a celebrated city of Asia in Irak Arabi, seated on the eastern banks of the Tigris, in E. Long. 43° 40'. N. Lat. 33° 15'. By many authors this city is very improperly called Babylon. The latter stood on the Euphrates at a considerable distance.

This city, for many years the capital of the Saracen empire, empire, was founded by the khalif Al Mansur, the second of the house of Al Abbas, after an attempt by the Rawandians to assassinate him, as already mentioned. See Arabia, n° 184.

The reasons assigned by the Arabian historians for building the city of Bagdad are, That the abovementioned attempt to assassinate the khalif had disgusted him at his Arabian subjects in general, and that the spot where Bagdad stood was at a considerable distance from the city of Cufa particularly; the inhabitants of which were remarkable for their treachery and inconstancy, Al Mansur himself having felt several instances of it. Besides, the people of Irak, who had always continued faithful to him, represented, that by building his capital near the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris, it would be in a great measure secured from the insults and attacks of those who should have an inclination to dispute the khalifat with him; and that by being situated as it were in the middle of the tract comprehending the districts of Bafrah, Cufa, Wasaf, Mawfel, and Swada, at no great distance from those cities, it would be plentifully supplied with provisions by means of the aforeforesaid rivers.

Concerning the origin of the name Bagdad, there are various accounts, which, being equally uncertain and trifling, merit no attention. The first city that went by this name was situated on the western bank of the Tigris; from whence Al Mansur dispatched his son Al Mohdi with a body of Moslem troops, to the opposite bank. Here the young prince took post, and fortified the place on which he had encamped with a wall, in order to cover his troops, as well as the workmen employed by his father on the other side of the river, from the incursions of the Persians, who seemed to have taken umbrage at the erection of a new metropolis so near the frontiers of their dominions. Hence that part of the city soon afterwards built on the eastern banks of the Tigris, received the name of the Camp, or Fortress, of Al Mohdi. The khalif had a superb and magnificent palace both in the eastern and western part of the town. The eastern palace was surrounded on the land-side by a semicircular wall that had six gates; the principal of which seems to have been called the gate of prefects, whose entrance was generally kissed by the princes and ambassadors that came to the khalif's court. The western part of the city was entirely round, with the khalif's palace in the centre, and having the great mosque annexed to it. The eastern part consisted of an interior and exterior town, each of which was surrounded by a wall. For some time the building of the city went but slowly on, owing to a scarcity of materials for building; for which reason the khalif was sometimes inclined to remove the materials of Al Madayen the ancient metropolis of the Persian empire. But, upon trial, he found the stones to be of such an immense size, that the removal of them to Bagdad would be attended with great difficulty and expense; besides, he considered that it would be a reflection upon himself to have it said that he could not finish his metropolis without destroying such a pile of building as perhaps could not be paralleled in the whole world; for which reasons he at length gave over his design, and erected the city of Bagdad, most probably, out of the ruins of the ancient cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, putting an end to his undertaking in the 149th year of the Hegira, or four years after the city was begun.

From the building the city of Bagdad to the death of Al Mansur nothing very remarkable happened, excepting some irruptions made into the territories of the Greeks, and by the Arabs into some of the khalif's other territories. In the 157th year of the Hegira also, a grievous famine was felt in Mesopotamia, which was quickly after followed by a plague that destroyed great numbers. This year likewise, the Christians, who had been all along very severely dealt with by Al Mansur, were treated with the utmost rigour by Mufa Ebn Mofaab the khalif's governor; every one who was unable to pay the enormous tribute exacted of them being thrown into prison without distinction.

The next year, being the 158th of the Hegira, the Death of Al Mansur. khalif set out from Bagdad, in order to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca; but being taken ill on the road, he expired at Bir Maimun, whence his body was carried to Mecca; where, after 100 graves had been dug, that his sepulchre might be concealed, he was interred, having lived, according to some 63, according to others 68 years, and reigned 22. He is said to have been extremely covetous, and to have left in his treasury 600,000,000 dirhems, and 24,000,000 dinars. He is reported to have paid his cook by afflicting him the heads and legs of the animals dressed in his kitchen, and to have obliged him to procure at his own expense all the fuel and vessels he had occasion for.

