as less exposed to invasions than other more fertile countries; and hence it preserved its ancient in- habitants beyond all the other kingdoms in its neigh- bourhood; so that they were reputed to be the spon- taneous productions of the soil; and as a badge of this, Thucydides tells us, they wore golden grasshoppers in their hair.

The chief cities in the kingdom of Attica were A- thens the capital; next to it Eleusis, situated on the same gulph, near the coasts of Megara; and next to that Rhamnus, famed for the temple of Amphiarous and the statue of the goddess Nemesis.

The first king of this country, of whom we have any distinct account, was Cecrops. Others indeed are said to have reigned before him, particularly one Acteus, whose daughter Cecrops married, and in her right laid the foundation of his new monarchy. Cecrops is said to have been the first who deified Jupiter, set up altars and idols, and instituted marriage among the Greeks. He is likewise affirmed to have taught his subjects navi- gation; and for the better administration of justice, and promoting intercourse among them, to have divided them into the first four tribes, called Cecropis, Autoch- thon, Athia, and Paralia; and he is also by some said to be the founder of the Areopagus. From this mon- arch the Athenians affected to call themselves Cecro- pide till the reign of Erechtheus their fifth king, after whom they took the name of Erechtheidae.

Cecrops dying after a reign of 50 years, left three daughters; by marrying one of which, probably, Cra- naus a wealthy citizen ascended the throne. He en- joyed his crown peaceably for ten years; till, having married one of his daughters, named Attis, to Amphic- tyon the son of Deucalion, he was by him dethroned, and forced to lead a private life to the last. From this whence daughter, the country, which before had been called country called Attica, took the name of Attica.

After a reign of 10 or 12 years, Amphictyon was himself deposed by Erichthonius, said to be the son of Ericho- Vulcan and Tethys. Being lame of both his feet, he was said to have invented coaches, or, as others will have it, instituted horse and chariot races in honour of Mi- nerva. He is also reported to have been the first who stamped silver coin. He reigned 50 years, and was Pandion, succeeded by his son Pandion the father of Progne and Philomele; whose hard fate, so famous among the poets, is supposed to have broke his heart, after a reign of about 40 years. In his time Triptolemus taught the Athenians agriculture, which he had learned from Ceres.

Pandion was succeeded by his son Erechtheus, who being reckoned the most powerful prince of his time, Boreas king of Thrace demanded his daughter Orithia in marriage, and on being refused carried her off by force. After a reign of 50 years, Erechtheus being killed in a battle with the Eluians, was succeeded by his son Cecrops II, who is generally allowed to have been the first who gathered the people into towns; they having till then lived in hovels and cottages scat- tered here and there, without order or regular distance. After a reign of 40 years he was driven out by his bre- thren Metion and Pandorus, who forced him to fly in- to Argalia, where he died.

Cecrops II. was succeeded by his son Pandion II. Pandion and he was likewise driven out by Metion, who assumed the government. Pandion in the mean time fled into Megara, where he married Pelia the daughter of Pylas king of that place, and was appointed successor to the kingdom. Here he had four sons, who returning to Athens, whether with or without their father is uncer- tain, expelled the sons of Metion, and after the decease of Pandion their father, divided the government among themselves; notwithstanding which, the royal dignity did in effect remain with Ægeus the eldest.

Ægeus, when he ascended the throne, finding him- self despised by his subjects because he had no sons, and sometimes insulted by his brother Pallas, who had no less than fifty, consulted the oracle of Apollo at Del- phi. Receiving here, as was commonly the case, an answer which could not be understood without a com- mentator, he applied to Pittheus king of Troezen, fa- mous for his skill in expounding oracles. This prince easily prevailed with him to lie with his daughter Æ- thra, who proved with child; and as none but these three were privy to the secret, Ægeus, before his return to Athens, hid a sword and a pair of shoes under a stone, leaving orders with the princesses, that if the child pro- ved a boy, the should send him to Athens with these tokens as soon as he was able to lift up that stone. He charged her moreover to use all imaginable secrecy, lest the sons of his brother Pallas should waylay and mur- der him.

Æthra being delivered of a son, Pittheus gave out that Neptune was the father of it. This child was born named Theseus, and proved one of the most famous heroes of antiquity. Being arrived at the age of 16, his mother brought him to the stone abovementioned; and he having lifted it with ease, was desired to take up the sword and shoes and prepare himself to go to his father. He was advised to go by sea rather than by land, as, ever since the departure of Hercules, the roads had been exceedingly infested by banditti. Theseus, however, who had already begun to discover marks of uncommon strength and courage, no sooner heard the name of Hercules mentioned, than he became desirous of imitating so great a pattern; and after performing a number of glorious exploits, for which see the article Theseus, he arrived safe at his father's capital.

The great achievements of our young hero procured him a welcome reception at the court of Aegeus, though his birth was unknown to all except Medea, to whom the king had lately been married. This queen being a sorceress, it is not to be supposed anything could be concealed from her; she therefore, by her diabolical penetration, quickly found out that Theseus was the king's son; after which she became so jealous of him on account of his valour, that she persuaded her old husband to invite the young stranger to a banquet, and poison him in a glass of wine. The poison was accordingly prepared, and Theseus invited; but the prince suddenly drawing his sword, it was immediately recognized by Aegeus to be the same he had formerly buried below the stone. Upon this he stepped forward to Theseus, throwing down the poisoned draught in his way; and, embracing him with much tenderness, owned him for his son before all the court.

At this time the king of Athens had great occasion for such a champion as Theseus. The sons of Pallas, who had all along behaved with great insolence, upon Theseus being discovered to be the king's son, and heir apparent to the crown, broke out in open rebellion. They were soon discomfited; but Aegeus and the whole country of Attica were still in great distress on the following account. Some years before, Androgeus, the son of Minos king of Crete, came to Athens to be present at one of their feasts. During this visit he contracted such an intimacy with the fifty sons of Pallas, that Aegeus, fearing some fatal consequences, caused him to be privately murdered. According to others, Androgeus having undertaken to encounter the Marathonian bull, was killed by it. Be this as it will, Minos having received news of his son's death, imputed it to the people of Attica; and therefore, after several unsuccessful attempts to revenge his own quarrel, prayed to the gods to do it for him. The Athenians, in consequence of this prayer, were visited with earthquakes, famine, and pestilence; on account of which they applied to the oracle. Here they were informed, that no relief was to be had till they were reconciled to the Cretan king. Minos resolving to make them pay dear for their deliverance, imposed upon them a tribute of seven young men and as many virgins, whom he condemned to be devoured by the Minotaur, a monster feigned by the poets to have been half man and half bull. This bloody tribute had been twice paid, and Minos had already sent his messengers the third time, when Theseus willingly offered himself to be one of the unhappy victims; and embarking with them in one ship, he gave the pilot two sails, the one black to fail with, and the other white to be hoisted up at his return in case he came off victorious. Our hero had all the succours he could wish; he killed the Minotaur, prevailed with Minos to remit the tribute, and his daughter Ariadne to run away with him; but her he left with child in the isle of Naxos. Unfortunately, however, for Aegeus, the joy of Theseus and Death of his company was so great, that at their return they Aegeus forgot to hoist the white flag in token of their victory; upon which the old king, taking for granted that his son was killed, threw himself into the sea, which ever since has from him been called the Aegean Sea.

Theseus being thus left in possession of the kingdom of Attica, began immediately to think of indulging his king of warlike genius, and rendering the civil affairs of his kingdom as little troublesome as possible. To accomplish this purpose, he began with gathering most of the New-people of Attica into the old and new town, which he incorporated into one city. After this he divested himself of all his regal power, except the title of king, the command of the army, and the guardianship of the laws. The rest he committed to proper magistrates chosen out of three different orders of the people, whom he divided into nobles, husbandmen, and artificers. The first he invested with the power of interpreting and executing the laws, and regulating whatever related to religion. The other two chose their inferior magistrates from among themselves, to take care of whatever related to their separate orders: so that the kingdom was in some measure reduced to a commonwealth, in which the king had the greatest part, the nobles were next to him in honour and authority, the husbandmen had the greatest profit, and the artificers exceeded them in number. He likewise abolished all their distinct courts of judicature, and built one common council-hall called Prytaneum, which stood for many ages afterwards.

Having thus new-modelled the government, his next care was to join to his dominions the kingdom of Megara, in right of his grandfather Pandion II., who had married the daughter of Pylas, as abovementioned. On this occasion he erected the famous pillar in the isthmus, which showed the limits of the two countries that met there. On the one side of this pillar was inscribed, "This is not Peloponnesus, but Ionia;" and on the other, "This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia." After this he undertook an expedition against the Amazons, Defeating whom he overcame, took their queen Hippolita, and Amazons, afterwards married her. Soon after this, Theseus contracted an intimacy with Perithous the son of Ixion; and carrying being invited to his nuptials, assisted him in killing Helen, a number of Centaurs, or rather Thessalian horsemen (who in their cups had offered violence to their female guests), and drove the rest out of the country. Our two associates then proceeded to Sparta, where Theseus fell in love with the famed Helena, at that time not above nine years old, while he himself was upwards of fifty. Her they carried off: and of the rape there are various accounts; but the following one, which is given by Plutarch, is generally allowed to be the most authentic.

According to that historian, they stole this beauty, the greatest in the world at that time, out of the temple of Diana Ortia, where Helena happened to be dancing. They were pursued as far as Tegea, but made their escape out of Peloponnesus; and thinking themselves now secure of their prey, they agreed to cast lots for her, upon condition that he to whose lot she fell should assist the other in procuring some celebrated beauty. Fortune having declared for Theseus, he assisted his companion in the like attempt upon Persephone daughter of Aidonius king of the Molossi in Epirus; who, being the next beauty to Helena, was guarded by the dog Cerberus, which had three heads, and was consequently a very formidable enemy. Her father, however, understanding that they designed to steal away his daughter, threw Perithous to be torn in pieces by Cerberus, and put Theseus in prison, from whence he was afterwards relieved at the intercession of Hercules.

After this misfortune, Theseus at length returned to Athens, but found himself very coolly received by his subjects. Melanthus, the son of Peleus, and great-grandson of Erechtheus, had made use of the king's absence to ingratiate himself with the people; and, upon the commencement of a war with Calchas and Pollux, the two brothers of Helena, he persuaded the people of Athens to open their gates to the two brothers. Upon this, Theseus was under the necessity of conveying away himself and family with all possible privacy. This he luckily accomplished; and designed to have failed to Crete, to have obtained assistance from Deucalion son of Minos, and now brother-in-law to Theseus himself, he having lately married Phaedra sister to Deucalion. Unfortunately, however, our hero was shipwrecked on the island of Scyros. Here he was at first kindly received by Lycomedes the king of that island; but was soon after killed by a fall from a high rock, over which some say he was pushed by Lycomedes himself, who had been prevailed upon to destroy Theseus in that manner by Melanthus, that he might with the more security enjoy the kingdom of Athens.

Mnestheus reigned 24 years, but lost his life at the siege of Troy; and was succeeded by Demophon one of the sons of Theseus by Phaedra, who was likewise at the siege of Troy, but had the good fortune to return in safety. In his reign was erected the famous court of the Ephetae; consisting originally of 50 Athenians and as many Argives, for trying of wilful murders. By this court the king himself afterwards submitted to be tried for having accidentally killed one of his subjects. He reigned 33 years, and was succeeded by his son, according to some, or according to others his brother, Oxyntes, who reigned 12 years. Oxyntes was succeeded by his son Aphidas, who was murdered by Thymoetes the bastard son of Oxyntes.

This king discovered many base qualities unworthy of his dignity; and at last was deposed by his subjects on the following occasion. Xanthus king of Boeotia had a contest with the Athenians about one of their frontier towns. He offered to decide the matter by single combat with the king; but this was declined by Thymoetes. It happened, that at that time one Melanthus a Messenian, who had been driven out of his country by the Heraclidae, was come to Athens; who accepted the king of Boeotia's challenge. At the first onset, Melanthus asked his adversary, why he had, contrary to the articles, brought a second into the field with him? and as Xanthus immediately looked about to see who was behind him, Melanthus run him through with his lance. This victory, though it did little honour to him who gained it, was so agreeable to the Athenians, that they deposed their cowardly king Thymoetes, after he had reigned 8 years; and appointed Melanthus in his stead, who after a reign of 37 years left the kingdom to his son Codrus.

This prince reigned about 21 years; during which time the Dorcs and Heraclidae had regained all Peloponnesus, and were upon the point of entering into Attica. Codrus, being informed that the oracle had promised them victory provided they did not kill the king of the Athenians, came immediately to a resolution of dying for his country. Disguising himself, therefore, like a peasant, he went into the enemy's camp, and, quarrelling with some of the soldiers, was killed by them. On the morrow, the Athenians knowing what was done, sent to demand the body of their king; at which the invaders were so terrified, that they decamped without striking a blow.

Upon the death of Codrus, a dispute which happened among his sons concerning the succession, furnished the Athenians with a pretence for ridding themselves of their kings altogether, and changing the monarchical form of government into a republican one. It was improbable, they said, that they should ever have so good a king as Codrus; and to prevent their having a worse, they resolved to have no king but Jupiter. That they might not, however, seem ungrateful to the family of Codrus, they made his son Medon their supreme magistrate, with the title of archon. They afterwards rendered that office decennial, but continued it still in the family of Codrus. The extinction of the Medontidae at last left them without restraint; upon which they not only made this office annual, but created nine archons. By the latter invention they provided against the too great power of a single person, as by the former they took away all apprehension of the archons having time to establish themselves, so as to change the constitution. In a word, they now attained what they had long fought, viz. the making the supreme magistrates dependent on the people.

We have a list of these archons for upwards of 600 years, beginning with Creon, who lived about 684 years before Christ, to Herodes, who lived only 60 years before that time. The first archon of whom we hear any thing worth notice, is named Draco. He reigned in the second, or, as others say, in the last year of the 39th Olympiad, when, it is supposed, he published his laws: but though his name is very frequently mentioned in history, yet no connected account can be found either of him or his institutions; only, in general, his laws were exceedingly severe, inflicting death for the smallest faults; which gave occasion to one Demades an orator to observe, that the laws of Draco were written with blood and not with ink. For this extraordinary severity he gave no other reason, than that small faults seemed to him to be worthy of death, and he could find no higher punishment for the greatest. He was far advanced in years when he gave laws to Athens; and to give his institutions the greater weight, he would not suffer them to be called nomoi, or laws, but thefusai, or sanctions proceeding from more than human wisdom. The extreme severity of these laws, however, soon made the Athenians weary both of them and the author of them; upon which Draco was obliged obliged to retire to Ægina. Here he was received with the highest honours; but the favour of the inhabitants of this place proved more fatal to him than the hatred of the Athenians; for coming one day into the theatre, the audience, to show their regard, threw, as the custom then was, their cloaks upon him; and the multitude of these being very great, they stifled the old man, who was too weak to disengage himself from their load.

After the expulsion of Draco, nothing remarkable happened at Athens till the year before Christ 606, when we find the republic engaged in a war with the Mitylenians about the city Sigæum, situated near the mouth of the river Scamander. The Athenian army was commanded by Phyrnon, a person equally remarkable for the comeliness of his person and the generosity of his mind. The Mitylenians were commanded by Pittacus, one of the celebrated sages of Greece. As these commanders looked upon the honour of their respective countries to be concerned, they exerted themselves to the utmost. At last they met in single combat; whereupon Phyrnon depended on his valour only; but Pittacus concealed behind his shield a net, wherewith he suddenly entangled his antagonist, and easily slew him. This, however, not putting an end to the war, Periander, tyrant of Corinth interposed; and both parties having submitted to his arbitration, he decreed that Sigæum should belong to the Athenians.

About seven years after this war, a conspiracy was formed by Cylon, son-in-law to Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, who, having by his affable behaviour procured many friends, formed a design of seizing the sovereignty of Athens. Having consulted the oracle as to the most proper time, he was directed to make the attempt when the citizens of Athens were employed in celebrating their highest feast to Jupiter. When many of the citizens therefore were gone to the Olympic games, Cylon and his associates made themselves masters of the citadel. Here they were instantly besieged by Megacles at that time archon, and soon reduced to great distress for want of water. The chief, together with his brother, found means to make their escape, but the meaner fort were left to shift for themselves. In this extremity they fled to the temple of Minerva; from whence Megacles with much ado prevailed upon them to come down and submit themselves to the mercy of their country. Having at last assented to this, they tied a cord to the image of the goddess, and carried the clue with them, to demonstrate, that though they were out of the temple they were still under Minerva's protection. Unfortunately, for them, however, as they passed the temple of the furies, the line snapped of itself; which Megacles construing into a renunciation by the goddess, caused his men fall upon them and dispatch as many as they could find. Such as were without the temple were immediately massacred, and those who fled thither again were murdered in their sanctuary. In short, none escaped but such as bribed the wives of the officers of justice. This carnage, however, did not put an end to the sedition. The remains of Cylon's faction created great disturbances, by intimating that the violation of Minerva's sanctuary had drawn down the anger of the gods; and these discourses had such an effect, that Megacles and his officers were stiled execrable, and held to be persons under the displeasure of heaven.

During the time of this confusion, the Megarensians attacked Nisaea, which they took, as well as Salamis; and so completely routed the Athenians in every attempt to recover the latter, that a law was at last passed, by which it should be capital for any one to propose the recovery of Salamis. About the same time the city was disturbed by reports of frightful appearances, and filled with superstitious fears; the oracle at Delphi was therefore consulted, and an answer returned that the city behoved to be expiated. Upon this, Epimenes the Phœnix was sent for from Crete, to perform the necessary ceremonies, he being reputed a holy man, and one that was deeply skilled in all the mysteries of religion. His expiation consisted in taking some black, and some white sheep, turning them despexia—all loofe, and directing some persons to follow them to those places where they couched, and there to sacrifice them to the local deity. He caused also many temples and chapels to be erected, two of which have been particularly noted, viz. the chapel of Contumely and that of Impudence. This man is said to have looked wittily on the port of Munychia for a long time, and then to have spoke as follows to those that were near him:

"How blind is man to future things? for did the Athenians know what mischief will one day be derived to them from this place, they would eat it with their teeth." This prediction was thought to be accomplished 270 years after, when Antipater contrained the Athenians to admit a Macedonian garrison into that place.

About 597 years before Christ, Solon the Athenian legislator began to show himself to his counsellors. He is said to have been lineally descended from Codrus; but left by his father in circumstances rather necessitous, which obliged him to apply to merchandise: it is plain, however, both from his words and writings, that he was a disinterested patriot. The shameful decree, that none under pain of death should propose the recovery of Salamis, grieved him so much, that having composed an elegy of 100 verses, such as he thought would be most proper to inflame the minds of the people, he ran into the market-place as if he had been mad, with his night-cap on his head, repeating his elegy. A crowd being gathered round the pretended madman, his kinsman Pithiratus mingled among satanis re-words, and observing the people moved with Solon's covered by words, he also seconded him with all the eloquence he was master of; and between them they prevailed so far as to have the law repealed, and a war was immediately commenced against the people of Megara. Who was commander in this expedition is not certain; but the city was recovered, according to the most general account, by the following stratagem. Solon coming with Pithiratus to Colias, and finding there the women busy in celebrating, according to custom, the feast of Ceres, sent a confident of his to Salamis, who pretended to be no friend to the people of Attica, telling the inhabitants of Salamis, that if they had a mind to seize the fairest of the Athenian ladies, they might now do it by passing over to Colias. The Megarensians giving easy credit to what the man said, immediately fitted out a ship; which Solon perceiving from the opposite shore, dismissed the women, and having dressed a number of beardless youths in female habits, under which... which they concealed every one a dagger, he sent them to the sea-side to dance and divert themselves as the women were wont to do. When those who came from Salamis saw these young persons skipping up and down, they threw stones at first on shore; but were every one of them killed, and their vessel seized; aboard which the Athenians embarking, sailed immediately to Salamis and took it.

