis Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem—"Veritas ipsa, qua nec falli, nec fallere potest, cum Prædicatores Fidei ad officium prædicationis delinarent, dixisse dignoscitur: Euntes docete omnes gentes: omnes, dixit, abique omni delectu, cum omnes Fidei disciplina capaces existant. Quod videns et iuvenda ipius humani generis æmulus, qui bonis operibus, ut pe- reant, semper adverfatur, modum excogitavit haecenus inauditum, quo impediret, ne Verbum Dei Gentibus, ut fave ferent, praedicaret: ut quodam fuos satellites commovit, qui suam cupiditatem adimpleret cupientes. Occidentales et Meridionales Indos, & alias Gentes, quæ temporibus itis ad nostram notitiam pervenerunt, sub pretextu quod Fidei Catholicae expertes existant, uti bruta animalia, ad nostræ obsequiæ redigendos effe, paullum afferrere praefumant, & eos in servitutem redigunt tantis afflictionibus illos urgentes, quantis vix bruta animalia illis servientia urgeant. Nos igitur, qui ejusdem Domini nostri vices, licet indigni, gerimus in terris, & Oves græcis tui nobis commissas, quæ extra ejus Ovile sunt, ad ipsum Ovile totum nixu exquirimus, attendentes Indos ipsos, utpote veros homines, non solum Christianæ Fidei capaces existere, fed, ut nobis innotuit, ad Fidem ipsam promptissime current, ac volentes super hos congruis remedii providere, prædictos Indos & omnes alia gentes ad notitiam Christianorum in posterum deventuras, licet extra fidem Christi existant, sua libertate & dominio hujusmodi uti, & potiri, & gaudere libere, & licetesse posse, nec in servitutem redigi debere, ac quicquid fecerit fieri contingent irritura & inane, ipsoque Indos, & alias Gentes Verbi Dei prædicatione, & exemplo bonæ vitae ad diétam Fidem Christi invitandos fore. Auëtoritate Apoëolica per præfentes literas decernimus, & declaramus, non obstantibus premis, catærigue contrariis quibuscunque." Datum Romæ anno 1537. IV. Non. Ian. Pontificatus nostræ anno III. Questa, è non altra è quella famosa bolla, per la quale si è fatto un si grande schia- mazzo. the great retentive faculty of that people, and their desire of knowledge, which incites them to ask the causes and the effects of things."

"We have had intimate commerce with the Americans (continues the Abbé); have lived for some years in a seminary destined for their instruction; saw the erection and progress of the royal college of Guadalupe founded in Mexico, by a Mexican Jesuit, for the education of Indian children; had afterwards some Indians amongst our pupils; had particular knowledge of many American rectors, many nobles, and numerous artists; attentively observed their character, their genius, their disposition, and manner of thinking; and have examined besides with the utmost diligence their ancient history, their religion, their government, their laws, and their customs. After such long experience and study of them, from which we imagine ourselves enabled to decide without danger of erring, we declare to M. de Paw, and to all Europe, that the mental qualities of the Americans are not in the least inferior to those of the Europeans; that they are capable of all, even the most abstract sciences; and that if equal care was taken of their education, if they were brought up from childhood in seminaries under good masters, were protected and stimulated by rewards, we should see rise among the Americans, philosophers, mathematicians, and divines, who would rival the first in Europe."

But although we should suppose, that, in the torrid climates of the New World, as well as in those of the Old, especially under the additional depression of slavery, there was an inferiority of the mental powers, the Chilese and the North-Americans have discovered higher rudiments of human excellence and ingenuity than have ever been known among tribes in a similar state of society in any part of the world.

M. de Paw affirms, that the Americans were unacquainted with the use of money, and quotes the following well-known passage from Montesquieu: "Imagine to yourself that, by some accident, you are placed in an unknown country; if you find money there, do not doubt that you are arrived among a polished people." But if by money we are to understand a piece of metal with the stamp of the prince or the public, the want of it in a nation is no token of barbarity. The Athenians employed oxen for money, as the Romans did sheep. The Romans had no coined money till the time of Servius Tullius, nor the Persians until the reign of Darius Hytaphes. But if by money is understood a sign representing the value of merchandise, the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, employed money in their commerce. The cacao, of which they made constant use in the market to purchase whatever they wanted, was employed for this purpose, as salt is in Assyria.

It has been affirmed, that stone bridges were unknown in America when it was first discovered; and that the natives did not know how to form arches. But these assertions are erroneous. The remains of the ancient palaces of Tezcuco, and still more their vapour baths, show the ancient use of arches and vaults among the Mexicans. But the ignorance of this art would have been no proof of barbarity. Neither the Egyptians nor Babylonians understood the construction of arches.

M. de Paw affirms, that the palace of Montezuma was nothing else than a hut. But it is certain, from the affirmation of all the historians of Mexico, that the army under Cortes, consisting of 6,400 men, were all lodged in the palace; and there remained still sufficient room for Montezuma and his attendants.

The advances which the Mexicans had made in the study of astronomy is perhaps the most surprising proof of their attention and sagacity; for it appears from Abbé Clavigero's history, that they not only counted 365 days to the year, but also knew of the excess of about six hours in the solar over the civil year, and remedied the difference by means of intercalary days. See Astronomy, n° 5.

Of American morality, the following exhortation of a Mexican to his son may serve as a specimen. "My specimen, son, who art come into the light from the womb of thy mother like a chicken from the egg, and like it art preparing to fly through the world, we know not how long Heaven will grant us the enjoyment of that precious gem which we possess in thee; but however short the period, endeavour to live exactly, praying God continually to assist thee. He created thee: thou art his property. He is thy father, and loves thee full more than I do; repose in him thy thoughts, and day and night direct thy fighs to him. Reverence and salute thy elders, and hold no one in contempt. To the poor and distressed be not dumb, but rather use words of comfort. Honour all persons, particularly thy parents, to whom thou owest obedience, respect, and service. Guard against imitating the example of those wicked sons, who, like brutes that are deprived of reason, neither reverence their parents, listen to their instruction, nor submit to their correction; because whoever follows their steps will have an unhappy end, will die in a desperate or sudden manner, or will be killed and devoured by wild beasts.

"Mock not, my son, the aged or the imperfect. Scorn not him whom you see fall into some folly or transgression, nor make him reproaches; but restrain thyself, and beware lest thou fall into the same error which offends thee in another. Go not where thou art not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. Endeavour to manifest thy good-breeding in all thy words and actions. In conversation, do not lay thy hands upon another, nor speak too much, nor interrupt or disturb another's discourse. When any one discourses with thee, hear him attentively, and hold thyself in an easy attitude, neither playing with thy feet, nor putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor spitting too often, nor looking about you here and there, nor rising up frequently if thou art sitting; for such actions are indications of levity and low-breeding."—He proceeds to mention several particular vices which are to be avoided, and concludes—"Steal not, nor give thyself to gaming; otherwise thou wilt be a disgrace to thy parents, whom thou oughtest rather to honour for the education they have given thee. If thou wilt be virtuous, thy example will put the wicked to shame. No more, my son; enough hath been said in discharge of the duties of a father. With these counsels I wish to fortify thy mind. Refuse them not, nor act in contradiction to them; for on them thy life, and all thy happiness, depend."

As ranging on the same side with the Abbé Clavigero, the ingenious Mr Jefferon deserves particular This gentleman, in his Notes on the State of Virginia, &c., has taken occasion to combat the opinions of Buffon; and seems to have fully refuted them both by argument and facts. The French philosopher affirms, "That living nature is less active, less energetic, in the New world than in the Old." He affirms, 1. That the animals common to both continents are smaller in America. 2. That those peculiar to the New are on an inferior scale. 3. That those which have been domesticated in both have degenerated in America; and, 4. That it exhibits fewer species of living creatures. The cause of this he ascribes to the diminution of heat in America, and to the prevalence of humidity from the extension of its lakes and waters over a prodigious surface. In other words, he affirms that heat is friendly, and moisture adverse, to the production and development of the larger quadrupeds.

The hypothesis that moisture is unfriendly to animal growth, Mr Jefferson shows to be contradicted by observation and experience. It is by the assistance of heat and moisture that vegetables are elaborated from the elements. Accordingly we find that the more humid climates produce plants in greater profusion than the dry. Vegetables are immediately or remotely the food of every animal; and, from the uniform operation of nature's laws we discern, that, in proportion to the quantity of food, animals are not only multiplied in their numbers, but improved in their size. Of this last opinion is the Count de Buffon himself in another part of his work: "En general, il paraît que les pays un peu froids conviennent mieux à nos bœufs que les pays chauds, et qu'ils font d'autant plus gros et plus grands que le climat est plus humide et plus abondant en paturages. Les bœufs de Danemark, de la Podolie, de l'Ukraine, et de la Tartarie qu'habitent les Calmouques, font les plus grands de tous."

Here then a race of animals, and one of the largest too, has been increased in its dimensions by cold and moisture, in direct opposition to the hypothesis, which supposes that these two circumstances diminish animal bulk, and that it is their contraries, heat and dryness, which enlarge it. But to try the question on more general ground, let us take two portions of the earth, Europe and America for instance, sufficiently extensive to give operation to general causes; let us consider the circumstances peculiar to each, and observe their effect on animal nature. America, running through the torrid as well as temperate zone, has more heat, collectively taken, than Europe. But Europe, according to our hypothesis, is the driest. They are equally adapted then to animal productions; each being endowed with one of those causes which befriend animal growth, and with one which opposes it. Let us then take a comparative view of the quadrupeds of Europe and America, presenting them to the eye in three different tables; in one of which shall be enumerated those found in both countries; in a second, those found in one only; in a third, those which have been domesticated in both. To facilitate the comparison, let those of each table be arranged in gradation according to their sizes, from the greatest to the smallest, so far as their sizes can be conjectured. The weights of the large animals shall be expressed in the English avoirdupois pound and its decimals; those of the smaller in the ounce and its decimals. Those which are marked thus *, are actual weights of particular subjects, deemed among the largest of their species. Those marked thus †, are furnished by judicious persons, well acquainted with the species, and laying, from conjecture only, what the largest individual they had seen would probably have weighed. The other weights are taken from Messrs Buffon and D'Aubenton, and are of such subjects as came casually to their hands for direction.

"Comparative View of the Quadrupeds of Europe and of America."

**Table I. Aboriginals of both.**

| Europe | America | |--------|---------| | Mammoth | *1800 | | Buffalo. Bifon | *410 | | White bear. Ours blanc | | | Caribou. Renne | | | Bear. Ours | 153.7 | | Elk. Elan. Original, palmated | | | Red deer. Cerf | 288.8 | | Fallow deer. Daim | 167.8 | | Wolf. Loup | 69.8 | | Roe. Chevreuil | 56.7 | | Glutton. Glouton. Carcajou | | | Wild cat. Chat sauvage | †30 | | Lynx. Loup cervier | 25 | | Beaver. Caïtor | 18.5 | | Badger. Blaireau | 13.6 | | Red fox. Renard | 13.5 | | Grey fox. Ifatis | | | Otter. Loutre | 8.9 | | Monax. Marmotte | 6.5 | | Vifon. Fouine | 2.8 | | Hedgehog. Herisson | 2.2 | | Martin. Marte | 1.9 | | Water rat. Rat d'eau | 7.5 | | Wefel. Belette | 2.2 | | Flying squirrel. Polatouche | 2.2 | | Shrew mouse. Mufaraigne | 1.0 |

**Table II. Aboriginals of one only.**

| Europe | America | |--------|---------| | Sanglier. Wild boar | 280 | | Mouflon. Wild sheep | 56 | | Bouquetin. Wild goat | | | Lievre. Hare | 7.6 | | Lapin. Rabbit | 3.4 | | Putois. Polecat | 3.3 | | Genette | 3.1 | | Defman. Muskrat | 0.2 | | Ecureuil. Squirrel | 1.2 | | Hermine. Ermin | 8.2 | | Rat. Rat | 7.5 | | Loirs | 3.1 | | Lerot. Dormouse | 1.8 | | Taupe. Mole | 1.2 | | Hamfter | .9 | | Zifel | | | Leming | | | Souris. Mouse | .6 | | Tapir | 534 | | Elk, round horned | †450 | | Puma | | | Jaguar | 218 | | Cabiai | 109 | | Tamanoir | 109 | | Tamandua | 65.4 | | Cougar of N. Amer. | 75 | | Cougar of S. Amer. | 59.4 | | Ocelot | | | Pecari | 46.3 | | Jaguaret | 43.6 | | Alco | | | Paca | | | Serval | | | Sloth. Unau | 27.4 | ### Table II. continued.

| Europe | America | |-------------------------|--------------------------| | Saricovienne | lb. | | Kincajou | Cow | | Tatou Kabassou | Horse | | Urfor. Urchin | Afs | | Raccoon. Raton | Hog | | Coati | Sheep | | Coendou | Goat | | Sloth. Ai | Dog | | Sapajou Ouarini | Cat | | Sapajou Coaita | | | Tatou Encubert | | | Tatou Apar | | | Tatou Cachica | | | Little Coendou | | | Opossum. Sarigue | | | Tapetit | | | Margay | | | Crabier | | | Agouti | | | Sapajou Sai | | | Tatou Cirquinçon | | | Tatou Tatouate | | | Mouffette Squath | | | Mouffette Chinché | | | Mouffette Conepate | | | Scunk | | | Mouffette. Zorilla | | | Whabus. Hare. Rabbit | | | Aperea | | | Akouchi | | | Ondatra. Muskrat | | | Pilori | | | Great grey squirrel | | | Fox squirrel of Virginia| |

### Table III. Domesticated in both.

| Europe | America | |--------|---------| | Cow | *2500 | | Horse | *1366 | | Afs | | | Hog | *1200 | | Sheep | *125 | | Goat | *80 | | Dog | 67.6 | | Cat | 7 |

"The result of this view is, that of 26 quadrupeds common to both countries, seven are said to be larger in America, seven of equal size, and 12 not sufficiently examined. So that the first table impeaches the first member of the assertion, that of the animals common to both countries the American are smaller, 'Et cela sans aucune exception.' It shows it not just, in all the latitude in which its author has advanced it, and probably not to such a degree as to found a distinction between the two countries.

Proceeding to the second table, which arranges the animals found in one of the two countries only, M. de Buffon observes, that the taphir, the elephant of America, is but of the size of a small cow. To prove our comparison, Mr Jefferson states the wild boar, the elephant of Europe, as little more than half that size. He has made an elk with round or cylindrical horns, an animal of America, and peculiar to it; because he has seen many of them himself, and more of their horns; and because, from the best information, it is certain that in Virginia this kind of elk has abounded much, and still exists in smaller numbers. He makes the American hare or rabbit peculiar, believing it to be different from both the European animals of those denominations, and calling it therefore by its Algonquin name Whabus, to keep it distinct from thet. Kalm is of the same opinion. The squirrels are denominated from a knowledge derived from daily sight of them, because with that the European appellations and descriptions seem irreconcilable. These are the only instances in which Mr Jefferson departs from the authority of M. de Buffon in the construction of this table; whom he takes for his groundwork, because he thinks him the best informed of any naturalist who has ever written. The result is, that there are 18 quadrupeds peculiar to Europe; more than four times as many, to wit 74, peculiar to America; that the first of these 74, the tapir, the largest of the animals peculiar to America, weighs more than the whole column of Europeans; and consequently this second table disproves the second member of the assertion, that the animals peculiar to the New World are on a smaller scale, so far as that assertion relied on European animals for support: and it is in full opposition to the theory which makes the animal volume to depend on the circumstances of heat and moisture.

The third table comprehends those quadrupeds only which are domestic in both countries. That some of these, in some parts of America, have become less than their original stock, is doubtless true; and the reason is very obvious. In a thinly-peopled country,..." the spontaneous productions of the forests and waste fields are sufficient to support indifferently the domestic animals of the farmer, with a very little aid from him in the feverish and scarce season. He therefore finds it more convenient to receive them from the hand of nature in that indifferent state, than to keep up their size by care and nourishment which would cost him much labour. If, on this low fare, these animals dwindle, it is no more than they do in those parts of Europe where the poverty of the soil, or poverty of the owner, reduces them to the same scanty subsistence. It is the uniform effect of one and the same cause, whether acting on this or that side of the globe. It would be erring therefore against that rule of philosophy, which teaches us to ascribe like effects to like causes, should we impute this diminution of size in America to any imbecility or want of uniformity in the operations of nature. It may be affirmed with truth, that in those countries, and with those individuals of America, where necessity or curiosity has produced equal attention as in Europe to the nourishment of animals, the horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs of the one continent are as large as those of the other. There are particular instances, well attested, where individuals of America have imported good breeders from England, and have improved their size by care in the course of some years. And the weights actually known and stated in the third table, will suffice to show, that we may conclude, on probable grounds, that, with equal food and care, the climate of America will preserve the races of domestic animals as large as the European stock from which they are derived; and consequently that the third member of Monf. de Buffon's assertion, that the domestic animals are subject to degeneration from the climate of America, is as probably wrong as the first and second were certainly so.

That the last part of it is erroneous, which affirms, that the species of American quadrupeds are comparatively few, is evident from the tables taken altogether; to which may be added the proof adduced by the Abbé Clavigero. According to Buffon's latest calculation, in his Époques de la Nature, there are 300 species of quadrupeds; and America, though it does not make more than a third part of the globe, contains, according to Clavigero, almost one half of the different species of its animals.

Of the human inhabitants of America, to whom the same hypothesis of degeneracy is extended, M. Buffon gives the following description: "Though the American savage be nearly of the same stature with men in polished societies; yet this is not a sufficient exception to the general contraction of animated Nature throughout the whole continent. In the savage, the organs of generation are small and feeble. He has no hair, no beard, no ardour for the female. Though nimbler than the European, because more accustomed to running, his strength is not so great. His sensations are less acute; and yet he is more timid and cowardly. He has no vivacity, no activity of mind. The activity of his body is not so much an exercise or spontaneous motion, as a necessary action produced by want. Deprived of his appetite for victuals and drink, and you will at once annihilate the active principle of all his movements: He remains in stupid repose, on his limbs or couch, for whole days. It is easy to discover the cause of the scattered life of savages, and of their estrangement from society. They have been refused the most precious spark of Nature's fire: They have no ardour for women, and, of course, no love to mankind. Unacquainted with the most lively and most tender of all attachments, their other sensations of this nature are cold and languid. Their love to parents and children is extremely weak. The bonds of the most intimate of all societies, that of the same family, are feeble; and one family has no attachment to another. Hence no union, no republic, no social state, can take place among them. The physical cause of love gives rise to the morality of their manners. Their heart is frozen, their society cold, and their empire cruel. They regard their females as servants destined to labour, or as beasts of burden, whom they load unmercifully with the produce of their hunting, and oblige, without pity or gratitude, to perform labours which often exceed their strength. They have few children, and pay little attention to them. Everything must be referred to the first cause: They are indifferent, because they are weak; and this indifference to the sex is the original stain which disgraces Nature, prevents her from expanding, and, by destroying the germs of life, cuts the root of society. Hence man makes no exception to what has been advanced. Nature, by denying him the faculty of love, has abused and contracted him more than any other animal."

A humiliating picture, indeed! but than which, Mr. Jefferson affirms us, never was one more unlike the original. M. Buffon grants, that their stature is the same as that of the men of Europe, and he might have admitted, that the Iroquois were larger, and the Lenape or Delawares taller, than people in Europe generally are: But he says their organs of generation are smaller and weaker than those of Europeans: which is not a fact. And as to their want of beard, this error has been already noticed (n° 49, supra).

"They have no ardour for their female."—It is seeming true, they do not indulge those excesses, nor discover fondness, which are customary in Europe; but this is not owing to a defect in nature, but to manners. Their soul is wholly bent upon war. This is what produces cures them glory among the men, and makes them the admiration of the women. To this they are educated from their earliest youth. When they pursue game with ardour, when they bear the fatigues of the chase, when they sustain and suffer patiently hunger and cold; it is not so much for the sake of the game they pursue, as to convince their parents and the council of the nation, that they are fit to be enrolled in the number of the warriors. The songs of the women, the dance of the warriors, the sage counsel of the chiefs, the tales of the old, the triumphal entry of the warriors returning with success from battle, and the respect paid to those who distinguish themselves in battle, and in subduing their enemies; in short, every thing they see or hear, tends to inspire them with an ardent desire for military fame. If a young man were to discover a fondness for women before he has been to war, he would become the contempt of the men, and the scorn and ridicule of the women: or were he to indulge himself with a captive taken in war, and much more were he to offer violence in order to gratify his lust, he would incur indelible disgrace. The seeming frigidity dity of the men, therefore, is the effect of manners, and not a defect of nature. They are neither more defective in ardour, nor more impotent with the female, than are the whites reduced to the same diet and exercise.

"They raise few children."—They indeed raise fewer children than we do; the causes of which are to be found, not in a difference of nature, but of circumstance. The women very frequently attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, childbearing becomes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said, therefore, that they have learned the practice of procuring abortion by the use of some vegetable; and that it even extends to prevent conception for a considerable time after. During these parties they are exposed to numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greatest extremities of hunger. Even at their homes, the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the forest; that is, they experience a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed, or not fed at all, her young perish; and if both male and female be reduced to like want, generation becomes less active, less productive. To the obstacles, then, of want and hazard, which nature has opposed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the purpose of restraining their numbers within certain bounds, those of labour and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder, then, if they multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly supplied, a single farm will show more of cattle than a whole country of forests can of buffaloes. The same Indian women, when married to white traders, who feed them and their children plentifully and regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who keep them stationary and unexposed to accident, produce and raise as many children as the white women. Instances are known, under these circumstances, of their rearing a dozen children.

Neither do they seem to be "deficient in natural affection." On the contrary, their sensibility is keen, even the warriors weeping most bitterly on the loss of their children; though in general they endeavour to appear superior to human events.

Their friendships are strong, and faithful to the uttermost extremity. A remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the late Col. Byrd, who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact some business with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed in the council of the Cherokees, that Col. Byrd should be put to death in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called Silouee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many days deliberation, however, the determination was, contrary to Silouee's expectation, that Byrd should be put to death, and some warriors were dispatched as executioners. Silouee attended them; and when they entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, "This man is my friend: before you get at him, you must kill me." On which they returned; and the council respected the principle so much as to recede from their determination.

That "they are timorous and cowardly" is a character with which there is little reason to charge them, when we recollect the manner in which the Iroquois met Mons. ———, who marched into their country; in which the old men, who scorned to fly, or to survive the capture of their town, braved death like the old Romans in the time of the Gauls, and in which they often after revenged themselves by striking and destroying Montreal. In short, the Indian is brave, when an enterprise depends on bravery; education with him making the point of honour consist in the destruction of an enemy by stratagem, and in the preservation of his own person free from injury; or perhaps this is nature, while it is education which teaches us to honour force more than finesse. He will defend himself against an host of enemies, always choosing to be killed rather than to surrender, though it be to the whites, who he knows will treat him well. In other situations, also, he meets death with more deliberation; and endures tortures with a firmness unknown almost to religious enthusiasm among us.

Much less are they to be characterized as a people of no vivacity, and who are excited to action or motion only by the calls of hunger and thirst. Their dances, in which they find delight, and which to a European would be the most severe exercise, fully contradict this; not to mention their fatiguing marches, and the toil they voluntarily and cheerfully undergo in their military expeditions. It is true, that when at home they do not employ themselves in labour or the culture of the soil; but this, again, is the effect of customs and manners which have assigned that to the province of the women. But it is said, "they are adverse to society and a social life?" Can anything be more inapplicable than this to a people who always live in towns or in clans? Or can they be said to have no republics, who conduct all their affairs in national councils; who pride themselves in their national character; who consider an insult or injury done to an individual by a stranger as done to the whole, and resent it accordingly?

To form a just estimate of their genius and mental powers, Mr Jefferson observes, more facts are wanting, and great allowance is to be made for those circumstances of their situation which call for a display of particular talents only. This done, we shall probably find that the Americans are formed, in mind as well as in body, on the same model with the homo sapiens Europaeus. The principles of their society forbidding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprise by personal influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquirements all their faculties are directed. Of their bravery and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. We may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single pallage superior to the speech speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore when governor of this state. The story is as follows; of which, and of the speech, the authenticity is unquestionable.

In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant of the frontiers of Virginia by two Indians of the Shawanee tribe. The neighbouring whites, according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had committed on those much-injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kanawha in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately a canoe of women and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting any hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river; and the moment the canoe reached the shore, flung out their objects, and at one fire killed every person in it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued.

In the autumn of the same year a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, between the collected forces of the Shawanees, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained to be seen among the supplicants; but, lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the following speech, to be delivered to Lord Dunmore:

"I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed at me as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have fought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace; but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."

To the preceding anecdotes in favour of the American character, may be added the following by Dr Benjamin Franklin. - The Indian men, when young, are hunters and warriors; when old, counsellors; for all their government is by the counsel or advice of the sages. Hence they generally study oratory; the best speaker having the most influence. The Indian women till the ground, dress the food, nurse and bring up the children, and preserve and hand down to posterity the memory of public transactions. These employments of men and women are accounted natural and honourable. Having few artificial wants, they have abundance of leisure for improvement by conversation. Our laborious manner of life, compared with theirs, they esteem frivolous and base; and the learning on which we value ourselves, they regard as frivolous and useless.

Having frequent occasions to hold public councils, they have acquired great order and decency in conducting them. The old men sit in the foremost ranks, the warriors in the next, and the women and children in the hindmost. The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes; imprint it in their memories, for they have no writing, and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted anything he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversation, is reckoned highly indecent.

The politeness of these savages in conversation is indeed carried to excess; since it does not permit them to contract or deny the truth of what is affected in their presence. By this means they indeed avoid disputes; but then it becomes difficult to know their minds, or what impression you make upon them. The missionaries who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the great difficulties of their mission. The Indians hear with patience the truths of the gospel explained to them, and give their usual tokens of assent and approbation; but this by no means implies conviction; it is mere civility.

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and inconvenience them where they desire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. "We have," say they, "as much curiosity as you; and when you come into our towns, we wish for opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company."

Their manner of entering one another's villages has their holiest rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling familiarity, strangers to enter a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. Therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old men usually come out to them and lead them in. There is in every village a vacant dwelling, called the strangers house. Here they are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut, acquainting the inhabitants that strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary; and every one lends them what he can spare of victuals, and skins to repose on. When the strangers are refreshed, pipes and tobacco are brought; and then, but not before, conversation begins, with inquiries who they are, whither bound, what news, &c. and it usually ends with offers of service: if the strangers have occasion for guides, or any necessaries for continuing their journey; and nothing is exacted for the entertainment.

The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons; of which Conrad Weiler, our interpreter, gave Dr Franklin the following instance: He had been naturalized among America among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohawk language. In going through the Indian country to carry a message from our governor to the council at Onondaga, he called at the habitation of Canasatego, an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canasatego began to converse with him: asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what had occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions; and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, "Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble all in the great house; tell me what it is for?—What do they do there?" "They meet there," says Conrad, "to hear and learn good things." "I do not doubt," says the Indian, "that they tell you so; they have told me the same; but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I generally used to deal with Hans Hanson; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beaver. He said he could not give more than 4s. a pound; but (says he) I cannot talk on business now; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any business today, I may as well go to the meeting too; and I went with him.

—There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people very angrily. I did not understand what he said; but perceiving that he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought too, that the man had mentioned something of beaver, and I suspected that it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant.—Well, Hans, (says I,) I hope you have agreed to give more than 4s. a pound?"

"No, (says he,) I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than 3s. 6d." "I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meeting to learn good things, the real purpose was, to consult how to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they certainly would have learned some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I treat you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on; we demand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, Where is your money? And if I have none, they say, Get out, you Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good things that we need no meeting to be instructed in; because our mothers taught them to us when we were children; and therefore it is impossible these meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver."

The next question that occurs is, Whether the peculiarities of the Americans, or the disparity between them and the inhabitants of Europe, afford sufficient grounds for determining them, as some have done, to be a race of men radically different from all others?

In this question, to avoid being tedious, we shall confine ourselves to what has been advanced by Lord Kames; who is of opinion, that there are many different species of men, as well as of other animals; and gives an hypothesis, whereby he pretends his opinion may be maintained in a consistency with Revelation.

"If (says he) the only rule afforded by nature for clasifying animals can be depended on, there are different races of men as well as of dogs: a mastiff differs not for different more from a spaniel, than a white man from a negro, species, or a Laplander from a Dane. And, if we have any faith in Providence, it ought to be so. Plants were created of different kinds, to fit them for different climates; and so were brute animals. Certain it is, that all men are not fitted equally for every climate. There is scarce a climate but what is natural to some men, where they prosper and flourish; and there is not a climate but where some men degenerate. Doth not then analogy lead us to conclude, that, as there are different climates on the face of this globe, so there are different races of men fitted for these different climates?

"M. Buffon, from the rule, That animals which can procreate together, and whose progeny can also procreate, are of one species; concludes, that all men are of one race or species; and endeavours to support that favourite opinion, by ascribing to the climate, to food, or to other accidental causes, all the varieties that are found among men. But is he seriously of opinion, that any operation of climate, or of other accidental cause, can account for the copper colour and smooth chin universal among the Americans; the prominence of the pudenda universal among the Hottentot women, or the black nipple no less universal among the female Samoiedes?—It is in vain to ascribe to the climate, the low stature of the Esquimaux, the smallness of their feet, or the overgrown size of their heads. It is equally in vain to ascribe to climate the low stature of the Laplanders, or their ugly visage. The black colour of negroes, thick lips, flat nose, crisped woolly hair, and rank smell, distinguish them from every other race of men. The Abyssinians, on the contrary, are tall and well made, their complexion a brown olive, features well-proportioned, eyes large and of a sparkling black, thin lips, a nose rather high than flat. There is no such difference of climate between Abyssinia and Negro-land as to produce these striking differences.

"Nor shall our author's ingenious hypothesis concerning the extremities of heat and cold, purchase him impunity with respect to the fallow complexion of the Samoiedes, Laplanders, and Greenlanders. The Finns, and northern Norwegians, live in a climate not less cold than that of the people mentioned; and yet are fair beyond other Europeans. I say more, there are many instances of races of people preserving their..." their original colour, in climates very different from their own; but not a single instance of the contrary, as far as I can learn. There have been four complete generations of negroes in Pennsylvania, without any visible change of colour; they continue jet black, as originally. Those who ascribe all to the sun, ought to consider how little probable it is, that the colour it impinges on the parents should be communicated to their infant children, who never saw the sun: I should be as soon induced to believe with a German naturalist, whose name has escaped me, that the negro colour is owing to an ancient custom in Africa, of dyeing the skin black.

Let a European, for years, expose himself to the sun in a hot climate, till he be quite brown; his children will nevertheless have the same complexion with those in Europe. From the action of the sun, is it possible to explain, why a negro, like a European, is born with a ruddy skin, which turns jet black the eighth or ninth day?

Our author next proceeds to draw some arguments for the existence of different races of men, from the various tempers and dispositions of different nations; which he reckons to be specific differences, as well as those of colour, stature, &c. and having summed up his evidence, he concludes thus: "Upon summing up the whole particulars mentioned above, would one hesitate a moment to adopt the following opinion, were there no counterbalancing evidence, viz. That God created many pairs of the human race, differing from each other, both externally and internally; that he fitted those pairs for different climates, and placed each pair in its proper climate; that the peculiarities of the original pairs were preserved entire in their descendants; who, having no assistance but their natural talents, were left to gather knowledge from experience; and, in particular, were left (each tribe) to form a language for itself; that signs were sufficient for the original pairs, without any language but what nature suggests; and that a language was formed gradually, as a tribe increased in numbers, and in different occupations, to make speech necessary?" But this opinion, however plausible, we are not permitted to adopt; being taught a different lesson by Revelation, viz. That God created but a single pair of the human species. Though we cannot doubt the authority of Moses, yet his account of the creation of man is not a little puzzling, as it seems to contradict every one of the facts mentioned above. According to that account, different races of men were not formed, nor were men formed originally for different climates. All men must have spoken the same language, viz. That of our first parents. And what of all seems the most contradictory to that account, is the savage state: Adam, as Moses informs us, was ended by his Maker with an eminent degree of knowledge; and he certainly was an excellent preceptor to his children and their progeny, among whom he lived many generations. Whence then the degeneracy of all men unto the savage state? To account for that dismal catastrophe, mankind must have suffered some terrible convulsion. That terrible convulsion is revealed to us in the history of the tower of Babel, contained in the 11th chapter of Genesis, which is, "That, for many centuries after the deluge, the whole earth was of one language, and of one speech; that they united to build a city on a plain in the land of Shinar, with a tower, whose top might reach unto heaven; that the Lord, beholding the people to be one, and to have all one language, and that nothing would be restrained from them which they imagined to do, confounded their language that they might not understand one another, and scattered them abroad upon the face of all the earth." Here light breaks forth in the midst of darkness. By confounding the language of men, and scattering them abroad upon the face of all the earth, they were rendered savages. And to harden them for their new habitations, it was necessary that they should be divided into different kinds, fitted for different climates. Without an immediate change of constitution, the builders of Babel could not possibly have subsided in the burning region of Guinea, nor in the frozen region of Lapland; houses not being prepared, nor any other convenience to protect them against a destructive climate."

We may first remark, on his Lordship's hypothesis, that it is evidently incomplete: for, allowing the human race to have been divided into different species at the confusion of languages, and that each species was adapted to a particular climate; by what means were they to get to the climates proper for them, or how were they to know that such climates existed? How was an American, for instance, when languishing in an improper climate at Babel, to get to the land of the Amazons, or the banks of the Oroonoko, in his own country? or how was he to know that these places were more proper for him than others?—If, indeed, we take the scripture phrase, "The Lord scattered them abroad upon the face of all the earth," in a certain sense, we may account for it. If we suppose that the different species were immediately carried off by a whirlwind, or other supernatural means, to their proper countries, the difficulty will vanish: but if this is his Lordship's interpretation, it is certainly a very singular one.