When Al Mansur expired at Bir Maimun, he had succeeded only his domestics and Rabi his freedman with him. The latter of these, for some time, kept his death concealed, and pretended to have a conference with him; in which, as he gave out, the khalif commanded him to exact an oath of allegiance to Al Mohdi his son, as his immediate successor, and to Ifa Ebn Mufa his cousin-german, as the next apparent heir to the crown. He then dispatched a courier to Bagdad with the news of Al Mansur's death; upon which Al Mohdi was unanimously proclaimed khalif. Ifa Ebn Mufa, however, no sooner heard this news, than he began to entertain thoughts of setting up for himself at Cufa, where he then resided; and in order to facilitate the execution of his scheme, fortified himself in that city. But Al Mohda being apprised of his defection, sent a detachment of 1000 horse to bring him to Bagdad; which being done, Al Mohdi not only prevailed upon him to own his allegiance to him, but also to give up his right to the succession for 10,000 according to some, or according to others for 10,000,000 dinars.

From the accession of Al Mohdi to the 164th year Rebellion of the Hegira, the most remarkable event was the rise of Al Mokanna. This impious impostor, whose kanna true name was Hakem Ebn Hysbam, came originally from Khorasan, and had been an under secretary to Abu Moslem governor of that province. He afterwards turned soldier, and passed thence into Mawarannah, where he gave himself out for a prophet. The name of Al Mokanna, as also that of Al Borkai, that is, the veiled, he took from his custom of covering his face with a veil or girdle mask, to conceal his deformity; he having lost an eye in the wars, and being otherwise of a despicable appearance; though his followers pretended he did this for the same reason that Bagdad. Moses did, viz. left the splendor of his countenance should dazzle the eyes of his beholders. In some places he made a great many profelytes, deluding the people with a number of juggling tricks which they swallowed as miracles, and particularly by cauling the appearance of a moon to rise out of a well for many nights together; whence he was also called in the Persian tongue, Sazendeb mak, or the moon-maker. This wretch, not content with being reckoned a prophet, arrogated to himself divine honours; pretending that the Deity resided in his person, having proceeded to him from Abu Moflem, in whom he had taken up his residence before. At last this impostor raised an open rebellion against the khalif, and made himself master of several fortified places in Khorasan, so that Al Mohdi was obliged to send one of his generals with an army against him. Upon the approach of the khalif's troops, Al Mokanna retired into one of his strong fortresses which he had well provided for a siege; and sent his emissaries abroad to persuade the people that he raised the dead to life, and foretold future events. But being closely besieged by the khalif's forces, and seeing no possibility of escaping, he gave poison to his whole family and all that were with him in the castle; when they were dead, he burnt their bodies, together with all their furniture, provisions, and cattle; and lastly, he threw himself into the flames, or, as others say, into a tub of aquafortis, or some other preparation, which consumed every part of him except the hair. When the besiegers therefore entered the place, they found no living creature in it, except one of Al Mokanna's concubines, who, suspecting his design, had hid herself, and now discovered the whole matter. This terrible contrivance, however, failed not to produce the desired effect. He had promised his followers, that his soul should transmigrate into the form of an old man riding on a greyish coloured beast, and that after so many years he would return and give them the earth for their possession; which ridiculous expectation kept the feet in being for several years.

Harun Al-rashid's success against the Greeks. All this time war had been carried on with the Greeks, but without any remarkable success on either side. In the 164th year of the Hegira, however, Al Mohdi ordered his son Harun Alrashid to penetrate into the Greek territories with an army of 95,000 men. Harun, then, having entered the dominions of the empress Irene, defeated one of her commanders that advanced against him; after which he laid waste several of the imperial provinces with fire and sword, and even threatened the city of Constantinople itself. By this the empress was so terrified, that she purchased a peace with the khalif by paying him an annual tribute of 70,000 pieces of gold; which, for the present at least, delivered her from the depredations of these barbarians. After the signing of the treaty, Harun returned home laden with spoils and glory. This year, according to some of the oriental historians, the sun one day, a little after his rising, totally lost his light in a moment without being eclipsed, when neither any fog nor any cloud of dust appeared to obscure him. This frightful darkness continued till noon, to the great astonishment of the people settled in the countries where it happened.*

*See Appendix, No. 37. In the 169th year of the Hegira, Al Mohdi was poisoned, though undesignedly, by one of his concubines named Hafanab. She had designed to destroy one of her rivals whom she imagined to have too great an ascendant over the khalif, by giving her a poisoned pear. This the latter, not suspecting anything, gave to the khalif; who had no sooner eaten it than he felt himself in exquisite torture, and soon after expired.