On the return of Solon to Athens, he was greatly honoured by the people, to whom another occasion of admiring his wisdom was quickly afforded. The inhabitants of Cirrha, a town situated in the bay of Corinth, after having by repeated incursions wasted the territory of Delphi, at last besieged the capital itself, with a view of making themselves masters of the treasures contained in the temple of Apollo. Advice of this intended sacrilege being sent to the Amphictyons, who were the states-general of Greece, Solon advised that the matter should be universally resented, and that all the states should join in punishing the Cirrhaeans, and saving the Delphic oracle. This advice was complied with, and a general war against Cirrha declared. Clysthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, commanded in chief, and Alcmaeon was general of the Athenian quota. Solon went as assistant or counsellor to Clysthenes, and by following his advice the war was conducted to a prosperous issue. For when the Greek army had besieged Cirrha for some time without any appearance of success, the oracle at Delphi was consulted, from whence the following answer was returned:

"Vain hope you have to take the place before The sea's blue waves roll o'er the hallowed shore."

This answer struck the whole army with surprise, till Solon advised Clysthenes to consecrate solemnly the whole territory of Cirrha to the Delphic Apollo; so as that was a maritime country, the sea must then wash the sacred coast. According to Paufanias, the city was reduced by the following stratagem, likewise invented by Solon. He caused the river Phlatus, which run through Cirrha, to be turned into another channel, hoping thereby to have distressed the inhabitants for want of water: but finding they had many wells within the city, and were not to be reduced by that means, he caused a vast quantity of roots of heliobore to be thrown into the river, which was then suffered to return into its former bed. The inhabitants, overjoyed at the sight of running water, came in troops to drink of it; whereupon an epidemic flux ensued, and the citizens being no longer able to defend the walls, the town was easily taken.

On the return of Solon to Athens he found things again in the utmost confusion. The remnant of Cylon's faction gave out, that all sorts of misfortunes had befallen the republic on account of the impiety of Megacles and his followers; which clamour was heightened by the retaking of Salamis about this time by the Megarensians. Solon interposed, and persuaded those who were styled execrable to abide a trial, and 300 persons were chosen to judge them. The event was, that 300 of Megacles's party who were alive were sent into perpetual banishment, and the bones of such as were dead were dug up and sent without the limits of their country.

N° 36.

Though this decision restored the public quiet for the present, it was not long before the people were divided into three factions, contending about the proper form of government. These were called the Diaerii, Pediei, and Parali: the first of these were the inhabitants of the hilly country, who declared positively for democracy; the second, dwelling in the lower parts, and who were far more opulent than the former, declared for an oligarchy, as supposing the government would fall molly into their hands; the third party, who lived on the sea-coast, were people of moderate principles, and therefore were for a mixed government. Besides the disturbances raised on this account, others were occasioned by the rich oppressing the poor. According to Plutarch, the poor being indebted to the rich, either tilled their grounds and paid them the fifth part of the produce, or engaged their bodies for their debts, so that many were made slaves at home, and many sold into other countries; nay, some were obliged to sell their children to pay their debts, and others in despair quitted Attica altogether. The greatest part, however, were for throwing off the yoke, and began to look about for a leader, openly declaring that they intended to change the form of government, and make a repartition of lands. In this extremity, the eyes of all the citizens were cast upon Solon. The most prudent were for offering him the sovereignty; but he perceiving their intentions, behaved in such a manner as to cheat both parties, and showed a spirit of patriotism perhaps never equalled. He refused the sovereignty as far as it might have benefited himself; and yet took upon himself all the care and trouble of a prince, for the sake of his people.

He was chosen archon without having recourse to lots, and after his election disappointed the hopes of both parties. It was Solon's fundamental maxim, That those laws will be best observed which power and justice equally support. Wherever, therefore, he found the old constitution consonant to justice in any tolerable degree, he refused to make any alteration at all, and was at extraordinary pains to show the reason of the changes he did make. In short, being a perfect judge of human nature, he sought to rule only by showing his subjects that it was their interest to obey, and not by forcing upon them what he himself deemed best. Therefore, to a person who asked whether he had given the Athenians the best laws in his power, he replied, "I have established the best they could receive."

As to the main cause of sedition, viz. the oppressed state of the meaner sort, Solon removed it by a contrivance which he called sfachthia, i.e. discharge; but what this was, authors are not agreed upon. Some say that he released all debts then in being, and prohibited the taking any man's person for payment of a debt for the future. According to others, the poor were eased, not by cancelling the debts, but by lowering the interest, and increasing the value of money; a mina, which before was made equal to 73 drachms only, being by him made equal to 100; which was of great advantage to the debtor, and did the creditor no hurt. It is, however, most probable that the sfachthia was a general remittance of all debts whatever, otherwise Solon could not have boasted in his verses that he had removed so many marks of mortgages (b) as were everywhere frequent; that he had freed from apprehension such as were driven to despair, &c.

But in the midst of all Solon's glory, an accident befell him, which for a time hurt his reputation, and had almost entirely ruined his schemes. He had consulted Conon, Clinias, and Hipponicus, his three friends, on an oration prepared with a view to engage the people's consent to the discharge; and these three men, thus knowing there was to be a general discharge of debts, safely took the opportunity of borrowing vast sums before the law was promulgated, in consequence of which they were never obliged to return them.

This was thought at first to have been done with Solon's consent, and that he had shared in the money; but this appearance was quickly wiped off when it appeared that the lawgiver himself was a very considerable loser by his own law. His friends, however, could never recover their credit, but were ever afterwards stigmatized with the opprobrious appellation of chreocopides, or debt-sinkers.

The Athenians were as little pleased with Solon's management as with their former condition; the rich thinking he had done too much in cancelling the heavy-debts due to them, and the poor that he had done too little, because he had not divided the lands of Attica equally. In a short time, however, they acquiesced in the new institutions, and gave a more public token of their repentance than they had before shown of their displeasure, instituting a solemn sacrifice under the name of Siphonia, at the same time that Solon was unanimously elected legislator of Athens, with full power to make laws, and alter or new model the constitution as he thought fit.

Solon being now invested with unlimited authority, set about the arduous task of compiling new laws for the turbulent people of Attica; which having at last completed in the best manner he was able, or in the best manner the nature of the people would admit, he procured them to be ratified for 100 years. Such as related to private actions were preferred on parallelograms of wood, with cases which reached from the ground, and turned about upon a pin like a wheel. These were thence called Axones; and were placed first in the citadel, and afterwards in the prytaneum, that all the subjects might have access to them when they pleaded. Such as concerned public institutions and sacrifices were contained in triangular tables of stone called cyphers. The Athenian magistrates were sworn to observe both; and in process of time these monuments of Solon's wisdom became so famous, that all public acts were from them named Axones and Cyphers.

After the promulgation of the laws, Solon found himself obliged to leave Athens, to prevent his being continually teased for explanations and alterations of them. He therefore pretended an inclination to merchandize, and obtained leave to absent himself for 10 years, during which time he hoped the laws would be grown familiar. From Athens Solon travelled into Egypt, where he conversed with Psenophis the Heliopolitan, and Sonchis the Saite, the most learned priests of that age. From these he learned the situation of the island Atlantis, of which he wrote an account in verse, which Plato afterwards continued.

From Egypt he went to Cyprus, where he was extremely well received by one of the petty kings. This prince lived in a city called Apetia, built by Demophon the son of Theseus, on an eminence near the river Clarus, but in a foil craggy and barren. Solon observing a very pleasant plain below, engaged the king to remove thither; assisted in executing the scheme he had formed; and succeeded so well, that a new city was formed, which soon became populous, and out of gratitude to the Athenian legislator was called Solos.

But while Solon was thus travelling in quest of wisdom, and with a view to benefit those among whom he came, his countrymen, who seem to have resolved on being dissatisfied at all events, had again divided themselves into three factions. Lycurgus put himself at the head of the country people; Megacles the son of Alcmeon was at the head of those who lived on the sea-coast; and Pisistratus put himself at the head of the poorer sort, to protect them, as he pretended, from tyranny, but in reality to seize on the sovereignty for himself. All the factions pretended to have a vast regard for Solon and his laws, at the same time that they were very desirous of a change; but how they were to be bettered, none of them knew, or pretended to know.

In the midst of this confusion the legislator returned. Each of the factions paid their court to him, and affected to receive him with the deepest reverence and respect; beseeching him to reaffirm his authority, and his office, compose the disorders which they themselves kept up. This Solon declined on account of his age, which, he said, rendered him unable to speak and act for the good of his country as formerly; however, he sent for the chiefs of each party, beseeching them in the most pathetic manner not to ruin their common parent, but to prefer the public good to their own private interest.

Pisistratus, who of all the three had perhaps the least intention to follow Solon's advice, seemed to be the most affected with his discourses; but as Solon perceived he affected popularity by all possible methods, he easily penetrated into his designs of assuming the sovereign power. This he spoke of to Pisistratus himself, at first privately; but as he saw that his admonitions in this way had no effect, he then said the same things to others, that the public might be on their guard against him.

All the wise discourses of Solon, however, were lost upon the Athenians. Pisistratus had got the meaner part entirely at his devotion, and therefore resolved to cheat them out of the liberty which they certainly deserved to lose. With this view he wounded himself, and, as Herodotus says, the mules that drew his chariot; then he drove into the market-place, and there showed his bleeding body, imploring the protection of the people from those whom his kindness to them had

(b) The Athenians had a custom of hanging up billets to show that houses were engaged for such and such sums of money. rendered his implacable enemies. A concourse of people being instantly formed, Solon came among the rest, and suspecting the deceit, openly taxed Pisistratus with his perfidious conduct; but to no purpose. A general assembly of the people was called, wherein it was moved by one Arilion, that Pisistratus should have a guard. Solon was the only person present who had resolution enough to oppose this measure; the richer Athenians, perceiving that the multitude implicitly followed Pisistratus, and applauded every thing he said, remaining silent through fear. Solon himself, whom he saw he could prevail nothing, left the assembly, saying he was wiser than some, and fleeter than others. A guard of 400 men was now unanimously decreed to Pisistratus, as we are told by Solon himself. This inconsiderable body he made use of to enslave the people, but in what manner he accomplished his purpose is not agreed.

Certain it is, that with his guard he seized the citadel; but Polyzenus hath given an account of a very singular method which he took to put it out of the power of the Athenians to defend themselves even against such a small number. He summoned an assembly to be held at the Anacium, and directed that the people should come thither armed. They accordingly came; and Pisistratus harangued them, but in a voice so low that they could not tell what he said. The people complaining of this, Pisistratus told them that they were hindered from hearing him by the clangour of their arms; but if they would lay them down in the portico, he would then be heard distinctly. This they did; and while they listened very attentively to a long and eloquent oration, Pisistratus's guard conveyed away their arms, so that they found themselves deprived of all power of resistance. During the confusion which followed this event, another assembly was held, wherein Solon enveighed bitterly against the manners of his countrymen, inviting them to take up arms in defense of their liberty. When he saw that nothing would do, he laid down his own arms, saying, that he had done his utmost for his country and his laws. According to Plutarch, he refused to quit the city; but the most probable opinion is, that he immediately retired from the dominion of Athens, and refused to return, even at the solicitation of Pisistratus himself.

Pisistratus, having thus obtained the sovereignty, did not overturn the laws of Solon, but used his power with the greatest moderation. It is not to be expected, however, that so turbulent a people as the Athenians could be satisfied by any method of government he could lay down. At the beginning of his administration, Megacles and his family retired out of Athens to save their own lives, yet without despairing of being able some time or other to return. With this view Megacles and his associates entered into a treaty with Lycurgus; and having brought him and his party into a scheme for deposing Pisistratus, they concerted matters so well, that Pisistratus was soon obliged to seek for shelter somewhere else; and, on his departure, the Athenians ordered his goods to be sold. Nobody, however, except one person (Callias), would venture to buy any of them, from an apprehension, no doubt, that they would soon be restored to their proper owner, which accordingly happened in a very short time.

As Megacles and his party had negotiated with Lycurgus to turn out Pisistratus, so they now entered into a treaty with Pisistratus to reinstate him in his principality, as soon as they found Lycurgus would not be implicitly governed by them. To accomplish this, they fell upon a very ridiculous project; which, however, was attended with the desired success. They found out a woman whose name was Physa, of a mean family and fortune, but of a great stature, and very handsome. Her they dressed in armour, placed her in a chariot; and having disposed things so as to make her appear with all possible advantage, they conducted her towards the city, sending heralds before, with orders to speak to the people in the following terms: "Give a kind reception, O Athenians, to Pisistratus, who is so much honoured by Minerva above all other men, that she herself confides to bring him back to the citadel."

The report being universally spread that Minerva was bringing home Pisistratus, and the ignorant multitude believing this woman to be the goddess, addressed their prayers to her, and received Pisistratus with the utmost joy. When he had recovered the sovereignty, Pisistratus married the daughter of Megacles as he had promised, and gave the pretended goddess to his son Hipparchus.

Pisistratus did not long enjoy the kingdom to which he had been reigned in so strange a manner. He had secondly married the daughter of Megacles, as already observed; but having children by a former wife, and remembering that the whole family of Megacles was reprobed by the Athenians, he thought proper to let his new spouse remain in a state of perpetual widowhood. This she patiently bore for some time, but at last acquainted her mother. An affront so grievous could not fail to be highly resented. Megacles instantly entered into a treaty with the malcontents, of whom there were always great plenty at Athens whatever was the form of government. This Pisistratus being apprized of, and perceiving a new storm gathering, he voluntarily quitted Athens, and retired to Eretria. Here having consulted with his sons, it was resolved to reduce Athens by force. With this view he applied to several of the Greek states, who furnished him with the troops he desired, but the Thebans exceeded all the rest in their liberality; and with this army he returned to Attica, according to Herodotus, in the 11th year of his banishment. They first reduced Marathon, the inhabitants of which had taken no measures for their defense, tho' they knew that Pisistratus was preparing to attack them. The republican forces in the mean time marched out of Athens to attack him; but behaving in a secure and careless manner, they were surprised by Pisistratus, and totally routed. While they were endeavouring to make their escape, he caused his two sons ride before him with all speed, and tell those they came up with that nobody had anything to fear, but that they might every one return to his own home. This stratagem so effectually dispersed the republican army, that it was impossible to rally them, and Pisistratus became a third time absolute master of Attica.

Pisistratus being once more in possession of the sovereignty, took a method of establishing himself on the throne directly opposite to what Theseus had done. Instead of collecting the inhabitants from the country and into cities, Pisistratus made them retire from the tented cities into the country, in order to apply them- This prevented their meeting together, and caballing against him in such bodies as they had been accustomed to do. By this means also the territory of Athens was greatly meliorated, and great plantations of olives were made over all Attica, which had before not only been deftute of corn, but also bare of trees. He also commanded, that, in the city, men should wear a kind of sheep-skin vest, reaching to the knees; but so intolerable were the laws of Pisistratus to his subjects, that this kind of garment in succeeding times became proverbially the habit of slavery.

As prince of Athens, Pisistratus received the tenth part of every man's revenues, and even of the fruits of the earth; and this also, though for the service of the state, seemed to the Athenians a most grievous burden. In short, though Pisistratus behaved in all respects as a most excellent prince, his subjects fancied themselves oppressed by tyranny, and were perpetually grumbling from the time he first ascended the throne to the day of his death, which happened about 33 years after he had first assumed the sovereignty, of which time, according to Aristotle, he reigned 17 years.

Pisistratus left behind him two sons named Hipparchus and Hippias, both men of great abilities, who shared the government between them, and behaved with lenity and moderation. But though by the mildness of their government the family of the Pisistratide seemed to be fully established on the throne of Athens, a conspiracy was unexpectedly formed against both the brothers, by which Hipparchus was taken off, and Hippias narrowly escaped. The most material facts relating to this conspiracy are what follow.

There were at that time in Athens two young men called Harmodius and Aristogiton; the former of these was exquisitely beautiful in his person, and on that account, according to the infamous custom of the Greeks, violently beloved of the other. This Harmodius was also beloved of Hipparchus; who, if we may believe Thucydides, forced him. This was grievously resented, and revenge determined on; to hatch which, another accident concurred. Hipparchus, finding that Harmodius endeavoured to avoid him, publicly affronted him, by not suffering his sister to carry the offering of Minerva, as if she was a person unworthy of that office. The two young men, not daring to show any public signs of resentment, consulted privately with their friends; among whom it was resolved, that at the approaching festival of Panathenæa, when the citizens were allowed to appear in arms, they should attempt to restore Athens to its former liberty. In this they imagined that they should find themselves seconded by the whole body of the people. But when the day appointed was come, they perceived one of their number talking very familiarly with Hippias; and fearing that they were discovered, they immediately fell upon Hipparchus, and dispatched him with a multitude of wounds. In this exploit the people were so far from seconding them, as they expected, that they suffered Harmodius to be killed by Hipparchus's guards, and seizing Aristogiton themselves, delivered him up to Hippias. Some time afterwards, however, the respect they paid to these two young men exceeded all bounds. They caused their praises to be sung at the Panathenæa, forbid any citizen to call a slave by either of their names, and erected brazen statues to them in the forum; which statues were afterwards carried into Peria by Xerxes, and sent back from thence by Alexander the Great, Antiochus, or Seleucus, for extravagant honours. Several immunities and privileges were also granted to the descendants of these two patriots, and all possible means were taken to render their memory venerable and respected by posterity.

Hippias being now sole master of Athens, and probably exasperated by the murder of his brother, began to alter his conduct greatly, and treat his subjects in an oppressive and cruel manner. He began with torturing Aristogiton, in order to make him confess his accomplices; but this proved fatal to his own friends: for Aristogiton impeaching such as he knew to be befell affected to Hippias, they were immediately put to death; and when he had destroyed all those he knew, at last told Hippias, that now he knew of none that deserved to suffer death except the tyrant himself. Hippias next vented his rage on a woman named Leona, who was kept by Aristogiton. She endured the torture as long as she could; but finding herself unable to bear it any longer, she at last bit off her tongue, that she might not have it in her power to make any discovery. To her the Athenians erected the statue of a lioness, alluding to her name, without a tongue, on which was engraved a suitable inscription.

After the conspiracy was, as Hippias thought, thoroughly quashed, he set himself about strengthening his government by all the means he could think of. He contracted leagues with foreign princes, increased his revenues by various methods, &c. But these precautions were of little avail; the lenity of Pisistratus's government had alone supported it; and Hippias pursuing contrary methods, was deprived of the sovereignty in less than four years after the death of his brother.

This revolution was likewise owing to the family of Megacles, who were styled Alcmeonidae, and had set out of Attica at Lipydium. In times of discontent, which at thens, Athens were very frequent, this family was the common refuge of all who fled from that city; and at last they thought of a method of expelling the Pisistratide altogether. The method they took to accomplish their purpose was as follows. They agreed with the Amphictyons to rebuild the temple at Delphi; and being possessed of immense riches, they performed their engagement in a much more magnificent manner than they were bound to do; for having agreed only to build the front of common stone, they built it of Parian marble. At the same time they corrupted the prophetess Pythia, engaging her to exhort all the Lacedemonians that came to consult the oracle either in behalf of the state, or their own private affairs, to attempt the delivery of Athens. This had the desired effect: the Lacedemonians, surprised at hearing this admonition incessantly repeated, at last resolved to obey the divine command, as they imagined it to be; and sent Anchimolius, a man of great quality, at the head of an army into Attica, though they were at that time in league with Hippias, and accounted by him his good friends and allies. Hippias demanding assistance from the Thessalians, they readily sent him 1000 horse, under under the command of one of their princes named Cineas. The Lacedemonians being landed, Hippias fell upon them so suddenly, that he defeated them with great slaughter, killed their general, and forced the shattered remains of their army to fly to their ships. The Spartans, incensed at this unfortunate expedition, determined to send another army into Attica; which they accordingly did soon after under their king Cleomenes: and he having, at his entrance into the Athenian territories, defeated the Thessalian horse, obliged Hippias to shut himself up in the city of Athens, which he was soon after forced to abandon altogether. He was, however, in no want of a place of refuge; the Thessalian princes inviting him into their country, and the king of Macedon offering his family a city and territory, if they chose to retire into his dominions. But Hippias chose rather to go to the city of Sigeum, which Pisistratus had conquered, and left to his own family.