Before entering upon a consideration of the particular arguments used by our author for proving the principles of species in the human race, it will be proper to lay down the following general principles, which may serve as axioms. (1.) When we assert a multiplicity of species in the human race; we bring in a supernatural cause to solve a natural phenomenon: for these species are supposed to be the immediate work of the Deity. (2.) No person has a right to call anything the immediate effect of omnipotence, unless by express revelation from the Deity, or from a certainty that no natural cause is sufficient to produce the effect. The reason is plain. The Deity is invisible, and so are many natural causes: when we see an effect therefore, of which the cause does not manifest itself, we cannot know whether the immediate cause is the Deity, or an invisible natural power. An example of this we have in the phenomena of thunder and earthquakes, which were often ascribed immediately to the Deity, but are now discovered to be the effects of electricity. (3.) No person can assert natural causes to be insufficient to produce such effects, unless he perfectly knows all these causes, and the limits of their power in all possible cases; and this no man has ever known, or can know.

By keeping in view these principles, which we hope are self-evident, we will easily see Lord Kames's arguments. guments to consist entirely in a *petitio principii*. In substance they are all reduced to this single sentence: "Natural philosophers have been hitherto unsuccessful in their endeavours to account for the differences observed among mankind, therefore these differences cannot be accounted for from natural causes."

His Lordship, however, tells us in the passages already quoted, that "a mastiff differs not more from a spaniel, than a Laplander from a Dane;" that "it is vain to ascribe to climate the low stature of the Laplanders, or their ugly visage." Yet, in a note on the word Laplanders, he subjoins, that, "by late accounts it appears, that the Laplanders are only degenerated Tartars; and that they and the Hungarians originally sprung from the same breed of men, and from the same country." The Hungarians are generally handsome and well-made, like Danes, or like other people. The Laplanders, he tells us, differ as much from them as a mastiff from a spaniel. Natural causes, therefore, according to Lord Kames himself, may cause two individuals of the same species of mankind differ from each other as much as a mastiff does from a spaniel.

While we are treating this subject of colour, it may not be amiss to observe, that a very remarkable difference of colour may accidentally happen to individuals of the same species. In the isthmus of Darien, a singular race of men have been discovered.—They are of low stature, of a feeble make, and incapable of enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk white; not resembling that of fair people among Europeans, but without any bluish or sanguine complexion. Their skin is covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky white; the hair of their heads, their eye-brows, and eye-lashes, are of the same hue. Their eyes are of a singular form, and so weak, that they can hardly bear the light of the sun; but they see clearly by moon-light, and are most active and gay in the night. Among the negroes of Africa, as well as the natives of the Indian islands, a small number of these people are produced. They are called *allinos* by the Portuguese, and *Kackerlakes* by the Dutch.

This race of men is not indeed permanent; but it is sufficient to show, that mere colour is by no means the characteristic of a certain species of mankind. The difference of colour in these individuals is undoubtedly owing to a natural cause. To constitute, then, a race of men of this colour, it would only be necessary that this cause, which at present is merely accidental, should become permanent, and we cannot know but it may be so in some parts of the world.

If a difference in colour is no characteristic of a different species of mankind, much less can a difference in stature be thought so. In the southern parts of America, there are said to be a race of men exceeding the common size in height and strength*. This account, however, is doubted by some; but be that as it will, it is certain that the Equinoxeans are as much under the common size, as the Patagonians are said to be above it. Nevertheless we are not to imagine, that either of these are specific differences; seeing the Laplanders and Hungarians are both of the same species, and yet the former are generally almost a foot shorter than the latter; and if a difference of climate, or other accidental causes, can make the people of one country a foot shorter than the common size of mankind, undoubtedly accidental causes of a contrary nature may make those of another country a foot taller than other men.

Though the sun has undoubtedly a share in the production of the furtive colour of those nations which are most exposed to his influence; yet the manner of living to which people are accustomed, their victuals, their alteration employment, &c. must contribute very much to a difference of complexion. There are some kinds of colouring roots, which, if mixed with the food of certain animals, will tinge even their bones of a yellow colour. It cannot be thought any great degree of credulity to infer from this, that if these roots were mixed with the food of a white man, they might, without a miracle, tinge his skin of a yellow colour. If a man and woman were both to use food of this kind for a length of time, till they became as it were radically dyed, it is impossible, without the intervention of divine power, or of some extraordinary natural cause, but their children must be of the same colour; and was the same kind of food to be continued for several generations, it is more than probable that this colour might result the continued use of any kind of food whatever. See further the article COMPLEXION.

Of this indeed we have no examples, but we have an example of changes much more wonderful.—It is allowed on all hands, that it is more easy to work a change upon the body of a man, or any other animal, than upon his mind. A man that is naturally choleric may indeed learn to prevent the bad effects of his passion by reason, but the passion itself will remain as immutable as his colour.—But to reason in a manner similar to Lord Kames; though a man should be naturally choleric, or subject to any other passion, why should his children be so?—This way of reasoning, however plausible, is by no means conclusive, as will appear from the following passage in Mr Forster's Voyage.

June 9th. "The officers who could not yet relish their last provisions after the refreshments of New Zealand, had ordered their black dog, mentioned p. 135, Vol. I., to be killed: this day, therefore, we dined for the first time on a leg of it roasted; which tasted to exactly like mutton, that it was absolutely undistinguishable. In our cold countries, where animal food is so much used, and where to be carnivorous perhaps lies in the nature of men, or is indispensible necessary to the preservation of their health and strength, it is strange that there should exist a Jewish aversion to dogs-flesh, when hogs, the most uncleanly of all animals, are eaten without scruple. Nature seems expressly to have intended them for this use, by making their offspring so very numerous, and their increase so quick and frequent. It may be objected, that the exalted degree of instinct which we observe in our dogs, inspires us with great unwillingness to kill and eat them. But it is owing to the time we spend on the education of dogs, that they acquire those eminent qualities which attach them to much to us. The natural qualities of our dogs may receive a wonderful improvement; but education must give its assistance, without which the human mind itself, though capable of an immense expansion, remains in a very contracted state. In New Zealand, and (according to former accounts of voyages) in the tropical isles of the South Sea, the dogs are the most stupid, dull animals imaginable, imaginable, and do not seem to have the least advantage in point of sagacity over our sheep, which are commonly made the emblems of illiteracy. In the former country they are fed upon fish, in the latter on vegetables, and both these diets may have served to alter their disposition. Education may perhaps likewise graft new instincts; the New Zealand dogs are fed on the remains of their master's meals; they eat the bones of other dogs; and the puppies become true cannibals from their birth. We had a young New Zealand puppy on board, which had certainly had no opportunity of taking any thing but the mother's milk before we purchased it; however, it eagerly devoured a portion of the flesh and bones of the dog on which we dined today; while several others of the European breed taken on board at the Cape, turned from it without touching it.

On the 4th of August, a young bitch, of the terrier breed, taken on board at the Cape of Good Hope, and covered by a spaniel, brought ten young ones, one of which was dead. The New Zealand dog mentioned above, which devoured the bones of the roasted dog, now fell upon the dead puppy, and ate it with a ravenous appetite. This is a proof how far education may go in producing and propagating new instincts in animals. European dogs are never fed on the meat of their own species, but rather seem to abhor it. The New Zealand dogs, in all likelihood, are trained up from their earliest age to eat the remains of their master's meals; they are therefore used to feed upon fish; their own species; and perhaps human flesh; and what was only owing to habit at first, may have become instinct by length of time. This was remarkable in our cannibal dog, for he came on board so young, that he could not have been weaned long enough to have acquired a habit of devouring his own species, and much less of eating human flesh; however, one of our seamen having cut his finger, held it out to the dog, who fell to greedily, licked it, and then began to bite it.

From this account it appears, that even the instincts of animals are not unchangeable by natural causes; and if these causes are powerful enough to change the dispositions of succeeding generations, much more may we suppose them capable of making any possible alteration in the external appearance.

We are not here necessitated to confine ourselves to observations made on brute animals. The Franks are an example of the production of one general character, formed by some natural cause from a mixture of many different nations.—They were a motley multitude, consisting of various German nations dwelling beyond the Rhine; who, uniting in defense of their common liberty, took thence the name of Franks; the word frank signifying in their language, as it still does in ours, free. Among them the following nations were mentioned, viz. the Aquarii, Chamavi, Bructeri, Salii, Frisi, Chaufi, Amtvarii, and Catti. We cannot suppose one character to belong to so many different nations; yet it is certain that the Franks were nationally characterized as treacherous; and so deeply seems this quality to have been rooted in their nature, that their descendants have not got quite free of it in 1500 years. It is in vain, then, to talk of different races of men, either from their colour, size, or prevailing dispositions, seeing we have undeniable proofs that all these may be changed, in the most remarkable manner, by natural causes, without any miraculous interposition of the Deity.

The next question, then, which presents itself, is, From what part of the Old World America has most probably been peopled?

Discoveries long ago made inform us, that an intercourse between the Old continent and America might plough of America, be carried on with facility from the north-west extremities of Europe and the north-east boundaries of Asia. In the ninth century the Norwegians discovered Greenland, and planted a colony there. The communication with that country was renewed in the last century by Moravian missionaries, in order to propagate their doctrines in that bleak and uncultivated region. By them we are informed that the north-west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait; that at the bottom of the bay it is highly probable that they are united; that the Esquimaux of America perfectly resemble the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and mode of living; and that a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having visited the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language with the Greenland-New Comers, and were in every respect the same people. The same species of animals, too, are found in the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, frequent the forests of North America, as well as those in the north of Europe.

Other discoveries have proved, that if the two continents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow strait. From this part of the Old continent, also, inhabitants may have passed into the New; and the resemblance between the Indians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture that they have a common origin. This is the opinion adopted by Dr Robertson in his History of America *, where we find it accompanied with the following narrative.

"While those immense regions which stretched eastward from the river Obi to the sea of Kamtchatka were unknown, or imperfectly explored, the north-east extremities of our hemisphere were supposed to be so far distant from any part of the New World, that it was not easy to conceive how any communication should have been carried on between them. But the Russians, having subjected the western part of Siberia to their empire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast country, by advancing towards the east into unknown provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excursions after game, or by soldiers employed in levying the taxes; and the court of Moscow estimated the importance of those countries only by the small addition which they made to its revenue. At length, Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne: His enlightened, comprehensive mind, intent upon every circumstance that could aggrandize his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences of those discoveries, which had escaped the observation of his ignorant predecessors. He perceived, that, in proportion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America; that the communication between the two continents, which had long been search- ed for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter; and that, by opening this intercourse, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into his dominions by a new channel. Such an object suited a genius that delighted in grand schemes. Peter drew up instructions with his own hand for executing this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution.

"His successors adopted his ideas, and pursued his plan. The officers whom the Russian court employed in this service, had to struggle with so many difficulties, that their progress was extremely slow. Encouraged by some faint traditions among the people of Siberia concerning a successful voyage in the year 1648 round the north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different times, from the rivers Lena and Kolyma; but in a frozen ocean, which nature seems not to have destined for navigation, they were exposed to many disasters, without being able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian court ever doubled this formidable cape; we are indebted for what is known of those extreme regions of Asia, to the discoveries made in excursions by land. In all those provinces, an opinion prevails, that countries of great extent and fertility lie at no considerable distance from their own coasts. These the Russians imagined to be part of America; and several circumstances concurred not only in confirming them in this belief, but in persuading them that some portion of that continent could not be very remote. Trees of various kinds, unknown in those naked regions of Asia, are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By the same wind floating ice is brought thither in a few days; flights of birds arrive annually from the same quarter; and a tradition obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercourse formerly carried on with some countries situated to the east.

"After weighing all these particulars, and comparing the position of the countries in Asia which they had discovered, with such parts in the north-west of America as were already known; the Russian court formed a plan, which would have hardly occurred to any nation less accustomed to engage in arduous undertakings and to contend with great difficulties. Orders were issued to build two vessels at Ochotz, in the sea of Kamtschatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery. Though that dreary uncultivated region furnished nothing that could be of use in constructing them but some larch-trees; though not only the iron, the cordage, the sails, and all the numerous articles requisite for their equipment, but the provisions for victualling them, were to be carried through the immense deserts of Siberia, along rivers of difficult navigation, and roads almost impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two vessels were finished; and, under the command of the captains Behring and Tchirikow, sailed from Kamtschatka in quest of the New World, in a quarter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and many disasters befell them, the expectations from the voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American continent; and, according to their observations, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the north-west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore; but in one place the inhabitants fled as the Russians approached; in another, they carried off those who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence of the weather, and the distresses of their crews, obliged both to quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands, which stretch in a chain from east to west between the country which they had discovered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with the natives, who seemed to them to resemble the North Americans. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North America, and an usage of arbitrary institution peculiar to them."

The more recent and accurate discoveries of the illustrious navigator Cooke, and his successor Clerke, supposing have brought the matter still nearer to certainty. The two coasts, from the south of Bering's Straits to the crescent, have been of isles between Asia and America, is very shallow. If once joined, deepens from those straits (as the British seas do from those of Dover) till foundings are lost in the Pacific Ocean; but that does not take place but to the south of the isles. Between them and the straits is an increase from 12 to 54 fathom, except only off St Thaddeus Nofs, where there is a channel of greater depth. From the volcanic disposition, it has been judged probable, not only that there was a separation of the continents at the straits of Bering, but that the whole space from the isles to that small opening had once been occupied by land; and that the fury of the watery element, actuated by that of fire, had, in most remote times, subverted and overwhelmed the tract, and left the islands monumental fragments.

Without adopting all the fancies of Buffon, there can be no doubt, as the Abbé Clavigero observes, that our planet has been subject to great vicissitudes since the deluge. Ancient and modern histories confirm the notion, truth which Ovid has sung in the name of Pythagoras:

Video ego quod fuerat quondam felicitissima tellus, Effe fretum, vidi factas ex auro terras.

At present they plough those lands over which ships formerly sailed, and now they fail over lands which were formerly cultivated; earthquakes have swallowed some lands, and subterranean fires have thrown up others; the rivers have formed new soil with their mud; the sea retreating from the shores has lengthened the land in some places, and advancing in others has diminished it; it has separated some territories which were formerly united, and formed new straits and gulfs. We have examples of all these revolutions in the past century. Sicily was united to the continent of Naples, as Ennea, now the Black Sea, to Boeotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, say the same thing of Spain and Africa, and affirm, that by a violent eruption of the ocean upon the land between the mountains Abyla and Calpe, that communication was broken, and the Mediterranean Sea was formed. Among the people of Ceylon there is a tradition that a similar irruption of the sea separated their island from the peninsula of India. The same thing is believed by those of Malabar with respect to the isles of Maldivia, America, and with the Malayans with respect to Sumatra. It is certain, says the Count de Buffon, that in Ceylon the earth has lost 30 or 40 leagues, which the sea has taken from it; on the contrary, Tongres, a place of the Low Countries, has gained 30 leagues of land from the sea. The northern part of Egypt owes its existence to inundations of the Nile. The earth which this river has brought from the inland countries of Africa, and deposited in its inundations, has formed a soil of more than 25 cubits of depth. In like manner, adds the above author, the province of the Yellow River in China, and that of Louisiana, have only been formed of the mud of rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report innumerable examples of similar revolutions, which we omit, that our dissertation may not become too prolix; as also many modern revolutions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the Count de Buffon and other authors. In South America, all those who have observed with philosophic eyes the peninsula of Yucatan, do not doubt that that country has once been the bed of the sea; and, on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama many indications show the island of Cuba to have been once united to the continent of Florida. In the strait which separates America from Asia many islands are found, which probably were the mountains belonging to that tract of land which we suppose to have been swallowed up by earthquakes; which is made more probable by the multitude of volcanoes which we know of in the peninsula of Kamtschatka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking of that land, and the separation of the two continents, has been occasioned by those great and extraordinary earthquakes mentioned in the histories of the Americans, which formed an era almost as memorable as that of the deluge. The histories of the Toltecas fix such earthquakes in the year I Tecpatl; but as we know not what century that belonged, we can form no conjecture of the time that great calamity happened. If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, and there should be at the same time as great a scarcity of historians as there were in the first ages after the deluge, it would be doubted, in 300 or 400 years after, whether Asia had ever been united by that part to Africa; and many would firmly deny it.

Whether that great event, the separation of the continents, took place before or after the population of America, is as impossible as it is of little moment for us to know; but we are indebted to abovementioned navigators for settling the long dispute about the point from which it was effected. Their observations prove, that in one place the distance between continent and continent is only 39 miles, not (as the author of the Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains would have it) 800 leagues. This narrow strait has also in the middle two islands, which would greatly facilitate the migration of the Asiatics into the New World, supposing that it took place in canoes after the convulsion which rent the two continents asunder. Besides, it may be added, that these straits are, even in the summer, often filled with ice; in winter, often frozen. In either case mankind might find an easy passage; in the last, the way was extremely ready for quadrupeds to cross and stock the continent of America. But where, from the vast expanse of the north-eastern world, to fix on the first tribes who contributed to people the New continent, now inhabited almost from end to end, is a matter that baffles human reason. The learned may make bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense cannot always accede to them.

As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally Conjectures protruded one another forward. Wars might be an other cause of migrations. There appears no reason why the Asiatic north might not be an officina virorum, to the New as well as the European. The overstepping country, Continent, to the east of the Riphean mountains, must find it necessary to discharge its inhabitants: the first great wave of people was forced forward by the next to it, more tumid and more powerful than itself: successive new impulses continually arriving, short rest was given to that which spread over a more eastern tract; disturbed again and again, it covered fresh regions; at length, reaching the farthest limits of the Old World, found a new one, with ample space to occupy un molested for ages; till Columbus cursed them by a discovery, which brought again new sins and new deaths to both worlds.

"The inhabitants of the New World (Mr Pennant Mr Penobscot), do not consist of the offspring of a single nation's opinion: different people, at several periods, arrived there; and it is impossible to say, that any one is now to be found on the original spot of its colonization. It is impossible, with the lights which we have so recently received, to admit that America could receive its inhabitants (at least the bulk of them) from any other place than eastern Asia. A few proofs may be added, taken from customs or dresses common to the inhabitants of both worlds: some have been long extinct in the old, others remain in both in full force.

"The custom of scalping was a barbarism in use with the Scythians, who carried about them at all times its inhabitant's savage mark of triumph: they cut a circle round the neck, and stripped off the skin, as they would that of an ox. A little image, found among the Kalmucks, from the head of a Tartarian deity, mounted on a horse, and fitting eastern part on a human skin, with scalps pendent from the breast, of Asia, fully illustrates the custom of the Scythian progenitors, as described by the Greek historian. This usage, as the Europeans know by horrid experience, is continued to this day in America. The ferocity of the Scythians to their prisoners extended to the remotest part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, even at the time of their discovery by the Russians, put their prisoners to death by the most lingering and excruciating inventions; a practice in full force to this very day among the aboriginal Americans. A race of the Scythians were styled Anthropophagi, from their feeding on human flesh. The people of Nootka Sound still make a proof from repast on their fellow-creatures: but what is more wonderful, the savage allies of the British army have been known to throw the mangled limbs of the French prisoners into the horrible cauldron, and devour them with the same relish as those of a quadruped.

"The Scythians were said, for a certain time, annually to transform themselves into wolves, and again to resume the human shape. The new discovered Americans about Nootka Sound, at this time disguise themselves in dresses made of the skins of wolves and other wild beasts, and wear even the heads fitted to their own. These habits they use in the chase, to circumvent the animals of the field. But would not ignorance or superstition ascribe to a supernatural metamorphosis..." tamorphosis these temporary expedients to deceive the brute creation?

"In their marches, the Kamtschakans never went and dresse abroad, but followed one another in the same tract. The same custom is exactly observed by the Americans.

"The Tungus, the most numerous nation resident in Siberia, prick their faces with small punctures, with a needle, in various shapes; then rub into them charcoal, so that the marks become indelible. This custom is still observed in several parts of America. The Indians on the back of Hudson's bay, to this day, perform the operation, exactly in the same manner, and puncture the skin into various figures; as the natives of New Zealand do at present, and as the ancient Britons did with the herb gladium, or wood; and the Virginians, on the first discovery of that country by the English.

"The Tungus use canoes made of birch-bark, distended over ribs of wood, and nicely sewed together. The Canadian, and many other American nations, use no other sort of boats. The paddles of the Tungus are broad at each end; those of the people near Cook's river, and of Oonalafcha, are of the same form.

"In burying of the dead, many of the American nations place the corpse at full length, after preparing it according to their customs; others place it in a fitting posture, and lay by it the most valuable cloathing, wampum, and other matters. The Tartars did the same; and both people agree in covering the whole with earth, so as to form a tumulus, barrow, or cairn.

"Some of the American nations hang their dead in trees. Certain of the Tungus observe a similar custom.

"We can draw some analogy from dress: convenience in that article must have been consulted on both continents, and originally the materials must have been the same, the skins of birds and beasts. It is singular, that the conic bonnet of the Chinese should be found among the people of Nootka. I cannot give into the notion, that the Chinese contributed to the population of the New World; but we can readily admit, that a shipwreck might furnish those Americans with a pattern for that part of the dress.

"In respect to the features and form of the human body, almost every tribe found along the western coast has some similitude to the Tartar nations, and still retain the little eyes, small noses, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary in size, from the lusky Calmues to the little Nogaians. The internal Americans, such as the Five Indian nations, who are tall of body, robust in make, and of oblong faces, are derived from a variety among the Tartars themselves. The fine race of Tchutchki seem to be the stock from which those Americans are derived. The Tchutchki, again, from that fine race of Tartars the Kabardinka, or inhabitants of Kabarda.

"But about Prince William's Sound begins a race chiefly distinguished by their dress, their canoes, and their instruments of the chase, from the tribes to the south of them. Here commences the Esequimaux people, or the race known by that name in the high latitudes of the eastern side of the continent. They may be divided into two varieties. At this place they are of the largest size. As they advance northward they decrease in height, till they dwindle into the dwarfish tribes which occupy some of the coasts of the Icy Sea, and the maritime parts of Hudson's Bay, of Greenland, and Terra de Labrador. The famous Japanese map places some islands seemingly within the Straits of Bering, on which is bestowed the title of Ya Zae, or the Kingdom of the Dwarfs. Does not this in some manner authenticate the chart, and give us reason to suppose that America was not unknown to the Japanese; and that they had (as is mentioned by Kämpfer and Charlevoix) made voyages of discovery, and, according to the last, actually wintered on the continent? That they might have met with the Esequimaux is very probable; whom, in comparison of themselves, they might justly distinguish by the name of dwarfs. The reason of their low stature is very obvious: they dwell in a most severe climate, amidst penury of food; the former in one much more favourable, abundant in provisions; circumstances that tend to prevent the degeneracy of the human frame. At the island of Oona-lacha, a dialect of the Esequimaux is in use, which was continued along the whole coast from thence northward."

The continent which flooded America with the human race poured in the brute creation through the same passage. Very few quadrupeds continued in the peninsula of Kamtschatka; Mr Pennant enumerates only 25 which are inhabitants of land: all the rest perished in their migration, and fixed their residence in the New World. Seventeen of the Kamtschatan quadrupeds are found in America: others are common only to Siberia or Tartary, having, for unknown causes, entirely evacuated Kamtschatka, and divided themselves between America and the parts of Asia above cited. Multitudes again have deserted the Old World, even to an individual, and fixed their seats at distances most remote from the spot from which they took their departure; from mount Ararat, the resting-place of the ark, in a central part of the Old World, and excellently adapted for the dispersion of the animal creation to all its parts. "We need not be startled (says Mr Pennant) at the vast numbers many of the quadrupeds took to arrive at their present seats. Might not numbers of species have found a convenient abode in the vast Alps of Asia, instead of wandering to the Cordilleras of Chili? or might not others have been contented with the boundless plains of Tartary, instead of travelling thousands of miles to the extensive flats of Pampas?—To endeavour to elucidate common difficulties, is certainly a trouble worthy of the philosopher and of the divine; not to attempt it would be a criminal indolence, a neglect to

Vindicate the ways of God to man.

But there are multitudes of points beyond the human ability to explain, and yet are truths undeniable: the facts are indisputable, notwithstanding the causes are concealed. In such cases, faith must be called in to our relief. It would certainly be the height of folly to deny to that Being who broke open the great fountains of the deep to effect the deluge—and afterwards, to compel the dispersion of mankind to people the globe, directed the confusion of languages—powers inferior in their nature to these. After these wondrous wondrous proofs of Omnipotency, it will be absurd to deny the possibility of infusing instinct into the brute creation. Deus est anima brutorum; "God himself is the soul of brutes." His pleasure must have determined their will, and directed several species, and even whole genera, by impulse irresistible, to move by slow progression to their destined regions. But for that, the llama and the pacos might still have inhabited the heights of Armenia and some more neighbouring Alps, instead of labouring to gain the distant Peruvian Andes; the whole genus of armadillos, flow of foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone of the Old World for that of the New; and the whole tribe of monkeys would have gambolled together in the forests of India, instead of dividing their residence between the shades of Indofan and the deep forests of the Brafils. Lions and tigers might have infested the hot parts of the New World, as the first do the deserts of Africa, and the last the provinces of Asia; or the pantherine animals of South America might have remained additional scourges with the savage beasts of those ancient continents. The Old World would have been overstocked with animals; the New remained an unanimated waste! or both have contained an equal portion of every beast of the earth. Let it not be objected, that animals bred in a southern climate, after the descent of their parents from the ark, would be unable to bear the frost and snow of the rigorous north, before they reached South America, the place of their final destination. It must be considered, that the migration must have been the work of ages; that in the course of their progress each generation grew hardened to the climate it had reached; and that after their arrival in America, they would again be gradually accustomed to warmer and warmer climates, in their removal from north to south, as they had in the reverse, or from south to north. Part of the tigers still inhabit the eternal snows of Ararat, and multitudes of the very same species live, but with exalted rage, beneath the line, in the burning soil of Borneo or Sumatra; but neither lions or tigers ever migrated into the New World. A few of the first are found in India and Persia, but they are found in numbers only in Africa. The tiger extends as far north as western Tartary, in lat. 40° 50', but never has reached Africa."

In fine, the conjectures of the learned respecting the vicinity of the Old and New, are now, by the discoveries of our great navigators, lost in conviction; and, in the place of imaginary hypotheses, the real place of migration is incontrovertibly pointed out. Some (from a passage in Plato) have extended over the Atlantic, from the straits of Gibraltar to the coast of North and South America, an island equal in size to the continents of Asia and Africa; over which had passed, as over a bridge, from the latter, men and animals; wool-headed negroes, and lions and tigers, none of which ever existed in the New World. A mighty sea arose, and in one day and night engulfed this stupendous tract, and with it every being which had not completed its migration into America. The whole negro race, and almost every quadruped, now inhabitants of Africa, perished in this critical day. Five only are to be found at present in America; and of these only one, the bear, in South America; Not a single custom, common to the natives of Africa and

America, to evince a common origin. Of the quadrupeds, the bear, flag, wolf, fox, and weasel, are the only animals which we can pronounce with certainty to be found on each continent. The flag, fox, and weasel, have made also no farther progress in Africa than the north; but on the same continent the wolf is spread over every part, yet is unknown in South America, as are the fox and weasel. In Africa and South America the bear is very local, being met with only in the north of the first, and on the Andes in the last. Some cause unknown arrested its progress in Africa, and impelled the migration of a few into the Chilian Alps, and induced them to leave unoccupied the vast tract from North America to the lofty Cordilleras.

Allusions have often been made to some remains on Remains of the continent of America, of a more polished and cultivated people, when compared with the tribes which possessed it on its first discovery by Europeans. Mr Barton, in his Observations on some parts of Natural History, Part I., has collected the scattered hints of Kalm, Carver, and some others, and has added a plan of a regular work, which has been discovered on the banks of the Muskingum, near its junction with the Ohio. These remains are principally stone-walls, large mounds of earth, and a combination of these mounds with the walls, suspected to have been fortifications. In some places the ditches and the forts are said to have been plainly seen; in others, furrows, as if the land had been ploughed.

The mounds of earth are of two kinds: they are artificial tumuli, designed as repositories for the dead; or they are of a greater size, for the purpose of defending the adjacent country; and with this view they are artificially constructed, or advantage is taken of the natural eminences, to raise them into a fortification.

The remains near the banks of the Muskingum, are situated about one mile above the junction of that river with the Ohio, and 160 miles below Fort Pitt. They consist of a number of walls and other elevations, of ditches, &c., altogether occupying a space of ground about 300 perches in length, and from about 150 to 25 or 20 in breadth. The town, as it has been called, is a large level, encompassed by walls, nearly in the form of a square, the sides of which are from 96 to 86 perches in length. These walls are, in general, about 10 feet in height above the level on which they stand, and about 20 feet in diameter at the base, but at the top they are much narrower; they are at present overgrown with vegetables of different kinds, and, among others, with trees of several feet diameter. The chasms, or openings in the walls, were probably intended for gate-ways; they are three in number at each side, besides the smaller openings in the angles. Within the walls there are three elevations, each about six feet in height, with regular ascents to them; these elevations considerably resemble some of the eminences already mentioned, which have been discovered near the river Mississippi. This author's opinion is, That the Toltecas, or some other Mexican nation, were the people to whom the mounts and fortifications, which he has described, owe their existence; and that those people were probably the descendants of the Danes. The former part of this conjecture is thought probable, from the similarity of the Mexican mounts and fortifications described by the Abbé Clavigero, and other authors, to those described by our author; and from the tradition of the Mexicans, that they come from the north-west; for, if we can rely on the testimony of late travellers, fortifications similar to those mentioned by Mr Bartou have been discovered as far to the north as Lake Pepin; and we find them, as we approach to the south, even as low as the coasts of Florida. The second part of our author's conjecture appears not so well supported.

It is believed by many, that the ancients had some imperfect notion of a new world; and several ancient authors are quoted in confirmation of this. In a book ascribed to the philosopher Aristotle, we are told that the Carthaginians discovered an island far beyond the new world pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and finely watered with navigable rivers, but uninhabited. This island was distant a few days sailing from the continent; its beauty induced the discoverers to settle there; but the policy of Carthage disfledged the colony, and laid strict prohibition on all the subjects of the state not to attempt any future establishment. This account is also confirmed by an historian of no mean credit, who relates, that the Tyrians would have settled a colony on the new-discovered island, but were opposed by the Carthaginians for state reasons. The following passage has also been quoted from Seneca's Medea, in confirmation of this notion:

Venient annis Secula feris, quibus oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, & ingens Pateat tellus, Typhique novos Delegat orbis; nec fit terris Ultima Thule.

Act. iii. ver. 375.

Other authors are also quoted in support of this belief. But however this may be, nobody ever believed the existence of this continent so firmly as to go in quest of it; at least, there are no accounts well supported that America received any part of its first inhabitants from Europe prior to the 15th century. The Welsh fondly imagine that our country contributed, in 1170, to people the New World, by the adventure of Madoc, son of Owen Gwynedd, who, on the death of his father, sailed there, and colonized part of the country. All that is advanced in proof is, a quotation from one of our poets, which proves no more than that he had distinguished himself by sea and land. It is pretended that he made two voyages: that sailing west, he left Ireland so far to the north, that he came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things; that he returned home, and, making a report of the fruitfulness of the new-discovered country, prevailed on numbers of the Welsh of each sex to accompany him on a second voyage, from which he never returned. The favourers of this opinion assert, that several Welsh words, such as gwranlo, "to hearken or listen;" the ille of Crogo, or "welcome;" Cape Breton, from the name of our own island; gwyndwyr, or "the white water;" and pengwin, or "the bird with a white head;" are to be found in the American language. But likenesses found in a few words will not be deemed sufficient to establish the fact; especially if the meaning has been evidently perverted; for example, the whole pinguin tribe have unfortunately not only black heads, but are not inhabitants of the northern hemisphere; the name was also bestowed on them by the Dutch, a pinguedine, from their excessive fatness: but the inventor of this thinking to do honour to our country, inconsiderately caught at a word of European origin, and unheard of in the New World. It may be added, that the Welsh were never a naval people; that the age in which Madoc lived was peculiarly ignorant in navigation; and the most which they could have attempted must have been a mere coasting voyage.

The Norwegians put in for a share of the glory, on those grounds rather better than the Welsh. By their settlements in Iceland and in Greenland, they had arrived with founded, in so small a distance of the New World, that there is at least a possibility of its having been touched at by a people so versed in maritime affairs, and so adventurous, as the ancient Normans were. The proofs are much more numerous than those produced by the British historians; for the discovery is mentioned in several of the Icelandic manuscripts. The period was about the year 1002, when it was visited by one Bjorn; and the discovery pursued to greater effect by Leif, the son of Eric, the discoverer of Greenland. It does not appear that they reached farther than Labrador; on which coast they met with Esquimaux, on whom they bestowed the name of Skraelingues, or dwarfish people, from their small stature. They were armed with bows and arrows, and had leathern canoes, such as they have at present. All this is probable; nor should the tale of the German, called Turkil, one of the crew, invalidate the account. He was one day missing; but soon returned, leaping and singing with all the extravagant marks of joy a bon vivant could show, on discovering the inebriating fruit of his country, the grape: Torfeus even says, that he returned in a state of intoxication. To convince his commander, he brought several bunches, who from that circumstance named the country Vinland. It is not to be denied that North America produces the true vine; but it is found in far lower latitudes than our adventurers could reach in the time employed in their voyage, which was comprehended in a very small space. There appears no reason to doubt of the discovery; but as the land was never colonized, nor any advantages made of it, it may be fairly conjectured, that they reached no farther than the barren country of Labrador. In short, it is from a much later period that we must date the real discovery of America.

Towards the close of the 15th century, Venice and Genoa being rivals in commerce, in which the former had greatly the superiority, Christopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, whose knowledge of the true figure of the earth, however attained, was much superior to the general notions of the age in which he lived, conceived a project of sailing to the East Indies by directing his course westward. This design was founded upon a mistake of the geographers of those days, who placed the eastern parts of Asia immensely too far to the eastward; so that had they been in the right, the shortest way would have been to sail directly westward. He applied first to his own countrymen; but being rejected by them, he applied to France, where he was laughed at and ridiculed. He next applied to Henry VIII. of England; but meeting with a disappointment there, he he made an application to Portugal, where he met with the same mortifying reception. Spain was his next resource; where, after eight years attendance, he obtained, in 1492, a fleet of three ships. The largest, a ship of no considerable burden, was commanded by Columbus as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa Maria, out of respect for the blessed Virgin, whom he honoured with singular devotion. Of the second, called the Pinta, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the Niña, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels, hardly superior in burden or force to large boats. This squadron, if it merits that name, was victualled for 12 months, and had on board 90 men, mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers who followed the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the undertaking was one of the circumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded so long the negociation with Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed 4000 l. But as Columbus was deeply impressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the Christian faith, without imploing publicly the guidance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persons under his command, marched in solemn procession to the monastery of Rabida. After confessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zealously patronized.