On the death of Al Mohdi, he was succeeded by his eldest son Al Hadi; who having formed a design to deprive his younger brother Harun Alrashid of his right of succession, and even to assassinate him, was poisoned by his vizier in the 170th year of the Hegira; and on his death the celebrated khalif Harun Alrashid ascended the throne.

This was one of the best and wisest princes that ever sat on the throne of Bagdad. He was also extremely fortunate in all his undertakings; tho' he did not much extend his dominions by conquest. In his time the Moslem empire may be said to have been in its most flourishing state, though, by the independency of the Moslems in Spain, who had formerly set up a khalif of the house of Omniyeh, his territories were not quite so extensive as those of some of his predecessors. He pacified the provinces of Syria, Palestine, Extent of Arabia, Persia, Armenia, Natolia, Media or Ader-his empire, bijan, Babylonia, Assyria, Sindia, Sijistan, Khorasan, Tabreitan, Jorjan, Zablestan or Sablestan, Mawarannah or Great Bukharia, Egypt, Libya, Mauritania, &c.; so that his empire was by far the most powerful of any in the world, and extended farther than the Roman empire ever had done.

The first instance of Harun's good fortune, and which was taken for a prefiguration of a prosperous and happy reign, was his finding a valuable ring which he had thrown into the Tigris to avoid being deprived of it by his brother Al Hadi. He was able to give the divers no other direction than by throwing a stone from the bridge of Bagdad, about the same place of the river in which he had thrown the ring; notwithstanding which, they found it without any great difficulty.

In the 186th year of the Hegira, beginning January 10th, 802, the khalif divided the government of his extensive dominions among his three sons in the following manner: To Al Amin the eldest, he assigned the provinces of Syria, Iraek, the three Arabias, succession, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Media, Palestine, Egypt, and all that part of Africa extending from the confines of Egypt and Ethiopia to the straits of Gibraltar, with the dignity of khalif; to Al Mamun the second, he assigned Persia, Kerman, the Indies, Khorasan, Tabreitan, Cablestan and Zablestan, together with the vast province of Mawarannah; and to his third son Al Kafem, he gave Armenia, Natolia, Jorjan, Georgia, Circassia, and all the Moslem territories bordering upon the Euxine sea. As to the order of succession, Al Amin was to ascend the throne immediately after his father's decease; after him, Al Mamun; and then Al Kafem, whom he had surmised Al Mutaman.

The most considerable exploits performed by this khalif were against the Greeks, who by their perfidy provoked him to make war upon them, and whom he with the always overcame. In the 187th year of the Hegira, Greeks, the khalif received a letter from the Greek emperor Nicephorus. Nicephorus soon after he had been advanced to the imperial dignity, commanding him to return all the money he had extorted from the Empress Irene, though that had been secured to him by the last treaty concluded with that princess, or expect soon to see an imperial army in the heart of his territories. This insolent letter so exasperated Harun, that he immediately assembled his forces and advanced to Heraclea, laying the country through which he passed waste with fire and sword. For some time also he kept that city strictly besieged; which so terrified the Greek emperor, that he submitted to pay an annual tribute. Upon this Harun granted him a peace, and returned with his army. But a hard frost soon after happening in these parts, Nicephorus took for granted that Al Rashid would not pay him another visit, and therefore broke the treaty he had concluded. Of this the khalif receiving advice, he instantly put himself in motion; and, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, forced the emperor to accept of the terms proposed. According to a Persian historian, before the hostilities at this time commenced, Nicephorus made the khalif a present of several fine swords, giving him thereby plainly to understand that he was more inclined to come to blows than to make peace with him. All these swords Harun cut asunder with his famous sword Sanjamah, as if they had been so many radishes, after which severe proof there did not appear the least flaw in the blade; a clear proof of the goodness of the sword, as the cutting the others with it was of the strength of Harun's arm. This sword had fallen into Al Rashid's hands among the spoils of Ebn Dakikan, one of the last Hamyaritic princes of Yaman; but is said to have belonged originally to a valiant Arab named Amru Ebn Moadi Carb, by whose name it generally went among the Molems. This man is said to have performed very extraordinary feats with his sword, which induced a certain prince to borrow it from him; but he not being able to perform any thing remarkable with it, complained to Amru that it had not the desired effect; upon which that brave man took the liberty to tell him, that he had not sent him his arm along with his sword.