After the expulsion of the Pisistratidae, the Athenians did not long enjoy the quiet they had promised to themselves. They were quickly divided into two factions; at the head of one was Clyttenes, one of the chief of the Alcmaeonidae; and of the other, Ifagoras, a man of great quality, and highly in favour with the Athenian nobility. Clyttenes applied himself to the people, and endeavoured to gain their affection by increasing their power as much as possible. Ifagoras perceiving that by this means his rival would get the better, applied to the Lacedemonians for alliance, reviving at the same time the old story of Megacles's privilege, and insisting that Clyttenes ought to be banished as being of the family of Megacles. Cleomenes, king of Sparta readily came into his measures, and immediately dispatched an herald to Athens with a declaration of war in case all the Alcmaeonidae were not immediately banished. The Athenians did not hesitate to banish their benefactor Clyttenes, and all his relations; but this piece of ingratitude did not answer their purpose. Cleomenes entered Attica at the head of a Spartan army; and, arriving at Athens, condemned to banishment 700 families more than what had been sent into exile before. Not content with this, he would have dissolved the senate, and vested the government in 300 of the chief of Ifagoras's faction. This the Athenians would by no means submit to; and therefore took up arms, and drove Cleomenes and his troops into the citadel, where they were besieged for two days. On the third day Cleomenes surrendered, on condition that all those who were in the citadel should retire unmolested. This, though agreed to, was not performed by the Athenians. They fell upon such as were separated from the army, and put them to death without mercy. Among the number of those slain on this occasion was Timarchus the brother of Cleomenes himself.

The Spartan king was no sooner withdrawn from Athens, than he formed a strong combination in favour of Ifagoras. He engaged the Boeotians to attack Attica on the one side, and the Chalcidians on the other, while he at the head of a powerful Spartan army entered the territories of Eleuthera. In this direful, the Athenians, not being able to cope with so many enemies at once, resolved to suffer their territories to be ravaged by the Chalcidians and Boeotians, contenting themselves with opposing the army commanded by Cleomenes in person. But this powerful confederacy was quickly dissolved: the Corinthians, who were allied with Cleomenes, doubting the justice of their cause, returned home; his other allies, likewise beginning to waver, and his colleague Ariston, the other king of Sparta, differing in sentiments, Cleomenes was obliged to abandon the enterprise. The Spartans and their allies being withdrawn, the Athenians took a severe revenge of the Boeotians and Chalcidians, totally routing their forces, and carrying off a great number of prisoners. The prisoners taken in this war were put in irons, but afterwards set at liberty on paying a ransom of two minae per head. Their fetters were, however, hung up in the citadel; and the Athenians consecrating the tenth of what they had received for ransom, purchased a statue, representing a chariot and four horses, which they set up in the portico of the citadel, with a triumphant inscription in token of their victory.

These indignities rousing the Boeotians, they immediately vowed revenge, and engaged on their side the people of Aegina, who had an hereditary hatred at the Athenians; and while the latter bent all their attention to the Boeotian war, the Aeginetans landing a considerable army, ravaged the coasts of Attica.

But while the Athenians were thus employed against the Boeotians and Aeginetans, a jealousy sprung up on the part of Lacedemon, which was never afterwards to be eradicated. Cleomenes, after his unsuccessful expedition against Attica, produced at Sparta certain oracles which he said he had found in the citadel of Athens while he was besieged therein; the purport of these oracles was, that Athens would in time become a rival to Sparta. At the same time it was discovered, that Clyttenes had bribed the priests of Apollo to cause the Lacedemonians expel the Pisistratidae from Athens; which was encouraging their best friends to those whom interest obliged to be their enemies. This had such an effect, that the Spartans, repenting their folly in expelling Hippias, sent for him from Sigeum, in order to restore him to his principality; but this not being agreed to by the rest of the states, they were forced to abandon the enterprise, and Hippias returned to Sigeum as he came.

About this time too, Anilagoras the Milesian having set on foot a revolt in Ionia against the Persian war king, applied to the Spartans for alliance; but they Peria declining to have any hand in the matter, he next applied to the Athenians, and was by them furnished with 20 ships under the command of Melanthus, a nobleman universally esteemed. This rash action cost the Greeks very dear, as it brought upon them the whole power of the Persian empire; for no sooner did the king of Persia hear of the alliance sent from Athens to his rebellious subjects, than he declared himself the sworn enemy of that city, and solemnly besought God that he might one day have it in his power to be revenged on them.

The Ionian war being ended, by the reduction of that country again under the Persian government, the king of Persia sent to demand earth and water as tokens of submission from the Greeks. Most of the islanders yielded to this command out of fear, and among the rest the people of Aegina; upon which the Athenians accused the inhabitants of this island of treachery towards Greece, and a war was carried on with them for a long time. How it ended we are not informed; but its continuance was fortunate for Greece in general, as, by inuring them to war, and sea-affairs in particular, it prevented the whole of the Grecian states from being swallowed up by the Persians who were now about to invade them.

Besides the displeasure which Darius had conceived against the Athenians on account of the affiance they had afforded the Ionians, he was further engaged to an expedition against Greece by the intrigues of Hippas. Immediately on his returning unsuccessfully from La-scedemon, as above related, Hippas passed over into Asia, went to Artaphernes governor of the adjacent provinces belonging to the Persian king, and excited him to make war upon his country, promising to be obedient to the Persian monarch provided he was restored to the principality of Athens. Of this the Athenians being apprized, sent ambassadors to Artaphernes, desiring leave to enjoy their liberty in quiet; but that nobleman returned for answer, that if they would have peace with the great king, they must immediately receive Hippas; upon which answer the Athenians resolved to afflant the enemies of Darius as much as possible. The consequence of this resolution was, that Darius commissioned Mardonius to revenge him of the insults he thought the Greeks had offered him. But Mardonius having met with a storm at sea, and other accidents, which rendered him unable to do anything, Datis and Artaphernes the son of Artaphernes abovementioned, were commissioned to do what he was to have done.

The Persian commanders, fearing again to attempt to double the promontory of Athos, where their fleet had formerly suffered, drew their forces into the plains of Cilicia; and passing from thence through the Cyclades to Euboea, directed their course to Athens. Their charge from Darius was to destroy both Eretria and Athens; and to bring away the inhabitants, that they might be at his disposal. Their first attempt was on Eretria, the inhabitants of which sent to Athens for affiance on the first approach of the Persian fleet.

The Athenians, with a magnanimity almost unparalleled at such a juncture, sent 4000 men to their affiance; but the Eretrians were too much divided among themselves, that nothing could be resolved on. One party among them was for receiving the Athenian succours into the city; another for abandoning the city and retiring into the mountains of Euboea; while a third fought to betray their country to the Persians for their own private interest. Seeing things in this situation, therefore, and that no good could possibly be done, one Aeschines, a man of great authority among the Eretrians, generously informed the Athenian commanders that they might return home. They accordingly retired to Oropus, by which means they escaped destruction: for Eretria being soon after betrayed to the Persians, was pillaged, burnt, and its inhabitants sold for slaves.

On the news of this disaster the Athenians immediately drew together all the forces they were able, which after all amounted to no more than 9000 men. These, with 1000 Platæans who afterwards joined them, were commanded by ten general officers, who had equal power; among whom were Miltiades, Aristides, and Themistocles, men of distinguished valour and great abilities. But it being generally imagined that so small a body of troops would be unable to resist the formidable power of the Persians, a messenger was dispatched to Sparta to intreat the immediate affiance of that state. He communicated his business to the senate in the following terms: "Men of Lacedæmon, the Athenians desire you to afflant them, and not to suffer the most ancient of all the Grecian cities to be enslaved by the barbarians. Eretria is already destroyed, and Greece consequently weakened, by the loss of so considerable a place." The affiance was readily granted; but at the same time the succours arrived so slowly, that the Athenians were forced to fight without them. In this memorable engagement in the plains of Marathon, whither Hippas had conducted the Per-Persians, the latter were defeated with the loss of 6300 feared at men, while the Greeks lost only 192. The Persians being thus driven to their ships, endeavoured to double Cape Sunium, in order to surprize Athens itself before the army could return; but in this they were prevented by Miltiades; who, leaving Aristides with 1000 men to guard the prisoners, returned to expeditiously with the other 9000, that he was at the temple of Hercules, which was but a small way distant, before the barbarians could attack the city.

After the battle, Aristides discharged the trust reposed in him with the greatest integrity. Though there Arilides was much gold and silver in the Persian camp, and the tents and ships they had taken were filled with all sorts of riches, he not only forbore touching any thing himself, but to the utmost of his power prevented others from doing it. Some, however, found means to enrich themselves; among the rest, one Callias, cousin-german to Arilides himself. This man being a torch-bearer, and, in virtue of his office, having a fillet on his head, one of the Persians took him for a king, and, falling down at his feet, discovered to him a vast quantity of gold hid in a well. Callias not only feasted, and applied it to his own use, but had the cruelty to kill the poor man who discovered it to him, that he might not mention it to others; by which infamous action he entailed on his posterity the name of Accoptuti, or enriched by the will.

After the battle of Marathon, all the inhabitants of Miltiades Platæa were declared free citizens of Athens, and Miltiades, Themistocles, and Arilides, were treated with all possible marks of gratitude and respect. This, however, was but very short-lived; Miltiades proposed an expedition against the island of Paros, in which having been unsuccessful, through what cause is not well known, he was, on his return, accused, and condemned to pay 50 talents, the whole expense of the scheme; and being unable to pay the debt was thrown into prison, where he soon died of a wound received at Paros.

If any thing can exceed the enormity of such a proceeding as this, it was the treatment Arilides next received. Miltiades had proposed an expedition which had not proved successful, and in which he might possibly have had bad designs; but against Arilides not so much as a shadow of guilt was pretended. On the contrary, his extraordinary virtue had procured him the title of Juft, and he had never been found to swear from from the maxims of equity. His downfall was occasioned by the intrigues of Themistocles: who being a man of great abilities, and hating Arisides on account of the character he deservedly bore among his countrymen, took all opportunities of infamizing that his rival had in fact made himself master of Athens without the parade of guards and royalty. "He gives laws to the people (said he); and what constitutes a tyrant, but giving laws?" In consequence of this strange argument, a strong party was formed against the virtuous Arisides, and it was resolved to banish him for 10 years by the ostracism. In this case, the name of the person to be banished was written upon a shell by every one who desired his exile, and carried to a certain place within the forum inclosed with rails. If the number of shells so collected exceeded 6000, the sentence was inflicted; if not, it was otherwise. When the agents of Themistocles had sufficiently accomplished their purpose, on a sudden the people flocked to the forum defacing the ostracism. One of the clowns who had come from a borough in the country, bringing a shell to Arisides, said to him, "Write me Arisides upon this." Arisides, surprised, asked him if he knew any ill of that Athenian, or if he had ever done him any hurt? "Me hurt! (said the fellow), no, I don't so much as know him; but I am weary and sick at heart on hearing him everywhere called the jester." Arisides therefore took the shell, and wrote his own name upon it; and when informed that the ostracism fell upon him, modestly retired out of the forum, saying, "I bequeath the Gods that the Athenians may never see that day which shall force them to remember Arisides."

After the battle of Marathon, the war with Ægina was revived with great vigour; but the Æginetans generally had the superiority, on account of their great naval power. Themistocles observing this, was continually exhorting his countrymen to build a fleet, not only to make them an equal match for the Æginetans, but also because he was of opinion, that the Persians would soon pay them another visit. At last, he had the boldness to propose, that the money produced by the silver mines, which the Athenians had hitherto divided among themselves, should be applied to the building of a fleet: which proposal being complied with, 100 galleys were immediately put upon the stocks; and this sudden increase of the maritime power proved the means of saving all Greece from slavery.

About three years after the banishment of Arisides, Xerxes king of Persia sent to demand earth and water: but Themistocles desiring to make the breach with that monarch still wider, put to death the interpreter for publishing the decree of the king of Persia in the language of the Greeks; and having prevailed upon the several states to lay aside their animosities, and provide for their common safety, got himself elected general of the Athenian army.

When the news arrived that the Persians were advancing to invade Greece by the straits of Thermopylae, and that they were for this purpose transporting their forces by sea, Themistocles advised his countrymen to quit the city, embark on board their galleys, and meet their enemies while yet at a distance. This they would by no means comply with; for which reason Themistocles put himself at the head of the army, and having joined the Lacedemonians, marched towards Tempe. Here, having received advice that the straits of Thermopylae were forced, and that both Boeotia and Thessaly had submitted to the Persians, the army returned without doing anything.

In this distress the Athenians applied to the oracle at Delphi: from whence they received at first a very severe answer, threatening them with total destruction; but after much humiliation, a more favourable one was delivered, in which, probably by the direction of Themistocles, they were promised safety in walls of wood. This was by Themistocles and the greatest part of the citizens interpreted as a command to abandon Athens, and put all their hopes of safety in their fleet. Upon this, the opinion of Themistocles prevailing, the greatest part began to prepare for this embarkation; and by its inhabitants, had money distributed among them by the council of the Areopagus, to the amount of eight drachmas per man: but this not proving sufficient, Themistocles gave out that somebody had stolen the shield of Minerva; under pretence of searching for which, he seized on all the money he could find. Some, however, there were who refused to embark with the rest, but raised to themselves fortifications of wood; understanding the oracle in its literal sense, and resolving to wait the arrival of the Persians, and defend themselves to the last. In the meantime Arisides was recalled, when the Athenians saw it their interest, lest he should have gone over to the Persians and afflitted them with his advice.

The Persians having advanced to Athens soon after, and the inhabitants had deserted it, met with no opposition except from a few just now mentioned; who, as they the Persians would hearken to no terms of accommodation, were all slain, cut in pieces, and the city utterly destroyed. Xerxes, however, being defeated in a sea-fight at Salamis, was finally forced to fly with prodigious loss. See Salamis. Themistocles was for pursuing him, and breaking down the bridge he had cast over the Hellespont; but this advice being rejected, he sent a trully messenger to Xerxes, acquainting him that the Greeks intended to break down his bridge, and therefore desired him to make all the haste he could, lest by that means he should be shut up in Europe. According to Herodotus, he also advised the Athenians to quit the pursuit and return home, in order to build their ruined houses. This advice, though misinterpreted by some, was certainly a very prudent one, as Xerxes, though once defeated, was still at the head of an army capable of destroying all Greece; and had he been driven to despair by finding himself shut up, or warmly pursued, it was impossible to say what might have been the event. After this, Themistocles formed a scheme, for the aggrandisement of Athens indeed, but a most unjust and infamous one. It was, in short, to make Athens mistress of the sea by burning all the ships except those belonging to that republic. He told his countrymen that he had something to propose of great consequence, but which could not be spoken publicly: whereupon he was desired to communicate it to Arisides, by whom the proposal was rejected; and Arisides having informed the Athenians that what Themistocles had said was very advantageous but very unjust, they desired him to think no more of it.

When the fleet returned to Salamis, extraordinary honours were paid to Themistocles by the Lacedemonians. On his entering that city, they decreed him a laurel wreath. wreath of olive as the prize of prudence; presented him with the most magnificent chariot in Sparta; and when he returned to Athens, he was escorted by 500 horse, an honour never paid to any stranger but himself. On his arrival at Athens, however, there were not wanting some who insinuated that the receiving such honours from the Lacedemonians was injurious to the republic; but Themistocles confiding in his innocence, treated these clamours with contempt, and exhorted his countrymen to entertain no doubts of their allies, but rather endeavour to preserve the great reputation they had acquired throughout all Greece.

The defeat of Xerxes at Salamis made Mardonius, who was left to carry on the war by land, more ready to treat with the Athenians than to fight them; and with this view he sent Alexander king of Macedon to Athens to make proposals of alliance with that republic, exclusively of all the other Grecian states. This proposal, however, was rejected; and the consequence was, that Athens was a second time destroyed, the Spartans sending assistance too slowly, that the Athenians were forced to retire to Salamis; but they were soon freed from all apprehensions by the total defeat and death of Mardonius at Platæa; where Arildides, and the body of troops under his command, distinguished themselves in a most extraordinary manner.

The same day that the battle of Platæa was fought, the Persians were defeated in a sea-fight at Mycale in Ionia, wherein it was allowed that the Athenians who were there behaved better than any of the other Greeks; but when it was proposed to transport the Ionians into Europe, that they might be in perfect safety, and give them the territories of such Grecian states as had sided with the Persians, the Athenians refused to comply, fearing the Ionians would rival them in trade, or refuse the obedience they used to pay them: besides which, they would then lose the opportunity of plundering the Persians in case of any quarrel with Ionia. Before they returned home, however, the Athenians crossed over to the Cheroneus, and besieged Sestos. The siege was long and troublesome; but at last the garrison, being pressed with hunger, and having no hopes of relief, divided themselves into two bodies, and endeavoured to make their escape; but were pursued, and all either killed or taken. Gibas, one of their commanders, was sacrificed to a Thracian god; and the other, called Artaytis, impaled alive, and his son flayed before his face, because he had rifled the sepulchre of Proteus.

After the victories at Platæa and Mycale, the Athenians returned without any apprehension, and began to rebuild their city in a more magnificent manner than before. Here they were no sooner arrived than a dispute was ready to be commenced about the form of government. The commons, with Themistocles at their head, were for a democracy; to which Arildides, rather than hazard the raising disturbances, consented. It was therefore proposed, that every citizen should have an equal right to the government; and that the archons should be chosen out of the body of the people, without preference or distinction: and this proposal being agreed to, put an end to all discontents for the present.

At this time also Themistocles proposed that the city of Athens should be fortified in the best manner possible, that it might not be liable to be again destroyed, when the Persians should take it into their heads to invade Greece. At this proposal the Lacedemonians were exceedingly alarmed; and therefore remonstrated, that should Athens once be strongly fortified, and the Persians become possessed of it, it would be impossible Athens to get them out of it again. At last, seeing these arguments had no effect, they absolutely forbid the Athenians to carry their walls any higher. This command gave great offence; but Themistocles, conferring the power of Sparta at that time, advised the Athenians to temporize; and to assure the ambassadors, that they should proceed no farther in their work, till, by an embassy of their own, satisfaction should be given to their allies. Being named ambassador at his own desire to Sparta, with some other Athenians, Themistocles set out alone, telling the senate that it would be for the interest of the state to delay sending the other ambassadors as long as possible. When arrived at Sparta, he put off from time to time receiving an audience, on account of his colleagues not being arrived; but in the mean time the walls of Athens were building with utmost expedition; neither houses nor sepulchres being spared for materials; and men, women, children, strangers, citizens, and servants, working without intermission. Of this the Lacedemonians having notice, and the rest of the Athenian ambassadors being arrived, Themistocles and his colleagues were summoned before the ephori, who immediately began to proclaim against the Athenians for their breach of promise. Themistocles denied the charge: he said his colleagues assured him of the contrary: that it did not become a great state to give heed to vague reports, but that deputies ought to be sent from Sparta to inquire into the truth of the matter, and that he himself would remain as a hostage, to be answerable for the event. This being agreed to, he engaged his associates to advise the Athenians to commit the Spartan ambassadors to safe custody till he should be released; after which he publicly avowed the whole transaction, took the scheme upon himself, and told the Lacedemonians that "all things are lawful for our country." The Spartans seeing no remedy, concealed their resentment, and sent Themistocles home in safety.

The next year, being the last of the 75th Olympiad, Themistocles observing the inconvenience of the port Phalerum, thought of making the Pyraeum the port of the port of Athens. This he did not at first think proper to mention publicly; but having signified to the people that he had something of importance to communicate, they appointed Xanthippus and Arildides to judge of his proposal. They readily came into his measure, and told the people that what Themistocles proposed would be of the utmost advantage to the state; at the same time that it might be performed with ease. Upon this they were desired to lay the matter before the senate; who coming unanimously into their measure, ambassadors were dispatched to Sparta to inform there how proper it would be for the Greeks to have some great port, where a fleet might always watch the designs of the Persians; and thus having prevented any umbrage from their first undertakings, the work was set about with such expedition, that it was finished before the Lacedemonians knew well what they were about.

At this time also the sovereignty of the sea was trans- transferred from Sparta to Athens, through the haughty behaviour of Pausanias the Lacedemonian. He had commanded at Platæa, and still enjoyed the supreme authority in the war which was all this time carrying on against the Persians; but being elated with his success at Platæa, and having entered into a treasonable correspondence with the enemy, he treated the captains under his command with the greatest haughtiness, giving the preference to the Spartans in such a manner that the rest of the Greeks could no longer bear his insolence. On the contrary, Arìtides, and Cimon the son of Miltiades, who commanded the Athenians, by their obliging behaviour gained the favour of everybody; so that the allies, having publicly affronted Pausanias, put themselves under the protection of the Athenian republic; and thenceforward the Athenians, and not the Lacedemonians, had the supreme command.