Next morning, being Friday the third day of August in the year 1492, Columbus set sail, a little before sun-rise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their supplications to Heaven for the prosperous issue of the voyage, which they wished, rather than expected. Columbus steered directly for the Canary islands, and arrived there without any occurrence that would have deserved notice on any other occasion; but in a voyage of such expectation and importance, every circumstance was the object of attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke loose the day after she left the harbour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no less superstitious than unskilful, as a certain omen of the unfortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the short run to the Canaries, the ships were found to be so crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation which was expected to be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the best of his power; and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he took his departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary islands, on the fifth day of September.

Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin; for Columbus, holding his course due west, left immediately the usual track of navigation, and stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first day, as it was very calm, he made but little way; but on the second, he lost sight of the Canaries; and many of the sailors, dejected already and dismayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the undertaking, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, in those opulent regions whither he was conducting them. He regulated everything by his sole authority; he superintended the execution of every order; and allowing himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been visited, the sounding-line, or instruments for observation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fishes, of sea-weeds, and of everything that floated on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habituated only to short excursions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real progress which they made. With this view, though they run 18 leagues on the second day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only 15, and he uniformly employed the same artifice of reckoning short during the whole voyage. By the 14th of September, the fleet was above 200 leagues to the west of the Canary islands, at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been before that time. There they were struck with an appearance no less astonishing than new. They observed that the magnetic needle, in their compasses, did not point exactly to the polar star, but varied towards the west; and as they proceeded, this variation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the companions of Columbus with terror. They were now in a boundless unknown ocean, far from the usual course of navigation; nature itself seemed to be altered, and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a reason for this appearance, which, though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to them, that it dispelled their fears, or silenced their murmurs.

He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude with the Canary islands. In this course he came within the sphere of the trade-wind, which blows invariably from east to west, between the tropics and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform rapidity, that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. When about 400 leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it resembled a meadow of vast extent; and in some places they were so thick, as to retard the motion of the vessels. This strange appearance occasioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors imagined that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of the navigable ocean; that these floating weeds would obstruct their farther progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large tract of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to persuade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the same time, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ship, and directed their flight towards the west. The desponding crew resumed some degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes.

Upon the first of October they were, according to the admiral's reckoning, 770 leagues to the west of the Canaries; but lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only 584 leagues; and, fortunately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and discover the deceit. They had now been above three weeks at sea; they had proceeded far beyond what former navigators had attempted or deemed possible; all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other circumstances, had proved fallacious; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their commander had from time to time flattered and amused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred often to men, who had no other object or occupation, than to reason and discourse concerning the intention and circumstances of their expedition. They made impression at first upon the ignorant and timid, and extending by degrees to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate credulity, in paying such regard to the vain promises and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of so many of her own subjects, in prosecuting a chimerical scheme. They affirmed that they had fully performed their duty, by venturing so far in an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur no blame, for refusing to follow, any longer, a desperate adventurer to certain destruction. They contended, that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vain, as the wind, which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to fail in the opposite direction. All agreed that Columbus should be compelled by force to adopt a measure on which their common safety depended. Some of the more audacious proposed, as the most expeditions and certain method for getting rid at once of their remonstrances, to throw him into the sea; being persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the death of an unsuccessful projector would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curiosity.

Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situation. He had observed, with great uneasiness, the fatal operation of ignorance and of fear in producing disaffection among his crew; and saw that it was now ready to burst out into open mutiny. He retained, however, perfect presence of mind. He affected to seem ignorant of their machinations. Notwithstanding the agitation and solicitude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful countenance; like a man satisfied with the progress which he had made, and confident of success. Sometimes he employed all the arts of influence to soothe his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition or avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the same and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other occasions, he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote the glory of God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man whom they had been accustomed to reverence were weighty and persuasive; and not only restrained them from those violent excesses which they meditated, but prevailed with them to accompany their admiral for some time longer.

As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land seemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the south-west. Columbus, in imitation of the Portuguese navigators, who had been guided in several of their discoveries by the motion of birds, altered his course from due west towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight. But after holding His crews on for several days in this new direction without any ready to better success than formerly, having seen no object mutiny, during 30 days but the sea and the sky, the hopes of his companions subsided farther than they had risen; their fears revived with additional force; impatience, rage, and despair, appeared in every countenance. All sense of subordination was lost. The officers, who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in opinion, and supported his authority, now took part with the private men; they assembled tumultuously on the deck, expostulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, and required him instantly to tack about and to return to Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former arts, which having been tried too often had lost their effect; and that it was impossible to rekindle any zeal for the success of the expedition among men in whose breasts fear had extinguished every generous sentiment. He saw that it was no less vain to think of employing either gentle or severe measures, to quell a mutiny so general and so violent. It was necessary, on all these accounts, to soothe passions which he could no longer command, and to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He promised solemnly to his men that he would comply with their request, provided they would accompany him, and obey his commands for three days longer; and if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain.

Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. The preludes of discovering land were now so numerous and promising, that he deemed them infallible. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great distance. The flocks of birds increased; and were composed not only of sea fowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating which seemed to be newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigra took up the branch of a tree with red berries perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assumed a new appearance; the air was more more mild and warm; and, during night, the wind became unequal and variable. From all these symptoms, Columbus was so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the 11th of October, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled, and the ships to lie by, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the night. During this interval of suspense and expectation, no man shut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where they expected to discover the land which had been so long the object of their wishes.

About two hours before midnight, Columbus standing on the forecastle, observed a light at a distance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro Gutierrez, a page of the queen's wardrobe. Gutierrez perceived it; and calling to Salcedo comptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in motion, as if it were carried from place to place. A little after midnight, the joyful sound of Land! land! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other ships. But having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief; and waited, in all the anguish of uncertainty and impatience, for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned, all doubts and fears were dispelled. From every ship an island was seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and verdant fields, well stored with wood, and watered with many rivulets, presented the aspect of a delightful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as a hymn of thanksgiving to God; and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self-condemnation mingled with reverence. They implored him to pardon their ignorance, incredulity, and infidelity, which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his well-concerted plan; and passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man whom they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person inspired by Heaven with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages.

As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were manned and armed. They rowed towards the island with their colours displayed, with warlike music, and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn together, whose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the New World which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed; and, kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix; and, prostrating themselves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue.

The above was one of the Bahama islands; to which he gave the name of San Salvador, and took possession of it in the name of their Catholic majesties. In this first voyage he discovered several other of the Lucayo or Bahama islands, with those of Cuba and Hispaniola. The natives considered the Spaniards as divinities, and the discharge of the artillery as their thunder: they fell prostrate at the sound. The women, however, offered their favours, and courted the embraces of their new guests as men. Their husbands were not jealous of them; and in the arms of those wantons the companions of Columbus are said to have caught that malady which directs its poison to the springs of life. In a second voyage many new islands were discovered. In a third, he attained the great object of his ambition, by discovering the continent of America, near the mouth of the river Orinoco, on the first day of August 1498, next afterwards. His success produced a crowd of adventurers from all nations; but the year before this, the northern continent had been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in the service of Henry VII. of England.

Notwithstanding the many settlements of the Europeans in this continent, great part of America remains still unknown. The northern continent contains the division of British colonies of Hudson's Bay, Canada, Nova Scotia, America, New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida. It contains also the Spanish territories of Louisiana, New Mexico, California, and Mexico. Besides these, there are immense regions to the west and north, the boundaries of which have never yet been discovered. In such as are in any degree known, dwell the Equinoxes, the Algonquins, the Hurons, the Iroquois, the Cherokees, the Chickasaws, and many other tribes of Indians. In the southern continent lie the Spanish provinces of Terra Firma, Guiana, Peru, Paraguay, and Chili; together with that of Brazil, belonging to the Portuguese; and the country of Surinam, belonging to the Dutch. Vast tracts, however, in the inland parts, are unknown, being comprehended under the general name of Amazonia. A large district also, said to be the residence of a gigantic race of men, lies on the east side of the continent, between the straits of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. See Patagonia.

This vast country produces most of the metals, minerals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood, to be met with in the other parts of the world, and many of them in greater quantities and high perfection. The gold and silver of America have supplied Europe with such immense quantities of those valuable metals, that they are become vastly more common; so that the gold and silver of Europe now bears little proportion to the high price set upon them before the discovery of America.

It also produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, amethysts, and other valuable stones, which, by being brought into Europe, have contributed likewise to lower their value. To these, which are chiefly the production of Spanish America, may be added a great number of other commodities, which, though of less price, are of much greater use; and many of them make the ornament and wealth of the British empire in this part of the world. Of these are the plentiful supplies of cochineal, indigo, anatto, logwood, brazil, fustic, pimento, lignum vitae, rice, ginger, cocoa, or the chocolate nut, sugar, cotton, tobacco, banillas, red-wood, the balsams of Tolu, Peru, and Chili, that valuable valuable article in medicine the Jesuit's bark, mechoacan, saffraffas, farfaparilla, cassia, tamarinds, hides, furs, ambergris, and a great variety of woods, roots, and plants; to which, before the discovery of America, we were either entire strangers, or forced to buy at an extravagant rate from Asia and Africa, through the hands of the Venetians and Genoese, who then engrossed the trade of the eastern world.

On this continent there grows also a variety of excellent fruits; as pine-apples, pomegranates, citrons, lemons, oranges, malacatos, cherries, pears, apples, figs, grapes, great numbers of culinary, medicinal, and other herbs, roots, and plants, with many exotic productions which are nourished in as great perfection as in their native soil.

Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of many large tracts, America, so far as known, is chiefly claimed, and divided into colonies, by three European nations, the Spaniards, English, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first discovered it, have the largest and richest portion, extending from New Mexico and Louisiana in North America, to the Straits of Magellan in the South Sea, excepting the large province of Brazil, which belongs to Portugal; for though the French and Dutch have some forts upon Surinam and Guiana, they scarcely deserve to be considered as proprietors of any part of the southern continent.

Next to Spain, the most considerable proprietor of America was Great Britain, who derived her claim to North America from the first discovery of that continent by Sebastian Cabot in the name of Henry VII., anno 1497, about six years after the discovery of South America by Columbus in the name of the king of Spain. This country was in general called Newfoundland; a name which is now appropriated solely to an island upon its coast. It was a long time before we made an attempt to settle in this country. Sir Walter Raleigh, an uncommon genius and a brave commander, first showed the way, by planting a colony in the southern part, which he called Virginia, in honour of his mistress Queen Elizabeth.

The French indeed, from this period until the conclusion of the war before last, laid a claim to, and actually possessed, Canada and Louisiana; comprehending all that extensive inland country reaching from Hudson's Bay on the north, to Mexico and the gulf of the same name on the south. But in that war, to which their perfidy and ambition gave rise, they were not only driven from Canada and its dependencies, but obliged to relinquish all that part of Louisiana lying on the east side of the Mississippi, as related under the History of Britain. And thus our colonies were preserved, secured, and extended so far, as to render it difficult to ascertain the precise bounds of our empire in North America. To the northward we might have extended our claims quite to the pole itself, nor did any nation seem inclined to dispute the property of this northernmost country with us. From that extremity we had a territory extending southward to Cape Florida in the Gulph of Mexico, N. Lat 25°, and consequently near 4000 miles long in a direct line. And to the westward, our boundaries reached to nations unknown even to the Indians of Canada.

Of the revolution that has since taken place, by which a great part of those territories have been torn from the British empire, the history follows in the next article.

America (United States of). Of the rise and establishment of this republic, which has given a new face to the western world, a succinct and impartial narrative shall in this article be attempted; in which, however, we cannot hope entirely to avoid errors, as they are perhaps unavoidable. The accounts from which the historian must derive his information are not yet cleared from the mistakes of prejudice and the fabrications of party; when they differ, their comparative authenticity is with difficulty ascertained; and they want above all that softening which they can receive from time alone.

The beginning of every political establishment is contemptible. Some few banditti taking refuge among the marshes on the banks of the Tiber, laid the foundation of the Roman empire. The turbulence of some North Americans, and the blunders of some British statesmen, gave birth to this new republic, which at a future period, it has been fancied, may perhaps surpass even the splendor of Rome.

The state of the British colonies at the conclusion of State and the war in 1763, was such as attracted the attention of all the politicians in Europe. Their flourishing condition at that period was remarkable and striking; their trade had prospered in the midst of all the difficulties of the war and distresses of a war in which they were so nearly and so immediately concerned. Their population continued on the increase, notwithstanding the ravages and depredations that had been so fiercely carried on by the French, and the native Indians in their alliance. They abounded with spirited and active individuals of all denominations. They were flushed with the uncommon prosperity that had attended them in their commercial affairs and military transactions. Hence they were ready for all kind of undertakings, and saw no limits to their hopes and expectations.

As they entertained the highest opinion of their value and importance, and of the immense benefit that Britain derived from its connection with them, their notions were adequately high in their own favour. They deemed themselves, not without reason, entitled to every kindness and indulgence which the mother-country could bestow.

Although their pretensions did not amount to a perfect equality of advantages and privileges in matters of commerce, yet in those of government they thought themselves fully competent to the task of conducting their domestic concerns with little or no interference from abroad. Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, they viewed it with a suspicious eye, and with a marked desire and intent speedily to give it limitations.

Their improvements in all the necessary and useful arts did honour to their industry and ingenuity. Though they did not live in the luxury of Europe, they had all the solid and substantial enjoyments of life, and were not unacquainted with many of its elegancies and refinements.

A circumstance much to their praise is, that notwithstanding their peculiar addiction to those occupations of which lucre is the sole object, they were duly attentive to cultivate the field of learning; and they have ever since their first foundation been particularly careful to provide for the education of the rising progeny. Their vast augmentation of internal trade and external commerce, was not merely owing to their position and facility of communication with other parts; it arose also from their natural turn and temper, full of schemes and projects; ever aiming at new discoveries, and continually employed in the search of means of improving their condition.

Their condition carried them into every quarter from whence profit could be derived. There was scarcely any part of the American hemisphere to which they had not extended their navigation. They were continually exploring new sources of trade, and were found in every spot where business could be transacted.

To this extensive and incessant application to commerce, they added an equal vigilance in the administration of their affairs at home. Whatever could conduce the amelioration of the soil they possessed, to the progress of agriculture, or to the improvement of their domestic circumstances, was attended to with so much labour and care, that it may be strictly said, that Nature had given them nothing of which they did not make the most.

In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters of business, the affairs of government were conducted with a steadiness, prudence, and lenity, seldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the best regulated countries of Europe.

Such was the situation of the British colonies in general throughout North America, and of the New England provinces in particular, when the pacification above mentioned opened one of the most remarkable scenes that ever commanded the attention of the world.

The French, who have for many ages been the principal enemies of Britain, had long viewed, with equal envy and apprehension, the flourishing state of those colonies she had founded in North America. No doubt at present subsists, that they began immediately after the peace of Paris to carry into execution the scheme they had formed for the separation of the British colonies from the mother-country.

Conscious that, whilst a good understanding lasted between them, the superiority must henceforth remain for ever on the side of Britain, it was only by their diffusion that France could hope to regain the station and consequence she had formerly possessed in Europe.

The first steps she took were to employ her secret emissaries in spreading dissatisfaction among the British colonists; and the effects produced by her machinations were precisely such as they had intended and expected. The disposition of the inhabitants of North America began gradually to alter from that warmth of attachment to the mother-country which had so peculiarly characterized them. They began to view her rather in the light of a sovereign than of a parent; and to examine, with a scrupulous nicety, the nature of those ties that rendered them parts of her empire.

In March 1764, a bill was passed, by which heavy duties were laid on goods imported by the colonists from such West India islands as did not belong to Great Britain; at the same time that these duties were to be paid into the exchequer in specie; and in the same session, another bill was framed to restrain the currency of paper-money in the colonies themselves. These acts coming so close upon each other, threw the whole continent into the utmost ferment. Vehement remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argument made use of that reason or ingenuity could suggest, but to no purpose. Their reasoning, however, convinced a great number of people at home; and thus the American cause came to be considered as the cause of liberty.

The Americans, finding all argumentation vain, at last united in an agreement to import no more of the manufactures of Great Britain, but to encourage to the utmost of their power every thing of that kind among themselves. Thus the British manufacturers also became a party against ministry, and did not fail to express their resentment in the strongest terms; but the ministry were not to be so easily daunted, and therefore proceeded to the last step of their intended plan, which was to lay on stamp duties throughout the continent. Previous to this, indeed, several regulations were passed in favour of the commerce of the colonies; but they had now imbibed such unfavourable sentiments of the British ministry, that they paid very little regard to anything pretended to be done in their favour; or if these acts made any favourable impression, it was quickly obliterated by the news of the stamp-act. The reason given for this act so exceedingly obnoxious was, that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of the colonies against a foreign enemy; but this pretence was so far from giving any satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indignation to the utmost degree. They not only asserted that they were abundantly able to defend themselves against any foreign enemy, but denied that the British parliament had any right to tax them at all.

It would be superfluous to enter into any arguments used by the contending parties on this important occasion. It was evident that the matter was not to be decided by argument but by force of arms; and the British ministry, too confident of the authority and power of this country, determined to carry on matters with an high hand, to terrify the colonists into an implicit subjection, or, if that would not do, to compel them to it by force. The stamp-act, after a violent opposition in parliament, was passed, and its reception with indignation in America was such as might have been expected. The news, and the act itself, first arrived at Boston, where the bells were muffled and rung a funeral peal. The act was first hawked about the streets with a Death's head affixed to it, and styled the "Folly of England, and the Ruin of America;" and afterwards publicly burnt by the enraged populace. The stamps themselves were seized and destroyed, unless brought by men of war, or kept in fortified places; those who were to receive the stamp duties were compelled to resign their offices; and such of the Americans as sided with government on this occasion, had their houses plundered and burnt.

Though these outrages were committed by the lowest of the multitude, they were first connived at by those of superior rank, and the principles on which they were founded afterwards openly patronized by them; and the doctrine became general and openly avowed, that Britain had no right whatever to tax the colonies without their own consent.

It was now found absolutely necessary either to yield to the Americans, by repealing the obnoxious statutes, or to enforce them by arms. The ferment had diffused itself universally throughout the colonies. Virginia first, and after that all the rest of the provinces, declared against the right of Britain to lay on taxes in America; and that every attempt to vest others with this power besides the king, or the governor of the province and his general assembly, was illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. Non-importation agreements were everywhere entered into; and it was even resolved to prevent the sale of any more British goods after the present year. American manufactures, though dearer, as well as inferior in quality to the British, were universally preferred. An association was entered into against eating of lamb, in order to promote the growth of wool; and the ladies with cheerfulness agreed to renounce the use of every species of ornament manufactured in Britain. Such a general and alarming confederacy determined the ministry to repeal some of the most obnoxious statutes; and to this they were the more inclined by a petition from the first American congress, held at New York in the beginning of October 1755.

The stamp-act was therefore repealed, to the universal joy of the Americans, and indeed to the general satisfaction of the English, whose manufactures had begun to suffer very severely in consequence of the American association against them. The disputes on the subject without doors, however, were by no means silenced, but each party continued to argue the case as violently as ever. The celebrated Dr Benjamin Franklin was, on this occasion, examined before the House of Commons; and his opinion was in substance as follows:

"That the tax in question was impracticable and ruinous. The very attempt had so far alienated the affection of the colonies, that they behaved in a less friendly manner towards the natives of England than before; considering the whole nation as conspiring against their liberty, and the parliament as willing rather to oppress than to support and assist them. America, in fact, did not stand in any need of British manufactures, having already begun to construct such as might be deemed absolutely necessary, and that with such success, as left no doubt of their arriving in a short time at perfection. The elegancies of dress had already been renounced for manufactures of the American kind, though much inferior; and the bulk of the people, consisting of farmers, were such as could in no way be affected by the want of British commodities, as having every necessity within themselves. Materials of all kinds were to be had in plenty: the wool was fine; flax grew in great abundance, and iron was everywhere to be met with."

The Doctor also insisted, That "the Americans had been greatly misrepresented; that they had been treated as void of gratitude and affection to the parent state; than which nothing could be more contrary to truth. In the war of 1755 they had, at their own expense, raised an army of 25,000 men; and in that of 1739, they assisted the British expeditions against South America with several thousand men, and had made many brave exertions against the French in North America. It was said that the war of 1755 had been undertaken in defence of the colonies; but the truth was, that it originated from a contest about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia, and in defence of the English rights to trade on the Ohio. The Americans, however, would still continue to act with their usual fidelity; and, were any war to break out in which they had no concern, would show themselves as ready as ever to assist the parent state to the utmost of their power, and would never fail to manifest their readiness in contributing to the emergencies of government, when called to do so in a regular and constitutional manner."

The ministry were conscious, that in repealing this obnoxious act, they yielded to the Americans; and therefore, to support, as they thought, the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged proper to publish a declaratory bill, setting forth the authority of the mother country over her colonies, and her power to bind them by laws and statutes in all cases whatever. This much merica, diminished the joy with which the repeal of the stamp-act was received in America. It was considered as a proper reason to enforce any claims equally prejudicial with the stamp-act, which might hereafter be set up; a spirit of jealousy pervaded the whole continent, and a strong party was formed, watchful on every occasion to guard against the supposed encroachments of the British power.

It was not long before an occasion offered, in which Assembly the Americans manifested a spirit of absolute independence; and that, instead of being bound by the British legislature in all cases, they would not be controlled by it in the most trivial affairs. The Rockingham ministry had passed an act, providing the troops stationed in different parts of the colonies with such accommodations as were necessary for them. The assembly of New York, however, took upon them to alter the mode of execution prescribed by the act of parliament, and to substitute one of their own. This gave very great offence to the new ministry, and rendered them, though composed of those who had been active against the stamp-bill, less favourable to the colonies than in all probability they would have otherwise been. An unlucky circumstance at the same time occurred, which threw everything once more into confusion.

One of the new ministry, Mr Charles Townshend, having declared that he could find a way of taxing the Americans without giving them offence, was called upon to propose his plan. This was by imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters colours, and glass imported into America. The undutiful behaviour of the New York assembly, and that of Boston, which had proceeded in a similar manner, caused this bill to meet with less opposition than otherwise it might have done. As a punishment to the refractory assemblies, the legislative power was taken from that of New-York, until it should fully comply with the terms of the act. That of Boston at last submitted with reluctance. The bill for the new taxes was quickly passed, and sent to America in 1768.

A ferment much greater than that occasioned by the stamp-act now took place throughout the continent. The populace renewed their outrages, and those of superior station entered into regular combinations against it. Circular letters were sent from Massachusetts's colony to all the rest, setting forth the injustice and impropriety of the behaviour of the British legislature. Meetings were held in all the principal towns, in which it was proposed to lessen the consumption of foreign manufactures, by giving proper encouragement to their own. own. Continual disputes ensued betwixt the governors and general assemblies of their provinces, which were much heightened by a letter from Lord Shelburn to governor Bannand of Massachusetts Bay, containing complaints of the people he governed. The assembly, exasperated to the highest degree, charged their governor with having misrepresented them to the court of Britain, required him to produce copies of the letters he had sent; and, on his refusal, wrote letters to the English ministry, accusing him of misrepresentation and partiality, complaining at the same time most grievously of the proceedings of parliament, as utterly subversive of the liberties of America, and the rights of British subjects.

The governor, at a loss how to defend himself, pro-rogued the assembly; and, in his speech on the occasion, gave a loose to his resentment, accusing the members of ambitious designs, incompatible with those of dutiful and loyal subjects. To counteract the circular letter of the province of Massachusetts Bay, Lord Hillsborough, secretary for the American department, sent another to the governors of the different colonies, reprobating the other as full of misrepresentation, and tending to excite a rebellion against the authority of the parent state.

Matters now hastened to a crisis. The governor had been ordered to proceed with vigour, and by no means to show any disposition to yield to the people as formerly. In particular, they were required to rescind that resolution by which they had written the circular letter above mentioned; and, in case of a refusal, it was told them that they would be dissolved. As this letter had been framed by the resolutions of a former House, they desired, after a week's consultation, that a recess might be granted to consult with their constituents; but this being refused, they came to a determination, 92 against 17, to adhere to the resolution which produced the circular letter. At the same time a letter was sent to Lord Hillsborough, and a message to the governor, in justification of their proceedings. In both, they expressed themselves with such freedom as was by no means calculated to accord with the sentiments of those in power. They insisted that they had a right to communicate their sentiments to their fellow-subjects upon matters of such importance; complained of the requisition to rescind the circular letter as unconstitutional and unjust; and particularly insisted, that they were represented as harbouring seditious designs, when they were doing nothing but what was lawful and right. At the same time, they condemned the late acts of parliament as highly oppressive, and subversive of liberty. The whole was concluded by a list of accusations against their governor, representing him as unfit to continue in his station, and petitioning the king for his removal from it.

These proceedings were followed by a violent tumult at Boston. A vessel belonging to a capital trader had been seized in consequence of his having neglected some of the new regulations; and being taken under the protection of a man of war at that time lying in the harbour, the populace attacked the houses of the commissioners of excise, broke their windows, destroyed the collector's boats, and obliged the customhouse-officers to take refuge in Castle William, situated at the entrance of the harbour.

Vol. I. Part II.

The governor now took the last step in his power to put a stop to the violent proceedings of his assembly, by dissolving it entirely; but this was of little moment. Their behaviour had been highly approved by the other colonies, who had written letters to them expressive of their approbation. After the dissolution of the assembly, frequent meetings of the people were held in Boston, which ended in a remonstrance to the governor, to the same purpose as some of the former; but concluding with an extraordinary request, that he would take upon him to order the king's ships out of the harbour.

While the disposition of the Bostonians was thus going on from bad to worse, news arrived that the agents for the colony had not been allowed to deliver their petition to the king; it having been objected, that the assembly without the governor was not sufficient authority. This did not contribute to allay the ferment; and it was further augmented by the news that a number of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep the inhabitants in awe.

A dreadful alarm now took place. The people called on the governor to convene a general assembly, in order to remove their fears of the military; who they said were to be assembled to overthrow their liberties, and force obedience to laws to which they were entirely adverse. The governor replied, that it was no longer in his power to call an assembly; having, in his last instructions from England, been required to wait the king's orders, the matter being then under consideration at home. Being thus refused, the people took upon themselves the formation of an assembly, which they called a convention. The proceedings and resolutions of this were conformable to their former behaviour; but now they went a step farther, and pretended a consciousness of an approaching rupture with France.

They ordered the inhabitants to put themselves in a posture of defence against any sudden attack of an enemy; and circular letters were directed to all the towns in the province, acquainting them with the resolutions that had been taken in the capital, and exhorting them to proceed in the same manner. The town of Hatfield alone refused its concurrence; but this served only to expose them to the censure and contempt of the rest. The convention, however, thought proper to assure the governor of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request that an assembly might be called; but being refused any audience, and threatened with being treated as rebels, they at last thought proper to dissolve themselves, and sent over to Britain a circumstantial account of their proceedings, with the reasons of their having assembled in the manner already mentioned.

The expected troops arrived on the very day on which the convention broke up, and had some houses in the town fitted up for their reception. Their arrival had a considerable influence on the people, and for some time seemed to put a stop to the disturbances; but the seeds of discord had now taken such deep root, that it was impossible to quench the flame. The late outrageous behaviour in Boston had given the greatest offence in England; and, notwithstanding all the efforts of opposition, an address from both houses of parliament was presented to the king; in which the audacious behaviour of the colony of Massachusetts Bay was again... was set forth in the most ample manner, and the most vigorous measures recommended for reducing them to obedience. The Americans, however, continued steadfast in the ideas they had adopted. Though the troops had for some time quieted the disturbances, yet the calm continued no longer than they appeared respectable on account of their number; but as soon as this was diminished by the departure of a large detachment, the remainder were treated with contempt, and it was even resolved to expel them altogether. The country people took up arms for this purpose, and were to have assisted their friends in Boston; but before the plot could be put in execution, an event happened which put an end to every idea of reconciliation between the contending parties.

On the 5th of March 1770, a scuffle happened between some soldiers and a party of the town's people. The inhabitants poured in from all quarters to the assistance of their fellow-citizens; a violent tumult ensued, during which the military fired among the mob, killing and wounding several of them. The whole province now rose in arms, and the soldiers were obliged to retire to Castle William to prevent their being cut in pieces. In other respects the determinations of the Americans continued, if possible, more firm than ever, until at last government, determined to act with vigour, and at the same time to behave with as much condescension as possible, repealed all the duties lately laid on, that of tea alone excepted. This was left on purpose to maintain the dignity of the crown of Britain; and it was thought that it could not be productive of any discontent in America, as being an affair of very little moment, the produce of which was not expected to exceed £16,000. The opposition, however, were strenuous in their endeavours to get this tax likewise abrogated; insisting, that the Americans would consider it only as an inlet to others; and that the repeal of all the rest, without this, would answer no good purpose. The event showed that their opinion was well founded. The Americans opposed the tea-tax with the same violence as they had done all the rest; and at last, on the news that salaries had been settled on the justices of the superior court of Boston, the governor was addressed on the subject; the measure was condemned in the strongest terms; and a committee selected out of the several districts of the colony appointed to inquire into it.

The new assembly proceeded in the most formal manner to disavow the supremacy of the British legislature; accused the parliament of Britain of having violated the natural rights of the Americans in a number of instances. Copies of the transactions of this assembly were transmitted to every town in Massachusetts, exhorting the inhabitants to rouse themselves, and exert every nerve in opposition to the iron hand of oppression, which was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty. The disturbances were also greatly heightened by an accidental discovery that Mr Hutchinson, governor of Massachusetts Bay, had written several confidential letters to people in power in England, complaining of the behaviour of the province, recommending vigorous measures against them, and, among other things, asserting, that "there must be an abridgment of what is called British liberty." Letters of this kind had somehow or other fallen into the hands of the agent for the colony at London. They were immediately transmitted to Boston, where the assembly was sitting, by whom they were laid before the governor, who was thus reduced to a very mortifying situation. Losing every idea of respect or friendship for him as their governor, they instantly dispatched a petition to the king, requesting him to remove the governor and deputy-governor from their places; but to this they not only received no favourable answer, but the petition itself was declared groundless and scandalous.

Matters were now ripe for the utmost extremities on the part of the Americans; and they were brought on in the following manner. Though the colonists had entered into a non-importation agreement against tea as well as all other commodities from Britain, it had nevertheless found its way into America, though in smaller quantities than before. This was sensibly felt by the East-India Company, who had now agreed to pay a large sum annually to government; in recompence for which compliance, and to make up their losses in other respects, they were empowered to export their tea from any duty payable in Britain; and in consequence of this permission, several ships freighted with the commodity were sent to North America, and proper agents appointed for disposing of it. The Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus likely to be enforced whether they would or not, determined to take every possible method to prevent the tea from being landed, as well knowing that it would be impossible to hinder the sale should the commodity once be brought on shore. For this purpose the people assembled in great numbers, forcing those to whom the tea was consigned to resign their offices, and to promise solemnly never to resume them; and committees were appointed to examine the accounts of merchants, and make public tests, declaring such as would not take them enemies to their country. Nor was this behaviour confined to the colony of Massachusetts Bay; the rest of the provinces entered into the contest with the same warmth, and manifested the same resolution to oppose the mother country.

In the midst of this confusion three ships laden with tea arrived at Boston; but so much were the captains alarmed at the disposition which seemed to prevail among the people, that they offered, providing they could obtain the proper discharges from the tea-consignees, customhouse, and governor, to return to Britain without landing their cargoes. The parties concerned, however, though they durst not order the tea to be landed, refused to grant the discharges required. The ships, therefore, would have been obliged to remain in the harbour; but the people, apprehensive that if they remained there the tea would be landed in small quantities and disposed of in spite of every endeavour to prevent it, resolved to destroy it at once. This resolution was executed with equal speed and secrecy. The very evening after the above-mentioned discharges had been refused; a number of people dressed like Mohawk Indians boarded the ships, and threw into the sea their whole cargoes, consisting of chests of tea; after which they retired without making any further disturbance, or doing any more damage. No tea was destroyed in other places, though the same spirit was everywhere manifested. At Philadelphia The pilots were enjoined not to conduct the vessels up the river; and at New York, though the governor caused some tea to be landed under the protection of a man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to the custody of the people, to prevent its being sold.

The destruction of the tea at Boston, which happened in November 1773, was the immediate prelude to the dissatisfactions attending civil discord. Government finding themselves everywhere insulted and despised, resolved to enforce their authority by all possible means; and as Boston had been the principal scene of the riots and outrages, it was determined to punish that city in an exemplary manner. Parliament was acquainted by a message from his majesty with the undutiful behaviour of the city of Boston, as well as of all the colonies, recommending at the same time the most vigorous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obedience. The parliament in its address promised a ready compliance; and indeed the Americans, by their outrageous behaviour, had now lost many of their partisans.

It was proposed to lay a fine on the town of Boston equal to the price of the tea which had been destroyed, and to shut up its port by armed vessels until the refractory spirit of the inhabitants should be subdued; which it was thought must quickly yield, as a total stop would thus be put to their trade. The bill was strongly opposed on the same grounds that the other had been; and it was predicted, that instead of having any tendency to reconcile or subdue the Americans, it would infallibly exasperate them beyond any possibility of reconciliation. The petitions against it, presented by the colony's agent, pointed out the same consequence in the strongest terms, and in the most positive manner declared that the Americans never would submit to it; but such was the infatuation attending every rank and degree of men, that it never was imagined the Americans would dare to resist the parent state openly, but would in the end submit implicitly to her commands. In this confidence a third bill was proposed for the impartial administration of justice on such persons as might be employed in the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay. By this act it was provided, that should any persons acting in that capacity be indicted for murder, and not able to obtain a fair trial in the province, they might be sent by the governor to England, or to some other colony, if necessary, to be tried for the supposed crime.

These three bills having passed so easily, the ministry proposed a fourth, relative to the government of Canada; which, it was said, had not yet been settled on any proper plan. By this bill the extent of that province was greatly enlarged; its affairs were put under the direction of a council in which Roman Catholics were to be admitted; the Roman Catholic clergy were secured in their possessions and the usual perquisites from those of their own profession. The council above mentioned were to be appointed by the crown; to be removable at its pleasure; and to be invested with every legislative power excepting that of taxation.