In the 88th year of the Hegira, war was renewed with the Greeks, and Nicephorus with a great army attacked the khalif's forces with the utmost fury. He was, however, defeated with the loss of 40,000 men, and received three wounds in the action; after which the Molems committed terrible ravages in his territories, and returned home laden with spoils. The next year Harun invaded Phrygia; defeated an imperial army sent to oppose him; and, having ravaged the country, returned without any considerable loss. In the 96th year of the Hegira, commencing November 27th 855, the khalif marched into the Imperial territories with an army of 135,000 men, besides a great number of volunteers and others who were not enrolled among his troops. He first took the city of Heraclea, from whence he is said to have carried 16,000 prisoners; after which he made himself master of several other places; and, in the conclusion of the expedition, he made a descent on the island of Cyprus, which he plundered in a terrible manner. This success so intimidated Nicephorus, that he immediately sent the tribute due to Harun, the withholding of which had been the cause of the war; and concluded a peace upon the khalif's own terms; one of which was, that the city of Heraclia should never be rebuilt. This perhaps Harun would not have so readily granted, had not one Rafe Ebn Al Leith revolted against him at Samarcand, and assembled a considerable force to support him in his defection.

The next year, being the 191st of the Hegira, the khalif removed the governor of Khorasan from his employment, because he had not been sufficiently attentive to the motions of the rebel Rafe Ebn Al Leith. As this governor had also tyrannized over his subjects in the most cruel manner, his successor no sooner arrived than he sent him in chains to the khalif; but notwithstanding all Harun's care, the rebels made this year a great progress in the conquest of Khorasan.

Next year, the khalif found it necessary to march in person against the rebels, who were daily becoming more formidable. The general rendezvous of his troops was in the plains of Rakka, from whence he advanced at the head of them to Bagdad. Having at that place supplied the troops with every thing necessary, he continued his march to the frontiers of Jorjan, where he was seized with an illness which grew more violent after he had entered that province. Finding himself therefore unable to pursue his journey, he resigned the command of the army to his son Al Mamun, retiring himself to Tus in Khorasan. We are told by Khondemir, the khalif's that, before the khalif departed from Rakka, he had a death pre-dream wherein he saw a hand over his head full of red earth, and at the same time heard a person pronouncing these words, "See the earth where Haran is to be buried." Upon this he demanded where he was to be buried; and was instantly answered "At Tus." This dream greatly discomposed him, he communicated it to his chief physician, who endeavoured to divert him, telling the khalif that the dream had been occasioned by the thoughts of his expedition against the rebels. He therefore advised him to pursue some favourite diversion that might draw his attention another way. The khalif accordingly, by his physician's advice, prepared a magnificent regale for his courtiers, which lasted several days. After this, he put himself at the head of his forces, and advanced to the confines of Jorjan, where he was attacked by the disorder that proved fatal to him. As his disorder increased, he found himself obliged to retire to Tus; where being arrived, he sent for his physician, and said to him, "Gabriel, do you remember my dream at Rakka? we are now arrived at Tus, the place, according to what was predicted in that dream, of my interment. Send one of my eunuchs to fetch me a handful of earth in the neighbourhood of this city." Upon this Mafur, one of his favourite eunuchs, was dispatched to bring a little of the soil of the place to the khalif. He soon returned, and brought a handful of red earth, which he presented to the khalif with his arm half bare. At the sight of this, Harun instantly cried out, "In truth this is the earth, and this the very arm, that I saw in my dream." His spirits immediately failing, and his malady being greatly increased by the perturbation of mind ensuing upon this sight, he died three days after, and was buryed in the same place. According to Abul-Faraj, Batton, Shir Ebn Al Leith the arch-rebel's brother was brought in chains to the khalif, who was then at the point of death. At the sight of whom Harun declared, that if he could speak only two words he would say kill him; and immediately ordered him to be cut to pieces in his presence. This being done, the khalif soon after expired, in the year of the Hegira 193, having reigned 23 years. The distemper that put an end to his days is said to have been the bloody flux.