The Greeks being now sensible that they would always have occasion to be on their guard against the Persians, and that it was necessary to establish a fund by a common taxation of all the states, Arìtides was pitched upon as the only person that could be trusted with the power of allotting to each of the states its proper quota. This difficult task he undertook, and executed in a manner unparalleled in the annals of history. All parties were pleased, and his taxation was styled the happy lot of Greece. The gross amount of it was 450 talents.

It now came to the turn of Themistocles to experience the gratitude of his countrymen. His services had been so essential, that the treatment he received may perhaps be a sufficient excuse for modern patriots when they connect their own interest with the service of their country. Themistocles had plainly saved the state from ruin by his advice; he had distinguished himself by his valour; had rendered Athens, by his policy, superior to the other states of Greece; and entirely subverted the Lacedemonians scheme of power. Yet notwithstanding all this, he was banished by the ostracism, without the smallest crime pretended, unless that he was hated by the Lacedemonians, and that he had erected a temple, near his own house, dedicated to Diana, the giver of the best council: intimating that he himself had given the best counsel for the safety both of Athens and of all Greece, which was no more than the truth. Nay, he was not only driven out of Athens, but out of all Greece; so that he was forced to seek shelter from the king of Persia, against whom he had fought with so much valour. That monarch gave him a gracious reception; and he was never recalled, because the Greeks had no occasion for his services.

The war with Persia was not yet discontinued; the Greeks found their advantage in plundering and enriching themselves with the spoils of the king of Persia's subjects. For this reason, in the end of the 77th Olympiad, they equipped a navy, under a pretence of relieving such of the Greek cities in Asia as were subject to the Persians. Of this fleet Cimon, the son of Miltiades by the daughter of the king of Thrace, was appointed commander in chief. He had already tasted the justice and generosity of his countrymen, having been thrown into prison for his father's fine, from which he was released by Callias, whom his sister Elpinice married on account of his great wealth procured by no very honourable means. He accepted of the command, however; and gained such immense booty in this expedition, that the Athenians were thereby enabled to lay the foundation of those long extended walls which united the port to the city. The foundation was laid in a morish ground; so that they were forced to sink it very deep, and at a great expense; but to this Cimon himself contributed out of his own share of the spoils, which was very considerable. He also adorned the forum with palm trees, and beautified the academy with delightful walks and fountains.

The Persians having soon after this expedition invaded Chersonesus, and with the assistance of the Thracians made themselves masters of it, Cimon was sent against them in a great hurry. He had only four ships; but nevertheless with these he took 13 of the Persian galleys, and reduced the whole of the Chersonesus. After this he marched against the Thracians, who revolting against the Athenians, had made themselves masters of the gold mines lying between the rivers Nysius and Strymon. The Thracians were quickly obliged to yield; after which the Athenians sent a great colony to Amphipolis a city of Thrace, which for some time made a considerable figure, but afterwards attempting to penetrate into the country of the Edones, great part of them were destroyed.

Cimon also fell upon the following expedient to make Athens irresistible at sea by the other states of Greece. Many of the Greek states, by virtue of Arìtides's taxation, were bound to furnish men and galley-crews, as well as to pay the tax for their support. But when they saw themselves out of danger from the Persians, most of them were very unwilling to furnish their quota of men. This the Athenian generals being offended with, were for having recourse to force; but Cimon permitted such as were desirous of staying at home to do so, and accepted a sum of money in lieu of a galley completely manned. By this means he insured the Athenians, whom he took on board his galleys, to hardship and discipline; while the allies who remained at home became enervated through idleness, and from being confederates, dwindled into tributaries, and almost slaves. In the last year of the 77th Olympiad, Cimon was sent to assist the Lacedemonians against their Helotes, who had revolted from them. In this he was attended with his usual success; but, some time after, the Lacedemonians being engaged in the siege of Ithome, sent again to the Athenians for succour, and Cimon was a second time sent to their relief; but the Spartans having received a sufficient supply of troops from other quarters before the arrival of the Athenian general, he and his men were dismissed without doing anything. This grievously offended the people of Athens, who thenceforward hated not only the Lacedemonians, but all their own citizens who were thought to be friends to that state.

It was not possible, however, that any person who had served the state should escape banishment at Athens. Cimon had gained great wealth both to the public and to himself. In his public character he had behaved with unimpeached honesty, and as a private citizen he dedicated his wealth to the most excellent purposes. He demolished the inclosures about his grounds and gardens, permitting every one to enter and take what fruits they pleased; he kept an open table, table, where both rich and poor were plentifully entertained. If he met a citizen in a tattered suit of clothes, he made some of his attendants exchange with him; or if the quality of the person rendered that kindness unsuitable, he caused a sum of money to be privately given him. All this, however, was not sufficient: he did not concur with every measure of the commonalty; and therefore the popular party determined not to banish him, but to put him to death.

The crime laid to his charge was, that by presents from the Macedonians he was prevailed upon to let slip a manifest opportunity of enlarging his conquests, after taking from the Persians the gold mines of Thrace. To this accusation Cimon replied, that to the utmost of his power he had prosecuted the war against the Thracians and other enemies of the state of Athens; but that it was true he had not made any inroads into Macedonia, because he did not imagine he was to act as a public enemy of mankind, and because he was struck with respect for a nation modest in their carriage, just in their dealings, and strictly honourable in their behaviour towards him and the Athenians; that if his countrymen looked upon this as a crime, he must abide their judgment; but, for his part, he could never be brought to think such conduct amiss. Elpinice, Cimon's sister, used all her interest in his behalf, and amongst others spoke to Pericles the celebrated statesman and orator. He was indeed Cimon's rival, and had no doubt assisted in stirring up the prosecution against him; but he did not desire his death: and therefore, though appointed to accuse him, Pericles spoke in such a manner that it plainly appeared he did not think him guilty; and, in consequence of this lenity, Cimon was only banished by the ostracism.

The Athenian power was now risen to such an height, that all the other states of Peloponnesus looked upon this republic with a jealous eye, and were continually watching every opportunity of making war upon it when the state was engaged in troublesome affairs, and seemed to be less able to resist. These attempts, however, so far from lessening, generally contributed to increase, the power of the Athenians; but in the year before Christ 458, the republic entered into a war with Sparta, which was scarce put an end to but by the destruction of the city of Athens. For this war, there was no recent provocation on the part of the Spartans. They had sent a great army to assist the Dorians against the Phocians, and the Athenians took this opportunity to revenge themselves of former quarrels. Having therefore drawn in the Argives and Thebians to be their confederates, they posted themselves on the Isthmus, so that the Spartan army could not return without engaging them. The Athenians and their confederates amounted to 14,000, and the Spartans to 11,500. The Spartan general, however, not very willing to hazard a battle, turned aside to Tanagra, a city in Boeotia, where some of the Athenians who inclined to an aristocracy entered into a correspondence with him. But before their designs were ripe for execution, the Athenian army marched with great expedition to Tanagra, so that a battle became inevitable. When the armies were drawing up in order of battle, Cimon presented himself before his countrymen in complete armour, and went to take post among those of his own tribe; but the popular party raised such a clamour against him, that he was forced to retire. Before he departed, however, he exhorted Euthippus and the rest of his friends to behave in such a manner that they might wipe off the affront thrown upon him, as if he had designed to betray his country's cause to the Lacedemonians. Euthippus desired him to leave his armour, which he did; and a battle ensuing, the Athenians were defeated with great loss, and Euthippus with the rest of Cimon's friends were all killed in defence of his armour which they had surrounded. Another engagement soon followed, wherein both armies suffered so much, that they were glad to conclude a short truce, that each might have time to recruit their shattered forces.

The scale of fortune now seemed to turn in favour of the Athenians. The Thebans, who had been deprived of the command of Boeotia on account of their having sided with Xerxes, were now restored to it by Spartans. At this the Athenians were displeased, that they sent an army under Myronides the son of Callias into Boeotia to overturn all that had been done. That general was met by the Thebans and their allies, who composed a numerous and well-disciplined army. Nevertheless, though the Athenian army was but a handful in comparison of their enemies, Myronides gained a complete victory over the allies, in some sense more glorious than either that of Marathon or Platæa. In these battles they had fought against effeminate and ill-disciplined Persians, but now they encountered and defeated a superior army composed of the bravest Greeks. After this victory, Myronides marched to Tanagra, which he took by storm, and razed to the ground: he then plundered Boeotia; defeated another army which the Boeotians had drawn together to oppose him; then fell upon the Locrians; and, having penetrated into Thessaly, chastised the inhabitants of that country for having revolted from the Athenians, and from thence returned to Athens laden with riches and glory.

The next year Tolmides the Athenian admiral invaded Laconia, where he made himself master of several places; and on the back of this, Pericles invaded Peloponnesus with great success, burning, spoiling, or taking, whatever places he attempted. On his return he found the people greatly out of humour on account of Cimon's banishment; so he was immediately recalled.

Cimon was no sooner returned than he fell to his old employment of plundering the Persians; and, according to Plutarch, he had now nothing less in view than the conquest of the whole Persian empire. The Persian monarch finding he could have no rest, at last sent orders to Artabazus and Megabizus, his commanders, to conclude a treaty; which was done on the following conditions: 1. That the Greek cities in Asia should be free, and governed by their own laws. 2. That the Persians should send no army within three days' journey of the sea. 3. That no Persian ship of war should sail between Thesalia and Cyrene, the former a city of Pamphylia, and the latter of Lycia.

While this treaty was carrying on Cimon died, whether of sickness or of a wound he had received is not known; and after his death the Athenian affairs began to fall into confusion. It was now the misfortune of this state to be alike hated by her enemies and allies; the consequence of which was, that the latter were perpetually petually revolting whenever they thought they had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. The Megarians, at this time, who had been long under the protection or dominion of Athens, thought proper for some reason or other to disclaim all dependence on their former protectors, and have recourse to Sparta, with which state they entered into a strict alliance. This the Athenians revenged by ravaging the country of the Megarians; which soon brought on a renewal of the Lacedemonian war that had been for a little time suspended. Pericles, however, procured the return of the first Lacedemonian army, without bloodshed, by bribing Chandrides the young king of Sparta's tutor. In the winter, Tolmides resolved to undertake an expedition into Boeotia with a small body of troops; which design he put in execution contrary to the advice of Pericles, and his rashness was soon punished by his own death and the total defeat of his army. Notwithstanding this misfortune, however, Pericles soon after invaded and reduced Euboea; and the Lacedemonians, finding it was not for their interest to carry on the war, concluded a truce with the Athenians for 30 years.

About this time Psammiticus, king of Egypt, sent by way of present to the people of Athens 40,000 bushels of wheat; which proved a great misfortune to the city: for Pericles, out of spite to Cimon, who had children by an Arcadian woman, had preferred a law whereby the Athenians of the half blood were disfranchised; and this law, on account of the distribution of the corn abovementioned, was prosecuted with such severity, that no less than 5000 persons, who till then had been considered as free-men, were sold for slaves. This piece of cruelty has been of great service to the critics, as by means of it we know exactly the number of Athenian citizens, which at this time amounted to no more than 14,040 persons, though Athens was now aiming at no less than erecting an universal monarchy.

Six years after the conclusion of the peace between Athens and Sparta, a war broke out between the Samians and Milesians about the city of Priene, seated under mount Mycale in Ionia. How this war came to affect the Athenians is not certainly known; but, somehow or other, this republic was induced to take the part of the Milesians; and the island of Samos was reduced by Pericles, who established there a democracy, and left an Athenian garrison. He was no sooner gone, however, than the Samians, disliking their new form of government, drove out the garrison he had left; but Pericles quickly returning, besieged and took their city, demolished their walls, and fined them of the whole expense of the war; part of which he obliged them to pay down, and took hostages for the remainder. When Pericles returned, he procured himself to be appointed to pronounce the public oration in honour of those who fell; which he did with such eloquence, that when he came down from the pulpit the women gathered about him, took him by the hand, and crowned him with garlands.

A little after this commenced the war between the Corcyrians and Corinthians, which by degrees brought the Athenians into those engagements that proved the ruin of their state. The causes of this war were the following. An intestine war breaking out in the little territory of Epidamnum, a city of Macedonia founded by the Corcyrians, one party called in to their affluence the Illyrians, and the other the Corcyrians. The latter neglecting the matter, Corinth was applied to, as the Corcyrians were a colony from that place. The Corinthians, partly out of pity to the Epidamnians, and partly out of spleen to the Corcyrians, sent a very great fleet to the affluence of the former, by which means that party which had applied to Corinth was thoroughly established. This being resented by the Corcyrians, they sent a fleet to Epidamnum to support the exiles; and accordingly this fleet began to act offensively on its entering the port, the chief commanders having instructions to propose terms of accommodation, to which the Corinthians would by no means agree. The next year the Corcyrians defeated at sea the Corinthians and their allies, and took Epidamnum by storm; after which they waited the territories of the allies of the Corinthians, which greatly exasperated the latter. At Corinth, therefore, they began to make great preparations for carrying on the war, and pressed their confederates to do the same, that they might be in a condition to retrieve the honour they had lost, and humble this ungrateful colony which had thus insulted her mother-city.

The Corcyrians were no sooner acquainted with these proceedings, than they dispatched ambassadors to Athens with their complaints; and these were quickly followed by others from Corinth on the same errand. At first the people of Athens inclined to favour the Corinthians; but they soon changed their minds, and took part with the Corcyrians: they contented themselves, however, with entering into a defensive alliance with that little state, whereby they promised to assist each other, in case either party should be attacked; and in consequence of this treaty, they furnished the Corcyrians with ten galleys, under Lacedemonius the son of Cimon, with whom were joined Diotenes and Proteus as colleagues.

As soon as the season of the year permitted, the Corinthians sailed for the coast of Corcyra with a fleet of 150 ships, under the command of Xenoclides, assisted by four other Corinthian admirals; each squadron of their allies being commanded by a chief of their own. The Corcyrian and Athenian fleet amounted to 120, but the Athenians had orders to give as little assistance as possible. The action was very brisk for some time: the Corcyrian right wing broke the left of the Corinthian fleet; and forcing some of the ships on shore, landed, pillaged their camp, and made a great number of them prisoners: on the other hand, the Corinthian ships in their right wing beat the Corcyrian ships there, they being but very faintly assisted by the Athenians, till the latter were at last obliged to defend themselves, which they did so well, that the Corinthians were glad to retire. The next day preparations were made on both sides for another engagement; but 20 ships coming from Athens to the assistance of the Corcyrians, the Corinthians declined the combat.

As soon as the Corcyrian war broke out, the Athenians sent orders to the citizens of Potidea to demolish the part of their wall, to send back the magistrates they had received from Corinth, and to give hostages for their own behaviour. Potidea was a town in Macedonia. Attica, founded by the Corinthians, but at that time in alliance with the Athenians. Perdiccas king of Macedon, who hated the Athenians, took this opportunity to persuade the Potideans to revolt. Accordingly they sent ambassadors to Athens to intreat the revocation of these orders; but at the same time sent deputies to Sparta, to join with the Corinthians and Megarians in their complaints against the Athenians. The Athenians upon this sent a considerable fleet against Potidea under the command of Calias, a nobleman of great courage. The Corinthians on their part dispatched one Aristeus with a considerable body of troops to the assistance of that city. An engagement following, the Athenians were victors, but with the loss of their general. Phormio, who succeeded in the command, invested the city in form, and shut up its port with his fleet; but the Potideans dreading to fall into the hands of the Athenians, made a most obstinate defence, while in the mean time they warmly solicited the Corinthians to perform their promises, and engage the rest of the states of Peloponnesus in their quarrel.

The Lacedemonians having heard what the Corinthians and other little states of Greece had to say against the Athenians, sent ambassadors to the latter, demanding reparation for the injuries, with orders, in case of refusal, to declare war. The terms demanded were, in the first place, the expulsion of those Athenians who were allied to the family of Megacles so often mentioned. This article was on account of Pericles; for he was the son of Xanthippus the Athenian commander at Mycale, by Agarite niece to the famous Clyttenes, who corrupted the priests of Apollo in order to procure the expulsion of the Pisistratidae. They next insisted that the siege of Potidea should be raised; thirdly, that the inhabitants of Aegina should be left free; and lastly, that a decree made against the Megarians, whereby they were forbid the ports and markets of Athens, should be revoked, and all the Grecian states under the dominion of Athens set at liberty.

These terms the Athenians were persuaded by Pericles to reject. The arguments used by him were in substance as follows: That whatever the Lacedemonians might pretend as to the justice of the complaints of the allies, the true ground of this resentment was the prosperity of the Athenian republic, which the Spartans always hated, and now fought an opportunity of humbling; that it must be owing to the Athenians themselves if this design succeeded, because for many reasons Athens was better able to engage in a long and expensive war than the Peloponnesians. He then laid before the people an exact account of their circumstances; putting them in mind, that the treasure brought from Delos amounted to 10,000 talents; and that tho' 4000 of these had been expended on the flat gate of their citadel, yet that 6000 were still in hand; that they were also intitled to the subsidies paid by the confederate states; that the statues of their gods, the Persian spoils, &c. were worth immense sums; that private men were arrived at vast fortunes; and that, considering their trade by sea, they had a certain annual increase of wealth; that they had on foot an army of 12,000 men, and in their colonies and garrisons 17,000; that their fleet consisted of 300 sail; whereas the Peloponnesians had no such advantages.

For these reasons he proposed as the most feasible, and likewise the most equitable satisfaction that could be given, that they would reverse their decree against Megara, if the Lacedemonians would allow free egress and regress in their city to the Athenians and their allies; that they would leave all those states free who were free at the making of the last peace with Sparta, provided the Spartans would also leave all states free who were under their dominion; and that future disputes should be submitted to arbitration. In case these offers should be rejected, he advised them to hazard a war; telling them, that they should not think they ran that hazard for a trifle, or retain a scruple in their minds as if a small matter moved them to it, because on this small matter depended their safety, and the reputation of their constancy and resolution; whereas, if they yield in this, the next demand of the Lacedemonians would be of a higher nature; for having once discovered that the Athenians were subject to fear, they would thence conclude that nothing could be denied to Sparta, whereas a stiff denial in this case would teach them to treat Athens for the future on terms of equality. He enforced these reasons by showing that their ancestors had always acted on the like principles, and in all cases preferred their glory to their ease, and their liberty to their possessions.

This was the origin of the Peloponnesian war, which makes so great a figure in ancient history. The immediate preliminary to general hostilities was an attempt of the Thebans to surprise Platea. With this attempt of view they sent Eurymachus with 300 Thebans to affl the Thespians of the Plateans, as they had drawn over to their interest, in making themselves masters of the place. In this design they succeeded very well at first, the Plateans, who had promised to open the gates, keeping their words exactly, so that they were instantly in possession of the city. The other party, however, perceiving how small a number they had to contend with, unanimously rose upon them, killing a great many, and forcing the rest to surrender themselves prisoners of war. Another party came from Thebes to afflit their countrymen; but they arrived too late: the Plateans, however, foreseeing that they would waste their country, promised to release the prisoners if they would forbear to spoil their lands. On this the Thebans withdrew; and the Plateans cruelly put to death massacred, all their prisoners, to the number of 180, with Eurymachus their chief, alleging that they had not promised their release but in case of peace. The Athenians, as soon as they had notice of this attempt of the Thebans, caused all the Boeotians in their territory to be arrested; and when they understood how the Plateans had delivered themselves, they sent a great convoy of provisions to that city, and a numerous body of troops to escort their wives and children to Athens.

Both parties now prepared in earnest for war, both sent ambassadors to the Persians, and both sought to allure their allies. Most of the Greek states inclined to both sides. The favour the Spartans, because they acted on this occasion as the deliverers of Greece, and because they either had been, or feared that they would be, oppressed by the Athenians. With the Spartans joined all the Peloponnesians, except the Argives and part of the Achaean; The Peloponnesian war commenced 431 years before Christ. The Lacedemonian army was assembled at the Isthmus, and consisted of no less than 60,000 men; but before Archidamus king of Sparta, who commanded in chief, would enter Attica, he dispatched a herald to Athens. The herald was sent back without any answer, by which all hopes of peace were cut off. As Archidamus was a friend to Pericles, the latter apprehended that he might forbear plundering his estates. With this he immediately acquainted the people; telling them at the same time, that in such a case he made a present of his lands to the public. He then advised the citizens to take no care of defending their country-seats, but to attend only to the city, bury themselves in the equipping of ships, and settle a thorough resolution not to be intimidated with the first evils of war. This proposal the Athenians readily complied with, and appointed Pericles commander in chief, with nine more generals to assist him.