No sooner were these laws made known in America, than they cemented the union of the colonies almost beyond any possibility of dissolving it. The assembly of Massachusetts Bay had passed a vote against the judges accepting salaries from the crown, and put the question, Whether they would accept them as usual from the general assembly? Four answered in the affirmative; but Peter Oliver the chief-justice refused. A petition against him, and an accusation, were brought before the governor; but the latter refused the accusation, and declined to interfere in the matter; but as they still insisted for what they called justice against Mr Oliver, the governor thought proper to put an end to the matter by dissolving the assembly.

In this situation of affairs a new alarm was occasioned by the news of the port-bill. This had been totally unexpected, and was received with the most extravagant expressions of displeasure among the populace; and while these continued, the new governor, General Gage, arrived from England. He had been chosen to this office on account of his being well acquainted in America, and generally agreeable to the people; but human wisdom could not now point out a method by which the flame could be allayed. The first act of his office as governor was to remove the assembly to Salem, a town nineteen miles distant, in consequence of the late act. When this was intimated to the assembly, they replied by requesting him to appoint a day of public humiliation for deprecating the wrath of heaven, but met with a refusal. When meetings of the assembly met at Salem, they passed a resolution, declaring the necessity of a general congress composed of delegates from all the provinces, in order to take the affairs of the colonies at large into consideration; and five gentlemen, remarkable for their opposition to the British measures, were chosen to represent that of Massachusetts Bay. They then proceeded with all expedition to draw up a declaration, containing a detail of the grievances they laboured under, and the necessity of exerting themselves against lawless power; they set forth the disregard shown to their petitions, and the attempts of Great Britain to destroy their ancient constitution; and concluded with exhorting the inhabitants of the colony to obstruct, by every method in their power, such evil designs, recommending at the same time a total renunciation of every thing imported from Great Britain till a redress of grievances could be procured.

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governor on the very day that it was completed; on which he dissolved the assembly. This was followed by an address from the inhabitants of Salem in favour of those of Boston, and concluding with these remarkable words: "By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit; but nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbours."

It had been fondly hoped by the ministerial party at home, that the advantages which other towns of the colony might derive from the annihilation of the trade of Boston, would make them readily acquiesce in the measure of shutting up that port, and rather rejoice in it than otherwise; but the words of the address above mentioned seemed to preclude all hope of this kind; kind; and subsequent transactions soon manifested it to be totally vain. No sooner did intelligence arrive of the remaining bills passed in the session of 1774, than the cause of Bolton became the cause of all the colonies. The port-bill had already occasioned violent commotions throughout them all. It had been reprobated in provincial meetings, and resistance even to the last had been recommended against such oppression.

In Virginia, the first of June, the day on which the port of Bolton was to be shut up, was held as a day of humiliation, and a public intercession in favour of America was enjoined. The style of the prayer enjoined at this time was, that "God would give the people one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose every invasion of the American rights." The Virginians, however, did not content themselves with acts of religion. They recommended in the strongest manner a general congress of all the colonies, as fully persuaded that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary manner was in reality an attack upon them all, and must ultimately end in the ruin of them all.

The provinces of New York and Pennsylvania, however, were less sanguine than the rest, being so closely connected in the way of trade with Great Britain, that the giving it up entirely appeared a matter of the most serious magnitude, and not to be thought of but after every other method had failed. The intelligence of the remaining bills respecting Bolton, however, spread a fresh alarm throughout the continent, and fixed those who had seemed to be the most wavering. The proposal of giving up all commercial intercourse with Britain was again proposed; contributions for the inhabitants of Bolton were raised in every quarter; and they every day received addresses commending them for the heroic courage with which they sustained their calamity.

The Bostonians on their part were not wanting in their endeavours to promote the general cause. An agreement was framed, which, in imitation of former times, they called a Solemn League and Covenant. By this the subscribers most religiously bound themselves to break off all communication with Britain after the expiration of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were repealed; at the same time they engaged neither to purchase nor use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all connection with those who did, or who refused to subscribe to this covenant; threatening to publish the names of the refractory, which at this time was a punishment by no means to be despised. Agreements of a similar kind were almost instantaneously entered into throughout all America. General Gage indeed attempted to counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was declared an illegal and traitorous combination, threatening with the pains of law such as subscribed or countenanced it. But matters were too far gone for his proclamations to have any effect. The Americans retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, and insisted that the law allowed subjects to meet in order to consider of their grievances, and advocate for relief from oppression.

Preparations were now made for holding the general congress so often proposed. Philadelphia, as being the most central and considerable town, was pitched upon for the place of its meeting. The delegates of whom it was to be composed were chosen by the representatives of each province, and were in number from two to seven for each colony, though no province had more than one vote. The first congress which Congress met at Philadelphia, in the beginning of September 1774, consisted of 51 delegates. The novelty and importance of the meeting excited an universal attention; and their transactions were such as could not but tend to render them respectable.

The first act of congress was an approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation to continue in the same spirit with which they had begun. Supplies for the suffering inhabitants (whom indeed the operation of the port-bill had reduced to great distress) were strongly recommended; and it was declared, that in case of attempts to enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all America should join to assist the town of Bolton; and should the inhabitants be obliged, during the course of hostilities, to remove further up the country, the losses they might sustain should be repaired at the public expense.

They next addressed General Gage by letter; in which, having stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts Bay, they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all the other provinces to support their brethren and to oppose the British acts of parliament; that they themselves were appointed to watch over the liberties of America; and intreated him to desist from military operations, lest such hostilities might be brought on as would frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with the parent state.

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. These they summed up in the rights belonging to Englishmen; and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it impossible for them to be represented in the British parliament, their provincial assemblies, with the governor appointed by the king, constituted the only legislative power within each province. They would, however, consent to such acts of parliament as were evidently calculated merely for the regulation of commerce, and securing to the parent state the benefits of the American trade; but would never allow that they could impose any tax on the colonies, for the purpose of raising a revenue, without their consent. They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new acts of parliament; and insisted on all the rights they had enumerated as being unalienable, and what none could deprive them of.

The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose affluence it had been conquered; and they termed it "An act for establishing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and establishing a tyranny there." They further declared in favour of a non-importation and non-consumption of British goods until the acts were repealed by which duties were imposed upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and molasses, imported into America, as well as the Bolton port-act, and the three others passed in the preceding session of parliament. The new regulations against the importation and consumption of British commodities were then drawn up with great solemnity; and they concluded with returning the warm- situation, was exclaimed against by the Americans in America, the most vehement manner; but the General, instead of giving ear to their remonstrances, deprived them of all power of acting against himself, by seizing the provincial powder, ammunition, and military stores at the military Cambridge and Charlestown. This excited such indignation, that it was with the utmost difficulty the people could be restrained from marching to Boston and attacking the troops. Even in the town itself, the company of cadets that used to attend him disbanded themselves, and returned the standard he had as usual presented them with on his accession to the government. This was occasioned by his having deprived the celebrated John Hancock, afterwards president of the congress, of his commission as colonel of the cadets. A similar instance happened of a provincial colonel having accepted a seat in the new council; upon which 24 officers of his regiment resigned their commissions in one day.

In the mean time a meeting was held of the principal inhabitants of the towns adjacent to Boston. The purpose of this was publicly to renounce all obedience to the late acts of parliament, and to form an engagement to indemnify such as should be prosecuted on that account; the members of the new council were declared violators of the rights of their country; all ranks and degrees were exhorted to learn the use of arms; and the receivers of the public revenue were ordered not to deliver it into the treasury, but retain it in their own hands till the constitution should be restored, or a provincial congress dispose of it otherwise.

A remonstrance against the fortifications on Boston Neck was next prepared; in which, however, they still pretended their unwillingness to proceed to any hostile measures; asserting only as usual their firm determination not to submit to the acts of parliament they had already so much complained of. The governor, to a general before tranquillity, if possible, called a general assembly; but so many of the council had resigned their seats, that he was induced to countermand its sitting by proclamation. This measure, however, was deemed illegal; the assembly met at Salem; and after waiting a day for the governor, voted themselves into a provincial congress, of which Mr. Hancock was chosen president. A committee was instantly appointed, who waited on the governor with a remonstrance concerning the fortifications on Boston Neck; but nothing of consequence took place, both parties mutually censuring each other. The winter was now coming on, and the governor, to avoid quartering the soldiers upon the inhabitants, proposed to erect barracks for them; but the Gen. Gage select men of Boston compelled the workmen to desist. Meets with Carpenters were sent for to New York, but they were refused; and it was with the utmost difficulty that he could procure winter-lodgings for his troops. Nor was dating his the difficulty less in procuring clothes; as the merchants of New York told him, that "they would never supply any article for the benefit of men sent as enemies to their country."

This disposition, known to be almost universal throughout the continent, was in the highest degree satisfactory to congress. Every one saw that the ensuing spring was to be the season of commencing hostilities, and the most indefatigable diligence was used by the colonies to be well provided against such a formidable A list of all the fencible men in each colony was made out, and especially of those who had served in the former war; of whom they had the satisfaction to find that two-thirds were still alive and fit to bear arms. Magazines of arms were collected, and money was provided for the payment of troops. The governors in vain attempted to put a stop to these proceedings by proclamations; the fatal period was now arrived; and the more the servants of government attempted to repress the spirit of the Americans, the more violent it appeared.

In the mean time the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to great distresses. The British troops, now distinguished by the name of the enemy, were absolutely in possession of it; the inhabitants were kept as prisoners, and might be made accountable for the conduct of the whole colonies; and various measures were contrived to relieve the latter from such a disagreeable situation. Sometimes it was thought expedient to remove the inhabitants altogether; but this was impracticable without the governor's consent. It was then proposed to set fire to the town at once, after valuing the houses and indemnifying the proprietors; but this being found equally impracticable, it was resolved to wait some other opportunity, as the garrison were not very numerous, and, not being supplied with necessaries by the inhabitants, might soon be obliged to leave the place. The friends of British government indeed attempted to do something in opposition to the general voice of the people; but after a few ineffectual meetings and resolutions, they were utterly silenced, and obliged to yield to the superior number of their adversaries.

Matters had now proceeded so far that every idea of reconciliation or friendship with Britain was lost. The Americans therefore, without ceremony, began to seize on the military stores and ammunition belonging to government. This first commenced at New-port in Rhode Island, where the inhabitants carried off 40 pieces of cannon appointed for the protection of the place; and on being asked the reason of this proceeding, they replied, that the people had seized them lest they should be made use of against themselves. After this the assembly met, and resolved that ammunition and warlike stores should be purchased with the public-money.

New-Hampshire followed the example of Rhode Island, and seized a small fort for the sake of the powder and military stores it contained. In Pennsylvania, however, a convention was held, which expressed an earnest desire of reconciliation with the mother-country; though, at the same time, in the strongest manner declaring, that they were resolved to take up arms in defence of their just rights, and defend to the last their opposition to the late acts of parliament; and the people were exhorted to apply themselves with the greatest assiduity to the prosecution of such manufactures as were necessary for their defence and subsistence, such as salt, salt-petre, gunpowder, steel, &c. This was the universal voice of the colonies, New-York only excepted. The assembly of that province, as yet ignorant of the fate of their last remonstrance, refused to concur with the other colonies in their determination to throw off the British yoke; their attachment, however, was very faint, and by the event it appeared that a perseverance in the measures which the ministry had adopted was sufficient to unite them to the rest.

As the disturbances had originated in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and there continued all along with the greatest violence, so this was the province where the first hostilities were formally commenced. In the beginning of February the provincial congress met at Cambridge; and as no friends to Britain could now find admittance to that assembly, the only confirmed recommendation was how to make proper preparations for war. Expertness in military discipline was recommended in parliaments the strongest manner, and several military institutions for war enacted; among which that of the minute-men was one of the most remarkable. These were chosen from the most active and expert among the militia; and their business was to keep themselves in constant readiness at the call of their officers; from which perpetual vigilance they derived their title.—It was now easily seen that a slight occasion would bring on hostilities, which could not but be attended with the most violent and certain destruction to the vanquished party; for both were so much exasperated by a long course of reproaches and literary warfare, that they seemed to be filled with the utmost inveteracy against each other.

On the 26th of February General Gage having been informed that a number of field-pieces had been brought to Salem, dispatched a party to seize them. Their road was obstructed by a river, over which was a draw-bridge. This the people had pulled up, and refused to let down; upon which the soldiers feigned a boat to ferry them over; but the people cut out her bottom. Hostilities would immediately have commenced, had it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, who represented to the military on the one hand, the folly of opposing such numbers; and to the people on the other, that as the day was far spent the military could not execute their design, so that they might without any fear leave them the quiet possession of the draw-bridge. This was complied with; and the soldiers, after having remained for some time at the bridge, returned without executing their orders.

The next attempt, however, was attended with more serious consequences. General Gage, having been informed that a large quantity of ammunition and military stores had been collected at Concord, about 20 miles from Bolton, and where the provincial congress was sitting, sent a detachment, under the command of Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, to destroy the stores, and, as was reported, to seize Messrs Hancock and Adams, the leading men of the congress. They set out before day-break, on the 19th of April, marching with the utmost silence, and securing every one they met on the road, that they might not be discovered. But notwithstanding all their care, the continual ringing of bells and firing of guns as they went along, soon gave them notice that the country was alarmed. About five in the morning they had reached Lexington, 45 miles from Bolton, where the militia of the place were exercising. An officer called out to them to disperse; but some shots, it is said, being at that moment fired from a house in the neighbourhood, the military made a discharge, which killed and wounded several of the militia. The detachment then proceeded to Concord, where, having destroyed the stores, they were encountered by the Americans; and a scuffle ensued. in which several fell on both sides. The purpose of their expedition being thus accomplished, it was necessary for the king's troops to retreat, which they did through a continual fire kept upon them from Concord to Lexington. Here their ammunition was totally expended; and they would have been unavoidably cut off, had not a considerable reinforcement commanded by Lord Percy luckily met them. The Americans, however, continued their attack with great fury; and the British would still have been in the utmost danger, had it not been for two field-pieces which Lord Percy had brought with him. By these the impetuosity of the Americans was checked, and the British made good their retreat to Boston with the loss of 250 killed and wounded; that of the Americans was about 60.

By this engagement the spirits of the Americans were so raised, that they meditated nothing less than the total expulsion of the British troops from Boston. An army of 20,000 men was assembled, who formed a line of encampment from Roxbury to Mystic, through a space of about 30 miles; and here they were soon after joined by a large body of Connecticut troops, under General Putnam, an old officer of great bravery and experience. By this formidable force was the town of Boston now kept blockaded. General Gage, however, had so strongly fortified it, that the enemy, powerful as they were, durst not make an attack; while on the other hand, his force was by far too insignificant to meet such an enemy in the field. But towards the end of May, a considerable reinforcement having arrived, with Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, he was soon enabled to attempt something of consequence; and this the boasts of the provincials, that they were besieging those who had been sent to subdue them, seemed to render necessary. Some skirmishes in the mean time happened in the islands lying off Boston harbour, in which the Americans had the advantage, and burnt an armed schooner, which her people had been obliged to abandon after she was left aground by the tide. Nothing decisive, however, took place till the 17th of June. In the neighbourhood of Charlestown, a place on the northern shore of the peninsula on which Boston stands, is an high ground called Bunker's Hill, which overlooks and commands the whole town of Boston. In the night of the 16th the provincials took possession of this place; and worked with such indefatigable diligence, that, to the astonishment of their enemies, they had before day-light almost completed a redoubt, with a strong entrenchment reaching half a mile eastward, as far as the river Mystic. After this they were obliged to sustain a heavy and incessant fire from the ships and floating batteries with which Charlestown Neck was surrounded, as well as the cannon that could reach the place from Boston; in spite of which, however, they continued their work and finished it before mid-day. A considerable body of foot was then landed at the foot of Bunker's Hill, under the command of Generals Howe and Pigot; the former being appointed to attack the lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Americans, however, having the advantage of the ground, as well as of their intrenchments, poured down such incessant volleys as threatened the whole body with destruction; and General Howe was for a little time left almost alone, all his officers being killed or wounded. The provincials in the mean time had taken possession of America, Charlestown, so that General Pigot was obliged to contend with them in that place as well as in the redoubt. The consequence was, that he was overmatched; his troops were thrown into disorder; and he would in all probability have been defeated, had not General Clinton advanced to his relief; upon which the attack was renewed with such fury, that the provincials were driven beyond the neck that leads to Charlestown. In the heat of the engagement the British troops were obliged to set fire to the town of Charlestown, which quickly obliged the provincials to yield after they were deprived of that shelter. The loss on the British side amounted to about 1000, among whom were 19 officers killed and 70 wounded; that of the Americans did not exceed 500.

The British troops claimed the victory in this engagement with justice, though it must be allowed that it was dearly bought; and the Americans boasted that the real advantages were on their side, as they had so much weakened the enemy that they durst not afterwards venture out of their entrenchments. From the many advantages, however, which the Americans possessed, it is evident that the greatest display of valour was on the side of their enemies. The former were strongly entrenched, and most of their fortifications cannon proof; their soldiers were all chosen, and excellent marksmen, to whom muskets ready loaded were handed as fast as they were discharged; and when one party was wearied, another came to their assistance, as was perceived by the spectators on the tops of the houses at Boston. Considering, however, that this was the first time the provincials had been in actual service, it must be owned that they behaved with great spirit, and by no means merited the appellation of cowards, with which they were so often branded in Britain.

In other places the same determined spirit of resistance appeared on the part of the Americans. Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and afterwards determined wards in every other colony. The commencement of hostilities at Lexington determined the colony of New York, which had hitherto continued to waver, to unite with the rest; and as the situation of New-York renders it unable to resist an attack from the sea, it was resolved, before the arrival of a British fleet, to secure the military stores, send off the women and children, and to set fire to the city if it was still found incapable of defence. The exportation of provisions was everywhere prohibited, particularly to the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, or to such colonies of America as should adhere to the British interest. Congress resolved on the establishment of an army, and of a large paper-currency in order to support it. In the inland northern colonies, Colonels Eaton and Ethan Allen, without receiving any orders from Congress, or communicating their designs to any body, with a party of only 250 men, surprised the forts of Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and the rest that form a communication betwixt the colonies and Canada. On this occasion 200 pieces of cannon fell into their hands, besides mortars and a large quantity of military stores, together with two armed vessels, and materials for the construction of others. After the battle of Bunker's Hill, the provincials erected fortifications on the heights which commanded Charlestown, and strengthened the rest in such a manner that there was no hope of driving them from thence; at the same time that their activity and boldness astonished the British officers, who had been accustomed to entertain too mean an opinion of their courage.

The troops, thus shut up in Boston, were soon reduced to distress. Their necessities obliged them to attempt the carrying off the American cattle on the islands before Boston, which produced frequent skirmishes; but the provincials, better acquainted with the navigation of these shores, landed on the islands, destroyed or carried off whatever was of any use, burned the light-house at the entrance of the harbour, and took prisoners the workmen sent to repair it, as well as a party of marines who guarded them. Thus the garrison were reduced to the necessity of sending out armed vessels to make prizes indiscriminately of all that came in their way, and of landing in different places to plunder for subsistence as well as they could.

The congress in the meantime continued to act with all the vigour which its constituents had expected. Articles of confederation and perpetual union were drawn up and solemnly agreed upon; by which they bound themselves and their posterity for ever. These were in substance as follows:

1. Each colony was to be independent within itself, and to retain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs.

2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet in congress, at such time and place as should be enacted in the preceding congress.

3. This assembly should have the power of determining war or peace, making alliances; and in short all that power which sovereigns of states usually claim as their own.

4. The expenses of war to be paid out of the common treasury, and raised by a poll-tax on males between 16 and 60; the proportions to be determined by the laws of the colony.

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the congress during its recess.

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of congress.

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be secured and ascertained to them; and no purchases of lands were to be made by individuals, or even by a colony, without consent of congress.

8. Agents appointed by congress should reside among the Indians, to prevent frauds in trading with them, and to relieve, at the public expense, their wants and distresses.

9. This confederation to last until there should be a reconciliation with Britain; or, if that event should not take place, it was to be perpetual.

After the action of Bunker's Hill, however, when the power of Great Britain appeared less formidable in the eyes of America than before, congress proceeded formally to justify their proceedings in a declaration drawn up in terms more expressive, and well calculated to excite attention.

"Were it possible (said they) for men who exercise their reason, to believe that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in and unbounded power over others, marked out by His infinite goodness and wisdom as the objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resented, however severe and oppressive; the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them had been granted to that body: but a reverence for our Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.

"The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for power, not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom; and despairing of success in any mode of contest where regard should be had to law, truth, or right; have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to clothe with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice in the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations to the rest of the world to make known the justice of our cause."

After taking notice of the manner in which their ancestors left Britain, the happiness attending the mutual friendly commerce betwixt that country and her colonies, and the remarkable success of the late war, they proceed as follows: "The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.

"These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to prevent victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of their colonization; their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his Majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them from the intended innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project; and assuming a new power over them, has in the course of eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt of the effects of acquiescence under it.

"They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of our colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature;" and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the murderers of colonists from legal trial, and in effect from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of a profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.

"But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail?—By one statute it was declared, that parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single person who assumes it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American revenue, if not diverted from the offensive purposes from which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as it increases ours.

"We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language; but administration, sensible that we should regard these measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them.

"We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off all commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects as our last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation on earth would supplant our attachment to liberty; this we flattered ourselves was the ultimate step of the controversy; but subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies!

"The Lords and Commons, in their address in the month of February, said, that a rebellion at that time actually existed in the province of Massachusetts Bay; and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into by his Majesty's subjects in several of the colonies; and therefore they besought his Majesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature. Soon after the commercial intercourse of whole colonies with foreign countries was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their subsistence; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage.

"Fruitless were all the intreacies, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously affected the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate, the needless fury with which these accumulated outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favour."

After having reproached parliament, General Gage, and the British government in general, they proceed thus: "We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to tyranny or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. Our cause is just; our union is perfect; our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We fight not for glory or conquest; we exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, for the protection of our property acquired by the honest industry of our forefathers and our own, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms; and shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed,—and not before."

These are some of the most striking passages in the declaration of congress on taking up arms against Great Britain, and dated July 6th 1775. Without inquiring whether the principles on which it is founded are right or wrong, the determined spirit which it flows, ought to have convinced us, that the conquest of America was an event scarce ever to be expected. In every other respect an equal spirit was shown; and the rulers of the British nation had the mortification to see those whom they styled rebels and traitors, succeed in negotiations in which they themselves were utterly foiled. In the passing of the Quebec-bill, ministry had Quebec bill flattered themselves that the Canadians would be able to those much attached to them on account of restoring the whom it French laws, that they would very readily join in any attempt against the colonists who had reprobed that ed to please bill in such strong terms; but in this, as in everything else indeed, they found themselves mistaken. The Canadians having been subject to Britain for a period of 15 years, and being thus rendered sensible of the superior advantages of British government, received the bill itself with evident marks of disapprobation; nay, reprobated it as tyrannical and oppressive. A scheme had been formed for General Carleton, governor of the province, to raise an army of Canadians wherewith to act against the Americans; and so fanguine were the hopes of administration in this respect, that they had sent 20,000 stand of arms, and a great quantity of military stores, to Quebec for the purpose. But the people, though they did not join the Americans, yet were found immovable in their purpose to stand neutral. Application was made to the bishop; but he declined to interpose his influence, as contrary to the rules of the Popish clergy; so that the utmost efforts of government in this province were found to answer little or no purpose.

The British administration next tried to engage the Minnitry Indians in their cause. But though agents were vain to arm the Indians, dispersed among them with large presents to the chiefs, they universally replied, that they did not understand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they distinguish whether those who dwelt in America or on the other side of the ocean were in fault; but they were surprised to see Englishmen ask their assistance against America against one another; and advised them to be reconciled, and not think of shedding the blood of their brethren.

To the representations of congress they paid more respect. These set forth, that the English on the other side of the ocean had taken up arms to enslave not only their countrymen in America, but the Indians also; and if the latter should enable them to overcome the colonists, they themselves would soon be reduced to a state of slavery also. By arguments of this kind these savages were engaged to remain neuter; and thus the colonists were freed from a most dangerous enemy. On this occasion the congress thought proper to hold a solemn conference with the different tribes of Indians. The speech made by them on the occasion is curious, but too long to be fully inserted. The following is a specimen of the European mode of addressing these people.

"Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors!

"We, the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces, now sitting in general congress at Philadelphia, to lend their talk to you our brothers.

"Brothers and Friends, now attend!

"When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over to this land, the king of England gave them a talk, assuring them that they and their children should be his children; and that if they would leave their native country, and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still keep hold of the same covenant-chain, and enjoy peace; and it was convenient, that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions, which our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their children's for ever, and at their sole disposal.

"Brothers and Friends, open a kind ear!

"We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors of King George and the inhabitants and colonies of America.

"Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the covenant-chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant against us; and have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old covenant which their ancestors and ours entered into, and took strong hold of. They now tell us they will put their hands into our pocket without asking, as though it were their own; and at their pleasure they will take from us our charters, or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our plantations, our houses, and goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave. They tell us, that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more; and in case of our non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbours.

"Brothers, we live on the same ground with you; the same island is our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you; let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If anything disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a small fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice, and disclose our minds fully to one another."

The other remarkable transactions of this congress were the ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by Lord North, of which such sanguine expectations had been formed by the English ministry; and Gen. Washington appointing a generalissimo to command their armies, which were now very numerous. The person chosen pointed for this purpose was George Washington: a man so universally beloved, that he was raised to such an high station by the unanimous voice of congress; and his subsequent conduct showed him every way worthy of it. Horace Gates and Charles Lee, two English officers of considerable reputation, were also chosen; the former an adjutant-general, the second a major-general. Artemus Ward, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were likewise nominated major-generals. Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chosen brigadier-generals at the same time.

Congress had now also the satisfaction to receive deputies from the colony of Georgia, expressing a desire to cede to the join the confederacy. The reasons they gave for renouncing their allegiance to Britain was, that the conduct of parliament towards the other colonies had been oppressive; that though the obnoxious acts had not been extended to them, they could view this only as an omission, because of the seeming little consequence of their colony; and therefore looked upon it rather to be a slight than a favour. At the same time they framed a petition to the King, similar to that sent by the other colonies, and which met with a similar reception.

The success which had hitherto attended the Americans in all their measures, now emboldened them to think not only of defending themselves, but likewise of acting offensively against Great Britain. The conquest of Canada appeared an object within their reach, and Americans attacked by the taking of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, it was resolved if possible to penetrate that way into Canada, and reduce Quebec during the winter, before the fleets and armies which they were well assured would fail thither from Britain should arrive. By order of congress, therefore, 3000 men were put under the command of Generals Montgomery and Schuyler, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, from whence they were to be conveyed in flat-bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, a branch of the great river St Lawrence, and on which is situated a fort of the same name with the river. On the other hand, they were opposed by General Carleton governor of Canada, a man of great activity and experience in war; who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been able to keep in awe the disaffected people of Canada, notwithstanding all the representations of the colonists. He had now augmented his army by a considerable number of Indians, and promised even in his present situation to make a very formidable resistance.

As soon as General Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, Point, he received information that several armed vessels were stationed at St John's, a strong fort on the Sorel, with a view to prevent his crossing the lake; on which he took possession of an island which commands the mouth of the Sorel, and by which he could prevent them from entering the lake. In conjunction with General Schuyler, he next proceeded to St John's; but finding that place too strong, he landed on a part of the country considerably distant, and full of woods and swamps. From thence, however, they were driven by a party of Indians whom General Carleton had employed.

The provincial army was now obliged to retreat to the island of which they had at first taken possession; where General Schuyler being taken ill, Montgomery was left to command alone. His first step was to gain over the Indians whom Gen. Carleton had employed, and this he in a great measure accomplished; after which, on receiving the full number of troops appointed for his expedition, he determined to lay siege to St John's. In this he was facilitated by the reduction of Chamblee, a small fort in the neighbourhood, where he found a large supply of powder. An attempt was made by General Carleton to relieve the place; for which purpose he with great pains collected about 1000 Canadians, while Colonel Maclean proposed to raise a regiment of the Highlanders who had emigrated from their own country to America.

But while Gen. Carleton was on his march with these new levies, he was attacked by a superior force of provincials, and utterly defeated; which being made known to another body of Canadians who had joined Colonel Maclean, they abandoned him without striking a blow, and he was obliged to retreat to Quebec.

The defeat of General Carleton was a sufficient recompense to the Americans for that of Colonel Ethan Allen, which had happened some time before. The success which had attended this gentleman against Crown Point and Ticonderoga had emboldened him to make a similar attempt on Montreal; but being attacked by the militia of the place, supported by a detachment of regulars, he was entirely defeated and taken prisoner.

As the defeat of General Carleton and the desertion of Maclean's forces left no room for the garrison of St John's to hope for any relief, they now consented to surrender themselves prisoners of war; but were in other respects treated with great humanity. They were in number 500 regulars and 200 Canadians, among whom were many of the French nobility, who had been very active in promoting the cause of Britain among their countrymen.

General Montgomery next took measures to prevent the British shipping from passing down the river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accomplished so effectually, that the whole were taken. The town itself was obliged to surrender at discretion; and it was with the utmost difficulty that General Carleton escaped in an open boat by the favour of a dark night.

No further obstacle now remained in the way of the Americans to the capital, except what arose from the nature of the country; and these indeed were very considerable. Nothing, however, could damp the ardour of the provincials. Notwithstanding it was now the middle of November, and the depth of winter was at hand, Colonel Arnold formed a design of penetrating through woods, marshes, and the most frightful solitudes from New England to Canada by a nearer route than that which Montgomery had chosen; and into Canada this he accomplished in spite of every difficulty, to the astonishment of all who saw or heard of the attempt.

This desperate march, however, cannot be looked upon as conducive to any good purpose. A third part of his men under another colonel had abandoned him by the way, under pretence of want of provisions; the total want of artillery rendered his presence insignificant before a place strongly fortified; and the smallness of his army rendered it even doubtful whether he could have taken the town by surprise. The Canadians indeed were amazed at the exploit, and their inclination to revolt from Britain was somewhat augmented; but none of them as yet took up arms in behalf of America.

The consternation into which the town of Quebec was thrown proved detrimental rather than otherwise to the expedition; as it doubled the vigilance and activity of the inhabitants to prevent any surprise; and the appearance of common danger united all parties, who, before the arrival of Arnold, were contending most violently with one another. He was therefore obliged to content himself with blocking up the avenues to the town, in order to distress the garrison for want of provisions; and even this he was unable to do effectually, by reason of the small number of his men.

The matter was not much mended by the arrival of General Montgomery. The force he had with him, even when united to that of Arnold, was too insignificant to attempt the reduction of a place so strongly fortified, especially with the assistance only of a few mortars and field-pieces. After the siege had continued through the month of December, General Montgomery, conscious that he could accomplish his end no other way than by surprise, resolved to make an attempt on the last day of the year 1775. The method of surprise he took at this time was perhaps the best that human wisdom could devise. He advanced by break of day, in the midst of an heavy fall of snow, which covered his men from the sight of the enemy. Two real attacks were made by himself and Colonel Arnold, at the same time that two feigned attacks were made on two other places, thus to distract the garrison, and make them divide their forces. One of the real attacks was made by the people of New York, and the other by those of New England under Arnold. Their hopes of surprising the place, however, were defeated by the signal for the attack being through some mistake given too soon. General Montgomery himself had the most dangerous place, being obliged to pass between the river and some high rocks on which the Upper Town stands; so that he was forced to make what haste he could to close with the enemy. His fate, however, was now decided. Having forced the first barrier, a violent discharge of musketry and grape-shot from the second killed him, his principal officers, and the most killed, and of the party he commanded; on which those who remained immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold in the meantime made a desperate attack on the Lower Town, and carried one of the barriers after an obstinate resistance for an hour; but in the action he himself received received a wound, which obliged him to withdraw. The attack, however, was continued by the officers whom he had left, and another barrier forced; but the garrison, now perceiving that nothing was to be feared except from that quarter, collected their whole force against it; and, after a desperate engagement of three hours, overpowered the provincials, and obliged them to surrender.

In this action, it must be confessed that the valour of the provincial troops could not be exceeded. They had fought under as great disadvantages as those which attended the British at Bunker's Hill, and had behaved equally well. Such a terrible disaster left no hope remaining of the accomplishment of their purpose, as General Arnold could now scarce number 800 effective men under his command. He did not, however, abandon the province, or even remove to a greater distance than three miles from Quebec; and here he still found means to annoy the garrison very considerably by intercepting their provisions. The Canadians, notwithstanding the bad success of the American arms, still continued friendly; and thus he was enabled to sustain the hardships of a winter encampment in that most severe climate. The congress, far from passing any censure on him for his misfortune, created him a brigadier-general.

While hostilities were thus carried on with vigour in the north, the flame of contention was gradually extending itself in the south. Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes similar to those which had taken place in other colonies. These had proceeded so far that the assembly was dissolved; which in this province was attended with a consequence unknown to the rest. As Virginia contained a great number of slaves, it was necessary that a militia should be kept constantly on foot to keep them in awe. During the dissolution of the assembly the militia-laws expired; and the people, after complaining of the danger they were in from the negroes, formed a convention, which enacted that each county should raise a quota for the defence of the province. Dunmore, on this, removed the powder from Williamsburg; which created such discontent, that an immediate quarrel would probably have ensued, had not the merchants of the town undertaken to obtain satisfaction for the injury supposed to be done to the community. This tranquillity, however, was soon interrupted; the people, alarmed by a report that an armed party were on their way from the man of war where the powder had been deposited, assembled in arms, and determined to oppose by force any farther removals. In some of the conferences which passed at this time, the governor let fall some unguarded expressions, such as threatening them with setting up the royal standard, proclaiming liberty to the negroes, destroying the town of Williamsburg, &c., which were afterwards made public, and exaggerated in such a manner as greatly to increase the public ferment.

The people now held frequent assemblies. Some of them took up arms with a design to force the governor to restore the powder, and to take the public money into their own possession; but on their way to Williamsburg for this purpose, they were met by the receiver-general, who became security for the payment of the gun-powder, and the inhabitants promised to take care of the magazine and public revenue.

By this insurrection the governor was so much intimidated, that he sent his family on board a man of war. He himself, however, issued a proclamation, in which he declared the behaviour of the person who promoted the tumult treasonable, accused the people of disaffection, &c. On their part they were by no means deficient in recriminating; and some letters of his to Britain being about the same time discovered, consequences ensued extremely similar to those which had been occasioned by those of Mr Hutchinson at Boston.