Upon the arrival of a courier from Tus, with the news of Al Rashid's death, his son Al Amin was immediately proclaimed khalif; and was no sooner seated on the throne, than he formed a design of excluding his brother Al Mamun from the succession. Accordingly he deprived him of the furniture of the imperial palace of Khorasan; and in open violation of his father's will, who had bestowed on Al Mamun the perpetual government of Khorasan, and of all the troops in that province, he ordered these forces to march directly to Bagdad. Upon the arrival of this order, Al Mamun expostulated with the general Al Fadl Ebn Rabi who commanded his troops, and endeavoured to prevent his marching to Bagdad; but without effect, for he punctually obeyed the orders sent by the khalif. Al Mamun, however, took care not to be wanting in fidelity to his brother. He obliged the people of Khorasan to take an oath of fidelity to Al Amin, and reduced some who had actually excited a considerable body of the people to revolt, while the general Al Fadl having ingratiated himself with the khalif by his ready compliance with his orders, was chosen prime vizir, and governed with an absolute sway; so Al Amin abandoning himself entirely to drunkennesses.

Al Fadl was a very able minister; though fearing Al Mamun's resentment if ever he should ascend the throne, he gave Al Amin such advice as proved in the end the ruin of them both. He told him that his brother had gained the affections of the people of Khorasan by the good order and police he had established among them; that his unwearied application to the administration of justice had so attracted their esteem, that the whole province was entirely at his devotion; that his own conduct was by no means relished by his subjects, whose minds were almost totally alienated from him; and therefore that he had but one part to act, which was to deprive Al Mamun of the right of succession that had been given him by his father, and transfer it to his own son Mufa, though then but an infant. Agreeable to this pernicious advice, the khalif sent for his brother Al Ka'fem from Mesopotamia, and recalled Al Mamun from Khorasan, pretending he had occasion for him as an assistant in his councils.

By this treatment Al Mamun was so much provoked, that he resolved to come to an open rupture with his brother, in order if possible to frustrate his wicked designs. Instead, therefore, of going to Bagdad as he had been commanded, he cut off all communication between his own province and that capital; pretending, that as his father Haran had assigned him the lieutenantcy of Khorasan, he was responsible for all the difficulties that might happen there during his absence. He also coined money, and would not suffer Al Amin's name to be impressed upon any of the dirhems or dinars struck in that province. Not content with this, he prevailed upon Rafe' Ebn Al Leith, who had been for some time in rebellion, to join him with a body of troops; whose example was soon after followed by Harthema Ebn Aafan; which put him in possession of all the vast territory of Khorasan. Here he governed with an absolute sway, officiated in the mosque as Imam, and from the pulpit constantly harangued the people.

The following year, being the 195th year of the Hegira, beginning October 4th 810, the khalif Al Amin, finding that his brother set him at defiance, declared war against him, and sent his general Ali Ebn Isa with an army of 60,000 men to invade Khorasan. Al Mamun, being informed that Ali was advancing against him with such a powerful army, put out foot forces all the troops he could raise, and gave the command to Thaher Ebn Hoefin, one of the greatest generals of his age. Thaher being a man of dauntless resolution, chose only 4000 men, whom he led against Al Amin's army. Ali, seeing so small a number of troops advancing against him, was transported with joy, and promised himself an easy victory. Defying his enemies, therefore, he behaved in a secure and careless manner; the consequence of which was, that his army was entirely defeated, and himself killed, his head being afterwards sent as a present to Al Mamun, who amply rewarded Thaher and Harthema for their services.