The first year, the Spartan army committed great ravages in Attica, Pericles having no force capable of opposing it, and refusing to engage on disadvantageous terms, notwithstanding prodigious clamours were raised against him by his countrymen. The allies, however, had no great reason to boast of the advantages they gained this year; an Athenian fleet ravaged the coasts of Peloponnesus; another infested the Locrians, drove out the inhabitants of Ægina, and repeopled the island from Athens. They likewise reduced Cephallenia, and some towns in Acarnania and Leucas which had declared for the Lacedemonians; and in the autumn, when the Peloponnesians were retired, Pericles entering the Megarian territory, did all the mischief that could be expected from a provoked enemy.

The spring of the second year was very fatal to Athens by a dreadful plague which destroyed great numbers of the citizens, while the Peloponnesians under Archidamus waited every thing abroad. In the midst of these distresses, however, Pericles retained his courage, and would suffer none of his countrymen to stir without the city either to escape the plague or infect the enemy. He caused a great fleet to be equipped, on board which he embarked 4000 foot and 300 horse, with which he sailed to Epidaurus. Upon this the enemy withdrew their forces out of Attica; but Pericles was able to do no great matter on account of the plague, which made so great havoc among his men, that he brought back to Athens only 1500 of the 4000 he carried out. By this misfortune the Athenians were thrown into despair; they immediately sued for peace, which the Spartans were now too proud to grant; then turning their rage upon Pericles, they dismissed and fined him. Soon after, Pericles' children and almost all his relations died of the plague; so that this great statesman was overwhelmed with melancholy, and for some time shut himself up from public view: at last, through the persuasion of Alcibiades and some others, he showed himself to the people. They received him with acclamations, and at his request repealed the unjust law he had made, whereby all Athenians of the half blood were disfranchised, and then reinstated him in all his former honours. Hereupon he enrolled the repeal of only son he had left, who before had been counted a bastard on account of his mother being a Milesian.

This year also the island of Zacynthus was waited by the Peloponnesians; and the city of Potidea submitted to the Athenians, after the inhabitants had been driven to such extremity as to feed upon human flesh. The Athenians permitted the men to depart with one garment, and the women with two; after which, the town was repeopled by a colony from Athens.

The third year of the Peloponnesian war was remarkable for the death of the great Pericles, who was taken off by the plague. Platæa also was besieged by Archidamus; but without success, even though the greatest part of it was set on fire; the Platæans refusing to submit to every kind of misery rather than abandon the Athenian cause. In the end, therefore, the king of Sparta was obliged to turn the siege into a blockade; and having thrown up an intrenchment fortified with a deep ditch, he left a sufficient number of men to guard his lines, and then returned back to Peloponnesus.

The following summer, the Peloponnesians under the command of Archidamus invaded Attica, where they waited every thing with fire and sword; at the same time the whole island of Lesbos, except the district of Methymna, revolted from the Athenians, who here-ans, upon invested the city of Mitylene. All this time the city of Platæa was blocked up by the Peloponnesians; and its inhabitants being now greatly distressed for want of provisions, the garrison, consisting of 400 natives and 80 Athenians, came to the desperate resolution of forcing a passage through the enemy's lines. When they came to attempt this, however, many of them were intimidated; but 300 persisted in their resolution; and of these 212 got safe through and marched to Athens, but the rest were compelled to retire.

In the beginning of the fifth year, the Peloponnesians sent 40 ships to the relief of Mitylene; but without effect, for the place had surrendered before the fleet could come to its assistance. Paches, the Athenian commander, likewise chased away the Peloponnesian fleet upon its arrival; and returning to Lesbos sent the Lacedemonian minister whom he found in Mitylene, together with a deputation, to Athens. On their arrival, the Lacedemonian was immediately put to death; and in a general assembly of the people, it was resolved, that all the Mitylenians who were arrived at man's estate should be put to death, and the women and children sold for slaves. The next day, however, this cruel decree was reversed, and a galley sent with all expedition to countermand these bloody orders. This last vessel, however, could not get before the other; but Paches, being a man of great humanity, had taken a day to consider on the orders he had received; during which time the last mentioned galley arrived; in consequence of which, only about 1000 of the most forward rebels were put to death; the walls of the city were also demolished, their ships taken away, and their lands divided among the Athenians, who let them again to their old masters at very high rents. The same fum- mer the Athenians seized the island of Minoas, lying over against the territory of Megara; and likewise the port Niscea, which last they fortified, and it proved afterwards a place of the utmost importance to them. At this time also the Platæans, driven to the last extremity, surrendered to the Lacedemonians, by whom they were, to the number of 208, including 25 Athenians, put to death, and their women sold for slaves. Their city was soon after rased by their implacable enemies the Thebans, who left only an inn to show where it stood. The fame of Platea, however, induced Alexander the Great afterwards to rebuild it.

In this year happened the famous sedition of Corcyra, whence other seditions, when their effects rendered them terrible, have been called Corcyrian. It hath been already observed, that the war between the Corcyrians and Corinthians brought on the general war throughout Peloponnesus. A great number of Corcyrians were in the beginning of this war carried away prisoners into Peloponnesus, where the chief of them were very well treated, but the rest sold for slaves. The reason of this conduct of the Corinthians was a design they had formed of engaging these Corcyrians to influence their countrymen to side with them and their allies. With this view they treated them with all imaginable lenity and tenderness, infilling into them by degrees an hatred of democratic government; after which they were told, that they might obtain their liberty upon condition of using all their influence at home in favour of the allies, and to the prejudice of Athens. This the Corcyrians readily promised, and endeavoured to perform. At first, those who were for an aristocracy prevailed, and murdered all those of the opposite party that fell into their hands, in which they were assisted by a fleet of Peloponnesians: but the Athenians sending first one fleet and then another to the assistance of the distressed party, the Peloponnesians were forced to withdraw; after which, the democratic party sufficiently revenged themselves, and destroyed their antagonists without mercy. The worst of all was, that this example once set, the several states of Greece felt in their turns the like commotions, which were always heightened by agents from Sparta and Athens; the former endeavouring to settle aristocracy, and the latter democracy, wherever they came.

While the Athenians were thus engaged in a war wherein they were already overmatched, they foolishly engaged in a new one, which in the end proved more fatal than all the rest. The inhabitants of Sicily were split into two factions; the one called the Doric, at the head of which was the city of Syracuse; the other the Ionic, which owned the Leontines for their chiefs: the latter perceiving themselves too weak without foreign aid, sent one Georgias, a celebrated orator, to apply to Athens for relief; and he by his fine speeches so captivated the giddy and inconstant Athenians, that they ran headlong into a war which they were unable to maintain while engaged with all the Peloponnesians. Enticed by this new prospect, therefore, and grasping at the conquest of Sicily, as well as of all Greece, they sent a fleet to the assistance of the Leontines, under the command of Lachetes and Chabrias; and they were no sooner failed, than another fleet for the same purpose was begun to be fitted out. All this time the plague continued to rage with great violence at Athens, cutting off this year 4000 citizens, besides a much greater number of the meaner sort of people.

The fifth year of the Peloponnesian war was remarkable for no great exploit: Agis the son of Archidamus, king of Sparta, assembled an army in order to invade Attica, but was prevented from so doing by many great earthquakes which happened throughout Greece. The next year, however, he entered Attica with his army, while the Athenians on their part sent a fleet under the command of Demosthenes, to infest the coasts of Peloponnesus. As this fleet passed by Laconia, the seventh commander took notice that the promontory of Pylus, Pylus fort, which was joined to the continent by a narrow neck of land, had before it a barren island about two miles in circumference, in which, however, there was a good safe port, all winds being kept off by the headland or by the isle. These advantages made him apprehend, that a garrison left here would give the Peloponnesians so much trouble, that they would find it more advisable to protect their own country than to invade that of their neighbours. Accordingly, having raised a strong fortification, he himself with five ships sailed to defend it, while the rest of the fleet proceeded on their intended expedition. On the news of this event, the Peloponnesian army immediately returned to besiege Pylus. When they arrived before the place, they took possession of the harbour, and then caused a chosen body of Spartans take possession of the island of Sphacteria, after which they attacked the fort with great vigour. Demosthenes and his garrison defended themselves with great valour; and an Athenian fleet arriving very seasonably, offered battle to the Peloponnesian fleet. This being refused, the Athenians boldly sailed Spartan into the harbour, broke and sunk most of the vessels therein, after which they besieged the Spartans in Sphacteria. The Peloponnesians now began to treat with their enemies, and a truce was concluded during the time that negotiations were carried on at Athens. One of the articles of this truce was, that the Peloponnesians should deliver up all their ships, on condition of having them punctually returned in case the treaty did not take effect. The Athenians having heard the Spartan ambassadors, were inclined to put an end to this destructive war: but Cleon, one of their orators, a warm and obstinate man, persuaded his countrymen to inflict on very unreasonable terms; upon which the ambassadors returned, and by doing so put an end to the truce. The Peloponnesians then demanded their Athenian vessels; but the Athenians refused to deliver them, under pretence of their having broke the truce.

Hostilities being thus recommenced on both sides, they attacked the Lacedemonians attacked the Athenians at Pylus, tack Sphacteria, while the latter attacked the Spartans at Sphacteria. The Spartans, though but a handful of men and under every imaginable discouragement, behaved with such bravery, that the siege proceeded very slowly, so that the people of Athens became very uneasy. They began then to wish they had embraced the offers of the orator against Spartans, and to rail vehemently against Cleon, who pointed out to excuse himself, said, it would be easy for the general of the forces they were at that time lending, to attack the Spartans in the isle, and reduce them at once. Nicias, who had been appointed to this command, replied, that if Cleon believed he could do such great things, he... he would do well to go thither in person: the latter, imagining this only meant to try him, said he was ready to go with all his heart; whereby Nicias catched him, and declared that he had relinquished his charge. Cleon thereupon said, that he was no general; but Nicias told him that he might become one; and the people pleased with the controversy, held the orator to his word. Cleon then advancing, told them he was so little afraid of the enemy, that, with a very inconsiderable force, he would undertake, in conjunction with those already at Pylus, to bring to Athens the Spartans who gave them so much trouble in 20 days. The people laughed at these promises; however, they furnished him with the troops he desired; and to their surprise, Cleon brought the Spartans prisoners to Athens within the time appointed.

This summer likewise an Athenian fleet was sent to Sicily, with instructions to put in at Corcyra, and assist the government against the Lacedemonian faction which still subsisted in that island. This they effectually performed; for by their means the exiles fell into the hands of the other party: these they imprisoned; and then drew them out by 20 at a time, to suffer death, which was inflicted with all the circumstances of cruelty that party-rage could suggest. When only 60 remained, they intreated the Athenians to put them to death, and not to deliver them up to their countrymen; but upon this the Corcyrians surrounded the place where they were confined, endeavouring to bury them under their darts; upon which the unhappy captives all put an end to their own lives.

In the eighth year Nicias reduced the isle of Cythera on the coast of Laconia; as likewise Thyrrea, on the confines of that country. The latter had been given to the Aeginaeans when expelled from their own country by the Athenians; and they were now condemned to death, as inveterate enemies of the Athenian state and nation.—In Sicily, one Hermocrates of Syracuse persuaded all the inhabitants of the island to adjust their differences among themselves; upon which the Athenian generals returned home, and for so doing two of them were banished, and the third sentenced to pay a heavy fine.

The Athenians next laid siege to Megara under the conduct of Hippocrates and Demosthenes; but Brasidas a Spartan general coming to its relief, a battle ensued, by which, though neither party got the better, the Lacedemonian faction prevailed in Megara, and many who favoured the Athenians were forced to withdraw. After this, such as had been banished for adhering to the Lacedemonians were allowed to return, on their taking an oath to forget what was past, and attempt nothing that might disturb their country. As soon as they were settled, however, they forgot their oath; and causing 100 of those who were most obnoxious to be apprehended, forced the people to condemn them to death. They then changed the whole form of government, introduced an oligarchy, and possessed themselves of the supreme power.

In Boeotia some commotions were raised in favour of the Athenians; but their generals Hippocrates and Demosthenes being defeated by the opposite party, all hopes ceased of the Athenian power being established in Boeotia. In the mean time Brasidas reduced the city of Amphipolis, which greatly alarmed the Athenians, who thereupon sent new supplies of men, money, and ships, to the Macedonian coast; but all their care could not prevent a great defection from their interest in those parts, where the valour and conduct of Brasidas carried all before him.

In the ninth year, the Spartans made new proposals of peace, which the Athenians were now more inclined to accept than formerly; and finding their affairs very concluded much unfettered by the loss of Amphipolis, a truce for a year was quickly agreed on, while negotiations were in the mean time carrying on for a general peace. This pacific scheme, however, was very soon overthrown by the following accident in Thrace. The city of Scione, and that of Menda, revolted to Brasidas; who, knowing nothing of the truce, fought to draw over Potidaea. The Athenians, pretending that Scione revolted two days after the truce was concluded, made heavy complaints, asserting that this was a breach of the truce, and that both it and Menda should be restored to them. This not being effected by negotiations, an army was sent against the two cities, by which Menda was reduced; but Scione making an obstinate defence, the siege was turned into a blockade.

In the tenth year, Brasidas made an attempt upon Potidaea; which having failed, the Athenians began to recover some courage. The truce expiring on the day of the Pythian games, Cleon persuaded the Athenians to send an army into Thrace under his own command. It consisted of 1200 foot and 300 horse, all Athenian citizens, who embarked on board 30 galleys. Brasidas had an army much inferior; but observing that the Athenian general was become careless, and neglected discipline, he attacked him. In this engagement Cleon was killed, and the Athenians defeated with the loss of 600, while the Spartans lost only seven; but among these was their brave commander Brasidas, whose death affected them almost as much as the loss of their army did the Athenians.

As the death of Cleon deprived the Athenians of one of their best speakers, and one who had been very industrious in promoting the war, they were now much more disposed than formerly to hearken to terms of accommodation. Amongst the Spartans, too, there was a party, at the head of whom was Platonax their king, who earnestly wished for peace; and as Nicias laboured no less assiduously at Athens to bring about this desirable event, a peace was at last concluded for fifty years between the two nations. The conditions were, that a restitution of places and prisoners should be made on both sides; excepting that Nisaea should remain to the Athenians who had taken it from the Megarians; and that Platea should continue with the Thebans, because they absolutely would not give it up. The Boeotians, Corinthians, and Megarians, refused to be included in this peace; but the rest of the allies yielded to it; and it was accordingly ratified, receiving the name of the Nician peace, from Nicias who had so vigorously promoted it.

By this means, however, tranquillity was far from being restored. Such of the states of Peloponnesus as contents were dissatisfied, began immediately to league among themselves, and to set on foot a new confederacy, the head of which was to be the state of Argos. The Lacedemonians, too, found it impossible to perform exactly the articles of agreement; the city of Amphipolis in particular, absolutely refused to return under the Athenian government; for which reason the Athenians refused to evacuate Pylus. In the winter, new negotiations were entered into on all sides, but nothing determined, and universal murmuring and discontent took place. These discontents were not a little heightened by Alcibiades, who now began to rival Nicias, and, perceiving the Lacedemonians made their court mostly to his rival, took all opportunities to incense his countrymen against that nation. Nicias, on the other hand, who wished for nothing so much as peace, used all his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation. The artifices of Alcibiades, however, added to the turbulent and haughty disposition of both nations, rendered this impossible; so that though Nicias went on purpose to Sparta, he returned without doing anything.

Alcibiades having thus disposed every thing according to his wishes, and a war being inevitable, he began to take the most prudent methods for preserving his country in safety. With this view he entered into a league for 100 years with the Argives, which he hoped would keep the war at a distance: he next passed over into the territories of Argos, at the head of a considerable army; and laboured, both at that city and at Patre, to persuade the people to build walls to the sea, that so they might the more easily receive assistance from the Athenians. But though great preparations for war were now made, nothing was undertaken this year; only the Argives thought to have made themselves masters of Epidaurus, but were hindered by the Lacedemonians putting a garrison into it.

The next year (the 14th after the Peloponnesian war was first begun) a Spartan army, under the command of Agis, entered the territory of Argos where the confederate army lay; but just as the engagement was about to begin, a truce was suddenly concluded by two of the Argive generals and the king of Sparta. With this neither party was pleased, and both the king and generals were very ill treated by their citizens. On the arrival of some fresh troops from Athens, therefore, the Argives immediately broke the truce: but the allied army was soon after defeated with great slaughter by Agis; notwithstanding which, however, the Eleans and Athenians invested Epidaurus. In the winter, a strong party in Argos joined the Lacedemonians; in consequence of which that city renounced her alliance with Athens, and concluded one with Sparta for 50 years. In compliment to their new allies, also, the Argives abolished democracy in their city, establishing an aristocracy in its place, and assisted the Lacedemonians with a considerable body of troops to force the Sicyonians to do the same.

In the beginning of the 15th year, the Argives, with a levity seemingly natural to all the Greeks, renounced their alliance with Sparta, abolished aristocracy, drove all the Lacedemonians out of the city, and renewed their league with Athens. The Athenians, in the mean time, being convinced of the treachery of Perdiccas king of Macedon, renounced their alliance with him, and declared war against him.

Next year Alcibiades terminated the disputes in the city of Argos, by the banishment of the Spartan faction; after which he sailed to the island of Melos, whose inhabitants had acted with the greatest ingratitude against his countrymen: perceiving, however, that the reduction of the island would be a work of time, he left a considerable body of forces there, and returned to Athens. In his absence the capital of Melos surrendered at discretion, and the inhabitants were treated with the utmost cruelty; all the men capable of bearing arms being slaughtered, and the women and children carried into captivity.

In the beginning of the 17th year, Nicias was appointed commander of an expedition against the Syrians, along with Alcibiades and Lamachus as colleagues. But while the necessary preparations were making, all things were thrown into confusion by the deceiving of the Hermæ, or statues of mercury, of which there was a great number in the city. The authors of Sparta's sacrilege could by no means be discovered, though rewards were offered for this purpose; at last the suspicion fell upon Alcibiades; and for this weighty reason he was commanded to return from Sicily to take his trial. Alcibiades, however, knew the temper of his countrymen too well to trust himself to their mercy; and therefore, instead of returning to Athens, he fled immediately to Sparta, where he met with a gracious reception; while the infatuated Athenians were severely punished by the loss of their army, generals, and fleet, in Sicily, which the superior abilities of Alcibiades would in all probability have prevented.

The 19th and 20th years of the war were spent by the Athenians in equipping a new fleet in order to repel the Persian threat very much, by persuading Tissaphernes the Persian to league with the Spartans against them; at the same time he persuaded several of the Ionian states to revolt from Athens, but they were in a short time obliged again to submit. Notwithstanding all these services, Alcibiades, however, Alcibiades had rendered himself so hateful to the Persians by debauching his wife, that he soon found himself obliged to fly to the Persians, where Tissaphernes gave him a very favourable reception, and profited much by his advice, which was, to let the Greeks weaken one another by their mutual wars, and that the Persians ought never to see one state totally destroyed, but always to support the weaker party.

When Tissaphernes had acquiesced with these counsels, Alcibiades privately wrote to some of the officers in the Athenian army at Samos, that he had been treated with the Persians in behalf of his countrymen, but did not choose to return till the democracy should be abolished; and to incline the citizens to comply with this measure, he told them that the Persian king disliked a democracy, but would immediately assist them if that was abolished, and an oligarchy erected in its stead.

On the arrival of Pifander and other deputies from the army, with the proposals of Alcibiades, the Athenians without hesitation resolved to overturn that democracy which they had all along so strenuously defended. The issue of their present debates was, that Pifander with ten deputies should return to Alcibiades, in order to know on what terms the king of Persia would make an alliance with them; but that cunning Athenian having perceived that Tissaphernes was by no means disposed to assist the Athenians on account of their having been lately successful, he set up such high demands in the king of Persia's name, that the Athenians of themselves broke off the treaty. and thus Alcibiades preserved the friendship of both parties.