In this state of confusion the governor thought it necessary to fortify his palace with artillery, and procure a party of marines to guard it. Lord North's conciliatory proposal arriving also about the same time, he used his utmost endeavours to cause the people comply with it. The arguments he used were such as must do him honour; and had not matters already gone to such a pitch of dilatation, it is highly probable that His argumentative attention would have been paid to them. "The means for view (he said) in which the colonies ought to behold this conciliatory proposal, was no more than an earnest admonition from Great Britain to relieve her wants; that the utmost confidence had been used in the mode of application; no determinate sum having been fixed, as it was thought most worthy of British generosity to take what they thought could be conveniently spared, and likewise to leave the mode of raising it to themselves," &c. But the clamour and dissatisfaction were now so universal, that nothing else could be attended to. The governor had called an assembly for the purpose of laying this conciliatory proposal before them; but it had been little attended to. The assembly began their session by inquiries into the state of the magazine. It had been broken into by some of the townsmen; for which reason spring-guns had been placed there by the governor, which discharged themselves upon the offenders at their entrance; these circumstances, with others of a similar kind, raised such a violent uproar, that as soon as the preliminary business of the session was over, the governor retired on board a man of war, informing the assembly that he durst no longer trust himself on shore. This produced a long course of disputation, which ended in a positive refusal of the governor to trust himself again in Williamsburg, even to give his assent to the bills, which could not be passed without it, and though the assembly offered to bind themselves for his personal safety. In his turn he requested them to meet him on board the man of war, where he then was; but this proposal was rejected, and all further correspondence containing the least appearance of friendship was discontinued.

Lord Dunmore, thus deprived of his government, attempted to reduce by force those whom he could no longer govern. Some of the most strenuous adherents to the British cause, whom their zeal had rendered obnoxious at home, now repaired to him. He was also joined by numbers of black slaves. With these, and the assistance of the British shipping, he was for some time enabled to carry on a kind of predatory war sufficient to hurt and exasperate, but not to subdue. After some inconsiderable attempts on land, proclaim- ing liberty to the slaves, and setting up the royal standard, he took up his residence at Norfolk, a maritime town of some consequence, where the people were better affected to Britain than in most other places. A considerable force, however, was collected against him; and the natural impetuosity of his temper prompting him to act against them with more courage than caution, he was entirely defeated, and obliged to retire to his shipping, which was now crowded by the number of those who had incurred the resentment of the provincials.

In the mean time a scheme of the utmost magnitude and importance was formed by one Mr Conolly, a Pennsylvanian of an intrepid and aspiring disposition, and attached to the cause of Britain. The first step of this plan was to enter into a league with the Ohio Indians. This he communicated to Lord Dunmore, and it received his approbation: Upon which Conolly set out, and actually succeeded in his design. On his return he was dispatched to General Gage, from whom he received a colonel's commission, and set out in order to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The plan in general was, that he should return to the Ohio, where, by the affluence of the British and Indians in these parts, he was to penetrate through the back-settlements into Virginia, and join Lord Dunmore at Alexandria. But by an accident very naturally to be expected, he was discovered, taken prisoner, and thrown into a dungeon.

After the retreat of Lord Dunmore from Norfolk, that place was taken possession of by the provincials, who treated the loyalists that had remained there with great cruelty; at the same time that they greatly distress the those on board Lord Dunmore's fleet, by refusing to supply them with any necessaries. Nor was this all; the vicinity of the shipping was so great as to afford the riflemen an opportunity of aiming at the people on board, and exercising the cruel occupation of killing them, in which they did not fail every day to employ themselves. These proceedings at last drew a remonstrance from His Lordship; in which he insisted that the fleet should be furnished with necessaries, and that the soldiers should desist from the cruel diversion above-mentioned; but both these requests being denied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the town. After giving the inhabitants proper warning, a party landed, under cover of a man of war, and set fire to that part which lay nearest the shore; but the flames were observed at the same time to break forth in every other quarter, and the whole town was reduced to ashes. This universal destruction, by which a loss of more than L. 300,000 was incurred, is said to have been occasioned by order of the congress itself, that the loyalists might find no refuge there for the future.

In the southern colonies of Carolina the governors were expelled and obliged to take refuge on board of men of war, as Lord Dunmore had been; Mr Martin, governor of North Carolina, on a charge of attempting to raise the back-settlers, consisting chiefly of Scots Highlanders, against the colony. Having secured themselves against any attempts from these enemies, however, they proceeded to regulate their internal concerns in the same manner as the rest of the colonies; and by the end of the year 1775, Britain beheld the whole of America united against her in the most determined opposition.

Her vast possessions of that tract of land (since known by the name of the Thirteen United States) were now reduced to the single town of Boston; in which her forces were beleaguered by an enemy with whom they were apparently not able to cope, and by whom they must of course expect in a very short time to be expelled. The miserable situation of the inhabitants of Boston, indeed, was peculiarly unhappy. After having failed in their attempts to leave the town, general Gage had consented to allow them to retire with their effects; but afterwards, for what reason does not well appear, he refused to fulfil his promise. When he resigned his place to general Howe in October 1775, the latter, apprehensive that they might give intelligence of the situation of the British troops, strictly prohibited any person from leaving the place under pain of military execution. Thus matters continued till the month of March 1776, when the town was evacuated.

On the 2d of that month, General Washington opened a battery on the west side of the town, from whence it was bombarded with a heavy fire of cannon at the same time; and three days after, it was attacked by another battery from the eastern shore. This terrible attack continued for 14 days without intermission; when General Howe, finding the place no longer tenable, determined if possible to drive the enemy from their works. Preparations were therefore made for a most vigorous attack, on a hill called Dorchester Neck, which the Americans had fortified in such a manner as would in all probability have rendered the enterprise next to desperate. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to damp the spirit of the general; and every thing was in readiness, when a sudden storm prevented this intended exertion of British valour. Next day, upon a more close inspection of the works they were to attack, it was thought advisable to desist from the enterprise altogether. The fortifications were very strong, and extremely well provided with artillery; and besides other implements of destruction, upwards of 100 hogsheads of stones were provided to roll down upon the enemy as they came up; which, as the ascent was extremely steep, must have done prodigious execution.

Nothing therefore now remained but to think of a retreat; and even this was attended with the utmost difficulty and danger. The Americans, however, knowing that it was in the power of the British general to reduce the town to ashes, which could not have been repaired in many years, did not think proper to give the least molestation; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were employed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they carried along with them 2000 of the inhabitants, who durst not stay on account of their attachment to the British cause. From Boston they sailed to Halifax; but all their vigilance could not prevent a number of valuable ships from falling into the hands of the enemy. A considerable quantity of cannon and ammunition had also been left at Bunker's Hill and Dorchester Neck; and in the town, an immense variety of goods, principally woollen and linen, of which the provincials stood very much in need. The estates of those who fled to Halifax were confiscated; as also those who were attached to government, and had remained in the town. As an attack was expected as soon as the British forces should arrive, every method was America, was employed to render the fortifications already very strong, impregnable. For this purpose some foreign engineers were employed, who had before arrived at Boston; and so eager were people of all ranks to accomplish this business, that every able-bodied man in the place, without distinction of rank, set apart two days in the week, to complete it the sooner.

The Americans, exasperated to the utmost by the proceedings of parliament, now formally renounced all connection with Britain, and declared themselves independent. This celebrated declaration was published on the 4th of July 1776. Previous to this a circular letter had been sent through each colony, stating the reasons for it; and such was the animosity now everywhere prevailing against Great Britain, that it met with universal approbation, except in the province of Maryland alone. It was not long, however, before the people of that colony, finding themselves left in a very dangerous minority, thought proper to accede to the measures of the rest. The manifesto itself was much in the usual style, stating a long list of grievances, for which redress had been often applied in vain; and for these reasons they determined on a final separation; to hold the people of Britain as the rest of mankind, "enemies in war, in peace friends."

After thus publicly throwing off all allegiance and hope of reconciliation, the colonists soon found that an exertion of all their strength was required in order to support their pretensions. Their arms, indeed, had not, during this season, been attended with success in Canada. Reinforcements had been promised to Colonel Arnold, who still continued the blockade of Quebec; but they did not arrive in time to second his operations. Being sensible, however, that he must either desist from the enterprise, or finish it successfully, he recommenced in form; attempting to burn the shipping, and even to storm the town itself. They were unsuccessful, however, by reason of the smallness of their number, though they succeeded so far as to burn a number of houses in the suburbs; and the garrison were obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to prevent the fire from spreading.

As the provincials, though unable to reduce the town, kept the garrison in continual alarms, and in a very disagreeable situation, some of the nobility collected themselves into a body under the command of one Mr Beaujeu, in order to relieve their capital; but they were met on their march by the provincials, and so entirely defeated, that they were never afterwards able to attempt anything. The Americans, however, had but little reason to plume themselves on this success. Their want of artillery at last convinced them, that it was impracticable in their situation to reduce a place so strongly fortified: the smallpox at the same time made its appearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers; intimidating the rest to such a degree, that they deserted in crowds. To add to their misfortunes, the British reinforcements unexpectedly appeared, and the ships made their way through the ice with such celerity, that the one part of their army was separated from the other; and General Carleton falling out as soon as the reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly with the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them all their cannon and military stores; at the same time that their shipping was entirely captured by vessels sent up the river for that purpose. On this occasion the provincials fled with such precipitation that they could not be overtaken; so that none fell into the hands of the British excepting the sick and wounded. General Carleton now gave Humanity a signal instance of his humanity: Being well apprised that many of the provincials had not been able to accompany the rest in their retreat, and that they were concealed in woods, &c., in a very deplorable situation, he generously issued a proclamation, ordering proper persons to seek them out, and give them relief at the public expense; at the same time left, through fear of being made prisoners, they should refuse these offers of humanity, he promised that, as soon as their situation enabled them, they should be at liberty to depart to their respective homes.

The British general, now freed from any danger of an attack, was soon enabled to act offensively against the provincials, by the arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from Britain. By these he was put at the head of 12,000 regular troops, among whom were those of Brunswick. With this force he instantly set out to the Three Rivers, where he expected that Arnold would have made a stand; but he had fled to Sorel, a place 150 miles distant from Quebec, where he was at last met by the reinforcements ordered by congress. Here, though the preceding events were by no means calculated to inspire much military ardour, a very daring enterprise was undertaken; and this was, to surprise the British troops posted here under General Fraser and Neshit; of whom the former commanded those on land, the latter such as were on board of transports and were but a little way distant. The enterprise was undoubtedly very hazardous, both on account of the strength of the parties against whom they were to act, and as the main body of the British forces were advanced within 50 miles of the place; besides that a number of armed vessels and transports with troops lay between them and the Three Rivers. Two General thousand chosen men, however, under General Thomson, engaged in this enterprise. Their success was taken no means answerable to their spirit and valour. Though they passed the shipping without being observed, General Fraser had notice of their landing; and thus being prepared to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder, at the same time that General Neshit, having landed his forces, prepared to attack them in the rear. On this occasion some field-pieces did prodigious execution, and a retreat was found to be unavoidable. General Neshit, however, had got between them and their boats; so that they were obliged to take a circuit through a deep swamp, while they were hotly pursued by both parties at the same time, who marched for some miles on each side of the swamp, till at last the miserable provincials were sheltered from further danger by a wood at the end of the swamp. Their general, however, was taken, with 200 of his men.

By this disaster the provincials lost all hopes of accomplishing anything in Canada. They demolished vicinals their works, and carried off their artillery with the utmost expedition. They were pursued, however, by Gen. Burgoyne; against whom it was expected that they would have collected all their forces, and made a resolute stand. But they were now too much dispirited. ed by misfortune, to make any further exertions of valour. On the 18th of June the British general arrived at Fort St John's, which he found abandoned and burnt. Chamblee had shared the same fate, as well as all the vessels that were not capable of being dragged up against the current of the river. It was thought that they would have made some resistance at Nut Island, the entrance to Lake Champlain; but this also they had abandoned, and retreated across the lake to Crown Point, whither they could not be immediately followed. Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated by the Americans; whose loss in their retreat from Quebec was not calculated at less than 1000 men, of whom 400 fell at once into the hands of the enemy at a place called the Cedars, about 50 miles above Montreal. General Sullivan, however, who conducted this retreat after the affair of General Thomson, was acknowledged to have had great merit in what he did, and received the thanks of congress accordingly.

This bad success in the north, however, was somewhat compensated by what happened in the southern colonies.—We have formerly taken notice that Mr Martin, governor of North Carolina, had been obliged to leave his province and take refuge on board a man of war. Notwithstanding this, he did not despair of reducing it again to obedience. For this purpose he applied to the Regulators, a daring set of banditti, who lived in a kind of independent state; and though considered by government as rebels, yet had never been molested, on account of their numbers and known skill in the use of fire-arms. To the chiefs of these people commissions were sent, in order to raise some regiments; and Colonel Macdonald, a brave and enterprising officer, was appointed to command them. In the month of February he erected the king's standard, issued proclamations, &c., and collected some forces, expecting to be soon joined by a body of regular troops, who were known to be shipped from Britain to act against the southern colonies. The Americans, sensible of their danger, dispatched immediately what forces they had to act against the royalists, at the same time that they diligently extended themselves to support these with suitable reinforcements. Their present force was commanded by a General Moore, whose numbers were inferior to Macdonald; for which reason the latter summoned him to join the king's standard under pain of being treated as a rebel. But Moore, being well provided with cannon, and conscious that nothing could be attempted against him, returned the compliment, by acquainting Colonel Macdonald, that if he and his party would lay down their arms, and subscribe an oath of fidelity to congress, they should be treated as friends; but if they persisted in an undertaking for which it was evident they had not sufficient strength, they could not but expect the severest treatment. In a few days General Moore found himself at the head of 8000 men, by reason of the continual supplies which daily arrived from all parts. The royal party amounted only to 2000, and they were destitute of artillery, which prevented them from attacking the enemy while they had the advantage of numbers. They were now therefore obliged to have recourse to a desperate exertion of personal valour; by dint of which they effected a retreat for 80 miles to Moore's Creek, within 16 miles of Wilmington. Could they have gained this place, they expected to have been joined by Governor Martin and General Clinton, who had lately arrived with a considerable detachment. But Moore with his army pursued them so close, that they were obliged to attempt the passage of the Creek itself, though a considerable body of the enemy, under the command of Colonel Coswell, with fortifications well planted with cannon, was posted on the other side. On attempting the Creek, however, it was found not to be sufficiently fordable. They were obliged therefore to cross over a wooden bridge, which the provincials had not time to destroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling up part of the planks, and greasing the remainder in order to render them slippery, made the passage so difficult, that the royalists could not attempt it. In this situation they were, on the 27th of February, attacked by Moore with his superior army, and totally defeated with the loss of their general and most of their leaders, as well as the best and bravest of their men.

Thus was the power of the provincials established in Lord Dunmore's North Carolina. Nor were they less successful in the more final province of Virginia; where Lord Dunmore, having driven long continued an useless predatory war, was at last driven from every creek and road in the province. The people he had on board were ditressed to the highest degree by confinement in small vessels. The heat of the season, and the numbers crowded together, produced a pestilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the blacks. At last, finding themselves in the utmost hazard of perishing by famine as well as disease, they let fire to the least valuable of their vessels, reserving only about 50 for themselves, in which they bid a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some to Bermuda, and the rest to the West Indies.

In South Carolina the provincials had a more formidable enemy to deal with. A squadron, whose object was the reduction of Charlestown, had been fitted out in December 1775; but by reason of unfavourable weather did not reach Cape Fear in North Carolina till the month of May 1776; and here it met with further obstacles till the end of the month. Thus the Americans, always noted for their alertness in raising fortifications, had time to strengthen those of Charlestown in such a manner as rendered it extremely difficult to be attacked. The British squadron consisted of two 50 gun ships, four of 30 guns, two of 20, an armed schooner and bomb-ketch; all under the command of Sir Peter Parker. The land forces were commanded by Lord Cornwallis, with Generals Clinton and Vaughan. As they had yet no intelligence of the evacuation of Boston, General Howe dispatched a vessel to Cape Fear with some instructions; but it was too late; and in the beginning of June the squadron anchored off Charlestown bar. Here they met with some difficulty in crossing, being obliged to take out the guns from the two large ships, which were, notwithstanding, several times in danger of sticking fast. The next obstacle was a strong fort on Sullivan's island, six miles east from Charlestown; which, though not completely finished, was very strong. However, the British generals resolved without hesitation to attack it; but though an attack was easy from the sea, it was very difficult to obtain a co-operation of the land forces. This was attempted by landing them on Long Long Island, adjacent to Sullivan's island on the east, from which it is separated by a very narrow creek, said not to be above two feet deep at low water. Opposite to this ford the provincials had posted a strong body of troops, with cannon and intrenchments; while General Lee was posted on the main land, with a bridge of boats betwixt that and Sullivan's island, so that he could at pleasure send reinforcements to the troops in the fort on Sullivan's island.

On the part of the British, so many delays occurred, that it was the 28th of June before matters were in readiness for an attack; and by this time the provincials had abundantly provided for their reception. On the morning of that day the bomb-ketch began to throw shells into Fort Sullivan, and about mid-day the two 50 gun ships and 30 gun frigates came up and began a severe fire. Three other frigates were ordered to take their station between Charlestown and the fort, in order to enfilade the batteries, and cut off the communication with the main land; but through the ignorance of the pilots they all struck fast; and though two of them were disentangled, they were found to be totally unfit for service: the third was burnt, that the might not fall into the hands of the enemy.

The attack was therefore confined to the five armed ships and bomb-ketch, between whom and the fort a dreadful fire ensued. The Bristol suffered excessively. The springs on her cable being shot away, she was for some time entirely exposed to the enemy's fire. As the enemy poured in great quantities of red-hot balls, she was twice in flames. The captain (Mr Morris) after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go below deck in order to have his arm amputated. After undergoing this operation he returned to his place, where he received another wound, but still refused to quit his station: at last he received a red-hot ball in his belly, which instantly put an end to his life. Of all the officers and seamen who stood on the quarter-deck of this vessel, not one escaped without a wound excepting Sir Peter Parker alone; whose intrepidity and presence of mind on this occasion was very remarkable. The engagement lasted till darkness put an end to it. Little damage was done by the British, as the works of the enemy lay too low that many of the shot flew over; and the fortifications, being composed of palm-trees mixed with earth, were extremely well calculated to resist the impression of cannon. During the height of the attack, the provincial batteries remained for some time silent, so that it was concluded that they had been abandoned; but this was found to proceed only from want of powder; for as soon as a supply of this necessary article was obtained, the firing was resumed as brisk as before. During the whole of this desperate engagement it was found impossible for the land-forces to give the least assistance to the fleet. The enemy's works were found to be much stronger than they had been imagined, and the depth of water effectually prevented them from making any attempt. In this unsuccessful attack the killed and wounded on the part of the British amounted to about 200. The Bristol and Experiment were so much damaged, that it was thought they could not have been got over the bar; however, this was at last accomplished by a very great exertion of naval skill, to the surprise of the provincials, who had expected to make them both prizes.

On the American side the loss was judged to have been very considerable, as most of their guns were dismounted, and reinforcements had poured into the fort during the whole time of the action.

This year also, the Americans, having so frequently made trial of their valour by land, became desirous of trying it by sea also, and of forming a navy that might in some measure be able to protect their trade, and do essential hurt to the enemy. In the beginning of March Commodore Hopkins was dispatched with five frigates to the Bahama islands, where he made himself master of the ordnance and military stores; but the gunpowder, which had been the principal object, was removed. On his return he captured several vessels; but was foiled in his attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which found means to escape notwithstanding the efforts of his whole squadron.

The time, however, was now come when the fortitude and patience of the Americans were to undergo a severe trial. Hitherto they had been on the whole successful in their operations; but now they were doomed to experience misfortune, misery, and disgrace; the enemy over-running their country, and their own armies not able to face them in the field. The province of New York, as being the most central colony, and most accessible by sea, was pitched upon for the object of the main attack. The force sent against it consisted of 6 ships of the line, 30 frigates, besides other armed vessels, and a vast number of transports. The fleet was commanded by Lord Howe, and the land forces by his brother General Howe, who was now at Halifax. The latter, however, a considerable time before his brother arrived, had set sail from Halifax, and lay before New York, but without attempting to commence hostilities until he should be joined by his brother. The Americans had, according to custom, fortified New York and the adjacent islands in an extraordinary manner. However, General Howe was suffered to land his troops on Staten Island, where he was soon joined by a number of the inhabitants. About the middle of July, Lord Howe arrived with the grand armament; and being one of the commissioners appointed to receive the submission of the colonists, he published a circular letter to this purpose to the several governors who had lately been expelled from their provinces, desiring them to make the extent of his commission, and the powers he was invested with by parliament, as public as possible. Here, however, congresses favored him trouble, by ordering his letter and declaration to be published in all the newspapers, that every one, as they said, might see the insidious views of the British ministry, and that they had nothing to trust to besides the exertion of their own valour.

Lord Howe next sent a letter to General Washington, General Washington; but as it was directed "To George Washington, Esq," the General refused to accept of it, as not being directed in the style suitable to his station. To obviate this objection, Adjutant-general Paterson was sent with another letter, directed "To George Washington, &c. &c. &c." But though a very polite reception was given to the bearer, General Washington utterly refused the letter; nor could any explanation of the Adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only interesting part of the conversation was that relating to the powers of the commissioners, of which Lord Howe was The adjutant told him, that these powers were very extensive; that the commissioners were determined to exert themselves to the utmost, in order to bring about a reconciliation; and that he hoped the general would consider this visit as a step towards it. General Washington replied, that it did not appear that these powers consisted in anything else than granting pardons; and as America had committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness, and was only defending her unquestionable rights.

The decision of every thing being now by consent of both parties left to the sword, no time was lost, but hostilities commenced as soon as the British troops could be collected. This, however, was not done before the month of August, when they landed without any opposition on Long Island, opposite to the shore of Staten Island. General Putnam, with a large body of troops, lay encamped and strongly fortified on a peninsula on the opposite shore, with a range of hills between the armies, the principal part of which was near a place called Flat-bush. Here the centre of the British army, consisting of Hessians, took post; the left wing, under General Grant, lying near the shore; and the right, consisting of the greater part of the British forces, lay under Lord Percy, Cornwallis, and General Clinton. Putnam had ordered the passes to be secured by large detachments, which was executed as to those at hand; but one of the utmost importance, that lay at a distance, was entirely neglected. This gave an opportunity to a large body of troops under Lord Percy and Clinton to pass the mountains and attack the Americans in the rear, while they were engaged with the Hessians in front. Through this piece of negligence their defeat became inevitable. Those who were engaged with the Hessians first perceived their mistake, and began a retreat towards their camp; but the passage was intercepted by the British troops, who drove them back into the woods. Here they were met by the Hessians; and thus were they for many hours slaughtered between the two parties, no way of escape remaining but by breaking through the British troops, and thus regaining their camp. In this attempt many perished; and the right wing, engaged with General Grant, shared the same fate. The victory was complete; and the Americans lost on this fatal day (August 27th) between 3000 and 4000 men, of whom 2000 were killed in the battle or pursuit. Among these a regiment, consisting of young gentlemen of fortune and family in Maryland, was almost entirely cut in pieces, and of the survivors not one escaped without a wound.

The ardour of the British troops was now so great, that they could scarce be restrained from attacking the lines of the provincials; but for this there was now no occasion, as it was certain they could not be defended. Of the British only 61 were killed in this engagement, and 257 wounded. Eleven hundred of the enemy, among whom were three generals, were taken prisoners.

As none of the American commanders thought it proper to risk another attack, it was resolved to abandon their camp as soon as possible. Accordingly on the night of the 29th of August, the whole of the continental troops were ferried over with the utmost secrecy and silence; so that in the morning the British had nothing to do but take possession of the camp and artillery which they had abandoned.

This victory, though complete, was very far from Lord Howe being so decisive as the conquerors imagined. Lord Howe, supposing that it would be sufficient to intimidate the congress into some terms, sent General Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner in the late action, to congress, with a message, importing, that though he could not confidently treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be very glad to confer with any of the members in their private capacity; setting forth at the same time the nature and extent of his powers as commissioner. But the congress were not yet sufficiently humbled to derogate in the least from the dignity of character they had assumed. They replied, that the congress of the free and independent states of America could not confiscently send any of its members in another capacity than that which they had publicly assumed; but as they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their country upon equitable conditions, they would appoint a committee of their body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals he had to make.

This produced a new conference. The committee appointed by congress was composed of Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, and Mr Rutledge. They were very politely received by his Lordship; but the conference proved as fruitless as before independence had been declared; and the final answer of the deputies was, that they were extremely willing to enter into any treaty with Great Britain that might conduce to the good of both nations, but that they would not treat in any other character than that of independent states. This positive declaration instantly put an end to all hopes of reconcilement; and it was resolved to prosecute the war effectually, with the utmost vigour. Lord Howe, after publishing a manifesto, in which he declared the refusal of congress, and that he himself was willing to confer with all well disposed persons about the means of restoring public tranquillity, set about the most proper methods for reducing the city of New York. Here the provincial troops were posted, and from a great number of batteries kept continually annoying the British shipping. The East River lay between them, of about 1200 yards in breadth, which the British troops were extremely desirous of passing. At last the ships having, after an incessant cannonade of several days, silenced the most troublesome batteries, a body of troops was sent up the river to a bay, about three miles distant, where the fortifications were less strong than in other places. Here having driven off the provincials by the cannon of the fleet, they marched directly towards the city; but the enemy finding that they should now be attacked on all sides, abandoned the city, and retired to the north of the island, where their principal force was concentrated. In their passage thither they skirmished with the British, but carefully avoided a general engagement; and it was observed that they did not behave with that ardour and impetuous valour which had hitherto marked their character.

The British and provincial armies were not now above two miles distant from each other. The former and American armies, being the breadth of the island, which though 15 miles long, exceeds not two in any part in breadth. The provincials, who lay directly opposite, had strengthened ened their camp with many fortifications; at the same time, being masters of all the passes and defiles betwixt the two camps, they were enabled to defend themselves against an army much more numerous than their own; and they had also strongly fortified a pass called King's Bridge, whence they could secure a passage to the continent in case of any misfortune. Here general Washington, in order to insure the provincials to actual service, and at the same time to annoy the enemy as much as possible, employed his troops in continual skirmishes; by which it was observed that they soon recovered their spirits, and behaved with their usual boldness.

As the situation of the two armies was now highly inconvenient for the British generals, it was resolved to make such movements as might oblige general Washington to relinquish his strong situation. The possession of New York had been less beneficial than was expected. It had been concerted among the provincials, that the city should be burnt at the time of evacuation; but as they were forced to depart with precipitation, they were prevented from putting the scheme into execution. In a few days, however, it was attempted by some who had been left behind for that purpose. Taking advantage of a high wind and dry weather, the town was set on fire in several places at once, by means of combustibles properly placed for that purpose; and notwithstanding the most active exertions of the garrison and sailors, a fourth part of the city was consumed.

On this occasion the British were irritated to the highest degree; and many persons, said to be incendiaries, were without mercy thrown into the flames. It was determined to force the provincial army to a greater distance, that they might have it less in their power, by any emissaries, to engage others in a similar attempt. For this purpose, general Howe having left Lord Percy with sufficient force to garrison New York, he embarked his army in flat-bottomed boats, by which they were conveyed through the dangerous passage called Hell Gate, and landed near the town of West Chester, lying on the continent towards Connecticut. Here having received a supply of men and provisions, they moved to New Rochelle, situated on the sound which separates Long Island from the continent. After this, receiving still fresh reinforcements, they made such movements as threatened to distress the provincials very much, by cutting off their convoys of provisions from Connecticut, and thus force them to an engagement. This, however, General Washington determined at all events to avoid. He therefore extended his forces into a long line opposite to the way in which the enemy marched, keeping the Brandywine River of considerable magnitude, between the two armies, with the North River on his rear. Here again the provincials continued for some time to annoy and skirmish with the Royal army, until at last, by some other manoeuvres, the British general found means to attack them advantageously at a place called the White Plains, and drove them from some of their posts. The victory on this occasion was much less complete than the former; however, it obliged the provincials once more to shift their ground, and to retreat farther up the country. General Howe pursued for some time; but at last finding all his endeavours vain to bring the Americans to a pitched battle, he determined to give over such an useless chase, and employ himself in reducing the forts which the provincials still retained in the neighbourhood of New York. In this he met with the most complete success. The Americans, on the approach of the king's forces, retreated from King's Bridge into Fort Washington; and this, as well as Fort Lee, which lay in the neighbourhood, was quickly reduced, though the garrison made their escape. Thus the Jerseys were laid entirely open to the incursions of the British troops; and so fully were these provinces taken possession of by the Royal army, that its winter-quarters extended from New Brunswick to the river Delaware. Had any number of boats been at hand, it is probable that Philadelphia would now have fallen into their hands. All these, however, had been carefully removed by the Americans. In lieu of this enterprise, Sir Henry Clinton undertook an expedition to Rhode-Island, and became master of it without losing a man. His expedition Rhode Island was also attended with this further advantage, that the American fleet under commodore Hopkins was obliged to fail as far as possible up the river Providence, and thus remained entirely useless.

The same ill success continued to attend the Americans in other parts. After their expulsion from Canada, they had crossed the lake Champlain, and taken up their quarters at Crown Point, as we have already mentioned. Here they remained for some time in safety, as the British had no vessels on the lake, and consequently general Burgoyne could not pursue them. To remedy this deficiency, there was no possible method, but either to construct vessels on the spot, or convey vessels to pieces some vessels already constructed, and drag them up the river into the lake. This, however, was plainly effected in no longer a space than three months; and the British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw himself in possession of a great number of vessels, by which means he was enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them in his turn. The labour undergone at this time by the sea and land forces must indeed have been prodigious; since there were conveyed over land, and dragged up the rapids of St Lawrence, no fewer than 30 large long-boats, 400 batteaux, besides a vast number of flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 30 tons. The intent of the expedition was to push forward before winter to Albany, where the army would take up its winter-quarters, and next spring effect a junction with that under general Howe, when it was not doubted that the united force and skill of these two commanders would speedily put a termination to the war.

By reason of the difficulties with which the equipment of this fleet had been attended, it was the beginning of October before the expedition could be undertaken. It was now, however, by every judge allowed to be completely able to answer the purpose for which it was intended. It consisted of one large vessel with three masts, carrying 18 twelve-pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 14, the other 12 six-pounders; a large flat-bottomed raudeau with 6 twenty-four and 6 twelve-pounders; and a gondola with 8 nine-pounders. Besides these were 20 vessels of a smaller size, called gun-boats, carrying each a piece of brass ordnance from nine to 24 pounders, or howitzers. Several long-boats were fitted out in the same manner; and besides all these, there was a vast number of boats and tenders of of various sizes, to be used as transports for the troops and baggage. It was manned by a number of select seamen, and the guns were to be served by a detachment from the corps of artillery; the officers and soldiers appointed for this expedition were also chosen out of the whole army.

To oppose this formidable armament the Americans had only a very inconsiderable force, commanded by general Arnold; who, after engaging part of the British fleet for a whole day, took advantage of the darkness of the night to set sail without being perceived, and next morning was out of sight; but he was hotly pursued by the British, that on the second day after he was overtaken, and forced to a second engagement. In this he behaved with great gallantry; but his force being very inferior to that of the enemy, he was obliged to run his ships ashore and set them on fire. A few only escaped to lake George; and the garrison of Crown Point having destroyed or carried off everything of value, retired to Ticonderoga. Thither general Carleton intended to have pursued them; but the difficulties he had to encounter appeared so many and so great, that it was thought proper to march back into Canada, and desist from any further operations till next spring.

Thus the affairs of the Americans seemed everywhere going to wreck; even those who had been most sanguine in their cause began to waver. The time, also, for which the soldiers had enlisted themselves was now expired; and the bad success of the preceding campaign had been so very discouraging, that no person was willing to engage himself during the continuance of a war, of which the event seemed to be so doubtful. In consequence of this, therefore, General Washington found his army daily decreasing in strength; so that from 30,000, of whom it consisted when general Howe landed on Staten Island, scarce a tenth-part could now be mustered. To assist the chief commander as much as possible, general Lee had collected a body of forces in the north; but on his way southward, having imprudently taken up his lodging at some distance from his troops, information was given to colonel Harcourt, who happened at that time to be in the neighbourhood, and Lee was made prisoner. The loss of this general was much regretted, the more especially as he was of superior quality to any prisoner in the possession of the colonists, and could not therefore be exchanged. Six field-officers were offered in exchange for him and refused; and the congress was highly irritated at its being reported that he was to be treated as a deferrer, having been a half-pay officer in the British service at the commencement of the war. In consequence of this they issued a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners in their possession whatever punishment should be inflicted on any of those taken by the British, and especially that their conduct should be regulated by the treatment of general Lee.

In the mean time they proceeded with the most indefatigable diligence to recruit their army, and bound their soldiers to serve for a term of three years, or during the continuance of the war. The army designed for the ensuing campaign, was to consist of 88 battalions; of which each province was to contribute its quota; and 20 dollars were offered as a bounty to each soldier, besides an allotment of lands at the end of the war. In this allotment it was stipulated, that each soldier should have 100 acres; an ensign 150; a lieutenant 200; a captain 300; a major 400; a lieutenant-colonel 450; and a colonel 500. No lands were promised to those who enlisted only for three years. All officers or soldiers disabled through wounds received in the service were to enjoy half-pay during life. To defray the expense, congress borrowed five millions of dollars at five per cent.; for payment of which the United States became surety. At the same time, in order to animate the people to vigorous exertions, a declaration was published, in which they set forth the necessity there was for taking proper methods to insure success in their cause: they endeavoured to palliate as much as possible the misfortunes which had already happened; and represented the true cause of the present distress to be the short term of enlistment.