After this victory, Al Mamun assumed the title of khalif, ordered Al Amin's name to be omitted in the public prayers, and made all necessary preparations for carrying the war into the very heart of his brother's dominions. For this purpose he divided his forces into two bodies, and commanded them to march into Irak by different routes. One of them obeyed the orders of Thaher and the other of Harthema. The first directed his march towards Ahwas, and the other towards Holwan, both of them proposing to meet in the neighbourhood of Bagdad, and after their junction to besiege that city.

In the 196th year of the Hegira, Thaher Ebn Hoefin made a most rapid progress with the troops under his command. Having advanced towards Ahwas, he conquered there defeated a body of the khalif's forces; and though the victory was by no means decisive, it so intimidated the commander of Ahwas, that he thought fit to surrender that fortress to him. This opened him a way to Wafet upon the Tigris, and facilitated the conquest of that place. After this he marched with his army to Al Madayen; the inhabitants of which immediately opened their gates to him. The rapidity of these conquests, and the infamous conduct of Al Amin, excited the people of Egypt, Syria, Hejaz, and Yaman, unanimously to declare for Al Mamun; who was accordingly proclaimed khalif in all these provinces.

The next year, Al Mamun's forces under Thaher and Harthema laid siege to Bagdad. As the khalif was shut up in that place, and it had a numerous garrison, the besieged made a vigorous defence, and destroyed a great number of their enemies. The besiegers, however, incessantly played upon the town with their catapults and other engines, though they were in their turn not a little annoyed by the garrison with the same sort of military machines. The latter likewise made continual fallacies, and fought like men in despair, though they were always at last beaten back into the town with considerable loss. In short, the siege continued during the whole of this year, in which the greatest part of the eastern city, called the Camp of Al Mohdi, was demolished or reduced to ashes. The citizens, as well well as the garrison, were reduced to the last extremity by the length and violence of the siege.

In the beginning of the 198th year of the Hegira, Al Amin finding himself deserted by his troops, as well as by the principal men of Bagdad, who had kept a private correspondence with Thaher, was obliged to retire to the old town on the west bank of the Tigris. He did not, however, take this step before the inhabitants of the new town had formally deposed him, and proclaimed his brother Al Mamun khalif. Thaher, receiving advice of this, caused the old town to be immediately invested, planted his engines against it, and at last starved it to a surrender. Al Amin being thus reduced to the necessity of putting himself into the hands of one of the generals, chose to implore the protection of Harthema, whom he judged to be of a more humane disposition than Thaher. Having obtained this, he embarked in a small vessel in order to arrive at that part of the camp where Harthema was posted; but Thaher being informed of his design, which, if put in execution, he thought would eclipse the glory he had acquired, laid an ambush for him, which he had not the good fortune to escape. Upon his arrival in the neighbourhood of Harthema's tent, Thaher's soldiers rushed upon him, drowned all his attendants, and put himself in prison. Here he was soon after massacred by Thaher's servants, who carried his head in triumph to their master, by whose order it was afterwards exposed to public view in the streets of Bagdad. Thaher afterwards sent it to Al Mamun in Khorasan, together with the ring or seal of the khalifat, the sceptre, and the imperial robe. At the sight of these, Al Mamun fell down on his knees, and returned thanks to God for his success; making the courier who brought them a present of a million of dirhems, in value about £100,000 Sterling.

The same day that Al Amin was assassinated, his brother Al Mamun was proclaimed khalif at Bagdad. He had not been long seated on the throne when he was alarmed by rebellions breaking out in different parts of the empire. These, however, were at last happily extinguished; after which, Thaher Ebn Hofein had the government of Khorasan conferred upon him and his descendants with almost absolute and unlimited power. This happened in the 205th year of the Hegira, from which time we may date the dismemberment of that province from the empire of the khalifs.

During the reign of this khalif nothing remarkable happened; only the African Molems invaded the island of Sicily, where they made themselves masters of several places. He died of a surfeit in the 218th year of the Hegira, having reigned 20, and lived 48 or 49 years.