Pisander having engaged the army at Samos in his scheme of overturning democracy, that form of government was abolished first in the cities subject to Athens, and lastly in the capital itself. Pisander's new scheme was, That the old form of government should be totally dissolved; that five prytanes should be elected; that these five should choose 100; and that each of the hundred should choose three; that the 400 thus elected should become a senate with full power; but should occasionally consult with 5000 of the most wealthy citizens, who should thenceforward be esteemed only the people; and that no authority should remain with the lowest class. Though the people were not very fond of this change, those who conducted it, being men of great parts, found means to establish it by force; for when the people were gone out of the city to their ordinary employments, the 400, having each a dagger concealed under his vest, attended by a guard of 120 men, entered the senate-house, dissolved the old senate, and without ceremony turned them out; after which the commons, not knowing whom to submit to, or to whom to apply, made no opposition.

The first step of the new governors was to destroy all their enemies; who, however, were not very numerous, so that little blood was shed. They next sent ambassadors to Agis to sue for peace; but he, taking for granted that the Athenians would never defend an oligarchy, gave no answer to the ambassadors, but immediately marched towards the capital with a design to attack it. On his arrival, however, he was quickly convinced of his mistake, being repulsed with loss, and obliged to retire to his old post.

In the mean time the Athenian army declared again for a democracy; and having recalled Alcibiades, invested him with full power, and insisted on his immediate return to Athens to restore the ancient government. This measure he refused to comply with, and persuaded them to stay where they were, in order to save Ionia; he also prevailed on them to allow some deputies, who had been sent from the new governors of Athens, to come and deliver their message. To these deputies Alcibiades replied, that they should immediately return to Athens, and acquaint the 400, that they were commanded immediately to resign their power and restore the senate; but that the 5000 might retain theirs, provided they used it with moderation.

By this answer the city was thrown into the utmost confusion; but the new government party prevailing, ambassadors were dispatched to Sparta with orders to procure peace on any terms. This, however, was not to be effected; and Phrynicus, the head of the embassy, and likewise of the new government party, was murdered on his return. After his death, Theramenes, the head of the other party, seized the chiefs of the 400; upon which a tumult ensued that had almost proved fatal to the city itself. The mob, however, being at last dispersed, the 400 assembled, though in great fear, and sent deputies to the people, promising to set all things to rights. In consequence of this deputation, a day was appointed for convoking a general assembly, and settling the state; but when that day came, news was brought that the Lacedemonian fleet appeared in view, and steered directly for Salamis. Thus all was again thrown into confusion; for the people, instead of deliberating on the subject proposed, ran in crowds down to the port, and perceiving the Spartans made towards Euboea, a fleet of 36 ships was immediately dispatched under the command of Thymochares, to engage the enemy. This fleet was utterly defeated, 22 of the Athenian ships being taken, and most of the others sunk or disabled; but what was worse, this defeat was followed by the revolt of all the country of Euboea except Orcus.

When these dismal tidings arrived at Athens, every thing was given up for lost; and had the Lacedemonians taken this opportunity of attacking the city, they had undoubtedly succeeded, and thus put an end to the war; but being at all times slow, especially in naval affairs, they gave the Athenians time to equip a new fleet, and to retrieve their affairs. One good effect of this disaster, however, was the putting an end for a time to the internal dissensions of this turbulent people; infomuch that Thucydides the historian is of opinion, that the republic never enjoyed so much quiet as at this time.

Alcibiades now showed his abilities and inclination to serve his country in an eminent manner. By his intrigues he so effectually embroiled the Persians and Peloponnesians with each other, that neither party knew whom to trust. Thrasybulus, with 55 ships, gained a victory over the Peloponnesian fleet consisting of 73; after which he took 8 galleys coming from Byzantium; which city had revolted from the Athenians, but was soon after taken, and the inhabitants severely fined. The fleet being afterwards joined by Alcibiades, nine more of the Peloponnesian galleys were taken, the Halicarnassians were constrained to pay a large sum of money, and Cos was strongly fortified; which transactions ended the 21st year of the Peloponnesian war.

In the succeeding years of this famous war, the Athenians had at first great advantages. Thrasybulus gained a signal victory at sea; and Alcibiades gained two victories, one by sea and another by land, in one day, took the whole Peloponnesian fleet, and more spoil than his men could carry away. The Spartans were now humbled in their turn, and sued for peace; but the Athenians were so intoxicated with their success, that they sent back the ambassadors without an answer; which they soon had sufficient reason to repent of. The beginning of the Athenians misfortunes was the taking of Pylus by the Spartans. The Athenians had sent a fleet under the command of one Anytus to Pylus for its defence; but he was driven back by contrary winds; upon which he was condemned to death, because he could not cause the wind blow from what quarter he pleased: this sentence, however, was remitted on his paying a vast sum of money. This misfortune was quickly followed by another. The Megarians surprized Nisaea; which enraged the Athenians so much, that they immediately sent an army into that country, who defeated the Megarians who opposed them, with great slaughter, and committed horrid devastations.

These misfortunes as yet, however, were overbalanced by the great actions of Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, and... and Theramenes. When Alcibiades returned, he brought with him a fleet of 200 ships, and such a load of spoils as had never been seen in Athens since the conclusion of the Persian war. The people left their city destitute, that they might crowd to the port, to behold Alcibiades as he landed; old and young blessed him as he passed; and next day when he made a harangue to the assembly, they directed the record of his banishment to be thrown into the sea, absolved him from the curses he lay under, and created him general with full power. Nor did he seem inclined to indulge himself in ease, but soon put to sea again with a fleet of 100 ships. He had not been long gone, however, before all this was forgot. Alcibiades failed to the Hellespont with part of his fleet, leaving the rest under the command of Antiochus his pilot, but with strict orders to attempt nothing before his return. This command the pilot paid no regard to, but provoked Lysander the Lacedemonian admiral to an engagement, and in consequence of his temerity was defeated with the loss of 15 ships, himself being killed in the engagement. On the news of this defeat Alcibiades returned, and endeavoured to provoke the Lacedemonians to a second battle: but this Lysander prudently declined; and in the mean time the Athenians, with unparalleled ingratitude and inconstancy, deprived Alcibiades of his command, naming ten new generals in his room.

This was the last step the Athenians had to take for perfecting their ruin. Conon, who succeeded to the command, was defeated by Callicratidas Lysander's successor; but being afterwards strongly reinforced, the Lacedemonians were entirely defeated with the loss of 77 ships. Such a victory might at this time have inspired the Athenians with some kind of gratitude towards the generals who gained it: but instead of this, on pretence of their not having assisted the wounded during the engagement, eight of them were recalled; two were wise enough not to return; and the six who trusted to the justice of their country were all put to death.

The next year Lysander was appointed commander of what fleet the Peloponnesians had left, with which he took Thasus and Lampacus. Conon was dispatched against him with 180 ships, which being greatly superior to Lysander's fleet, that general refused to come to an engagement, and was blocked up in the river Egos. While the Athenians lay there, they grew quite idle and careless; insomuch that Alcibiades, who had built a castle for himself in the neighbourhood, intreated them to be more on their guard, as he well knew Lysander's abilities. They answered, that they wondered at his assurance, who was an exile and a vagabond, to come and give laws to them; telling him, that if he gave them any farther trouble, they would seize and send him to Athens. At the same time they looked on victory as so certain, that they consulted what they should do with their prisoners; which, by the advice of Philocles their general, was to cut off all their right hands, or, according to Plutarch, their right thumbs; and Adiamantus one of their officers rendered himself very obnoxious by saying, that such idle discourse did not become Athenians. The consequences of such conduct may be easily imagined. Lysander fell unexpectedly upon them, and gained a most complete victory; Conon, with eight galleys only, escaping to Cyprus; after which Lysander returned to Lampacus, where he put to death Philocles with 3000 of his soldiers, and all the officers except Adiamantus. This execution being over, he reduced all the cities subject to Athens; and with great civility sent home their garrisons, that so the city might be overstocked with inhabitants, and destitute of provisions, when he came to besiege it; which he did soon after by sea, while Agis with a great army invested it by land.

For a long time the Athenians did not so much as desire a peace; but at last were forced to send deputies to Agis, who sent them to Sparta, where no terms could be granted except they consented to demolish their walls. They next sent to Lysander, who after a long attendance referred them to Sparta; and thither Theramenes with some other deputies was immediately sent. On their arrival, they found the council of the confederates sitting, who all except the Spartans gave their votes that Athens should be utterly destroyed: but they would not consent to the ruin of that city, which had deserved so well of Greece. On the return Terms of Theramenes, peace was concluded, on condition, peace, that the long walls and the fortifications of the port should be demolished; that they should give up all their ships but 12, receive all they had banished, and follow the fortune of the Lacedemonians. These severe terms were punctually executed. Lysander caused the walls to be pulled down; all the music in his army playing, on that very day of the year on which they had beat the Persians at Salamis. He likewise established an oligarchy expressly against the will of the people; and thus the ruin of Athens ended the 27th year of the Peloponnesian war, and the 404th before Christ.

As soon as Lysander had demolished the long walls, The thirty and the fortifications of the Pyraeum, he constituted a tyrants' council of thirty, with power, as was pretended, to make laws, but in truth to subjugate the state. These are the persons so famous in history, under the title of the thirty tyrants. They were all the creatures of Lysander; who, as they derived their rise from conquest and the law of the sword, exercised their offices in a suitable manner; that is, with the highest testimonies of pride, influence, and cruelty. Instead of making laws, they governed without them; appointed a senate and magistrates at their will; and, that they might do all things without danger of control, they sent for a garrison from Lacedemon: which was accordingly granted them, under the command of Callidius, upon their promise to pay the soldiers regularly. One of the first steps they took was to punish all informers; which, though severe, was popular; but when, through flattery and bribes, they had wholly drawn over Callidius to their party, they suffered bad men to live in quiet, and turned their rage against the good.

Critias and Theramenes were at the head of the Critias and thirty, men of the greatest power and abilities in Theramenes, Athens. The former was ambitious and cruel with, nes, their out measure; the latter was somewhat more merciful; opposite the former pushed on all the bloody schemes framed by his confederates, and carried into execution many of his own; the latter always opposed them, at first with moderation, at last with vehemence. He said, that power was given them to rule, and not to spoil, the com- commonwealth; that it became them to act like sheep- herds, not like wolves; and that they ought to be- ware of rendering themselves at once odious and ridi- culous, by attempting to domineer over all, being such a handful of men as they were. The rest, disliking much the former part of his discourse, catches hold of the lat- ter, and immediately chose out 3000, whom they made the representatives of the people, and to whom they granted this notable privilege, that none of them should be put to death but by judgment of the senate, thereby openly affuming a power of putting any other of the Athenian citizens to death by their own authority. A glorious use they made of this new-awumed privilege; for as many as they conjectured to be no friends to the government in general, or to any of themselves in par- ticular, they put to death, without caule, and without mercy. Theramenes openly opposing this, and abso- lutely refusing to concur in such measures, Critias ac- cused him to the senate as a man of unsteady princi- ples, sometimes for the people, sometimes against them, always for new things and state-revolutions. Thera- menes owned, that he had sometimes changed his mea- sures, but alleged that he had always done it to serve the people. He said that it was solely with this view he made the peace with Sparta, and accepted the office of one of the thirty; that he had never opposed their mea- sures while they cut off the wicked; but when they began to destroy men of fortune and family, then he owned he had differed with them, which he conceived to be no crime against the state.

While Theramenes was speaking, Critias withdrew, perceiving that the senate were thoroughly convinced of the truth of what Theramenes had said: but he quickly returned with a guard, crying out, that he had struck Theramenes's name out of the list of the 3000; that the senate had therefore no longer cognizance of the cause, which the thirty had already judged, and con- demned him to death. Theramenes perceiving that they intended to seize him, fled to the altar, which was in the midst of the senate-house, and laying his hands thereon, said, "I do not seek refuge here be- cause I expect to escape death or desire it; but that, tearing me from the altar, the impious authors of my murder may interest the gods in bringing them to speedy judgment, and thereby restore freedom to my country."

The guards then dragged him from the altar, and car- ried him to the place of execution, where he drank the poison with undaunted courage, putting the people in mind with his last breath, that as they had struck his name out of the 3000, they might also strike out any of theirs. His death was followed by a train of mur- ders, so that in a short time 60 of the worthiest and most eminent citizens of Athens fell by the cruelty of the thirty. Among these, the most pitied was Ni- ceratus the son of Nicias; a man universally beloved for his goodness, and universally admired for his vir- tures. As for the Spartans, they, losing their former generosity, were extremely pleased with these things, and by a public decree commanded that such as fled from the thirty tyrants should be carried back bound to Athens; which extraordinary proceeding frightened all Greece; but the Argives and Thebans only had courage to oppose it: the former received the Athe- nian exiles with humanity and kindness; the latter pu- nished with a mulct such of their citizens as did not rise and rescue the Athenian prisoners, who in pursu- ance of the Lacedemonian decree were carried bound through their territories.

Thrasybulus, and such as with him had taken shelter in the Theban territory, resolved to hazard every thing rather than remain perpetual exiles from their country; and though he had but 30 men on whom he could de- pend, yet considering the victories he had heretofore ob- tained in the cause of his country, he made an irruption into Attica, where he seized Phyla, a castle at a very small distance from Athens, where in a very short space his forces were augmented to 700 men; and though Phyla, the tyrants made use of the Spartan garrison in their endeavours to reduce him and his party, yet Thrasybu- lus prevailed in various skirmishes, and at last obliged them to break up the blockade of Phyla, which they had formed. The thirty and their party conceiving it very advantageous for them to have the possession of Eleusina, marched thither, and having persuaded the people to go unarmed out of their city, that they might number them, took this opportunity most inhu- manly to murder them. The forces of Thrasybulus in- creasing daily, he at length possessed himself of the Pi- reum, which he fortified in the best manner he could; but the tyrants being determined to drive him from thence, came down against him with the utmost force they could raise. Thrasybulus defended himself with great obstinacy; and in the end they were forced to retreat, having lost before the place not only a great number of their men, but Critias the president of the Critias thirty, another of the same body, and one who had been killed, a captain of the Pireum.

When they came to demand the dead from Thrasy- bulus, in order for their interment, he caused a crier he had with him to make a short speech in a very loud voice to the people, intreating them to consider, that as they were citizens of Athens without, so those against whom they fought, and those who fought to preserve themselves within the fort, were Athenian citizens also; wherefore, instead of thinking how to ruin and destroy their brethren, they ought rather to consult how all differences ought to be composed, and especially ought to rid themselves of those bloody tyrants, who, in the short time they had had the administration in their hands, had destroyed more than had fallen in the Pe- loponnesian war. The people, though moved by these dis- courses, differed among themselves; the consequence of which was, that they expelled the thirty, and chose ten men out of each tribe to govern in their stead, where- upon the tyrants retired to Eleusina. The citizens, however, though they changed the government, made no agreement with those in the Pireum; but sent away deputies to Sparta, as did also the tyrants from Eleu- sina, complaining, that the Athenians had revolted, and desiring their assistance to reduce them. The Spar- tans sent thereupon a large sum of money to encourage their confederates, and appointed Lyfander commander in chief, and his brother to be admiral; resolving to re- send sea and land forces to reduce Athens a second time; intending, as most of the Greek states suspected, to add it now to their own dominions. It is very pro- bable that this design of theirs would have taken ef- fect, if Paulauias king of Sparta, envying Lyfander, had not resolved to obstruct it. With this view, he procured another army to be raised against the Athe- nians, nians, of which himself had the command, and with which he marched immediately to besiege the Piraeum. While he lay before the place, and pretended to attack it, he entered into a private correspondence with Thrasybulus, informing him what propositions he should make in order to force the Lacedemonians, who were suspected by their allies, to grant them peace.

The intrigues of Pausanias had all the success he could wish. The Ephori who were with him in the camp concurred in his measures, so that in a short space a treaty was concluded on the following terms: That all the citizens of Athens should be restored to their houses and privileges, excepting the thirty, the ten which had succeeded them and who had acted no less tyrannically than they, and the eleven who during the time of the oligarchy had been constituted governors or keepers of the Piraeum; that all should remain quiet for the future in the city; and that if any were afraid to trust to this agreement, they should have free leave to retire to Eleusina. Pausanias then marched away with the Spartan army, and Thrasybulus at the head of his forces marched into Athens, where, having laid down their arms, they sacrificed with the rest of the citizens in the temple of Minerva, after which the popular government was restored. Yet quiet was not thoroughly established. The exiles at Eleusina having endeavoured by the help of money to raise an army of foreigners, by whose aid they might recover the authority they had lost: but first depending on their friends in the city, they sent some of the principal persons amongst them as deputies, to treat with the citizens; but strictly instructed them to sow jealousies and excite discords among them. This latter quickly perceiving, put these persons to death; and then remonstrating to those at Eleusina, that these contentions would undoubtedly end either in their own or the destruction of their country, they offered immediately to pass an act of oblivion, which they would confirm with an oath.

This being accepted, those who had withdrawn returned to the city, where all differences were adjusted, and both parties most religiously observed the agreement they had made, and thereby thoroughly resettled the state. In this whole transaction, the virtue of Thrasybulus deserves chiefly to be admired. When he first seized the castle of Phyla, the tyrants privately offered to receive him into their number instead of Theramenes, and to pardon at his request any twelve persons he should name: but he generously answered, That his exile was far more honourable than any authority could be purchased on such terms; and by persuing in his design, accomplished, as we have seen, the deliverance of his country. A glorious deliverance it was; since, as Irocrates inform us, they had put 1400 citizens to death contrary to and without any form of law, and driven 5000 more into banishment; procuring also the death of Alcibiades, as many think, tho' at a great distance from them.

From this time to the reign of Philip of Macedon, the Athenians continued in a pretty prosperous situation, though they never performed any such great exploits as formerly. By that monarch and his son Alexander all Greece was in effect subdued; and the history of all the Grecian states from that time becomes much less interesting. Of the history of Athens from that time to the present, the following elegant abridgment is given by Dr Chandler. "On the death of Alexander, the Athenians revolted, but were defeated by Antipater, who garrisoned Munychia. They rebelled again, but the garrison and oligarchy were reinstated. Demetrius the Phalereus, who was made governor, beautified the city, and they erected to him 360 statues; of which on his expulsion they demolished, except one in the Acropolis. Demetrius Poliorcetes withdrew the garrison, and restored the democracy; when they deified Alexander him, and lodged him in the Ophidodamos or the back the Great part of the Parthenon, as a guest to be entertained by their goddess Minerva. Afterwards they decreed, that the Piraeus, with Munychia, should be at his disposal; and he took the Museum. They expelled his garrison, and he was persuaded by Craterus a philosopher to leave them free. Antigonus Gonatas, the next king, maintained a garrison in Athens: but, on the death of his son Demetrius, the people, with the assistance of Aratus, regained their liberty; and the Piraeus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium, on paying a sum of money.

Philip, son of Demetrius, encamping near the city, destroying and burning the sepulchres and temples in the villages, and laying their territory waste, the Athenians were reduced to solicit protection from the Romans, and to receive a garrison, which remained until the war with Mithridates king of Pontus, when the tyrant Ariion made them revolt.

Archelaus the Athenian general, unable to withstand the Roman fury, relinquished the long walls, and fled and retreated into the Piraeus and Munychia. Sylla laid siege to the Piraeus and to the city, in which Ariion commanded. He was informed that some persons had been overheard talking in the Ceramicus, and blaming Ariion for his neglect of the avenues about the Hephaestalos, where the wall was accessible. Sylla resolved to storm there, and about midnight entered the town at the gate called Dypylon or the Piraeus; having levelled all obstructions in the way between it and the gate of the Piraeus. Ariion fled to the Acropolis, but was compelled to surrender by the want of water; when he was dragged from the temple of Minerva, and put to death. Sylla burned the Piraeus and Munychia, and defaced the city and suburbs, not sparing even the sepulchres."

The civil war between Caesar and Pompey soon followed, and their natural love of liberty made them side with Pompey. Here again they were unfortunate, for Caesar conquered. But Caesar did not treat them like Sylla. With that clemency which made so amiable a part of his character, he dismissed them by a fine allusion to their illustrious ancestors, saying, that he spared the living for the sake of the dead.

Another storm followed soon after this; the wars of Brutus and Cassius with Augustus and Antony. Their partiality for liberty did not here forsake them: they took part in the contest with the two patriot Romans, and erected their statues near their own ancient deliverers Harmodius and Aristogiton, who had slain Hipparchus. But they were still unhappy, for their enemies triumphed.

They next joined Antony, who gave them Aegina and Cea, with other islands. Augustus was unkind to them; and they revolted four years before he died. Under Tiberius the city was declining, but free, and regarded as an ally of the Romans." large of having a lictor to precede the magistrates was conferred on it by Germanicus; but he was censured as treating with too much condescension a mixture of nations, instead of genuine Athenians, which race was then considered as extinct.