This declaration, together with the imminent danger of Philadelphia, determined the Americans to exert themselves to the utmost in order to reinforce general Washington's army. They soon received farther encouragement, however, by an exploit of that general against the Hessians. As the Royal army extended in different cantonments for a great way, general Washington, perceiving the imminent danger to which Philadelphia was exposed, resolved to make some attempt on those divisions of the enemy which lay nearest that city. These happened to be the Hessians, who lay in three divisions, the last only 20 miles distant from Philadelphia. On the 25th of December, having collected as considerable a force as he could, he set out with an intent to surprise that body of the enemy who lay at Trenton. His army was divided into three bodies; one of which he ordered to cross the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a little below the town; the second at a good distance below, at a place called Bordentown, where the second division of Hessians was placed; while he himself, with the third, directing his course to a ferry some miles above Trenton, intended to have passed it at midnight, and attack the Hessians at break of day. But by reason of various impediments, it was eight in the morning before he could reach the place of his destination. The enemy, however, did not perceive his approach till they were suddenly attacked. Colonel Ralle, who commanded them, did all that could be expected from a brave and experienced officer; but every thing was in such confusion, that no efforts of valour or skill could now retrieve matters. The Colonel himself was mortally wounded, his troops were entirely broken, their artillery seized, and about 1000 taken prisoners.

This action, though seemingly of no very decisive nature, was sufficient at that time to turn the fortune of war in favour of America. It tended greatly to lessen the fear which the provincials had of the Hessians, at the same time that it equally abated the confidence which the British had till now put in them. Reinforcements came into General Washington's army from all quarters; so that he was soon in a condition to leave Philadelphia, and take up his quarters at Trenton. Emboldened by his success, he determined to make another attempt on a division of the British forces stationed three at Maidenhead, a town situated half way between Trenton and Princeton. This consisted of three regiments under under the command of Colonel Mawhood, an officer of great merit. The troops were surprised on their march; but though they were separately surrounded and attacked by a force so vastly superior, they charged the enemy so resolutely with their bayonets, that they effected a retreat. These attempts of the Americans, however, with the hostile disposition of the people, showed the impossibility of maintaining posts so far advanced in the enemy's country; so that it was resolved to retreat towards Brunswick, in order to prevent it, with the troops and magazines it contained, from falling into the hands of the provincials. General Washington lost no opportunity of recovering what had been lost; and by dividing his army into small parties, which could be reunited on a few hours warning, he in a manner entirely covered the country with it, and repulsed himself of all the important places.

Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with scarce any real advantage other than the acquisition of the city of New York, and of a few fortresses in its neighbourhood; where the troops were constrained to act with as much circumspection as if they had been besieged by a victorious army, instead of being themselves the conquerors.

The army at New York began in 1777 to exercise a kind of predatory war, by sending out parties to destroy magazines, make incursions, and take or destroy such forts as lay on the banks of rivers, to which their great command of shipping gave them access. In this they were generally successful: the provincial magazines at Peck's Hill, a place of about five miles distant from New York, were destroyed, the town of Dumbury in Connecticut burnt, and that of Ridgefield in the same province was taken possession of. In returning from the last expedition, however, the British were greatly harassed by the enemy under Generals Arnold, Wooster, and Sullivan; but they made good their retreat in spite of all opposition, with the loss of only 150 killed and wounded. On the American side the loss was much greater; General Wooster was killed, and Arnold in the most imminent danger. On the other hand, the Americans destroyed the stores at Sag Harbor, in Long Island, and made prisoners of all who defended the place.

As this method of making war, however, could answer but little purpose, and favoured more of the barbarous incursions of savages than of a war carried on by a civilized people, it was resolved to make an attempt on Philadelphia. At first it was thought that this could be done through the Jerseys; but General Washington had received such large reinforcements, and posted himself so strongly, that it was found to be impracticable. Many stratagems were used to draw him from this strong situation, but without success; so that it was found necessary to make the attempt on Philadelphia by sea. While the preparations necessary for this expedition were going forward, the Americans found means to make amends for the capture of General Lee by that of General Prefcot, who was seized in his quarters with his aid de camp, in much the same manner as General Lee had been. This was exceedingly mortifying to the General himself, as he had not long before set a price upon General Arnold, by offering a sum of money to anyone that apprehended him; which the latter answered by setting a lower price upon General Prefcot.

The month of July was far advanced before the preparations for the expedition against Philadelphia were completed; and it was the 23rd before the fleet was able to sail from Sandy Hook. The force employed fails for this expedition consisted of 36 battalions of British Philadelphians, a regiment of light horse, and a body of loyalists raised at New York. The remainder of these, with 17 battalions, and another body of light horse, were stationed at New York under Sir Henry Clinton. Seven battalions were stationed at Rhode Island. After a week's sailing they arrived at the mouth of the Delaware; but there received certain intelligence, that the navigation of the river was so effectually obstructed, that no possibility of forcing a passage remained. Upon this it was resolved to proceed further southward to Chesapeake Bay in Maryland, from whence the distance to Philadelphia was not very great, and where the provincial army would find less advantage from the nature of the country than in the Jerseys.

The navigation from Delaware to Chesapeake took up the best part of the month of August, and that up the bay itself was extremely difficult and tedious. At last, having sailed up the river Elk, as far as was practicable, the troops were landed without opposition, and landed at set forward on their intended expedition. On the head of news of their arrival in Chesapeake, General Washington left the Jerseys, and hastened to the relief of Philadelphia, and in the beginning of September met the royal army at Brandywine Creek about mid-day, between the head of the Elk and Philadelphia. Here he adhered to his former method of skirmishing and harassing the royal army on its march; but as this proved insufficient to stop its progress, he retired to that side of the Creek next to Philadelphia, with an intent to dispute the passage. This brought on a general engagement on the 11th September, in which the Americans were worsted through the superior discipline of the British troops; and it was only through the approach of night that they were saved from being entirely destroyed. On this occasion the provincials lost about 1000 in killed and wounded, besides 400 taken prisoners.

The loss of this battle proved also the loss of Philadelphia. General Washington retired towards Lancaster, an inland town, at a considerable distance from Philadelphia. Here, however, the British general took such measures as must have forced the provincials to a second engagement; but a violent rain which lasted a day and a night prevented his design. General Washington, though he could not prevent the loss of Philadelphia, still adhered to his original plan of defeating the royal party, by laying ambushes and cutting off detached parties; but in this he was less successful than formerly; and one can detach his own detachments which lay in ambush in a wood, prised and were themselves surprised and entirely defeated, with the loss of 300 killed and wounded, besides a great number taken, and all their arms and baggage.

General Howe now perceiving that the Americans would not venture another battle even for the sake of their capital, took peaceable possession of it on the Howetak 26th of September. His first care was then to cut off, by means of strong batteries, the communication Philadelphi- between the upper and lower parts of the river; which was executed notwithstanding the opposition of some American armed vessels; one of which, carrying 36 guns, was taken. His next task was to open a communication with it by sea; and this was a work of no small difficulty. A vast number of batteries and forts had been erected, and immense machines formed like chevaux de frise, from whence they took their name, sunk in the river to prevent its navigation. As the fleet was sent round to the mouth of the river in order to cooperate with the army, this work, however difficult, was accomplished; nor did the provincials give much opposition, as well knowing that all places of this kind were now untenable. General Washington, however, took the advantage of the royal army being divided to attack the camp of the principal division of it that lay at German-town in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this he met with very little success; for though he reached the place of destination by three o'clock in the morning, the patrols had time to call the troops to arms. The Americans, notwithstanding, made a very resolute attack; but they were received with such bravery, that they were compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great disorder; with the advantage, however, of carrying off their cannon, though pursued for a considerable way, after having 300 killed, 600 wounded, and upwards of 400 taken prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. On the British side, the loss amounted to 43 wounded and prisoners, and 70 killed; but among the last were General Agnew and Colonel Bird, with some other excellent officers.

There still remained two strong forts on the Delaware to be reduced. These were Mud Island and Red Bank. The various obstructions which the Americans had thrown in the way rendered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of the line, and the Merlin frigate, to the attack of Mud Island; but during the heat of action both were grounded. Upon this, the Americans sent down four fire-ships, and directed the whole fire from their galleys against them. The former were rendered ineffectual by the courage and skill of the British seamen; but during the engagement both the Augusta and Merlin took fire and were burnt to ashes, and the other ships obliged to withdraw. The enemy, encouraged by this unsuccessful attempt, proceeded to throw new obstructions in the way; but the British general having found means to convey a number of cannon and to erect batteries within a gunshot of the fort by land, and bringing up three ships of the line which mounted heavy cannon, the garrison, after making a vigorous defence for one day, perceiving that preparations were being made for a general assault on the next, abandoned the place in the night. Those who defended Red Bank followed their example, and abandoned it on the approach of Lord Cornwallis. A great number of the American shipping now finding themselves entirely destitute of any protection, sailed up the river in the night-time. Seventeen, however, remained, whose retreat was intercepted by a frigate and some armed vessels; on which the Americans ran them ashore and burnt them, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands.

Thus the campaign of 1777 in Pennsylvania concluded successfully on the part of the British. In the north, however, matters wore a different aspect. The expedition in that quarter had been projected by the British ministry as the most effectual method that could be taken to crush the colonies at once. The four provinces of New England had originally begun the conflagration against Britain, and were still considered as the most active in the continuation of it; and it was thought, that any impression made upon them would contribute in an effectual manner to the reduction of all the rest. For this purpose, an army of 4000 chosen British troops and 3000 Germans were put under the command of General Burgoyne; General Carleton was directed to use his interest with the Indians to persuade them to join in this expedition; and the province of Quebec was to furnish large parties to join in the same. The officers who commanded under General Burgoyne were General Philips of the artillery, Generals Frazer, Powells, and Hamilton, with the German officers Generals Reidefeld and Specht. The soldiers, as has already been observed, were all excellently disciplined, and had been kept in their winter-quarters with all imaginable care, in order to prepare them for the expedition on which they were going. To aid the principal expedition, another was projected on the Mohawk River under Colonel St Leger, who was to be assisted by Sir John Johnson, son to the famous Sir William Johnson who had so greatly distinguished himself in the war of 1755.

On the 21st of June 1777, the army encamped on the western side of the Lake Champlain; where being joined by a considerable body of Indians, General Burgoyne made a speech, in which he exhorted these new allies to lay aside their ferocious and barbarous manner of making war; to kill only such as opposed them in arms; and to spare prisoners, with such women and children as should fall into their hands. After issuing a proclamation, in which the force of Britain and that which he commanded was set forth in very ostentatious terms, the campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. The place was very strong, and garrisoned by 6000 men under General Sinclair; nevertheless, the garrison works were so extensive, that even this number was insufficient to defend them properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, the top of which overlooked and effectually commanded the whole works; vainly imagining that the difficulty of the ascent would be sufficient to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it. On the approach of the first division of the army, the provincials abandoned and set fire to their outworks; and so expeditious were the British troops, that by the 5th of July every post was secured which was judged necessary for investing it completely. A road was soon after made to the very summit of that eminence which the Americans had with such confidence supposed could not be ascended; and so much were they now disheartened, that they instantly abandoned the fort entirely, taking the road to Skeneborough, a place to the south of Lake George; while their baggage, with what artillery and military stores they could carry off, were sent to the same place by water. But the British generals were determined not to let them pass so easily. Both were pursued and both overtaken. Their armed vessels consisted only of five galleys; two of which were defeated by taken, and three blown up; on which they set fire to land and their water. their boats and fortifications at Skeneborough. On this occasion the provincials lost 200 boats, 130 pieces of cannon, with all their provisions and baggage. Their land-forces under Colonel Francis made a brave defence against General Fraser; and being greatly superior in number, had almost overpowered him, when General Reidel with a large body of Germans came to his assistance. The enemy were now overpowered in their turn; and their commander being killed, they fled on all sides with great precipitation. In this action 200 Americans were killed, as many taken prisoners, and above 600 wounded, many of whom perished in the woods for want of assistance.

During the engagement General Sinclair was at Caffleton, about five miles from the place; but instead of going forward to Fort Anne, the next place of strength, he repaired to the woods which lie between that fortress and New England. General Burgoyne, however, detached Colonel Hill with the ninth regiment, in order to intercept such as should attempt to retreat towards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a body of the enemy, said to be five times as numerous as his own; but after an engagement of three hours, they were obliged to retire with great loss. After so many disasters, despairing of being able to make any stand at Fort Anne, they set fire to it and retired to Fort Edward. In all these engagements the loss of killed and wounded in the royal army did not exceed 200 men.

General Burgoyne was now obliged to suspend his operations for some time, and wait at Skeneborough for the arrival of his tents, provisions, &c., but employed this interval in making roads through the country about St Anne, and in clearing a passage for his troops to proceed against the enemy. This was attended with incredible toil; but all obstructions were surmounted with equal patience and resolution by the army. In short, after undergoing the utmost difficulty that could be undergone, and making every exertion that man could make, he arrived with his army before Fort Edward about the end of July. Here General Schuyler had been for some time endeavouring to recruit the shattered American forces, and had been joined by General Sinclair with the remains of his army; the garrison of Fort George also, situated on the lake of that name, had evacuated the place and retired to Fort Edward.

But on the approach of the royal army, they retired from thence also, and formed their headquarters at Saratoga. Notwithstanding the great successes of the British general, they showed not the least disposition to submit, but seemed only to consider how they might make the most effectual resistance. For this purpose, the militia was everywhere raised and drafted to join the army at Saratoga; and such numbers of volunteers were daily added, that they soon began to recover from the terror into which they had been thrown. That they might have a commander whose abilities could be relied on, General Arnold was appointed, who repaired to Saratoga with a considerable train of artillery; but receiving intelligence that Colonel St Leger was proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on the Mohawk River, he removed to Still-water, a place about half-way between Saratoga and the junction of the Mohawk and Hudson's River. The Colonel, in the mean time, had advanced as far as Fort Stanwix; the siege of which he pressed with great vigour. On the 6th of August, understanding that a fort Stanwix was held by a garrison of 800 or 900 men, was very well defended, he dispatched Sir John Johnson with a strong detachment to intercept it. This he did effectually, that, besides intercepting the provisions, 400 of its guard were slain, 200 taken, and the rest escaped with great difficulty. The garrison, cut off, however, were not to be intimidated by this disaster, nor by the threats or representations of the Colonel; on the contrary, they made several successful sallies under Colonel Willet, the second in command; and this gentleman, in company with another, even ventured out of the fort, and, eluding the vigilance of the enemy, passed through them in order to hasten the march of General Arnold to their assistance.

Thus the affairs of Colonel St Leger seemed to be in no very favourable situation notwithstanding his late disastrous defeat, and force, and they were soon totally ruined by the defection of the Indians. They had been alarmed by the report of General Arnold's advancing with 2000 men to siege the relief of the fort; and while the Colonel was attempting to give them encouragement, another report was spread, that General Burgoyne had been defeated with great slaughter, and was now flying before the provincials. On this he was obliged to do as they thought proper; and the retreat could not be effected without the loss of the tents and some of the artillery and military stores.

General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwithstanding all the difficulties he had already sustained, found that Burgoyne he must still encounter more. The roads he had made difficult with too much labour and pains were destroyed either by want of provisions he brought from Fort George could not arrive at his camp without the most prodigious toil. On hearing of the siege of Fort Stanwix by Colonel St Leger, he determined to move forward, in hopes of inflicting the enemy between his own army and that of St Leger, or of obtaining the command of all the country between Fort Stanwix and Albany; or at any rate, a junction with Colonel St Leger would be effected, which could not but be attended with the most happy consequences. The only difficulty was the want of provisions; and this it was proposed to remedy by reducing the provincial magazines at Bennington. For this purpose, Colonel Baum, a German officer of attempt on great bravery, was chosen with a body of 500 men, the provincial magazine at Bennington, to support Colonel Baum's party, the whole army marching up the river's bank, and encamped almost opposite to Saratoga, with the river between it and that place. An advanced party was posted at Batten Kill, between the camp and Bennington, in order to support Colonel Baum. In their way the British seized a large supply of cattle and provisions, which were immediately sent to the camp; but the badness of the roads retarded their march so much, that intelligence of their design was sent to Bennington. Understanding now that the American force was greatly superior to his own, the Colonel acquainted the General, who immediately dispatched Colonel Breymann with a party to his assistance; but through the same causes that had retarded the march of Colonel Baum, this assist- affistance could not arrive in time. General Starke, in the mean time, who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack the two parties separately; and for this purpose advanced against Colonel Baum, whom he surrounded on all sides and attacked with the utmost violence. The troops defended themselves with great valour, but were to a man either killed or taken. Colonel Breyman, after a desperate engagement, had the good luck to effect a retreat through the darkness of the night, which otherwise he could not have done, as his men had expended all their ammunition, being 40 rounds to each.

General Burgoyne, thus disappointed in his attempt on Bennington, applied himself with indefatigable diligence to procure provisions from Fort George; and having at length amassed a sufficient quantity to last for a month, he threw a bridge of boats over the river Hudson, which he crossed about the middle of September, encamping on the hills and plains near Saratoga. As soon as he approached the provincial army, at this time encamped at Stillwater under General Gates, he determined to make an attack; for which purpose he put himself at the head of the central division of his army, having General Frazer and Colonel Breyman on the right, with Generals Reidefeld and Philips on the left. In this position he advanced towards the enemy on the 19th of September. But the Americans did not now wait to be attacked; on the contrary, they attacked the central division with the utmost violence; and it was not until General Philips with the artillery came up that they could be repulsed. On this occasion, though the British troops lost only 330 in killed and wounded, and the enemy no fewer than 1500, the former were very much alarmed at the obstinate resolution shown by the Americans. This did not, however, prevent them from advancing towards the enemy, and posting themselves the next day within cannon-shot of their lines. But their allies the Indians began to desert in great numbers; and at the same time the general was in the highest degree mortified by having no intelligence of any affiance from Sir Henry Clinton, as had been stipulated. He now received a letter from him, by which he was informed that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion on the North River in his favour. This afforded but little comfort; however, he returned an answer by several trusty persons whom he dispatched different ways, stating his present difficult situation, and mentioning that the provisions and other necessaries he had would only enable him to hold out till the 12th of October.

In the mean time the Americans, in order to cut off the retreat of the British army in the most effectual manner, undertook an expedition against Ticonderoga; but were obliged to abandon the enterprise after having surprised all the outposts, and taken a great number of boats with some armed vessels, and a number of prisoners. The army under general Burgoyne, however, continued to labour under the greatest difficulties; so that in the beginning of October he had been obliged to diminish the soldiers allowance. On the 7th of that month he determined to move towards the enemy. For this purpose he sent a body of 1500 men to reconnoitre their left wing; intending, if possible, to break through it in order to effect a retreat. The detachment, however, had not proceeded far when a dreadful attack was made upon the left wing of the British army, which was with great difficulty preserved from being entirely broken by a reinforcement brought up by general Frazer, who was killed in the attack, a desperate affair. After the troops had with the most desperate efforts regained their camp, it was most furiously assaulted by the royal general Arnold; who, notwithstanding all opposition, would have forced the entrenchments, had he not received a dangerous wound, which obliged him to retire. Thus the attack failed on the left, but on the right the camp of the German reserve was forced, and Colonel Breyman killed, and his countrymen defeated with great slaughter and the loss of all their artillery and baggage.

This was by far the heaviest loss the British army had sustained since the action at Bunker's Hill. The Royalist killed and wounded amounted to near 1200, exclusive of the Germans; but the greatest misfortune was, that the enemy had now an opening on the right rear of the British forces, so that the army was threatened with entire destruction. This obliged General Burgoyne once more to shift his position, that retreat might also be obliged to alter theirs. This without success, and all the next day he continued to offer the enemy battle; but they were now too well assured of obtaining a complete victory, by cutting off all supplies from the British, to risk a pitched battle. Therefore they advanced on the right side, in order to inclose him entirely; which obliged the General to direct a retreat towards Saratoga. But the enemy had now stationed a great force on the ford at Hudson's river, so that the only possibility of retreat was by securing a passage to Lake George; and to effect this, a body of workmen were detached, with a strong guard, to repair the roads and bridges that led to Fort Edward. As soon as they were gone, however, the enemy seemed to prepare for an attack; which rendered it necessary to recall the guard, and the workmen being of course exposed could not proceed.

In the mean time, the boats which conveyed provisions down Hudson's river were exposed to the continual fire of the American marksmen, who took many of them; so that it became necessary to convey the provisions over land. In this extreme danger, it was resolved to march by night to Fort Edward, forcing the passages at the fords either above or below the place; and in order to effect this the more easily, it was resolved that the soldiers should carry their provisions on their backs, leaving behind their baggage and every other incumbrance. But before this could be executed, intelligence was received that the enemy had raised strong entrenchments opposite to these fords, well provided with cannon, and that they had likewise taken possession of the rising ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, which in like manner was provided with cannon.

All this time the American army was increasing by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers from all parts. Their parties extended all along the opposite bank of Hudson's River, and some had even passed it in order to observe the least movement of the British army. The whole force under General Gates was computed at 16,000 men, while the army under General Burgoyne scarcely amounted to 6000; and every part of the... the camp was reached by the grape and rifle-shot of the enemy, besides a discharge from their artillery, which was almost incessant. In this state of extreme distress and danger, the army continued with the greatest constancy and perseverance till the evening of the 13th of October, when an inventory of provisions being taken, it was found that no more remained than what were sufficient to serve for three days; and a council of war being called, it was unanimously determined that there was no method now remaining but to treat with the enemy. In consequence of this, a negociation was opened next day, which speedily terminated in a capitulation of the whole British army; the principal article of which was, that the troops were to have a free passage to Britain, on condition of not serving against America during the war. On this occasion, General Gates ordered his army to keep within their camp while the British soldiers went to a place appointed for them to lay down their arms, that the latter might not have the additional mortification of being made spectators of so melancholy an event. The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga amounted to 5750, according to the American accounts; the list of sick and wounded left in the camp when the army retreated to Saratoga, to 528; and the number of those lost by other accidents since the taking of Ticonderoga, to near 3000. Thirty-five brass field-pieces, 7000 stand of arms, clothing for an equal number of soldiers, with the tents, military-chest, &c., constituted the booty on this occasion.

Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had sailed up the North River, and destroyed the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with Fort Constitution, and another place called Continental Village, where were barracks for 2000 men. Seventy large cannon were carried away, besides a number of smaller artillery, and a great quantity of stores and ammunition; a large boom and chain reaching across the river from Fort Montgomery to a point of land called St Anthony's Nose, and which cost not less than L. 70,000 Sterling, were partly destroyed and partly carried away, as was also another boom of little less value at Fort Constitution. The loss of the British army was but small in number, though some officers of great merit were killed in the different attacks.

Another attack was made by Sir James Wallace with some frigates, and a body of land forces under General Vaughan. The place which now suffered was named Elopus; the fortifications were destroyed, and the town itself was reduced to ashes, as that called Continental Village had been before.

But these successes, of whatever importance they might be, were now disregarded by both parties. They served only to irritate the Americans, flushed with their success; and they were utterly insufficient to raise the spirits of the British, who were now thrown into the utmost dismay.

On the 16th of March 1778, Lord North intimated to the house of commons, that a paper had been laid before the king by the French ambassador, intimating the conclusion of an alliance between the court of France and the United States of America. The preliminaries of this treaty had been concluded in the end of the year 1777, and a copy of them sent to congress, in order to counteract any proposals that might be made in the mean time by the British ministry. On America, the 6th of February 1778, the articles were formally signed, to the great satisfaction of the French nation. They were in substance as follows:

1. If Great Britain should, in consequence of this treaty, proceed to hostilities against France, the two nations should mutually assist one another.

2. The main end of the treaty was in an effectual manner to maintain the independency of America.

3. Should those places of North America still subject to Britain be reduced by the colonies, they should be confederated with them, or subjected to their jurisdiction.

4. Should any of the West India islands be reduced by France, they should be deemed its property.

5. No formal treaty with Great Britain should be concluded either by France or America without the consent of each other; and it was mutually engaged that they should not lay down their arms till the independence of the States had been formally acknowledged.

6. The contracting parties mutually agreed to invite those powers that had received injuries from Great Britain to join the common cause.

7. The United States guaranteed to France all the possessions in the West Indies which she should conquer; and France in her turn guaranteed the absolute independency of the States, and their supreme authority over every country they possessed, or might acquire during the war.

The notification of such a treaty as this could not but be looked upon as a declaration of war. On its being announced to the house, every one agreed in an address to his majesty, promising to stand by him to the utmost in the present emergency; but it was warmly contended by the members in opposition, that the present ministry ought to be removed on account of their numberless blunders and miscarriages in every instance. Many were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the nation from its trouble was to acknowledge the independency of America at once; and thus we might still do with a good grace what must inevitably be done at last, after expending much more blood and treasure than had yet been lavished in this unhappy contest. The ministerial party, however, entertained different ideas. Indigated by zeal for the national honour, it was determined at once to resent the arrogance of France, and prosecute hostilities against America with more vigour than ever, should the terms now offered them be rejected.

The Americans, in the mean time, assiduously employed their agents at the courts of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, and Turkey, in order, if possible, to conclude to different alliances with them, or at least to procure an acknowledgment of their independency. As it had been reported that Britain intended to apply for assistance to Russia, the American commissioners were enjoined to use their utmost influence with the German princes to prevent such auxiliaries from marching through their territories, and to endeavour to procure the recall of the German troops already sent to America. To France they offered a cession of such West India islands as should be taken by the united strength of France and America; and should Britain by their joint endeavours be dispossessed of Newfoundland, Cape Breton, and Nova America. Nova Scotia, these territories should be divided betwixt the two nations, and Great Britain be totally excluded from the fishery. The proposals to the Spanish court were, that in case they should think proper to espouse their quarrel, the American States should affix in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of Spain, provided their subjects were allowed the free navigation of the river Mississippi, and the use of the harbour of Pensacola; and they further offered, that if agreeable to Spain, they would declare war against Portugal, should that power expel the American ships from its ports.

In the mean time, the troops under General Burgoyne were preparing to embark for Britain according to the convention at Saratoga; but to their utter surprise, congress positively refused to allow them to embark, under pretence that some sinister designs were harboured on the part of Britain, and that they only wanted an opportunity to join the other troops at Philadelphia or New York.

The season for action was now approaching; and congress was indefatigable in its preparations for a new campaign, which it was confidently said would be the last. Among other methods taken for this purpose, it was recommended to all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form themselves into bodies of cavalry to serve at their own expense during the war. General Washington at the same time, in order to remove all incumbrances from his army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by substituting packs and portmanteaus in place of chests and boxes, and using pack-horses instead of waggons.

On the other hand, the British army, expecting to be speedily reinforced by 20,000 men, thought of nothing but concluding the war according to their wishes before the end of the campaign. It was with the utmost concern, as well as indignation, therefore, that they received the news of Lord North's conciliatory bill. It was universally looked upon as a national disgrace; and some even tore the cockades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet as a token of their indignation. By the colonists it was received with indifference. The British commissioners endeavoured to make it as public as possible; and the congress, as formerly, ordered it to be printed in all the newspapers. On this occasion Governor Tryon inclosed several copies of the bill to General Washington in a letter, intreating that he would allow them to be circulated; to which that general returned an answer a copy of a newspaper in which the bill was printed, with the resolutions of congress upon it. These were, That whoever presumed to make a separate agreement with Britain should be deemed a public enemy; that the United States could not with any propriety keep correspondence with the commissioners until their independence was acknowledged, and the British fleets and armies removed from America. At the same time, the colonies were warned not to suffer themselves to be deceived into security by any offers that might be made; but to use their utmost endeavours to send their quotas with all diligence into the field. The individuals with whom the commissioners conversed on the subject of the conciliatory bill, generally returned for answer, that the day of reconciliation was past; and that the haughtiness of Britain had extinguished all filial regard in the breasts of the Americans.

About this time also Mr Silas Deane arrived from France with two copies of the treaty of commerce and alliance to be signed by congress. Advices of the most agreeable nature were also received from various parts, representing in the most favourable light the dispositions of the European powers; all of whom, it was said, wished to see the independence of America fettered upon the most firm and permanent basis. Considering the situation of matters with the colonists at this time, therefore, it is no wonder that the commissioners found themselves unable to accomplish the errand on which they came. Their proposals were utterly rejected, themselves treated as spies, and all intercourse with them interdicted.

But before any answer could be obtained from Philadelphia congress, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the resolution of evacuating Philadelphia. Accordingly, on the 10th of June, after having made all necessary preparations, the army marched out of the city and crossed the Delaware before noon with all its baggage and other incumbrances. General Washington, apprised of this design, had dispatched expresses into the Jerseys with orders to collect all the force that could be assembled in order to obstruct the march of the enemy. After various movements on both sides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived on the 27th of June at a place called Freehold; where, judging that the enemy would attack him, he encamped in a very strong situation. Here General Washington determined to make an attack as soon as the army had again begun its march. The night was spent in making the necessary preparations, and General Lee with his division was ordered to be ready by daybreak. But Sir Henry Clinton, justly apprehending that the chief object of the enemy was the baggage, committed it to the care of General Knyphausen, whom he ordered to set out early in the morning, while he followed with the rest of the army. The attack was accordingly made; but the British general had taken such care to arrange his troops properly, and so effectually supported his forces when engaged with the Americans, that the latter not only made no impression, but were with difficulty preserved from a total defeat by the advance of General Washington with the whole army. The British troops effected their retreat with the loss of 300 men, of whom many died through mere fatigue, without any wound. In this action General Lee was charged by General Washington with disobedience and misconduct in retreating before the British army. He was tried by a court-martial, and sentenced to a temporary suspension from his command. After they had arrived at Sandy Hook, a bridge of boats was by Lord Howe's directions thrown from thence over the channel which separated the island from the mainland, and the troops were conveyed aboard the fleet; after which they sailed to New York. After sending some light detachments to watch the enemy's motions, General Washington marched towards the North River, where a great force had been collected to join him, and where it was now expected that some very capital operations would take place.

In the mean time, France had set about her preparations for the assistance of the Americans. On the 14th of April Count d'Estaing had sailed from Toulon America. Ion with a strong squadron of ships of the line and frigates, and arrived on the coast of Virginia in the beginning of July, while the British fleet was employed in conveying the forces from Sandy Hook to New York. It consisted of one ship of 90 guns, one of 80, five of 74, and four of 64, besides several large frigates; and, exclusive of its complement of sailors, had 6000 marines and soldiers on board. To oppose this the British had only six ships of 64 guns, three of 50, and two of 40, with some frigates and sloops. Notwithstanding this inferiority, however, the British admiral posted himself to advantageously, and showed such superior skill, that d'Eftaing did not think proper to attack him. He therefore remained at anchor four miles off Sandy Hook till the 22d of July, without effecting anything more than the capture of some vessels, which, through ignorance of his arrival, fell into his hands.

The next attempt of the French admiral was, in conjunction with the Americans, on Rhode Island. It was proposed that d'Eftaing, with the 6000 troops he had with him, should make a descent on the southern part of the island, while a body of the Americans should take possession of the north; at the same time the French Squadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, and take and destroy all the British shipping. On the 8th of August the French admiral entered the harbour as was proposed, but found himself unable to do any material damage. Lord Howe, however, instantly set sail for Rhode Island; and d'Eftaing, confident in his superiority, immediately came out of the harbour to attack him. A violent storm parted the two fleets, and did so much damage that they were rendered totally unfit for action. The French, however, suffered most; and several of their ships being afterwards attacked singly by the British, very narrowly escaped being taken. On the 20th of August he returned to Newport in a very shattered condition; and, not thinking himself safe there, failed two days after for Boston. General Sullivan had landed in the mean time on the northern part of Rhode Island with 10,000 men. On the 17th of August they began their operations by erecting batteries, and making their approaches to the British lines. But General Pigot, who commanded in Newport, had taken such effectual care to secure himself on the land-side, that without the assistance of a marine force it was altogether impossible to attack him with any probability of success. The conduct of d'Eftaing, therefore, who had abandoned them when matter of the harbour, gave the greatest difficulty to the people of New England, and Sullivan began to think of a retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrison fell back upon him with so much vigour, that it was not without difficulty that he effected his retreat. He had not been long gone when Sir Henry Clinton arrived with a body of 4000 men; which, had it arrived sooner, would have enabled the British commander to have gained a decisive advantage over him, as well as to have destroyed the town of Providence, which, by its vicinity to Rhode Island, and the enterprises which were continually projected and carried on in that place, kept the inhabitants of Rhode Island in continual alarms.

The first British expedition was to Buzzard's Bay, on the coast of New England and neighbourhood of Rhode Island. Here they destroyed a great number of privateers and merchantmen, magazines, with storehouses, &c.; whence proceeding to a fertile and populous island called Martha's Vineyard, they carried off 10,000 sheep and 500 black cattle. Another expedition took place up the North River, the British under Lord Cornwallis and General Knyphausen; the principal event of which was the destruction of a regiment of American cavalry known by the name of Washington's Light Horse. A third expedition was directed to Little Egg Harbour in New Jersey, a place noted for privateers, the destruction of which was its principal intention. It was conducted by Captains Ferguson and Collins, and ended in the destruction of the enemy's vessels, as well as of the place itself. At the same time part of another body of American troops, called Pulaski's Legion, was surprised, and a great number of them put to the sword.

The Americans had in the beginning of the year projected the conquest of West Florida; and one Captain Willing, with a party of resolute men, had made Georgia a successful incursion into the country. This awakened the attention of the British to the southern colonies, and an expedition against them was resolved on. Georgia was the place of destination; and the more effectually to ensure success, Colonel Campbell, with a sufficient force, under convoy of some ships of war, commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker, embarked at New York, while General Prevost, who commanded in East Florida, was directed to set out with all the force he could spare. The armament from New York arrived off the coast of Georgia in the month of December; and though the enemy were very strongly posted in an advantageous situation on the shore, the British troops made good their landing, and advanced towards Savannah the capital of the province. That very day they defeated the force of the provincials which opposed them; and took possession of the town with such celerity, that the Americans had not time to execute a resolution they had taken of setting it on fire. In ten days the whole province of Georgia was re-taken, Sunbury alone excepted; and this was also possession brought under subjection by General Prevost in his march northward. Every proper method was taken to secure the tranquillity of the country; and rewards were offered for apprehending committee and assemblymen, or such as they judged most inimical to the British interests. On the arrival of General Prevost, the command of the troops naturally devolved on him as the senior officer; and the conquest of Carolina was next projected.

In this attempt there was no small probability of Carolina in success. The country contained a great number of friends to government, who now eagerly embraced the opportunity of declaring themselves; many of the inhabitants of Georgia had joined the royal standard; and there was not in the province any considerable body of provincial forces capable of opposing the efforts of regular and well-disciplined troops. On the first news of General Prevost's approach, the loyalists assembled in a body, imagining themselves able to stand their ground until their allies should arrive; but in this they were disappointed. The Americans attacked and defeated them with the loss of half their number. The remainder retreated into Georgia; and after undergoing America, dergoing many difficulties, at last effected a junction with the British forces.