On the death of Al Mamun, his brother Al Mota- sem, by some of the oriental historians named Billab, was saluted khalif. He succeeded by virtue of Al Mamun's express nomination of him to the exclusion of his own son Al Abbas and his other brother Al Kafem, who had been appointed by Haran Al Rashid. In the beginning of his reign he was obliged to employ the whole forces of his empire against one Babec, who had been for a considerable time in rebellion in Persia and Persian Irak. This Babec first appeared in the year of the Hegira 201, when he began to take upon him the title of a prophet. What his particular doctrine was, is now unknown; but his religion is said to have differed from all others then known in Asia. He gained a great number of profelytes in Aderbijan and the Persian Irak, where he soon grew powerful enough to wage war with the khalif Al Mamun, whose troops he often beat, so that he was now become extremely formidable. The general sent by Al Motasem to reduce him was Haider Ebn Kaus, fumamed Affshin, a Turk by nation, who had been brought a slave to the khalif's court, and having been employed in disciplining the Turkish militia there, had acquired the reputation of a great captain. By him Babec was defeated Babec died with prodigious slaughter, no fewer than 60,000 men being killed in the first engagement. The next year, being the 220th of the Hegira, he received a still greater overthrow, losing 100,000 men either killed or taken prisoners. By this defeat he was obliged to retire into the Gordyean mountains; where he fortified himself in such a manner, that Affshin found it impossible to reduce him till the year of the Hegira 222. This commander having reduced with invincible patience all Babec's castles one after another, the impostor was obliged to shut himself up in a strong fortress called Caibabad, which was now his last resource. Here he defended himself with great bravery for several months; but at last finding he should be obliged to surrender, he made his escape into a neighbouring wood, from whence he soon after came to Affshin, upon that general's promising him pardon. But Affshin no sooner had him in his power, than he first caused his bones and hands and feet, and afterwards his head, to be cut off, put to death. Babec had supported himself against the power of the khalifs for upwards of 20 years, during which time he had cruelly massacred 250,000 people; it being his He destroyed custom to spare neither man, woman, nor child, of the evil Mahometans or their allies. Amongst the prisoners numbers of taken at Caibabad there was one Nud, who had been one of Babec's executioners, and who owned that in obedience to his master's commands he had destroyed 20,000 Molems with his own hands; to which he added, that vast numbers had also been executed by his companions, but that of these he could give no precise account.

In the 223rd year of the Hegira, the Greek emperor Theophilus invaded the khalif's territories, where he behaved with the greatest cruelty, and by destroying Sozopetra the place of Al Motasem's nativity, notwithstanding his earnest intreates to the contrary, occasioned the terrible destruction of Amurium mentioned under that article. The rest of this khalif's reign is remarkable for nothing but the execution of Affshin, who was accused of holding correspondence with the khalif's enemies. After his death a great number of idols were found in his house, which were immediately burned, as also several books said to contain impious and detestable opinions.

In the 227th year of the Hegira died the khalif Al Death of Motasem, in the 48th or 49th year of his age. He Al Mota-reigned eight years eight months and eight days, was fum-born in the eighth month of the year, fought eight battles, had 8000 slaves, and had 8,000,000 dinars and 80,000 dirhems in his treasury at his death, whence the oriental historians gave him the name of Al Methamen, or the Othman. He is said to have been so robust, that he once carried a burden of 1000 pounds weight several paces. As the people of Bagdad disturbed him with frequent frequent revolts and commotions, he took the resolution to abandon that city, and build another for his own residence. The new city he built was first called Sarra Manray, and stood in the Arabian Irak. He was attached to the opinion of the Motazalites, who maintain the creation of the Koran; and both he and his predecessor cruelly persecuted those who believed it to be eternal.

Al Motafer was succeeded by Al Wathek Bilah, who the following year, being the 228th of the Hegira, invaded and conquered Sicily. Nothing remarkable happened during the rest of his reign; he died in the 232d year of the Hegira, and was succeeded by his brother Al Motawakkil.