"The emperor Vespasian reduced Achaia to a province paying tribute and governed by a proconsul. Nerva was more propitious to the Athenians; and Pliny, under Trajan his successor, exhorts Maximus to be mindful whether he was sent, to rule genuine Greece, a state composed of free cities. You will revere the gods and heroes their founders. You will respect their pristine glory, and even their age. You will honour them for the famous deeds, which are truly, nay for those which are fabulously, recorded of them. Remember, it is Athens you approach." This city was now entirely dependent on Rome, and was reduced to sell Delos and the islands in its possession.

"Hadrian, who was at once emperor and an archon of Athens, gave the city laws, compiled from Draco, Solon, and the codes of other legislators; and displayed his affection for it by unbounded liberality. Athens flourished, and its beauty was renewed. Antoninus Plus who succeeded, and Antoninus the Philosopher, were both benefactors.

"The barbarians of the north, in the reign of Valerian, besieging Thessalonica, all Greece was terrified, and the Athenians restored their city-wall, which had been dismantled by Sylla, and afterwards neglected.

"Under the next emperor, who was the archon Gallienus, Athens was besieged, the archontic office ceased; and the Strategus or general, who had before acted as overseer of the agora or market, then became the supreme magistrate. Under Claudius the successor, the city was taken, but soon recovered.

"It is related, that Constantine, when emperor, gloried in the title of general of Athens; and rejoiced exceedingly on obtaining from the people the honour of a statue with an inscription, which he acknowledged by a yearly gratuity of many bushels of grain. He conferred on the governor of Attica and Athens the title of grand duke μυρτας δούλου. That office was at first annual, but afterwards hereditary. His son Conilians bestowed several islands on the city, to supply it with corn.

"In the time of Theodosius the First, 380 years after Christ, the Goths laid waste Thessaly and Epirus; but Theodore, general of the Achaeans, by his prudent conduct preserved the cities of Greece from pillage, and the inhabitants from being led into captivity. A statue of marble was erected to him at Athens by order of the city; and afterwards one of brats, by command of the emperor, as appears from an inscription in a church dedicated to a saint of the same name, not far from the French convent. It is on a round pedestal, which supports a flat stone serving for the holy table. Eudocia the wife of Theodosius the Second was an Athenian.

"The fatal period now approached, and Athens was about to experience a conqueror more savage even than Sylla. This was Alaric king of the Goths; who, under the emperors Arcadius and Honorius, overran Greece and Italy, facking, pillaging, and destroying. Then the Peloponnesian towns were overturned, Arcadia and Lacedemon were laid waste, the two seas by the Isthmus were furnished with the flames of Corinth, and the Athenian matrons were dragged in chains by barbarians. The invaluable treasures of antiquity, it is related, were removed; the stately and magnificent structures converted into piles of ruin; and Athens was stripped of every thing splendid or remarkable. Synesius, a writer of that age, compares the city to a victim, of which the body had been consumed, and the hide only remained.

"After this event, Athens became an unimportant place, and as obscure as it once had been famous. We read that the cities of Hellas were put into a state of defence by Justinian, who repaired the walls, which at Corinth had been subverted by an earthquake, and at Athens and in Boeotia were impaired by age; and here we take a long farewell of this city. A claim of near 700 years ensues in its history, except that, about the year 1130, it furnished Roger the First king of Sicily with a number of artificers, whom he settled at Palermo, where they introduced the culture of silk, which then passed into Italy. The worms had been brought from India to Constantinople in the reign of Justinian.

"Athens, as it were, re-emerges from oblivion in the 13th century, under Baldwin, but besieged by a general of Theodorus Lascaris, the Greek emperor. It was taken in 1427 by Sultan Morat. Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, possessed it with a garrison; after whom it was governed by Delves, of the house of Aragon. On his death, it was seized, with Macedonia, Thessaly, Boeotia, Thocis, and the Peloponnese, by Bajazet; and then, with the island Zante, by the Spaniards of Catalonia in the reign of the Greek emperor Andronicus Palaeologus the elder. These were dispossessed by Reinerius Acciaioli, a Florentine; who, leaving no legitimate male issue, bequeathed it to the state of Venice. His natural son, Antony, to whom he had given Thebes with Boeotia, expelled the Venetians. He was succeeded in the dukedom by his kinsman Nerius, who was displaced by his own brother named Antony, but recovered the government when he died. Nerius leaving only an infant son, was succeeded by his wife. She was ejected by Mahomet on a complaint from Francus fon of the second Antony, who confined her at Megara, and made away with her; but her son accusing him to Mahomet the Second, the Turkish army under Omar advanced, and he surrendered the citadel in 1455; the Latins refusing to succour him unless the Athenians would embrace their religious tenets. Mahomet, it is related, when he had finished the war with the despot of the Morea, four years after, surveyed the city and Acropolis with admiration. The janizaries informed him of a conspiracy; and Francus Acciaioli, who remained lord of Boeotia, was put to death. In 1464 the Venetians landed at the Piraeus, surprised the city, and carried off their plunder and captives to Euboea.

"It is remarkable, that after these events Athens was again in a manner forgotten. So lately as about the middle of the 16th century, the city was commonly believed to have been utterly destroyed, and not to exist, except a few huts of poor fishermen. Crusius, a learned and inquisitive German, procured more authentic information from his Greek correspondents residing in Turkey, which he published in 1584, to awaken curiosity and to promote farther discoveries. One of these letters is from a native of Nauplia, a town near Argos..." in the Morea. This writer says, that he had been often at Athens, and that it still contained many things worthy to be seen, some of which he enumerates, and then subjoins: "But why do I dwell on this place? It is as the skin of an animal which has been long dead."

It now remains to give some idea of the character, government, and religion, of this once so famous people.

The Athenians, says Plutarch, are very subject to violent anger; but they are soon pacified. They are likewise easily impressed with humanity and compassion. That this was their temper, is proved by many historical examples. We shall produce a few. The sentence of death pronounced against the inhabitants of Mitylene, and revoked the next day: The condemnation of Socrates, and that of the ten chiefs, each followed by quick repentance and most pungent grief.

The minds of the same people, adds Plutarch, are not formed for laborious researches. They seize a subject, as it were, by intuition; they have not patience and phlegm enough to examine it gradually and minutely. This part of their character may seem surprising and incredible. Artisans, and other people of their rank, are in general slow of comprehension. But the Athenians of every degree were endowed with an inconceivable vivacity, penetration, and delicacy of taste. Even the Athenian soldiers could repeat the fine passages of the tragedies of Euripides. Those artisans and those soldiers assisted at public debates, were bred to political affairs, and were equally acute in apprehension and in judgment. We may infer the understanding of the hearers of Demosthenes from the genius of his orations, which were laconic and poignant.

As their inclination, continues Plutarch, leads them to assist and support people of low condition, they like discourse seasoned with pleasantry, and productive of mirth. The Athenians patronize people of low degree; because from them their liberty is in no danger, and because such patronage tends to support a democratical constitution. They love pleasantry; which turn of mind proves that they are a humane social people, who have a taste for raillery and wit, and are not fouled with that reserve which marks the despot or the slave.

They take pleasure in hearing themselves praised; but they can likewise patiently bear raillery and censure. We know with what art and success Aristophanes and Demosthenes applied their praise and their irony to the Athenian people. When the republic enjoyed peace, says the same Plutarch in another place, it encouraged the adulation of its orators; but when it had important affairs to discuss, when the state was in danger, it became serious; and preferred, to its eloquent sophists, the honest orators who opposed its follies and its vices; such ingenious and bold patriots as Pericles, a Phocion, and a Demosthenes.

The Athenians, continues Plutarch, often make their governors tremble, and show great humanity to their enemies. They were very attentive to the information and instruction of those citizens who were most eminent for their policy and eloquence; but they were on their guard against the superiority of their talents; they often checked their boldness, and repressed their exuberant reputation and glory. That this was their temper, we are convinced by the ostracism; which was established to restrain the ambition of those who had great talents and influence, and which spared neither the greatest nor the best men. The detestation of tyranny and of tyrants, which was inherent in the Athenians, rendered them extremely jealous of their privileges, made them zealous and active in defense of their liberty, whenever they thought it was violated by men in power.

As to their enemies, they did not treat them with rigour. They did not abuse victory by a brutal inhumanity to the vanquished. The act of amnesty, which they passed after the usurpation of the thirty tyrants, proves that they could easily forgive injuries. It was this mildness, this humanity of disposition, which made the Athenians so attentive to the rules of politeness and decorum. In their war with Philip, having seized one of his couriers, they read all the letters he bore, except one from Olympias to her husband, which they sent back unopened. Such was their veneration of love and conjugal secrecy; those sacred rights, which no enmity, no hostility, warrants us to violate!

The views of conquest cherished by a small republic, were extensive and astonishing; but this people, so great, so ambitious in their projects, were, in other respects, of a different character. In the expenses of the table, in dress, in furniture, in houses, in short, in private life, they were frugal, simple, modest, poor; but sumptuous and magnificent whenever the honour of the state was concerned. Their conquests, their victories, their riches, their connections with the inhabitants of Asia Minor, never reduced them to luxury, to riot, to pomp, to profusion. Xenophon remarks, that a citizen was not distinguished from a slave by his dress. The wealthiest citizen, the most renowned general, was not ashamed to go himself to market.

The taste of the Athenians, for all the arts and sciences, is well known. When they had delivered themselves from the tyranny of Pisistratus, and after this had defeated the vast efforts of the Persians, they may be considered as at the summit of their national glory. For more than half a century afterwards they maintained, without control, the sovereignty of Greece; and that ascendant produced a security, which left their minds at ease, and gave them leisure to cultivate every thing liberal or elegant. It was then that Pericles adorned the city with temples, theatres, and other beautiful public buildings. Phidias, the great sculptor, was employed as his architect, who, when he had erected edifices, adorned them himself, and added statues and bas-reliefs, the admiration of every beholder. It was then that Polignotus and Myron painted; that Sophocles and Euripides wrote; and not long after, that they saw the divine Socrates.

Human affairs are, by nature, prone to change; and states, as well as individuals, are born to decay. Jealousy and ambition insensibly fomented wars, and success in these wars, as in others, was often various. The military strength of the Athenians was first impaired by the Lacedemonians; after that, it was again Attica humiliated, under Epaminondas, by the Thebans; and last of all it was wholly crushed by the Macedonian, Philip.

Nor, when their political sovereignty was lost, did their love of literature and arts sink along with it. Just at the close of their golden days of empire flourished Xenophon and Plato, the disciples of Socrates, and from Plato descended that race of philosophers called the Old Academy. Aristotle, who was Plato's disciple, may be said, not to have invented a new philosophy, but rather to have tempered the sublime and rapturous mysteries of his master with method, order, and a stricter mode of reasoning. Zeno, who was himself also educated in the principles of Platonism, only differed from Plato in the comparative estimate of things, allowing nothing to be intrinsically good but virtue, nothing intrinsically bad but vice, and considering all other things to be in themselves indifferent. He too and Aristotle accurately cultivated logic, but in different ways; for Aristotle chiefly dwelt upon the simple syllogism; Zeno upon that which is derived out of it, the compound or hypothetic. Both too, as well as other philosophers, cultivated rhetoric along with logic; holding a knowledge in both to be requisite for those who think of addressing mankind with all the efficacy of persuasion. Zeno elegantly illustrated the force of these two powers by a simile, taken from the hand: the close power of logic he compared to the fist, or hand compress; the diffuse power of logic, to the palm, or hand open.

The new academy was founded by Arcesilas, and ably maintained by Carneades. From a mistaken imitation of the great parent of philosophy Socrates (particularly as he appears in the dialogues of Plato), because Socrates doubted some things, therefore Arcesilas and Carneades doubted all.—Epicurus drew from another source; Democritus had taught him atoms and a void: by the fortuitous concurrence of atoms he fancied he could form a world; while by a feigned veneration he complimented away his gods, and totally denied their providential care, lest the trouble of it should impair their uninterrupted state of bliss. Virtue he recommended, though not for the sake of virtue, but pleasure: pleasure, according to him, being our chief and sovereign good. See Aristotle, Epicurus, Plato, Socrates, &c.

We have already mentioned the alliance between philosophy and rhetoric. This cannot be thought wonderful, if rhetoric be the art by which men are persuaded, and if men cannot be persuaded without a knowledge of human nature: for what but philosophy can procure us this knowledge? It was for this reason the ablest Greek philosophers not only taught, but wrote also, treatises upon rhetoric. They had a farther inducement, and that was the intrinsic beauty of their language as it was then spoken among the learned and polite. They would have been ashamed to have delivered philosophy, as it has been too often delivered since, in compositions as clumsy as the common dialect of the mere vulgar.

The same love of elegance, which made them attend to their style, made them attend even to the places where their philosophy was taught. Plato delivered his lectures in a place shaded with groves, on the banks of the river Ilissus; and which, as it once belonged to a person called Academus, was called after his name, the Academy. Aristotle chose another spot of a similar character, where there were trees and shade; a spot called the Lyceum. Zeno taught in a portico or colonnade, distinguished from other buildings of that sort (of which the Athenians had many) by the name of the Variegated Portico, the walls being decorated with various paintings of Polygnotus and Myron, two capital masters of that transcendent period. Epicurus addressed his hearers in those well-known gardens, called, after his own name, The gardens of Epicurus.

These places of public institution were called among the Greeks by the name of Gymnasia; in which, whatever that word might have originally meant, were taught all those exercises, and all those arts, which tended to cultivate not only the body but the mind. As man was a being consisting of both, the Greeks could not consider that education as complete, in which both were not regarded, and both properly formed. Hence their Gymnasia, with reference to this double end, were adorned with two statues, those of Mercury and of Hercules, the corporeal accomplishments being patronized (as they supposed) by the god of strength, the mental accomplishments by the god of ingenuity.

It was for the cultivation of every liberal accomplishment that Athens was celebrated (as we have said) during many centuries, long after her political influence was lost and at an end.

She was the place of education, not only for Greeks but for Romans. It was hither that Horace was sent by his father; it was here that Cicero put his son Marcus under Cratippus, one of the ablest philosophers then belonging to that city.—The sects of philosophers, which we have already described, were still existing when St Paul came thither. We cannot enough admire the superior eloquence of that apostle, in his manner of addressing so intelligent an audience. We cannot enough admire the sublimity of his exordium; the propriety of his mentioning an altar which he had found there; and his quotation from Aratus, one of their well-known poets. Nor was Athens only celebrated for the residence of philosophers, and the institution of youth: men of rank and fortune found pleasure in a retreat, which contributed so much to their liberal enjoyment.

We shall finish this picture of the Athenians by the addition of one object more, to which every one will admit they have a right; an object which was prominent and striking, in all their actions and in all their enterprises: We mean their ardent love of liberty. This was their predominant quality; the main spring of their government. From the beginning of the Persian war, they sacrificed everything to the liberty of Greece. They left, without hesitation, their cities, their houses, to fight at sea the common enemy, from whom they were in danger of servitude. What a glorious day was it for Athens, when all her allies, growing flexible to the advantageous offers which were made to them by the king of Persia, the replied by Artilides, to the ambassadors of that monarch,—“That it was impossible for all the gold in the world to tempt the republic of Athens: to prevail with her to sell her liberty, and that of Greece.” It was by these generous sentiments that the Athenians not only became the bulwark of Greece, but likewise guarded the rest of Europe from a Persian invasion.

These great qualities were blended with great failings, seemingly incompatible with patriotism. For the Athenians, notwithstanding their tenacious jealousy of the rights of their country, were a volatile, inconstant, capricious people.

There never was a people more attentive to the worship of the gods than the Athenians. The worship of their principal deities was diffused over all Greece, and even beyond its limits.

Each temple had its particular religious rites: the pomp, the ceremonies, the duration, and the succession of the solemn feasts, were all appointed by fixed rules. The worship paid to each divinity, whether public or private, was founded on traditions, or on laws constantly obeyed. The feast of Bacchus, the Panathenaia, the feast of the mysteries of Eleusis, were celebrated according to established rules, most of which were as ancient as the feasts themselves. The old customs, of which the priests were the guardians, were observed in the temples. It is probable that the priests were consulted on affairs in which the worship of a deity was interested, and that their answer was decisive. We are certain that the Eumolpidæ had this authority. They were the interpreters of the ancient laws on which the worship of Ceres was founded, its magnificence, and its mode—laws which were not written, as Lyrias informs us, but were perpetuated by a constant observation. The abuses which had gradually crept into the celebration of those feasts, had given rise to several new regulations; to that of the orator Lycurgus, for example, and to the law of Solon, which enjoined the senate to repair to Eleusis on the second day of the feast: but neither these nor the other particular regulations which we find in Samuel Petit's collection of Attic laws, could make a religious code. There was no general system which comprehended all the branches of their religion, which, by combining all its articles, might regulate their belief and conduct, and direct the judges in their decisions.

Crimes against religion were only punished as they affected the state; and consequently they were tried by the magistrate. Mere sacrilege, though somewhat profane, was thought productive of no worse consequence than offending the ministers of the gods. The Athenians acknowledged no other religion than the hereditary public worship; no other gods than those they had received from their ancestors; no other ceremonies than those which had been established by the laws of the state, and practised by their country from time immemorial. They were only solicitous to preserve this worship, which was closely interwoven with their government, and made a part of its policy. They were likewise attentive to the ceremonial pomp; because order, the regular vigour of legislation, depends greatly on the awe impressed by externals. But as to the insensible and monstrous romance of fables, foreign opinions, popular traditions, and poetical fictions, which formed a religion quite different from that of the state—in it they were very little interested, and allowed every one to think of it as he pleased.

This explanation will reconcile a seeming contradiction in the conduct of the Athenians, who gave great licence to their poets, and severely punished the citizens who were guilty of impiety. Aritophanes, who made as free with the gods as with the great, was applauded by the Athenians. They condemned Socrates to death, who revered the deity, but disapproved the public manner of worshipping him. The life of Æschylus was in danger from a suspicion that he had revealed some of the secrets of Eleusis in one of his pieces. The wit of Aritophanes' drama was unpunished.

The priests were not confined to the care of the altar; they who were vested with the sacerdotal dignity, which was only incompatible with professions merely useful and lucrative, might likewise hold the most important offices of the commonwealth. This we could prove by a great number of examples; we shall cite that of Xenophon the illustrious historian and philosopher: he was likewise a famous general, and he was a priest. He was performing the sacerdotal function when he received the news of his son's death, who was killed at the battle of Mantinea.

The sacred ministry was not only compatible with civil offices, but likewise with the profession of arms. The priest and the soldier were often blended. Calchas, the priest of Ceres, fought at Platæa. This custom was not peculiar to the Athenians. The Lacedemonians, after the battle which we have just mentioned, made three graves for their slain; one for the priests, one for the other Spartans, and one for the Helots.

As every mean employment was incompatible with the sacerdotal dignity, the priests had a revenue fixed to their office. We know that a part of the victims was their right, and that apartments were assigned them near the temples. But, beside these advantages, they had a salary proportioned to the dignity of their functions and to the rank of the deities whom they served. Their salary was probably paid from the revenue of the temples. These revenues, which kept the temples in repair, and defrayed the sacrificial expenses, were very considerable. They were of many different kinds.

A great part of the sacred revenues arose from fines, which individuals were condemned to pay for various offences; fines, of which the tenth part was appropriated to Minerva Polias, and the fifteenth to the other gods and to the heroes whose names their tribes bore. Besides, if the Prytanes did not hold the assemblies conformably with the laws, they were obliged to pay a fine of 1000 drachmas to the goddesses. If the Proedri, i.e. the senators whose office it was to lay before the assembly the matters on which they were to deliberate, did not discharge that duty according to the rules prescribed to them, they were likewise condemned to pay a fine, which, as the former, was applied to the use of Minerva. By these fines her temple must have been greatly enriched.

Besides this revenue, which was the common property of the gods, and which varied according to the number and degrees of the misdemeanors, the temples had their permanent revenues: We mean the produce of the lands which were consecrated to the deities. We do not here allude to the lands consecrated to the gods, which were never to be cultivated; such as the territory of Cirrha, prohibited by a solemn decree of the Amphictyons; the land betwixt Megara and Attica, which was consecrated to the goddesses of Eleusis, and many others. We would speak only of those which were cultivated, the fruits of which enriched the temples.