In the mean time, General Lincoln, with a considerable body of American troops, had encamped within 20 miles of the town of Savannah; and another strong party had posted themselves at a place called Briar's Creek, farther up the river of the same name. Thus the extent of the British government was likely to be circumscribed within very narrow bounds. General Prevost therefore determined to dislodge the party at Briar's Creek; and the latter, trusting to their strong situation, and being reinf in their guard, suffered themselves to be surprised on the 30th of March 1779; when they were utterly routed with the loss of 400 killed and taken, besides a great number drowned in the river or the swamps. The whole artillery, stores, baggage, and almost all the arms, of this unfortunate party were taken, so that they could no more make any stand; and thus the province of Georgia was once more freed from the enemy, and a communication opened with those places in Carolina where the royalists chiefly resided.

The victory at Briar's Creek proved of considerable service to the British cause. Great numbers of the loyalists joined his army, and considerably increased its force. Hence he was enabled to stretch his posts further up the river, and to guard all the principal passes; so that General Lincoln was reduced to a state of inaction; and at last moved off towards Augusta, in order to protect the provincial assembly, which was obliged to fit in that place, the capital being now in the hands of the British.

Lincoln had no sooner quitted his post, than it was judged a proper time by the British general to put into execution the grand scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Many difficulties indeed lay in his way. The river Savannah was so swollen by the excessive rains of the season, that it seemed impassable; the opposite shore, for a great way, was so full of swamps and marshes, that no army could march over it without the greatest difficulty; and, to render the passage still more difficult, General Moultrie was left with a considerable body of troops in order to oppose the enemy's attempts. But in spite of every opposition, the constancy and perseverance of the British forces at last prevailed. General Moultrie was defeated, and obliged to retire towards Charlestown; and the victorious army, after having waded through the marshes for some time, at last arrived in an open country, through which they pursued their march with great rapidity towards the capital; while General Lincoln remained in a state of fecundity at Augusta, vainly imagining that the obstacles he had left in the way could not be surmounted.

Certain intelligence of the danger to which Charlestown was exposed, at last aroused the American general from his lethargy. A chosen body of infantry, mounted on horseback for the greater expedition, was dispatched before him; while Lincoln himself followed with all the forces he could collect. General Moultrie too, with the troops he had brought from the Savannah, and some others he had collected since his retreat from thence, had taken possession of all the avenues leading to Charlestown, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But all opposition proved ineffectual. The Americans were defeated in every encounter; and retreating continually, allowed the British army to come within cannon shot of Charlestown on the 12th of May.

The town was now summoned to surrender, and the inhabitants would gladly have agreed to observe a neutrality during the rest of the war, and would have engaged also for the rest of the province. But these terms not being accepted, they made preparations for a vigorous defence. It was not, however, in the power of the British commander at this time to make an attack with any prospect of success. His artillery was too weak; there were no ships to support his attack by land; and General Lincoln advancing rapidly with a superior army, threatened to inclose him between his own force and the town; so that should he fail in his first attempt, certain destruction would be the consequence. For these reasons he withdrew his forces from before the town, and took possession of two islands called St James's and St John's, lying to the southward; where having waited some time, his force was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. With these he determined to make himself master of Port Royal, another island possessed of an excellent harbour and many other natural advantages, from its situation also commanding all the sea-coast from Charlestown to Savannah River. The American general, however, did not allow this to be accomplished without opposition. Perceiving that his opponent had occupied an advantageous position on St John's island preparatory to his enterprise against Port Royal, he attempted, on the 20th of June, to dislodge him from it; but after an obstinate attack, the provincials were, as usual, obliged to retire with considerable loss. On this occasion the success of the British arms was in a great measure owing to an armed float; which galled the right flank of the enemy to effectually, that they could direct their efforts only against the strongest part of the lines, which proved impregnable to their attacks. This disappointment was instantly followed by the loss of Port Royal, which General Prevost took possession of, and put his troops into proper stations, waiting for the arrival of such reinforcements as were necessary for the intended attack on Charlestown.

In the mean time Count D'E斯塔ing, who, as we have already observed, had put into Bolton harbour to recruit, had used his utmost efforts to ingratiate himself with the inhabitants of that city. Zealous also in the cause of his master, he had published a proclamation to be dispersed through Canada, inviting the people to return to their original friendship with France, and declaring that all who renounced their allegiance to Great Britain should certainly find a protector in the king of France. All his endeavours, however, proved insufficient at this time to produce any revolution, or even to form a party of any consequence among the Canadians.

As soon as the French admiral had refitted his fleet, he took the opportunity, while that of Admiral Byron was shattered by a storm, of sailing to the West Indies. During his operations there, the Americans having represented his conduct as totally unserviceable to them, he received orders from Europe to assist the colonies with all possible speed.

In compliance with these orders, he directed his course towards Georgia, with a design to recover that province. province out of the hands of the enemy, and to put it, as well as South Carolina, in such a posture of defence as would effectually secure them from any future attack. This seemed to be an easy matter, from the little force with which he knew he should be opposed; and the next object in contemplation was no less than the destruction of the British fleet and army at New York, and their total expulsion from the continent of America. Full of these hopes, the French commander arrived off the coast of Georgia with a fleet of 22 sail of the line and 10 large frigates. His arrival was so little expected, that several vessels laden with provisions and military stores fell into his hands; the Experiment also, a vessel of 50 guns, commanded by Sir James Wallace, was taken after a stout resistance. On the continent, the British troops were divided. General Prevost, with an inconsiderable part, remained at Savannah; but the main force was under Colonel Maitland at Port Royal. On the first appearance of the French fleet, an express was dispatched to Colonel Maitland; but it was intercepted by the enemy; so that before he could set out in order to join the commander in chief, the Americans had secured most of the passes by land, while the French fleet effectually blocked up the passage by sea. But, by taking advantage of creeks and inlets, and marching over land, he arrived just in time to relieve Savannah.

D'Eftaing, after making a gasconade of what had happened at St Vincents and Grenada, had allowed General Prevost 24 hours to deliberate whether he should capitulate or not. This time the general employed in making the best preparations he could for a defence; and during this time it was that Colonel Maitland arrived. D'Eftaing's summons was now rejected; and as on this occasion the superiority of the enemy was by no means so much out of proportion as it had been at Grenada, there was every probability of success on the part of the British. The garrison now consisted of 3000 men, all of approved valour and experience, while the united force of the French and Americans did not amount to 10,000. The event was answerable to the expectations of the British general. Having the advantage of a strong fortification and excellent engineers, the fire of the allies made so little impression, that D'Eftaing resolved to bombard the town, and a battery of nine mortars was erected for the purpose. This produced a request from General Prevost, that the women and children might be allowed to retire to a place of safety. But the allied commanders had the inhumanity to refuse compliance; and they resolved to give a general assault. This was accordingly attempted on the 9th of October; but the assailants were everywhere repulsed with such slaughter, that 1200 were killed and wounded; among the former were Count Polaski; and among the latter was D'Eftaing himself.

This disaster entirely overthrew the sanguine hopes of the Americans and French; mutual reproaches and animosities took place in the most violent degree; and after waiting eight days longer, both parties prepared for a retreat; the French to their shipping, and the Americans into Carolina.

While the allies were thus unsuccessfully employed in the Southern colonies, their antagonists were no less assiduous in distressing them in the northern parts. Sir George Collier was sent with a fleet, carrying on board General Matthews, with a body of land forces, into the province of Virginia. Their first attempt was on the town of Portsmouth; expeditions where, though the enemy had destroyed some ships against the great value, the British troops arrived in time to save northern provinces. On this occasion about 120 American vessels of different sizes were burnt, and 20 carried off; and an immense quantity of provisions designed for the use of General Washington's army was either destroyed or carried off, together with a great variety of naval and military stores. The fleet and army returned with little or no loss to New York.

The success with which this expedition was attended, soon gave encouragement to attempt another. The Americans had for some time been employed in the erection of two strong forts on the river; the one at Verplank's Neck on the east, and the other at Stony Point on the west side. These when completed would have been of the utmost service to the Americans, as commanding the principal pass, called the King's Ferry, between the northern and southern colonies. At present, however, they were not in a condition to make any effectual defence; and it was therefore determined to attack them before the works should be completed. The force employed on this occasion was divided into two bodies; one of which directed its course against Verplanks, and the other against Stony Point. The former was commanded by General Vaughan, the latter by General Pattison, while the shipping was under the direction of Sir George Collier. General Vaughan met with no resistance, the enemy abandoning their works, and setting fire to every thing combustible that they could not carry off. At Stony Point, however, a vigorous defence was made, though the garrison was at last obliged to capitulate upon honourable conditions. To secure the possession of this last, which was the more important of the two, General Clinton removed from his former situation, and encamped in such a manner that Washington could not give any assistance. The Americans, however, revenged themselves by fireships, with their numerous privateers, the trade to New York.

This occasioned a third expedition to Connecticut, where these privateers were chiefly built and harboured. The command was given to Governor Tryon and to General Garth, an officer of known valour and experience. Under convoy of a considerable number of armed vessels they landed at Newhaven, where they demolished the batteries that had been erected to oppose them, and destroyed the shipping and naval stores; but they spared the town itself, as the inhabitants had abstained from firing out of their houses upon the troops. From Newhaven they marched to Fairfield, where they proceeded as before, reducing the town also to ashes. Norwalk was next attacked, which in like manner was reduced to ashes; as was also Greenfield, a small seaport in the neighbourhood.

These successes proved very alarming as well as detrimental to the Americans; so that General Washington determined at all events to drive the enemy from Stony Point. For this purpose he sent Gen. Wayne with a detachment of chosen men, directing them to attempt the recovery of it by surprise. On this occasion the Americans showed a spirit and resolution exceeding... ceeding anything they had performed during the course of the war. Though after the capture of it by the British the fortifications of this place had been completed, and were very strong, they attacked the enemy with bayonets, after passing through a heavy fire of musketry and grape shot; and in spite of all opposition, obliged the surviving part of the garrison, amounting to 500 men, to surrender themselves prisoners of war.

Though the Americans did not at present attempt to retain possession of Stony Point, the success they had met with in the enterprise emboldened them to make a similar attempt on Paulus Hook, a fortified post on the Jersey side opposite to New York; but in this they were not attended with equal success, being obliged to retire with precipitation after they had made themselves matters of one or two posts.

Another expedition of greater importance was now projected on the part of the Americans. This was against a post on the river Penobscot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the British had lately taken possession, and where they had begun to erect a fort which threatened to be a very great inconvenience to the colonists. The armament destined against it was soon got in readiness, that Colonel Maclean, the commanding officer at Penobscot, found himself obliged to drop the execution of part of his scheme; and instead of a regular fort, to content himself with putting the works already constructed in as good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans could not effect a landing without a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the guns of their largest vessels to bear upon the shore. As soon as this was done, however, they erected several batteries, and kept up a brisk fire for the space of a fortnight; after which they proposed to give a general assault; but before this could be effected, they perceived Sir George Collier with a British fleet sailing up the river to attack them. On this they instantly embarked their artillery and military stores, sailing up the river as far as possible in order to avoid him. They were so closely pursued, however, that not a single vessel could escape; so that the whole fleet, consisting of 19 armed vessels and 24 transports, was destroyed; most of them indeed being blown up by themselves. The soldiers and sailors were obliged to wander through immense deserts, where they suffered much for want of provisions; and to add to their calamities, a quarrel broke out between the soldiers and seamen concerning the cause of their disaster, which ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number were killed.

Thus the arms of America and France being almost everywhere unsuccessful, the independency of the former seemed yet to be in danger notwithstanding the alliance of so powerful an ally, when further encouragement was given by the accession of Spain to the confederacy against Britain in the month of June 1779. The first effect of this appeared in an invasion of West Florida by the Spaniards in September 1779. As the country was in no state of defence, the enemy easily made themselves masters of the whole almost without opposition. Their next enterprise were against the Bay of Honduras, where the British logwood-cutters were settled. These finding themselves too weak to resist, applied to the governor of Jamaica for relief; who sent them a supply of men, ammunition, and military stores, under Captain Dalrymple. Before the arrival of this detachment, the principal settlement in those parts, called St George's Key, had been taken by the Spaniards and retaken by the British. In his way Captain Dalrymple fell in with a squadron from Admiral Parker in search of some recaptured ships richly laden; but which retreating into the harbour of Omoa, were too strongly protected by the fort to be attacked with safety. A project was then formed, in conjunction with the people of Honduras, to reduce this fort, taken by the design was to surprise it; but the Spaniards having discovered them, they were obliged to fight. Victory quickly declared for the British; but the fortifications were so strong, that the artillery they had brought along with them were found too light to make any impression. It was then determined to try the success of an escalade; and this was executed with so much spirit, that the Spaniards stood astonished without making any resistance, and, in spite of all the efforts of the officers, threw down their arms and surrendered. The spoil was immense, being valued at three millions of dollars. The Spaniards chiefly lamented the loss of 250 quintals of quicksilver; a commodity indispensable necessary in the working of their gold and silver mines, so that they offered to ransom it at any price; but this was refused, as well as the ransom of the fort, though the governor offered 300,000 dollars for it. A small garrison was left for the defence of the place; but it was quickly attacked by a superior force, and obliged to evacuate it, though they not without destroying every thing that could be of use to the enemy; spiking the guns, and even locking the gates of the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was done in sight of the besiegers; after which the garrison embarked without the loss of a man.

As no operations of any consequence took place this year in the province of New York, the congress made take vengeance on the Indians, with a considerable force, in order to take vengeance on the Indians for their ravages and depredations; and the object of the expedition was, not merely the reduction of them, but if possible their utter extirpation. Of this the Indians were apprised; and collecting all their strength, resolved to come to a decisive engagement. Accordingly they took a strong post in the most woody and mountainous part of the country; erecting a breast-work in their front of large logs of wood extending half a mile in length, while their right flank was covered by a river, and the left by a hill of difficult access. This advantageous position they had taken by the advice of the refugees who were among them, and of whom 200 or 300 were present in the battle.

Thus posted, the Indians waited the approach of the American army; but the latter having brought some artillery along with them, played it against the breast-work of the enemy with such success, that in two hours it was almost destroyed; and at the same time a party having reached the top of the hill, they became apprehensive of being surrounded, on which they instantly fled with precipitation, leaving a great number of killed and wounded behind them. The Americans after this battle met with no further resistance of any consequence. They were suffered to proceed without interruption, and to execute in the most ample... ple manner the vengeance they had projected. On entering the country of the Indians, it appeared that they had been acquainted with agriculture and the arts of peace far beyond what had been supposed. From General Sullivan's account it was learned, that the Indian houses were large, convenient, and even elegant; their grounds were excellently cultivated, and their gardens abounded in fruit-trees and vegetables of all kinds fit for food. The whole of this fine country was now by the American general converted into a desert. Forty towns and settlements, besides scattered habitations, were demolished; the fields of corn, the orchards, the plantations, were utterly laid waste; all the fruit-trees were cut down; and so great had been the industry of the Indians, that in one orchard 1500 of these were destroyed. The quantity of corn wasted on this occasion was supposed to amount to 160,000 bushels. In short, such was the desolation, that on the American army's leaving the country, not a house, nor a field of corn, nor a fruit-tree, was left upon the ground, nor was an Indian to be seen throughout the whole track.

We must now take a view of the transactions in the southern colonies; to which the war was, in the year 1780, so effectually transferred, that the operations there became at last decisive. The success of General Prevost in advancing to the very capital of South Carolina has been already related, together with the obstructions which prevented him from becoming master of it at that time. Towards the end of the year 1779, however, Sir Henry Clinton set sail from New York with a considerable body of troops, intended for the attack of Charlestown, South Carolina, in a fleet of ships of war and transports under the command of Vice-admiral Arbuthnot. They had a very tedious voyage; the weather was uncommonly bad; several of the transports were lost, as were also the greater part of the horses which they carried with them, intended for cavalry or other public uses; and an ordnance-ship likewise foundered at sea. Having arrived at Savannah, where they endeavoured to repair the damages sustained on their voyage, they proceeded from thence on the 10th of February 1780 to North Edisto, the place of embarkation which had been previously appointed. They had a favourable and speedy passage thither; and though it required time to have the bar explored and the channel marked, the transports all entered the harbour the next day; and the army took possession of John's island without opposition. Preparations were then made for passing the squadron over Charlestown bar, where the high-water spring-tides were only 19 feet deep; but no opportunity offered of going into the harbour till the 20th of March, when it was effected without any accident, though the American galleys continually attempted to prevent the English boats from founding the channel. The British troops had previously removed from John's to James's island; and on the 29th of the same month they effected their landing on Charlestown neck. On the 1st of April they broke ground within 800 yards of the American works; and by the 8th the besiegers guns were mounted in battery.

As soon as the army began to erect their batteries against the town, Admiral Arbuthnot embraced the first favourable opportunity of passing Sullivan's island, upon which there was a strong fort of batteries, the chief defence of the harbour. He weighed on the 9th, with the Roebuck, Richmond, and Romulus, Blonde, Virginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed ship, the Renown bringing up the rear; and, passing through a severe fire, anchored in about two hours James's island, with the loss of 27 seamen killed and wounded. The Richmond's fore-topmast was shot away, and the ships in general sustained damage in their masts and rigging, though not materially in their hulls. But the Acetus transport, having on board some naval stores, grounded within gun-shot of Sullivan's island, and received so much damage that she was obliged to be abandoned and burnt.

On the 10th, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot summoned the town to surrender to his majesty's arms; but Major-general Lincoln, who commanded in Charlestown, returned them an answer, declaring it to be his intention to defend the place. The batteries were now opened against the town; and from their effect the fire of the American advanced works considerably abated. It appears that the number of troops under the command of Lincoln were by far too few for defending works of such extent as those of Charlestown; and that many of these were men little accustomed to military service, and very ill provided with clothes and other necessaries. Lincoln had been for some time expecting reinforcements and supplies from Virginia and other places; but they came in very slowly. Earl Cornwallis, and Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton under him, were also extremely active in intercepting such reinforcements and supplies as were sent to the American general. They totally defeated a considerable body of cavalry and militia which was proceeding to the relief of the town; and also made them, their relief selves masters of some posts which gave them in a great degree the command of the country, by which means great supplies of provisions fell into their hands.

Such was the state of things, and Fort Sullivan had also been taken by the king's troops, when on the 18th of May General Clinton again summoned the town to surrender; an offer being made, as had been done before, that if they surrendered, the lives and property of the inhabitants should be preserved to them. Articles of capitulation were then proposed by General Lincoln; but the terms were not agreed to by General Clinton. At length, however, the town being closely invested on all sides, and the preparations to storm it in every part being in great forwardness, and the ships ready to move to the assault, General Lincoln, who had been applied to for that purpose by the inhabitants, surrendered it on such articles of capitulation as General Clinton had before agreed to. This surrender was on the 4th of May, which was one month and two days after the town had been first summoned to surrender.

A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and ammunition, was found in Charlestown; and, according to Sir Henry Clinton's account, the number of prisoners taken in Charlestown amounted to 5618 men, exclusively of near a thousand sailors in arms; but according to General Lincoln's account transmitted to the congress, the whole number of continental troops taken prisoners amounted to no more than 2487. The remainder, therefore, included in General Clinton's account, account, must have consisted of militia and inhabitants of the town. Several American frigates were also taken or destroyed in the harbour of Charlestown.

The loss of Charlestown evidently excited a considerable alarm in America; and their popular writers, particularly the author of the celebrated performance entitled Common Sense, in some other pieces made use of it as a powerful argument to lead them to more vigorous exertions against Great Britain, that they might the more effectually and certainly secure their independence.

While Sir Henry Clinton was employed in his voyage to Charlestown, and in the siege of that place, the garrison at New York seem not to have been wholly free from apprehensions for their own safety. An intense frost, accompanied with great falls of snow, began about the middle of December 1779, and shut up the navigation of the port of New York from the sea, within a few days after the departure of Admiral Arbuthnot and General Clinton. The severity of the weather increased to so great a degree, that towards the middle of January all communications with New York by water were entirely cut off, and as many new ones opened by the ice. The inhabitants could scarcely be said to be in an insular state. Horses with heavy carriages could go over the ice into the Jerseys from one island to another. The passage in the North River, even in the widest part from New York to Paulus Hook, which was 2000 yards, was about the 19th of January practicable for the heaviest cannon; an event which had been unknown in the memory of man. Provisions were soon after transported upon sledges, and a detachment of cavalry marched upon the ice from New York to Staten Island, which was a distance of 11 miles.

The city of New York being thus circumstanced, was considered as much exposed to the attacks from the continental troops; and it was strongly reported that General Washington was meditating a great stroke upon New York with his whole force, by different attacks. Some time before this, Major-general Pattison, commandant at New York, having received an address from many of the inhabitants, offering to put themselves in military array, he thought the present a favourable opportunity of trying the sincerity of their professions. Accordingly he issued a proclamation, calling upon all the male inhabitants from 16 to 60 to take up arms. The requisition was to readily complied with, that in a few days 40 companies from the six wards of the city were enrolled, officered, and under arms, to the number of 2600, many substantial citizens serving in the ranks of each company. Other volunteer companies were formed; and the city was put into a very strong posture of defence.

No attack, however, was made upon New York, whatever design might originally have been meditated; but an attempt was made upon Staten Island, where there were about 1800 men, under the command of Brigadier-general Sterling, who were well entrenched. General Washington, whose army was huddled at Morris-Town, sent a detachment of 2700 men, with six pieces of cannon, two mortars, and some horses, commanded by Lord Sterling, who arrived at Staten Island early in the morning of the 15th of January. The advanced posts of the British troops retired upon the approach of the Americans, who formed the line, and made some movements in the course of the day; but they withdrew in the night, after having burnt one house, pillaged some others, due to and carried off with them about 200 head of cattle.

Immediately on the arrival of the Americans on Staten Island, Lieutenant-general Knyphausen had embarked 600 men to attempt a passage, and to support General Sterling; but the floating ice compelled them to return. It is, however, imagined, that the appearance of these transports, with the British troops on board, which the Americans could see towards the close of the day, induced the latter to make so precipitate a retreat.

After Charlestown had surrendered to the king's troops, General Clinton issued two proclamations, and by also circulated a hand-bill amongst the inhabitants of South Carolina, in order to induce them to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to join the king's troops. It was said, that the helping hand of every man was wanted to re-establish peace and good government; and that as the commander in chief wished not to draw the king's friends into danger, while any doubt could remain of their success; so now that this was certain, he trusted that one and all would heartily join, and by a general concurrence give effect to such necessary measures for that purpose as from time to time might be pointed out. Those who had families were to form a militia to remain at home, and occasionally to assemble in their own districts, when required, under officers of their own choosing, for the maintenance of peace and good order. Those who had no families, and who could conveniently be spared for a time, it was presumed, would cheerfully affit his majesty's troops in driving their oppressors, acting under the authority of congress, and all the miseries of war, far from that colony. For this purpose it was said to be necessary that the young men should be ready to assemble when required, and to serve with the king's troops for any five months of the ensuing twelve that might be found requisite, under proper regulations. They might choose officers to each company to command them; and were to be allowed, when on service, pay, ammunition, and provisions, in the same manner as the king's troops. When they joined the army, each man was to be furnished with a certificate, declaring that he was only engaged to serve as a militia-man for the time specified; that he was not to be marched beyond North Carolina and Georgia; and that, when the time was out, he was freed from all claims whatever of military service, excepting the common and usual militia-duty where he lived. He would then, it was said, have paid his debt to his country, and be intitled to enjoy undisturbed that peace, liberty, and property, at home, which he had contributed to secure. The proclamations and publications of General Clinton appear to have produced some effect in South Carolina; though they probably operated chiefly upon those who were before not much inclined to the cause of American independence. Two hundred and ten of the inhabitants of Charlestown signed an address to General Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, soliciting to be readmitted to the character and condition of British subjects, the inhabitants of that city having been hitherto considered as prisoners on parole; declaring... their disapprobation of the doctrine of American independence; and expressing their regret, that after the repeal of those statutes which gave rise to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his majesty's commissioners had not been regarded by the congress. Sir Henry Clinton, in one of the proclamations issued at this time, declared, that if any persons should thenceforward appear in arms in order to prevent the establishment of his majesty's government in that country, or should under any pretence or authority whatsoever attempt to compel any other person or persons to do so, or who should hinder or intimidate the king's faithful and loyal subjects from joining his forces or otherwise performing those duties their allegiance required, such persons should be treated with the utmost severity, and their estates be immediately seized in order to be confiscated.

Meantime the ravages of war did not prevent the Americans from paying some attention to the arts of peace. On the 4th of May an act passed by the council and house of representatives of Massachusetts Bay for incorporating and establishing a society for the cultivation and promotion of the arts and sciences. See Academy, p. 43, col. 2.

Some doubts having arisen in the congress, towards the close of the preceding year, about the propriety of their assembling in the city of Philadelphia, it was now resolved that they should continue to meet there; and a committee of three members was appointed, to report a proper place where buildings might be provided for the reception of the congress, together with an estimate of the expense of providing such buildings and the necessary offices for the several boards. It was also resolved by the congress, that a monument should be erected to the memory of their late general Richard Montgomery, who fell at Quebec, in testimony of his signal and important services to the United States of America, with an inscription expressive of his amiable character and heroic achievements; and that the continental treasurers should be directed to advance a sum not exceeding £300 to Dr Franklin to defray the expense; that gentleman being desired to cause the monument to be executed at Paris, or in some other part of France. It was likewise resolved by the congress, that a court should be established for the trial of all appeals from the court of admiralty of the United States of America, in cases of capture; to consist of three judges, appointed and commissioned by congress, and who were to take an oath of office; and that the trials in this court should be determined by the usage of nations.

The difficulties of the congress and of the people of America had been greatly increased by the depreciation of their paper currency. At the time when the colonies engaged in a war with Great Britain, they had no regular civil governments established among them of sufficient energy to enforce the collection of taxes, or to provide funds for the redemption of such bills of credit as their necessities obliged them to issue. In consequence of this state of things, their bills increased in quantity far beyond the sum necessary for the purpose of a circulating medium: and as they wanted at the same time specific funds to rely on for their redemption, they saw their paper-currency daily sink in value. The depreciation continued, by a kind of gradual progression, from the year 1777 to 1780: so that, at the latter period, the continental dollars were paid, by common consent, in most parts of America, at the rate of at least 50% below their nominal value. The impossibility of keeping up the credit of the currency to any fixed standard, occasioned great and almost insurmountable embarrassments in ascertaining the value of property, or carrying on trade with any sufficient certainty. Those who sold, and those who bought, were left without a rule whereon to form a judgment of their profit or their loss; and every species of commerce or exchange, whether foreign or domestic, was exposed to numberless and increasing difficulties. The consequences of the depreciation of the paper-currency were also felt with peculiar severity by such of the Americans as were engaged in their military services, and greatly augmented their other hardships. The requisitions made by the congress to the several colonies for supplies, were also far from being always regularly complied with; and their troops were not unfrequently in want of the most common necessaries; which naturally occasioned complaints and discontent among them. Some of these difficulties, resulting from their circumstances and situation, perhaps no wisdom could have prevented; but they seem to have arisen in part from the congress not being sufficiently acquainted with the principles of finance, and from a defect of system in the departments of their government. The cause of the Americans appears also to have suffered somewhat by their depending too much on temporary enlistments. But the congress endeavoured, towards the close of the year 1780, to put their army upon a more permanent footing, and to give all the satisfaction to their officers and soldiers which their circumstances would permit. They appointed a committee for arranging their finances, and made some new regulations respecting their war-office and treasury-board, and other public departments.

Notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured, the Americans seemed to entertain no doubts but that they should be able to maintain their independence. The 4th of July was celebrated this year at celebrated Philadelphia with some pomp, as the anniversary of American independence. A commencement for conferring degrees in the arts was held the same day, in the hall of the university there; at which the president and members of the congress attended, and other persons in public offices. The Chevalier De la Lucerne, minister plenipotentiary from the French king to the United States, was also present on the occasion. A charge was publicly addressed by the provost of the university to the students; in which he said, that he could not but congratulate them "on that auspicious day, which, amidst the confusions and defalcations of war, beheld learning beginning to revive; and animated them with the pleasing prospect of seeing the sacred lamp of science burning with a still brighter flame, and flattering its invigorating rays over the unexplored deserts of that extensive continent; until the whole world should be involved in the united blaze of knowledge, liberty, and religion." When he stretched his views forward (he said), and surveyed the rising glories of America, the enriching consequences of their determined strug- gle for liberty, the extensive fields of intellectual improvement and useful invention, in science and arts, in agriculture and commerce, in religion and government, through which the unfettered mind would range, with increasing delight, in quest of the undiscovered treasure which yet lay concealed in the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms of that new world; or in the other fertile sources of knowledge with which it abounded. His heart swelled with the pleasing prospect, that the sons of that institution would dithers with themselves, in the different walks of life, by their literary contributions to the embellishment and increase of human happiness."

On the 10th of July, M. Ternay, with a fleet consisting of seven ships of the line, besides frigates, and a large body of French troops, commanded by the Count de Rochambeau, arrived at Rhode Island; and the following day 6000 men were landed there. A committee from the general assembly of Rhode Island was appointed to congratulate the French general upon his arrival: whereupon he returned an answer, in which he informed them, that the king his master had sent him to the assistance of his good and faithful allies the United States of America. At present, he said, he only brought over the vanguard of a much greater force destined for their aid; and the king had ordered him to assure them, that his whole power should be exerted for their support. He added, that the French troops were under the strictest discipline; and, acting under the orders of General Washington, would live with the Americans as their brethren.

A scheme was soon after formed, of making a combined attack with English ships and troops, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, against the French fleet and troops at Rhode Island. Accordingly a considerable part of the troops at New York were embarked for that purpose. General Washington having received information of this, palled the North River, by a very rapid movement, and, with an army increased to 12,000 men, proceeded with celerity towards King's Bridge, in order to attack New York; but learning that the British general had changed his intentions, and disembarked his troops on the 3rd of the month, General Washington recrossed the river, and returned to his former station. Sir Henry Clinton and the Admiral had agreed to relinquish their design of attacking the French and Americans at Rhode Island as impracticable for the present.

An unsuccessful attempt was also made about this time in the Jerseys by General Knyphausen, with 7000 British troops under his command, to surprise the advanced posts of General Washington's army. They proceeded very rapidly towards Springfield, meeting little opposition till they came to the bridge there, which was very gallantly defended by 170 of the continental troops, for 15 minutes, against the British army; but they were at length obliged to give up to unequal a contest, with the loss of 37 men. After securing this pass, the British troops marched into the place, and set fire to most of the houses. They also committed some other depredations in the Jerseys; but gained no laurels there, being obliged to return about the beginning of July without effecting anything material.

But in South Carolina the royal arms were attended with more success. Earl Cornwallis, who commanded the British troops there, obtained a very signal victory over General Gates on the 16th of August. The action began at break of day, in a situation very advantageous for the British troops, but very unfavourable to the Americans. The latter were much more numerous; but the ground on which both armies stood obtained by was narrowed by swamps on the right and left, so that the Americans could not properly avail themselves of their superior numbers. There seems to have been some want of generalship in Gates, in suffering himself to be surprised in so disadvantageous a position; but this circumstance was partly the effect of accident; for both armies set out with a design of attacking each other precisely at the same time, at ten the preceding evening, and met together before daylight at the place where the action happened. The attack was made by the British troops with great vigour, and in a few minutes the action was general along the whole line. It was at this time a dead calm, with a little haze in the air, which prevented the smoke from rising, occasioned so thick a darkness, that it was difficult to see the effect of a very heavy and well-supported fire on both sides. The British troops either kept up a constant fire, or made use of bayonets, as opportunities offered; and after an obstinate resistance during three quarters of an hour, threw the Americans into total confusion, and forced them to give way in all quarters. The continental troops appear to have behaved well, but the militia were soon broken, and left the former to oppose the whole force of the British troops. General Gates did all in his power to rally the militia, but without effect: the continentals retreated in some order; but the rout of the militia was so great, that the British cavalry are said to have continued the pursuit of them to the distance of 22 miles from the place where the action happened. The loss of the Americans was very considerable: about 1000 prisoners were taken, and more are said to have been killed and wounded, but the number is not very accurately ascertained. Seven pieces of brass cannon, a number of colours, and all the ammunition-waggons of the Americans, were also taken. Of the British troops, the killed and wounded amounted to 213. Among the prisoners taken was Major-general Baron de Kalb, a Prussian officer in the American service, who was mortally wounded, having exhibited great gallantry in the course of the action, and received 11 wounds. The British troops by which this great victory was achieved, did not much exceed 2000, while the American army is said to have amounted to 6000; of which, however, the greatest part was militia.

Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distinguished himself in this action, was detached the Lieut. Col. following day, with some cavalry and light infantry, amounting to about 350 men, to attack a corps of Americans under General Sumpter. He executed this service with great activity and military address. He procured good information of Sumpter's movements; and by forced and concealed marches came up with and surprised him in the middle of the day on the 18th, near the Catawba fords. He totally destroyed or dispersed his detachment, which consisted of 700 men, killing 150 on the spot, and taking two pieces of brass cannon, 300 prisoners, and 44 waggons. Not long after these events, means were found to detach Major-general Arnold, who had engaged so ardently in the cause of America, and who had exhibited so much bravery in the support of it, from the interests of the congress. Major André, adjutant-general to the British army, was a principal agent in this transaction; or, if the overture of joining the king's troops came first from Arnold, this gentleman was the person employed to concert the affair with him. More must have been originally comprehended in the scheme than the mere defection of the American cause by Arnold: but whatever designs had been formed for promoting the views of the British government, they were frustrated by the apprehending of Major André. He was taken in disguise, after having assumed a false name, on the 23d of September, by three American soldiers; to whom he offered considerable rewards if they would have suffered him to escape, but without effect. Several papers written by Arnold were found upon him; and when Arnold had learnt that Major André was seized, he found means to get on board a barge, and to escape to one of the king's ships.