There were likewise lands belonging to the state, the produce of which was destined to defray the expense of the sacrifices which were offered in the name of the republic. There were likewise first-fruits which the public officers levied on all lands, for the use of the gods. All these emoluments made a part of the revenue of the temples.

The gods, besides the revenues immediately appertaining to their temples, had certain rights which were granted them by particular compact. The Lepreatae, for instance, were obliged to pay every year a talent to Olympian Jupiter, on account of a treaty of alliance which they made with the Eleans in one of their wars. The inhabitants of Epidaurus, to obtain leave from the Athenians to cut down olive-trees for statues, which the Pythian priests had commanded them to make, engaged to send deputies every year to Athens, to offer sacrifices in their name to Minerva and to Neptune. But this prerogative was rather honorary than lucrative.

The tenth part of the spoils taken in war was likewise the property of Minerva. Sacred vessels were bought with the effects of the 30 tyrants. In short, the gods were profited by almost every public accident. But what contributed most to enrich the famous temples of Greece, was the money which was constantly brought to them by individuals, in consequence of vows they had made, or to pay for sacrifices which were offered in their names. The credulity of the people was an inexhaustible fund. That credulity enriched the temples of Deli and Eleusis, and supported the magnificence of Delphi. And those immense treasures which were the fruit of superstition, were often a prey to avarice.

These revenues were not deposited with the priests; nor did they expend them. A moderate salary was all their gain; and to offer sacrifices to the deities whose ministers they were, was all their employment.

It is very probable that all the sacred revenues were paid into the hands of officers who were appointed to receive them, and who were to give an account of the discharge of their trust. Nay, we cannot doubt of this, after reading a passage in Aristotle, who, speaking of the officers of the temples, expressly mentions those who were entrusted with the money appertaining to the gods. Citizens, without doubt, of approved integrity, were chosen to this office; and their duty must have been, to keep the temples in repair and order, and to distribute and keep an account of the ordinary sacred expenses.

As to the solemn feasts, which were incredibly magnificent, such as the feast of Bacchus, and the Panathenaia, they were celebrated at the expense of the Choregus; i.e. of the chief of the choir of each tribe: for each tribe had its poet and its musicians, who sang, emulating each other, hymns in honour of the deity. The richest citizens were appointed chiefs of the different choirs; and as their office was very expensive, to indemnify them in some degree, the Choregus of the victorious tribe had the privilege of engraving his name on the tripod which that tribe suspended to the roof of the temple. This office, though ruinous, was eagerly solicited; and naturally, in a republican state. It led to honours, like the Curule dignity at Rome; and it greatly tended to ingratiate its possessor with a people who were more affected with pleasures than with essential services, and who, consequently, would more highly esteem a profuse Choregus than a victorious general.

With regard to the fines, which were in the whole, or in part, the property of Minerva and of the other deities, there were at Athens public treasurers appointed to receive them. They were ten in number, and they were nominated by lot. They were called Treasurers of the Goddesses, or Receivers of the sacred money. That money they received in the presence of the senate; and they were empowered to diminish or to annihilate the fine, if they thought it unjust. The statue of Minerva, that of the victories, and the other invaluable pledges of the duration of the state, were deposited with them.

The treasury in which the money consecrated to the gods was kept, was in the citadel, behind the temple of Minerva Polias; and from its situation it was termed Ophites lomus. It was surrounded with a double wall. It had but one door, the key of which was kept by the Epitastes, or chief of the Prytanes; his dignity was very considerable; but it lasted only one day. In this treasury a register was kept, in which were written the names of all those who were indebted to the state: he who owed the smallest fine was not omitted. If the debtors proved insolvent, they were prosecuted with extreme rigour, and often punished with a cruelty which religion could not excuse; though the interest of the gods was the motive, or rather the pretext. The sacred treasurers held a considerable rank among the magistrates, who received the public finances. Of these magistrates there were many kinds, as there were many sorts of revenues.

The Athenian priests did not compose an order distinct and separate from the other orders of the state. They did not form a body united by particular laws, under a chief whose authority extended to all his inferiors. The dignity of sovereign pontiff was unknown at Athens; and each of the priests served his particular temple, unconnected with his brethren. The temples, indeed, of the principal deities; those of Minerva, for instance, of Neptune, of Ceres, and of Proserpine, had many ministers; and in each of them a chief presided, who had the title of High-Priest. The number of subaltern ministers was in proportion to the rank of the deity; but the priests of one temple were altogether a separate society from those of another. Thus at Athens there was a great number of high-priests, because many deities were worshipped there, whose service required many ministers. The power of each priest was confined to his temple; and there was no sovereign pontiff, the minister-general of the gods, and the president at all the feasts.

It naturally follows from this account, that the ministers of the gods at Athens were not judges in matters of religion. They were neither authorized to take cognizance of crimes committed against the deity, nor to punish them. Their function was to offer sacrifices to the gods, and to intreat their acceptance of the adorations of the people. But the punishment of impiety, of sacrilege, of the profanation of mysteries, and of other irreligious crimes, was not entrusted to their zeal.

The priests were not only incapable of avenging crimes against religion by a temporal process; they even could not, without an express order either from the senate or the people, exercise their right of devoting criminals to the infernal gods. It was in consequence of a civil sentence pronounced against Alcibiades, that the Eumolpidae launched their anathema against him. It was in virtue of another decree that they revoked their imprecatives, when his countrymen wanted his service, and therefore restored him to their favour.

Religious causes, according to M. de Bougainville, fell under the jurisdiction of the Hellaike.

The government, though often altered, continued pretty much on the plan established by Solon.

The people of Athens were freemen, sojourners, or slaves. The citizens, called in Greek Politai, were very numerous; but, what may seem strange, were as many in the time of Cecrops as in the most flourishing state of the commonwealth, hardly ever exceeding 20,000. It was Solon who decreed that none should be accounted free but such as were Athenians both by father and mother. After his time it fell into desuetude, till revived by Pericles, and again at his instance repealed. After the expulsion of the 30 tyrants, Solon's law was restored. A person born of a stranger was styled Nothos, "a bastard," whereas the son of a free woman was called Cynofoios, i.e., "legitimate." There was in Cynosarges a court of judicature, to which causes of illegitimacy properly belonged; and the utmost care was taken to prevent any from being enrolled Athenian citizens, who had not a clear title thereto. The citizens were divided by Cecrops into four tribes; the first called Cecropes, from Cecrops; the second Autochthon, from a king of that name; the third Agai, from Ajax another king of Athens, or rather from Ajax, which signifies "a shore;" the fourth Paralia. These names were altered by Cranus, and again by Erichthonius. In the reign of Erichthon, they were again changed; the holders were called Oplitai, the craftsmen Ergatai, the farmers Georigoi, the graziers and shepherds Agigorai: in this state they were when Solon settled the commonwealth, and appointed the senate to be composed of 400, 100 out of each tribe. Clyttenes increased the number of the tribes to 10; and made the senate consist of 500, taking 50 out of each tribe. In succeeding times, two other tribes were added. Each tribe was subdivided into its Demoi or wards; and with respect to these it was that Solon instituted the public feasts before mentioned, at which sometimes the whole tribe assembled, sometimes several wards, and sometimes only the inhabitants of one ward.

The second sort of inhabitants we mentioned were called Metoicai, i.e., sojourners; these were persons who lived always at Athens, yet were not admitted free denizens; as for such as did not constantly reside in Athens, they were styled Xenoi, i.e., strangers. The sojourners were obliged to choose out of the citizens protectors, who were styled Patrons: they paid services to the state, and besides these an annual tribute of 12 drachmas for every man, and five for every wo-

man: but such as had sons, and paid for them, were exempted. If people fell to poverty, and were not able to pay the tribute, they were seized by the tax-masters, and actually sold for slaves; which, as Diogenes Laertius tells us, was the fate of Xenocrates the philosopher. The sojourners in Attica were under the same law as those in Athens. As to servants, they were freemen, who through indigency were driven to receive wages, and while they were in this state had no vote in the assembly. As to slaves, they were absolutely the property of their masters, and as such were used as they thought fit. They were forbidden to wear clothes or to cut their hair like their masters; and, which is indeed amazing, Solon prohibited them to love boys, as if that had been honourable. They were likewise debarred from anointing or perfuming themselves, and from worshipping certain deities. They were not allowed to be called by honourable names; and in most other respects were used like dogs. They stigmatized them at their pleasure, that is, branded them with letters in the forehead and elsewhere. However, Theseus's temple was allowed them as a sanctuary, whither, if they were exceedingly ill used, they might fly, and thereby oblige their owners to let them be transferred to another master. In this and many other respects the Athenian slaves were in a much better condition than those throughout the rest of Greece: they were permitted to get estates for themselves, giving a small premium to their masters, who were obliged to make them free if they could pay their ransom; they likewise obtained the same favour from the kindness of their masters, or for having rendered military services to the states. When they were made free, they were obliged to choose patrons; and had likewise the privilege of choosing a curator, who, in case their patrons injured them, was bound to defend them.

The general assembly of the people, which Solon General made the dernier resort, was called the Ecclesia; and fensible of all the freemen of Athens, excepting such as were atimoi or infamous. The meetings of these assemblies were either ordinary or extraordinary. The ordinary were such as were appointed by law, the extraordinary such as necessity required. Of the first there were four in 35 days. In the first assembly they approved or rejected magistrates, heard proposals for the public good, and certain causes. In the second they received petitions, and heard every man's judgment on the matters that were before them. In the third they give audience to foreign ambassadors. The fourth was employed altogether in affairs relating to the gods and their worship. The extraordinary meetings were appointed by the magistrates when occasion required, whereas to the ordinary assemblies the people came of their own accord. The first were held either in the market-place, in the Pryx a place near the citadel, or in the theatre of Bacchus: as to the latter, the magistrates who appointed the extraordinary meeting appointed also the place where they should be held. If any sudden tempest rose, or any earthquake happened, or any sign notoriously inauspicious appeared, the assembly was immediately adjourned, to prevent the people from apprehending unhappy consequences from their deliberations. But if the weather was fair and serene, and nothing happened out of the ordinary course of things, they proceeded to purify the place where the assembly was held, which was done by sprinkling it round with the blood of young pigs: then the crier made a solemn prayer for the prosperity of the republic, and that heaven would bestow a happy issue on their counsels and undertakings; he then pronounced a bitter execration against any who should in that assembly propound what might be disadvantageous to the state. These ceremonies being over, they proceeded to business.

There were several magistrates who had the overseeing and regulating these assemblies. These were, first, the Epitrate, or president of the assembly, who was chosen by lot out of the Proedri; his office was to give the signal for the people's voting. Next to him were the Prytanes, i.e., a committee of the senate, who of course were present on this occasion: by their order a programma, or scheme of the business to be proposed at the assembly, was previously set up in some public place, that every man might know what business to apply his thoughts to. The Proedri were nine in number, appointed by lots out of all the tribes to which the Prytanes did not belong: they had the right of proposing to the people what they were to deliberate upon, and their office ended with the assembly; there sat with them assistants, who were to take care that nothing they proposed was detrimental to the commonwealth. The first step to business was the crier's reading the decree of the senate whereon the assembly was to deliberate; when he had finished this, he made proclamation in these words: Who of the men above 50 will make an oration? When the old men had done speaking, the crier made proclamation again that any Athenian might then offer his sentiments, whom the law allowed to do so; that is, all such as were above 30 years old, and were not infamous. If such a one rose up to speak, the Prytanes interposed, and bid him be silent; and if he did not obey them, the lictors pulled him down by force. When the debates were over, the president permitted the people to vote; which they did by casting first beans, but in after-times pebbles, into certain vessels: these were counted, and then it was declared that the decree of the senate was either rejected or approved: after which, the Prytanes dismissed the assembly.

The senate was instituted by Solon to prevent the dangerous consequences of leaving the supreme power in the people. At the time of his institution, it was to consist of 400, 100 out of each tribe; it was increased to 500, when the tribes were augmented to 10; and when they came to 12, it was also swelled to 600. They were elected by lots after this manner: At a day appointed, towards the close of the year, the president of each tribe gave in a list of such persons belonging thereto, as were fit for and desired to appear for this dignity: these names were engraven on tablets of brass, and a number of beans equal to the number of the amount of them, among which were 100 white ones, put into a vessel; and then the names of the candidates and the beans were drawn one by one, and such as were drawn by the white beans were received into the senate. After the senate was elected, they proceeded to appoint the officers who were to preside in the senate: these were the Prytanes beforementioned, and they were elected thus: The names of the ten tribes were thrown into one vessel, and nine black beans and a white one into another vessel. Then the names of the tribes were drawn with the beans. The tribe to which the white bean answered, presided first; and the rest according to the order in which they were drawn.

The Prytanes, while the senate consisted of 500, were 50 in number. For the farther avoiding of confusion therefore, 10 of these presided a week, during which space they were called Proedri; and out of these an Epitrate or president was chosen, whose office lasted but one day, and by law no man could hold it more than once: the reason of this was, that he had in his custody the public seal, the keys of the citadel, and the charge of the exchequer. The reader must distinguish between the Epitrates and Proedri last mentioned and those spoken of in the former paragraph, because, though their titles were the same, their offices were perfectly distinct. The senate assembled by direction of the Prytanes once every day, excepting festivals, and sometimes oftener in the senate-house, which was thence called Prytaneum.

When a member of the senate made a motion for a new law, it was immediately engraven on tablets, that establishes the members when they came next might be prepared to speak to it. At the subsequent assembly the Epitrates opened the matter, after which every senator that pleased delivered his sentiments; then any of the Prytanes drew up the decree, and repeated it aloud; after which they proceeded to vote, and if there was a majority of white beans, then it became psephisma, and was afterwards propounded to the people: if they approved it, it became a law; otherwise it was of no force longer than the senate who decreed it subsisted. The power of the senate was very great: for they took the account of magistrates at the expiration of their offices; they directed the provisions made for poor citizens out of the public treasure; they had the superintendancy of public prisons, and a power of punishing such as committed acts morally evil, though not prohibited by any law; they had the care likewise of the fleet; and besides all these they had many other branches of authority, which it is not necessary for us to mention. Before they took their seats, they were contrained to undergo a very strict examination, wherein the whole course of their lives was inquired into; and if the least slur on their reputation appeared, they were set aside. When this examination was over, they took an oath, whereby they bound themselves to promote in all their councils the public good, to advise nothing contrary to the laws, and to execute their functions exactly. The highest fine the senate could impose was 500 drachms: if they thought the offender deserved a heavier mulct, they then transmitted the cause to the Thesmothetae, who punished them as they thought fit. The senators, when their year was out, gave an account of their management to the people: but that they might have the less to do, they always punished such of their number as they found had offended, by expulsion; and in this they were mighty exact. Yet an expelled senator was notwithstanding eligible to any other office, the most trivial omission being sufficient to occasion a dismission from the senatorial dignity; and therefore, when the tribes chose their senators, they also chose a certain number of substitutes, out of which, when a senator was expelled, another was substituted in his place. Each senator was allowed a drachm every day: for it was a constant rule with the Athenians, that the public ought ought to pay for every man's time; and therefore such of the poor Athenians as thought fit to demand it, had three oboli for going to the assembly. If during their administration any ships of war were built, the senators had crowns decreed them; but if not, they were forbid to sue for them.

Next to the senate was the court of Areopagus, for a description of which see that article.

The chief magistrates of Athens were Archons, and inferior to them there were none others; of whom it will be necessary to mention some. In the first place they had Nomophylaces, who were also styled the eleven, because they were so many in number, one chosen out of each tribe, and a clerk or secretary who made up the eleventh. Their duty it was to look to the execution of the laws; they had authority to seize robbers and other capital offenders; and if they confessed, to put them to death. Dr Potter thinks they resembled our sheriffs. The Phylarchi were the presidents of the Athenian tribes; but in time this became a military title. The Philoballeus was an officer in each tribe, who did the same things within his jurisdiction as the Bailleus did with respect to the state. The Demarchi were the principal magistrates in wards. The Lexarchi were six in number, and were bound to take care that the people came duly to the assemblies; in their custody was the public register of the citizens' names. They had under them Toxotes, who were lectors or bailiffs; they were sometimes 1000 in number: these men were necessary; but, like most of their sort, were in a manner infamous, as may be gathered from the comedies of Aristophanes; they were generally Scythians, raw-boned, brawny fellows, ready to execute any thing they were commanded. The Nomothetae were 1000 in number; their business was to watch over and inspect into the laws. There were two sorts of orators in the service of the state. Some were appointed to defend an old law, when a motion was made to repeal it; these had their fee from the state, but the same man was incapable of being elected twice. Besides these, there were 10 settled orators called Rhetores, elected by lot; their business was to plead public causes in the senate-house. For this they had their stated fees; and with respect to their qualifications, the law ran thus: "Let no one be a public orator who hath struck his parents, denied them maintenance, or shut them out of his doors; who hath refused to serve in the army; who hath thrown away his shield; who hath been addicted to lewd women; notoriously effeminate, or has run out his patrimony. If any man who has been guilty of these crimes dare to deliver an oration, let him be brought to trial upon the spot. Let an orator have children lawfully begotten, and an estate within Attica. If in his oration he talks impertinently, makes idle repetitions, affects an unbecoming raillery, digresses from the point in question, or, after the assembly is over, abuses the president, let the Proedri fine him 50 drachms; and if that is not thought enough, let him be brought before the next assembly and fined again."

We shall conclude this draught of the Athenian government with an account of their courts of justice, which, exclusive of the Areopagus, were 10 in number; four had cognisance of criminal, and five of civil causes. These 10 courts were numbered with the 10 first letters of the alphabet, and were thence styled Alpha, Beta, Gamma, &c. When an Athenian was at leisure to hear causes, he wrote his own name, that of his father, and the ward to which he belonged, upon a tablet; this he presented to the Thesmothete, who returned it again to him with another tablet, with the letter which fell to his lot; then he went to the crier of the court, who presented him a sceptre, and gave him admission. When the causes were over, every judge went and delivered his sceptre to the Prytaneus, and received a stated fee for every cause that was tried. But as this was intended only to compensate their loss of time, so that there might be no appearance of covetousness, a man was forbidden to sit in two courts on the same day. The first criminal court after the Areopagus was that of the Ephete. It consisted of 51 members, all upwards of 51 years old. Draco gave it a very extensive jurisdiction; but Solon took away from them the power of judging in any other causes than those of manslaughter, accidental killing, and lying in wait to destroy: the Bailleus entered all causes in this court. The second criminal court was called Delphinion, because it was held in the temple of Apollo Delphiuss. It had cognizance of such murders as were confessed by the criminal, but at the same time justified under some pretence or other. The Prytaneum was the third criminal court. It held plea of such cases where death ensued from inanimate things. Causes were heard here with the same solemnity as in other courts; and on judgment given, the thing, whatever it was, that had occasioned the death of a man, was thrown out of the territory of Athens. The last criminal court was styled Pibraeum. It sat in a place not far from the sea-shore; and such persons were brought before this court as had committed murders in their own country and fled to Attica. The proceedings of this court were so severe, that they did not permit the criminal to come on shore, but obliged him to plead his cause in his vessel; and if he was found guilty, he was committed to the mercy of the winds and seas.

Of the judicatures for hearing civil causes, the first was the Parabassion; so called, as some think, because in it no matter could be heard if the cause of action was above one drachm. The Caimon, or new court, was the second tribunal. The third was styled the court of Lyceus, because it assembled in a temple dedicated to that hero, whose statue, represented with the face of a wolf, was set up in all courts of justice. The Trigonon was so called because it was triangular in its form. The court Metidius derived its appellation from the architect who built it. The fifth and last court was called Heliaea. It was by far the greatest, and is generally conceived to have derived its name from the judges sitting in the open air exposed to the sun. All the Athenians who were free citizens were allowed by law to sit in these courts as judges; but before they took their seats were sworn by Apollo Patroos, Ceres, and Jupiter the king, that they would decide all things righteously and according to law, where there was any law to guide them; and by the rules of natural equity, where there was none. The Heliaeaic court consisted at least of 50, but its usual number was 5000 judges; when causes of very great consequence were to be tried, 1000 sat therein; and now and then the judges were increased to 1500, and even to 2000. There were many inferior courts in Athens for the decision of tri- vial causes; but of these there is no necessity of speaking, since we design no more than a succinct view of the Athenian republic, as it was settled by and in consequence of Solon's laws.