General Washington referred the case of Major André to the examination and decision of a board of general officers, consisting of Major-general Green, Major-general Lord Sterling, Major-general the Marquis de la Fayette, Major-general the Baron de Steuben, two other major-generals, and eight brigadier-generals. Major André was examined before them, and the particulars of his case inquired into; and they reported to the American commander in chief, that Mr André came on shore from the Vulture sloop of war in the night, on an interview with General Arnold, in a private and secret manner; that he changed his dress within the American lines; and, under a feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed the American works at Stony and Verplank's points, on the evening of the 22d of September; that he was taken on the morning of the 23d at Tarry-town, being then on his way for New York; and that, when taken, he had in his possession several papers which contained intelligence for the enemy. They therefore determined, that he ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy; and that, agreeable to the law and usage of nations, he ought to suffer death. Sir Henry Clinton, Lieutenant-general Robertson, and the late American general Arnold, all wrote pressing letters to General Washington on the occasion, in order to prevent the decision of the board of general officers from being put in force: But their applications were ineffectual. Major André was hanged at Tappan, in the province of New York, on the 2d of October. He met his fate with great firmness; but appeared somewhat hurt that he was not allowed a more military death, for which he had followed cited. He was a gentleman of very amiable qualities, had a taste for literature and the fine arts, and possessed many accomplishments. His death, therefore, was regretted even by his enemies; and the severity of the determination concerning him was much exclaimed against in Great Britain. It was, however, generally acknowledged by impartial persons, that there was nothing in the execution of this unfortunate gentleman but what was perfectly consonant to the rules of war.

Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the king's service, and published an address to the inhabitants of America, dated from New York October 7, in which he endeavoured to justify his defection of their cause. He said, that when he first engaged in it, he conceived the rights of his country to be in danger, and that signed by duty and honour called him to her defence. A redress of grievances was his only aim and object; and therefore he acquiesced unwillingly in the declaration of independence, because he thought it precipitate. But what now induced him to desert their cause was the disgust he had conceived at the French alliance, and at the refusal of congress to comply with the last terms offered by Great Britain, which he thought equal to all their expectations and to all their wishes.

The Americans, however, accounted for the conduct of Arnold in a different manner. They alleged that he had so involved himself in debts and difficulties by his extravagant manner of living in America, that he had rendered it very inconvenient for him to continue there: that after the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British troops, Arnold, being invested with the command in that city, had made the house of Mr Penn, which was the best in the city, his head-quarters. This he had furnished in an elegant and expensive manner, and lived in a style far beyond his income. It was manifest, they said, that he could at first have no great aversion to the French alliance, because that when M. Gerard, minister plenipotentiary from the court of France, arrived at Philadelphia in July 1778, General Arnold early and earnestly solicited that minister, with his whole suite, to take apartments and bed and board at his house, until a proper house could be provided by the order of the congress. This offer M. Gerard accepted, and continued with him some weeks. The French minister resided upwards of 14 months in Philadelphia; during which time General Arnold kept up the most friendly and intimate acquaintance with him, and there was a continued interchange of dinners, balls, routes, and concerts: so that M. Gerard must have believed, that in General Arnold he had found and left one of the warmest friends the court of France had in America. He was also one of the first in congratulating the Chevalier la Luzerne, the second French minister. About this time complaints and accusations were exhibited against him by the government of Philadelphia for divers mal-practices; among which charges were, the appropriation of goods and merchandise to his own use, which he had seized as British property in Philadelphia in July 1778. It was determined by a court-martial that his conduct was highly reprehensible; but he was indulgently treated, and was therefore only reprimanded by the commander in chief General Washington. It was in these circumstances, the Americans said, bankrupted in reputation and fortune, loaded with debts, and having a growing and expensive family, that General Arnold first turned his thoughts towards joining the royal arms.

After the defeat of General Gates by Earl Cornwallis, that nobleman exerted himself to the utmost in South Carolina, extending the progress of the British arms, and with considerable effect. But one enterprise, which was conducted by Major Ferguson, proved unsuccessful. That officer had taken abundant pains to discipline some of the Tory militia, as they were termed; and with a party of these and some British troops, amounting in the whole to about 1400 men, made incursions into the country. But on the 7th of October he was attacked by a superior body of Americans at a place called King's-mountain, and totally defeated. One hundred and fifty were killed in the action, and 810 made prisoners, of which 150 were wounded. Fifteen hundred stands of arms also fell into the hands of the Americans, whose loss was inconsiderable. But the following month Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who continued to exert his usual activity and bravery, with a party of 170, chiefly cavalry, attacked and defeated General Sumpter, who is said to have had 1000 men, at a place called Black Stocks. Sumpter was wounded, and about 120 of the Americans killed, wounded, or taken. Of the British troops about 50 were killed and wounded.

On the 3rd of September, the Mercury, a congress packet, was taken by the Veftal, captain Keppel, near Newfoundland. On board this packet was Mr Laurens, late president of the congress, who was bound on an embassy to Holland. He had thrown his papers overboard, but great part of them were recovered without having received much damage. He was brought to London, and examined before the privy-council; in consequence of which he was committed close prisoner to the Tower on the 6th of October, on a charge of high treason. His papers were delivered to the ministry, and contributed to facilitate a rupture with Holland, as among them was found the sketch of a treaty of amity and commerce between the republic of Holland and the United States of America.

At the beginning of the year 1784, an affair happened in America, from which expectations were formed by Sir Henry Clinton, that some considerable advantage might be derived to the Royal cause. The long continuance of the war, and the difficulties under which the congress laboured, had prevented their troops from being properly supplied with necessaries and conveniences. In consequence of this, on the first of January, the American troops that were huddled at Morristown, and who formed what was called the Pennsylvania line, turned out, being in number about 1300, and declared, that they would serve no longer, unless their grievances were redressed, as they had not received their pay, or been furnished with the necessary clothing or provisions. It is said that they were somewhat inflamed with liquor, in consequence of rum having been distributed to them more liberally than usual, New-year's day being considered as a kind of festival. A riot ensued, in which an officer was killed, and four wounded; five or six of the insurgents were also wounded. They then collected the artillery, stores, provisions, and waggons, and marched out of the camp. They passed by the quarters of General Wayne, who sent a message to them, requesting them to desist, or the consequences would prove fatal. They refused, and proceeded on their march till the evening, when they took post on an advantageous piece of ground, and elected officers from among themselves. On the second, they marched to Middlebrook, and on the third to Princeton, where they fixed their quarters. On that day a flag of truce was sent to them from the officers of the American camp, with a message, desiring to know what were their intentions. Some of them answered, that they had already served longer than the time for which they were enlisted, and would serve no longer; and others, that they would not return, unless their grievances were redressed. But at the same time they repeatedly, and in the strongest terms, denied being influenced by the least disaffection to the American cause, or having any intentions of deserting to the enemy.

Intelligence of this transaction was soon conveyed to New York. A large body of British troops were immediately ordered to hold themselves in readiness to move on the shortest notice, it being hoped that the American revolters might be induced to join the Royal army. Messengers were also sent to them from General Clinton, acquainting them that they should directly be taken under the protection of the British government; that they should have a free pardon for all former offences; and that the pay due to them from the royal army congress should be faithfully paid them, without any expectation of military service, unless it should be voluntary, upon condition of their laying down their arms and returning to their allegiance. It was also recommended to them to move beyond the South river; and they were assured, that a body of British troops should be ready to protect them whenever they desired it. These propositions were rejected with disdain; and they even delivered up two of Sir Henry Clinton's messengers to the congress. Joseph Reed, Esq; president of the state of Pennsylvania, afterwards repaired to them at Prince-town, and an accommodation took place: such of them as had served out their full terms were permitted to return to their own homes, and others again joined the American army, upon receiving satisfactory assurances that their grievances should be redressed.

Lord Cornwallis now began to make very vigorous exertions, in order to penetrate into North Carolina. On the 11th of January his Lordship's army was in motion, and advancing towards that province; but was somewhat delayed by an attempt made by the Americans, under General Morgan, to make themselves masters of the valuable district of Ninety-six. In order to prevent this, Lord Cornwallis detached Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with 300 cavalry, 300 light infantry, the 7th regiment, the first battalion of the 7th regiment, and two three-pounders, to oppose the progress of Morgan, not doubting but that he would be able to perform this service effectually. The British troops came up with the Americans under General Morgan on the 17th of January. The Americans were drawn up in an open wood, and having been lately joined by some militia, were more numerous than the British troops under Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton; but the latter were so much better disciplined, that they had the utmost confidence of obtaining a speedy victory. The attack was begun by the first line of infantry, consisting of the 7th regiment, and a corps of light infantry with a troop of cavalry placed on each flank. The first battalion of the 7th and the remainder of the cavalry formed the reserve. The American line soon gave way, and their militia quitted the field; upon which the Royal troops, supposing the victory already gained, engaged with ardour in the pursuit, and were thereby thrown into some disorder. General Morgan's corps, who were supposed to have been routed, then immediately faced about, and threw in a heavy fire upon the King's troops, which occasioned the utmost confusion amongst amongst them; and they were at length totally defeated by the Americans. Four hundred of the British infantry were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners: the loss of the cavalry was much less considerable; but the two three-pounders fell into the hands of the Americans, together with the colours of the 7th regiment; and all the detachment of royal artillery were either killed or wounded in defence of their colours. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, however, made another effort; having assembled about 50 of his cavalry, with which he charged and repulsed Colonel Washington's horse, retook his baggage, and killed the Americans who were appointed to guard it. He then retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth of Bullock's creek, carrying with him part of his baggage, and destroying the remainder.

This defeat of the troops under Tarleton was a severe stroke to Lord Cornwallis, as the loss of his light infantry was a great disadvantage to him. The day after that event, he employed in collecting the remains of Tarleton's corps, and in endeavouring to form a junction with General Lefevre, who had been ordered to march towards him with a body of British troops from Wynneborough. Considerable exertions were then made by part of the army, without baggage, to retake the prisoners in the hands of the Americans, and to intercept General Morgan's corps on its retreat to the Catawba. But that American officer, after his defeat of Tarleton, had made forced marches up into the country, and crossed the Catawba the evening before a great rain, which swelled the river to such a degree, as to prevent the Royal army from crossing for several days; during which time the British prisoners were got over the Yadkin; whence they proceeded to Dan River, which they also passed, and on the 14th of February had reached Court-house in the province of Virginia.

Lord Cornwallis employed a halt of two days in collecting some flour, and in destroying superfluous baggage and all his wagons, excepting those laden with hospital stores, salt, and ammunition, and four reserved empty in readiness for sick or wounded. Being thus freed from unnecessary incumbrances, he marched through North Carolina with great rapidity, and penetrated to the remotest extremities of that province on the banks of the Dan. His progress was sometimes impeded by parties of the militia, and some skirmishes ensued, but he met with no very considerable opposition. On the first of February, the King's troops crossed the Catawba at McCowan's Ford, where General Davidson, with a party of American militia, was posted, in order to oppose their passage; but he falling by the first discharge, the Royal troops made good their landing, and the militia retreated. When Lord Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough, he erected the king's standard, and invited, by proclamation, all loyal subjects to repair to it, and to stand forth and take an active part in afflicting his Lordship to restore order and government. He had been taught to believe that the king's friends were numerous in that part of the country; but the event did not confirm the truth of the representations that had been given. The Royalists were but few in number, and some of them too timid to join the King's standard. There were, indeed, about 200 who were proceeding to Hillsborough, under Colonel Pyle, in order to avow their attachment to the Royal cause; but they were met accidentally, and surrounded by a detachment from the American army, by whom a number of them are said to have been killed when they were begging for quarter, without making the least resistance. Meanwhile General Greene was marching with great expedition with the troops under his command, in order to form a junction with other corps of American troops, that he might thereby be enabled to put some effectual stop to the progress of Lord Cornwallis.

In other places some considerable advantages were obtained by the royal arms. On the 4th of January, some ships of war with a number of transports, on board which was a large body of troops under the command of Brigadier-general Arnold, arrived at Westover, quantities of provisions being landed and marched to Richmond; destroyed which they reached without opposition, the militia by Arnold that was collected having retreated on their approach. Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe marched from hence with a detachment of the British troops to Wetham, where they destroyed one of the finest foundries for cannon in America, and a large quantity of stores and cannon. General Arnold, on his arrival at Richmond, found there large quantities of salt, rum, full-cloth, tobacco, and other merchandise, and that part of these commodities which was public property he destroyed. The British troops afterwards attacked and dispersed some small parties of the Americans, took some stores and a few pieces of cannon, and on the 20th of the same month marched into Portsmouth. On the 25th, Captain Barclay, with several ships of war, and a body of troops under the command of Major Craig, arrived in Cape Fear river. The troops landed about nine miles from Wilmington, and on the 28th entered that town. It was understood that their having possession of that town, and being masters of Cape Fear river, would be productive of very beneficial effects to Lord Cornwallis's army.

General Greene having effected a junction about the 10th of March with a continental regiment of what were called eighteen months' men, and two large bodies of militia belonging to Virginia and North Carolina, formed a resolution to attack the British troops under the command of Lord Cornwallis. The American army marched from the High Rock Ford on the 12th of the month, and on the 14th arrived at Guildford. Lord Cornwallis, from the information he had received of the motions of the American general, concluded what were his designs. As they approached more nearly to each other, a few skirmishes ensued between some advanced parties, in which the king's troops had the advantage. On the morning of the 15th, Lord Cornwallis marched with his troops at day-break in order to meet the Americans or to attack them in their encampment. About four miles from Guildford, the advanced guard of the British army, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, fell in with a corps of the Americans, consisting of Lieutenant-colonel Lee's legion, some Back Mountain men and Virginian militia, with whom he had a severe skirmish, but whom he at length obliged to retreat.

The greater part of the country in which the action happened is a wilderness, with a few cleared fields interspersed. The American army, which was superior to the royal in point of numbers, was posted on a rising ground about a mile and a half from Guildford court-house. It was drawn up in three lines: the front line was composed of the North Carolinian militia, under the command of the generals Butler and Eaton; the second line of Virginian militia, commanded by the generals Stephens and Lawson, forming two brigades; the third line, consisting of two brigades, one of Virginia and one of Maryland continental troops, commanded by General Huger and Colonel Williams. Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with the dragoons of the first and third regiments, a detachment of light infantry composed of continental troops, and a regiment of riflemen under Colonel Lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security of their right flank. Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detachment of light infantry, and a corps of riflemen under Colonel Campbell, formed a corps of observation for the security of their left flank. The attack of the American army was directed to be made by Lord Cornwallis in the following order: On the right, the regiment of Boe and the 71st regiment, led by Major-general Leslie, and supported by the first battalion of guards; on the left, the 23rd and 93rd regiments, led by Lieutenant-colonel Webster, and supported by the grenadiers and second battalion of guards commanded by Brigadier-general O'Hara; the Yagers and light infantry of the guards remained in a wood on the left of the guns, and the cavalry in the road, ready to act as circumstances might require.

About half an hour after one in the afternoon, the action commenced by a cannonade, which lasted about twenty minutes; when the British troops advanced in three columns and attacked the North Carolinian brigades with great vigour, and soon obliged part of these troops, who behaved very ill, to quit the field; but the Virginia militia gave them a warm reception, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time, till being beaten back the action became general almost everywhere. The American corps under the lieutenant-colonels Washington and Lee were also warmly engaged, and did considerable execution. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton had directions to keep his cavalry compact, and not to charge without positive orders, excepting to protect any of the corps from the most evident danger of being defeated. The excessive thickness of the woods rendered the British bayonets of little use, and enabled the broken corps of Americans to make frequent stands with an irregular fire. The second battalion of the guards first gained the clear ground near Guildford court-house, and found a corps of continental infantry, superior in number, formed in an open field on the left of the road. Desirous of signaling themselves, they immediately attacked and soon defeated them, taking two six-pounders: but as they pursued the Americans into the wood with too much ardour, they were thrown into confusion by a heavy fire, and instantly charged and driven back into the field by Lieutenant-colonel Washington's dragoons, with the loss of the six-pounders they had taken. But the American cavalry were afterwards repulsed, and the two six pounders again fell into the hands of the British troops. The spirited exertions of Brigadier-general O'Hara and of Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, greatly contributed to bring the action to a termination. The British troops having at length broken the second Maryland regiment, and turned the left flank of the Americans, got into the rear of the Virginian brigade, and appeared to be gaining their right, which would have encircled the whole of the continental troops, when General Greene thought it prudent to order a retreat. Many of the American militia dispersed in the woods; but the continental troops retreated in good order to the Reedy Fork River, and crossed at the ford about three miles from the field of action, and there halted. When they had collected their stragglers, they retreated to the iron-works, ten miles distant from Guildford, where they encamped. They lost their artillery and two wagons laden with ammunition. It was a hard-fought action, and lasted an hour and a half. Of the British troops, the loss, as stated by Lord Cornwallis, was 532 killed, wounded, and missing. General Greene, in his account of the action transmitted to the congress, stated the loss of the continental troops to amount to 329 killed, wounded, and missing; but he made no estimate of the loss of the militia. Lieutenant-colonel Stuart was killed in the action; and Lieutenant-colonel Webster, and the captains Schutz, Maynard, and Goodriche, died of the wounds that they received in it. Brigadier-general O'Hara, Brigadier-general Howard, and Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, were also wounded. Of the Americans the principal officer killed was Major Anderson of the Maryland line, and the generals Stephens and Huger were wounded.

The British troops underwent great hardships in the hardships course of this campaign; and in a letter of Lord Cornwallis's to Lord George Germain, dated March 17th, he observed, that "the soldiers had been two days without bread." His lordship quitted Guildford three days after the battle which was fought in that place; and on the 7th of April arrived in the neighbourhood of Wilmington. Soon after, General Greene, notwithstanding his late defeat, endeavoured to make some vigorous attempts against the king's forces in South Carolina. Lord Rawdon had been appointed to defend the Post of Camden, with about 800 British and provincials; and on the 19th of April General Greene appeared before that place with a large body of continentals and militia. He found it, however, impossible to attempt to storm the town with any prospect of success; and therefore endeavoured to take such a position as should endure the British troops to fall from their works. He posted the Americans about a mile from the town, on an eminence which was covered with woods, and flanked on the left by an impassable swamp. But on the morning of the 25th, Lord Rawdon marched out of Camden, and with great gallantry attacked General Greene in his camp. The Americans made a vigorous resistance, but were at last compelled to give way; and the pursuit is said to have been continued three miles. For some time after the Lord Rawdon action commenced, General Gates entertained great hopes of defeating the British troops; in which, as defeat, the Americans were superior in point of numbers, he would probably have succeeded, had not some capital military errors been committed by one or two of the officers who served under him. On the American side Colonel Washington had behaved extremely well in this action, having made upwards of 200 of the Eng- lish prisoners, with 10 or 12 officers, before he perceived that the Americans were abandoning the field of battle. The loss of the English was about 100 killed and wounded. Upwards of 100 of the Americans were taken prisoners; and, according to the account published by General Greene, they had 126 killed and wounded. After this action, Greene retreated to Rugeley's mills, 12 miles from Camden, in order to collect his troops and wait for reinforcements.

Notwithstanding the advantage which Lord Rawdon had obtained over General Greene at Camden, that nobleman soon after found it necessary to quit that post; and the Americans made themselves masters of several other posts that were occupied by the king's troops, and the garrisons of which were obliged to surrender themselves prisoners of war. These troops were afterwards exchanged under a cartel which took place between Lord Cornwallis and General Greene for the release of all prisoners of war in the southern district.

After these events, General Greene laid close siege to Ninety-six, which was considered as the most commanding and important of all the posts in the back-country; and on the 15th of June he attempted to storm the garrison, but was repulsed by the gallantry of the British troops, with the loss, as it is said, of 75 killed and 150 wounded. General Greene then raised the siege, and retired with his army behind the Saluda, to a strong situation, within 16 miles of Ninety-six.

On the 18th of April a large body of British troops, under the command of Major-general Philips and Brigadier-general Arnold, embarked at Portsmouth in Virginia, in order to proceed on an expedition for the purpose of destroying some of the American stores. A party of light infantry were sent 10 or 12 miles up the Chickahominy; where they destroyed several armed ships, sundry warehouses, and the American state shipyards. At Petersburg, the English destroyed 4000 hogsheads of tobacco, one ship, and a number of small vessels on the stocks and in the river. At Chesterfield court-house, they burnt a range of barracks for 2000 men and 300 barrels of flour. At a place called O'born's, they made themselves masters of several vessels loaded with cordage and flour, and destroyed about 2000 hogsheads of tobacco, and sundry vessels were sunk and burnt. At Warwick, they burnt a magazine of 500 barrels of flour, some fine mills belonging to Colonel Carey, a large range of public rope-walks and store-houses, tan and bark houses full of hides and bark, and great quantities of tobacco. A like destruction of stores and goods was made in other parts of Virginia.

From the account already given of some of the principal military operations of the present year in America, it appears, that though considerable advantages had been gained by the royal troops, yet no event had taken place from which it could rationally be expected that the final termination of the war would be favourable to Great Britain. It was also a disadvantageous circumstance, that there was a misunderstanding between Admiral Arbuthnot and Sir Henry Clinton, and a mutual disapprobation of each other's conduct. This was manifest from their dispatches to government, and especially from those of General Clinton, whose expressions respecting the conduct of the admiral were by no means equivocal.

On the 16th of March 1781, a partial action happened off the Capes of Virginia, between the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, consisting of seven ships of the line and one fifty-gun ship, and a French squadron consisting of the same number of ships of the line and the caps of one forty-gun ship. Some of the ships in both fleets received considerable damage in the action, and the loss of the English was 30 killed and 73 wounded; but no ship was taken on either side. The British fleet had, however, considerably the advantage; as the French were obliged to retire, and were supposed to be prevented by this action from carrying troops upon the Chesapeake, in order to attack General Arnold and impede the progress of Lord Cornwallis. But it was an unfortunate circumstance, that some time before this engagement the Romulus, a ship of 44 guns, was captured by the French off the Capes of Virginia.

Lord Cornwallis, after his victory over General Green at Guildford, proceeded, as we have seen, to Wilmington, where he arrived on the 7th of April. But before he reached that place, he published a proclamation, calling upon all loyal subjects to stand forth and take an active part in restoring good order and government; and declaring to all persons who had engaged in the present rebellion against his majesty's authority, but who were now convinced of their error, and desirous of returning to their duty and allegiance, that if they would surrender themselves with their arms and ammunition at head-quarters, or to the officer commanding in the district contiguous to their respective places of residence, on or before the 20th of that month, they would be permitted to return to their homes upon giving a military parole; they would be protected, in their persons and properties, from all sorts of violence from the British troops; and would be restored, as soon as possible, to all the privileges of legal and constitutional government. But it does not appear that any considerable number of the Americans were allured by these promises to give any evidences of their attachment to the royal cause.

On the 20th of May, his Lordship arrived at Petersburg in Virginia, where he joined a body of British troops that had been under the command of Major-general Philips; but the command of which, in consequence of the death of that officer, had devolved upon Brigadier-general Arnold. Before this junction he had encountered considerable inconveniences from the difficulty of procuring provisions and forage; so that in a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he informed him, that his cavalry wanted every thing, and his infantry every thing but shoes. He added, that he had experienced the difficulties of marching hundreds of miles in a country chiefly hostile, without one active or useful friend, without intelligence, and without communication with any part of the country.

On the 26th of June, about six miles from Williamsburgh, Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, and 350 of the queen's rangers, with 80 mounted rangers, were attacked by a much superior body of the Americans; but whom they repulsed with great gallantry and with equal success, making four officers and twenty private men prisoners. The loss of the Americans in this action On the 6th of July an action happened near the Green Springs in Virginia, between a reconnoitering party of the Americans under General Wayne, amounting to about 800, and a large part of the British army under Lord Cornwallis; in which the Americans had 127 killed and wounded, and the loss of the royal troops is supposed to have been considerably greater. It was an action in which no small degree of military skill and courage was exhibited by the Americans. In a variety of skirmishes, the Marquis la Fayette very much distinguished himself, and displayed the utmost ardour in the American cause.

In South Carolina, an action happened on the 9th of September near the Eata Springs, between a large body of British troops under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Stuart and a much superior body of Americans, said to amount to more than 4000, under the command of General Greene. It was an obstinate engagement, and lasted near two hours; but the Americans were defeated, and two of their fire pounds fell into the hands of the English. The loss, however, of the royal troops was very considerable; amounting to more than 400 killed and wounded, and upwards of 200 missing.

In the course of the same month, General Arnold was sent on an expedition against New London, in Connecticut, where he destroyed a great part of the shipping, and an immense quantity of naval stores, European manufactures, and East and West India commodities. The town itself was also burnt, which is said to have been unavoidable, on account of the explosions of great quantities of gunpowder which happened to be in the store-houses that were set on fire. A fort, of which it was thought necessary to gain possession in this expedition, was not taken without considerable loss. This was fort Griswold; which was defended by the Americans with great gallantry, and the assault was made by the English with equal bravery. The British troops entered the works with fixed bayonets, and were opposed with great vigour by the garrison with long spears. After a most obstinate defence of near forty minutes, the assailants gained possession of the fort, in which 85 Americans were found dead, and 60 wounded, most of them mortally. Of the British troops Major Montgomery was killed by a spear in entering the American works; and 192 men were also killed and wounded in this expedition.

Notwithstanding the signal advantages that Lord Cornwallis had obtained over the Americans, his situation in Virginia began by degrees to be very critical; and the rather because he did not receive those reinforcements and supplies from Sir Henry Clinton, of which he had formed expectations, and which he conceived to be necessary to the success of his operations. Indeed, the commander in chief was prevented from sending those reinforcements to Lord Cornwallis which he otherwise might have done, by his fears respecting New York, against which he entertained great apprehensions that General Washington intended to make a very formidable attack. In fact, that able American general appears to have taken much pains, and to have employed great finesse, in order to lead Sir Henry Clinton to entertain this imagination. Letters, expressive of this intention, fell into the hands of Sir Henry, which were manifestly written with a design that they should be intercepted, and only with a view to amuse and deceive the British general. The project was successful; and by a variety of judicious military manoeuvres, in which he completely outgeneralled the British commander, he increased his apprehensions about New York, and prevented him from sending proper assistance to Lord Cornwallis. Having for a considerable time kept Sir Henry Clinton in perpetual alarm in New York, though with an army much inferior to the garrison of that city, General Washington suddenly quitted his camp at White Plains, crossed the Delaware, and marched towards Virginia, apparently with a design to attack Lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry Clinton then received information, that the Count de Grasse, with a large French fleet, was expected every moment in the Chesapeake, in order to co-operate with General Washington. He immediately endeavoured, both by land and water, to communicate this information to Lord Cornwallis; and also sent him assurances, that he would either reinforce him by every possible means in his power, or make the best diversion he could in his favour. In the mean time, Lord Cornwallis had taken possession of the posts of York-town and Gloucester in Virginia, where he fortified himself in the best manner he was able.

On the 28th of August, Sir Samuel Hood, with a squadron from the West Indies, joined the squadron under the command of Admiral Graves before New York. It was then necessary, on account of the situation of Lord Cornwallis, that they should immediately proceed to the Chesapeake; but some time appears to have been needlessly lost, though Admiral Hood was extremely anxious that no delay might be made. They arrived, however, in the Chesapeake, on the 5th of September, with 19 ships of the line; where they found the Count de Grasse, who had anchored in that bay on the 30th of August with 24 ships of the line. The French admiral had previously landed a large body of troops, which had been brought from Rhode Island, and who immediately marched to join the American army under General Washington. The British and French fleets came to an action on the same day in Chesapeake, which the former arrived in the Chesapeake. On board the British fleet 90 were killed and 246 wounded; some of the ships were greatly damaged in the engagement; and the Terrible, a 74 gun ship, was so much shattered, that it was afterwards found necessary to set fire to it. That this action had not been favourable to the English, was manifest from the event: the fleets continued in sight of each other for five days successively, and sometimes were very near; but at length the French fleet all anchored within the Cape, so as to block up the passage. Admiral Graves, who was the commander in chief, then called a council of war, in which it was resolved that the fleet should proceed to New York, that the ships might be there put into the best state for the service; and thus were the French left masters of the navigation of the Chesapeake.

Before the news of this action had reached New York, a council of war was held there, in which it was resolved, that 5000 men should be embarked on board the king's ships, in order to proceed to the assistance of Lord Cornwallis. But when it was known that the French French were absolute masters of the navigation of the Chesapeake, it was thought inexpedient to send off that reinforcement immediately. In another council of war, it was resolved, that as Lord Cornwallis had provisions to last him till the end of October, it was advisable to wait for more favourable accounts from Admiral Graves, or for the arrival of Admiral Digby, who was expected with three ships of the line. It was not then known at New York, that Admiral Graves had determined to return with the whole fleet to that port.

In the mean time, the most effectual measures were adopted by General Washington for surrounding the British army under Lord Cornwallis. A large body of French troops under the command of Lieutenant-General the Count de Rochambeau, with a very considerable train of artillery, assisted in the enterprise. The Americans amounted to near 8000 continentals and 5000 militia. General Washington was invested with the authority of commander-in-chief of these combined forces of America and France. On the 29th of September, the investment of York Town was complete, and the British army quite blocked up. The day following, Sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to Lord Cornwallis, containing assurances that he would do everything in his power to relieve him, and some information concerning the steps that would be taken for that purpose. A duplicate of this letter was sent to his Lordship by Major Cochran on the 3rd of October. That gentleman, who was a very gallant officer, went in a vessel to the Capes, and made his way to Lord Cornwallis, through the whole French fleet, in an open boat. He got to York Town on the 10th of the month; and soon after his arrival had his head carried off by a cannon ball.

After the return of Admiral Graves to New York, a council of war was held, consisting of flag and general officers; in which it was resolved, that a large body of troops should be embarked on board the king's ships as soon as they were refitted, and that the exertions of both fleet and army should be made in order to form a junction with Lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry Clinton himself embarked on board the fleet, with upwards of 7000 troops, on the 18th; they arrived off Cape Charles, at the entrance of the Chesapeake, on the 24th, where they received intelligence that Lord Cornwallis had been obliged to capitulate five days before.

It was on the 19th of October that Lord Cornwallis surrendered himself and his whole army, by capitulation, prisoners to the combined armies of America and France, under the command of General Washington. He made a defence suitable to the character he had before acquired, for courage and military skill; but was compelled to submit to untoward circumstances and superior numbers. It was agreed by the articles of capitulation, that the British troops were to be prisoners to the United States of America, and the seamen to the French king, to whose officers also the British vessels found at York Town and Gloucester were to be delivered up. The British prisoners amounted to more than 6000; but many of them, at the time of surrender, were incapable of duty. A considerable number of cannon, and a large quantity of military stores, fell into the hands of the Americans on this occasion.

No 16. Jeffy and the American commissioners, in which his Majesty acknowledged the united colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be "free, sovereign, and independent states." They had constituted themselves such by the 4th of July 1776; they had been acknowledged such by the French king on the 30th of January 1778, when he concluded with them a treaty of amity and commerce; Holland had acknowledged them as such April 19th 1782; Sweden acknowledged them as such February 5th 1783; Denmark the 25th February, Spain in March, and Russia in July, the same year.

According to the report of the committee appointed for that purpose, the Foreign Debt of the United States incurred by the war, amounted to £7,885,085 dollars, and the Domestic Debt to £34,115,290, total at 48. 6d. each, equal to £9,459,684.1. Sterling, the interest of which at 6 per cent. is £567,005.1. But the cost to Great Britain is moderately computed at £115,654,914.l. and the additional annual burthen by it £4,557,575.l. since January 1775. As to the loss of men during the unhappy war, the States of America, according to authentic estimates, lost by the sword and in prison near 80,000 men; and by the British returns at New York, the number of soldiers killed in the service amounted to 43,623.

Such was the end of the contest between Great Britain and America: A contest in which the latter attained to an independent rank among the nations, that may be productive of more important consequences than can yet be foreseen; and in which the former, happily for herself, was forced to relinquish a sovereignty that served only to repulse her own internal industry, and retard her prosperity. She has, in the event, only suffered a diminution of unwieldy empire, which has been more than compensated by an increase of population, commerce, revenues, and wealth.

As to the general constitution of the American States.—By the acts of confederation and perpetual union, each of the colonies contracted a reciprocal treaty of alliance and friendship for their common defence, for the maintenance of their liberties, and for their general and mutual advantage; obliging themselves to assist each other against all violence that might threaten all, or any one of them, and to repel in common all the attacks that might be levelled against all, or any one of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, commerce, or under any other pretext whatsoever. Each of the colonies reserved to themselves alone the exclusive right of regulating their internal government, and of framing laws in all matters not included in the articles of confederation.—But for the more convenient management of the general interest of the United States, it was determined, that delegates should be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state should direct, to meet in congress on the first Monday of November of every year, with a power referred to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No state is to be represented in congress by less than two, nor more than seven members; and no person is capable of being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor is any person being a delegate, capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his benefit, shall receive any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. In determining questions in the United States, in congress assembled, each state is to have one vote. Every state is to abide by the determinations of the United States in congress assembled, on all questions which are submitted to them by the confederation. The articles of confederation are to be inviolably observed by every state, and the union is to be perpetual; nor is any alteration, at any time hereafter, to be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every state.

The states have been since much employed in deliberations concerning the new-modelling of their governments, in order to establish such a form as may be well-pleasing abroad, and prove salutary for domestic peace and security. But the several objects of their attention are so various and diffusive, as to render it impossible to give even a summary view of the whole. They are desirous to preserve a republican or democratic government, yet in some measure similar to the government from which they have separated. As a parallel to our King, Lords, and Commons, it has been proposed to have a President, a Senate, and a House of Representatives; with this difference, that the President and Senate are elective: The President to be the grand executor of the laws: Foreign treaties already made, or which may hereafter be made, to be regarded as the supreme law of the land.

The whole territory of the United States contains by computation a million of square miles, in which are 640 millions of acres. Of these, 51 millions are water; deducting which, the total amount of acres of land in the United States is 589 millions.

That part of the United States comprehended between the west temporary line of Pennsylvania on the east, the boundary line between Britain and the United States extending from the river St Croix to the northwest extremity of the lake of the woods on the north, the river Mississippi to the mouth of the Ohio on the west, and the river Ohio on the south (the aforementioned bounds of Pennsylvania), contains by computation about 411,000 square miles, in which are 26,340,000 acres. Deduct for water 4,340,000 acres; there remains 220 millions of acres.

The whole of this immense extent of unappropriated western territory, or vacant unsettled land, containing as above stated 220 millions of acres, has been by the cession of some of the original states, and by the treaty of peace, transferred to the federal government, and is pledged as a fund for sinking the continental debt. It is in contemplation to divide it into new states, with republican constitutions, similar to the old states near the Atlantic Ocean.

AMERICAN NIGHT-SHADE. See PHYTOLACCA.