The new khalif began his reign with an act of the greatest cruelty. The late khalif's vizir having treated Al Motawakkil ill in his brother's lifetime, and opposed his election to the khalifat, was on that account now sent to prison. Here the khalif ordered him to be kept awake for several days and nights together; after this, being suffered to fall asleep, he slept a whole day and a night; and after he awoke was thrown into an iron furnace lined with spikes or nails heated red hot, where he was miserably burnt to death. During this reign nothing remarkable happened, except wars with the Greeks, which were carried on with various success. In the year 859 too, being the 145th of the Hegira, violent earthquakes happened in many provinces of the Moslem dominions; and the springs at Mecca failed to such a degree, that the celebrated well Zemzem was almost dried up, and the water sold for 100 dirhems a bottle.

In the 247th year of the Hegira, the khalif was assassinated at the instance of his son Al Montafer; who succeeded him, and died in six months after. He was succeeded by Al Motlaim, who in the year of the Hegira 252 was forced to abdicate the throne by his brother Al Motazz, who afterwards caused him to be privately murdered. He did not long enjoy the dignity of which he had so iniquitously possessed himself; being deposed by the Turkish militia (who now began to set up and depose khalifs as they pleased) in the 253rd year of the Hegira. After his deposition, he was sent under an escort from Sarra Manray to Bagdad, where he died of thirst or hunger, after a reign of four years and about seven months. The fate of this khalif was peculiarly hard; the Turkish troops had mutinied for their pay; and Al Motazz, not having money to satisfy their demands, applied to his mother named Kabila for 50,000 dinars. This she refused, telling him that she had no money at all, although it afterwards appeared that she was possessed of immense treasures. After his deposition, however, she was obliged to discover them, and even deposit them in the hands of the new khalif Al Mokhtadi. They consisted of 1,000,000 dinars, a bushel of emeralds, and another of pearls, and three pounds and three quarters of rubies of the colour of fire.

Al Mokhtadi, the new khalif, was the son of one of Al Wathek's concubines named Korti, or Karb, who is by some supposed to have been a Christian. The beginning of his reign is remarkable for the irruption of the Zenjians, a people of Nubia, Ethiopia, and the in the reign country of Caffres, into Arabia, where they penetrated into the neighbourhood of Bafra and Cufa. The chief of this gang of robbers, who, according to some of the Arab historians, differed but little from wild beasts, was Ali Ebn Mohammed Ebn Abdalrahman, who falsely gave himself out to be of the family of Ali Ebn Abu Taleb. This made such an impression upon the Shites in those parts, that they flocked to him in great numbers; which enabled him to seize upon the cities of Bafra and Ramla, and even to pass the Tigris at the head of a formidable army. He then took the title of Prince of the Zenjians, in order to ingratiate himself with those barbarians, of whom his army was principally composed.

In the 256th year of the Hegira, Al Mokhtadi was barbarously murdered by the Turks who had raised him to the throne, and was succeeded by Al Mouamed, the son of Al Motawakkil. This year the prince of the Zenjians, Ali, or as he is also called Al Habib, made incursions to the very gates of Bagdad, doing prodigious mischief wherever he passed. The khalif therefore sent against him one Jolan with a considerable army; he was overthrown, however, with very great slaughter by the Zenjian, who made himself master of 24 of the khalif's largest ships in the bay of Bafra, put a vast number of the inhabitants of Obolla to the sword, and feasted upon the town. Not content with this, he set fire to it, and soon reduced it to ashes, the houses mostly consisting of the wood of a certain plane-tree called by the Arabs Saj. From thence he marched to Abadan, which likewise surrendered to him. Here he found an immense treasure, which enabled him to possess himself of the whole district of Ahwaz. In short, his forces being now increased to 80,000 strong, most of the adjacent territories, and even the khalif's court itself, were struck with terror.

In the 257th year of the Hegira, Al Habib continued victorious, defeated several armies sent against him by the khalif, reduced the city of Bafra, and put 20,000 of the inhabitants to the sword. The following year, the khalif, supported by his brother Al Mowaffek, had formed a design of circumscribing the power of the Turkish soldiery, who had for some time given law to the khalifs themselves. But this year the Zenjians made so rapid a progress in Persia, Arabia, and Irak, that he was obliged to fulfill the execution of his design, and even to employ the Turkish troops to assist his brother Al Mowaffek in opposing these robbers. The first of the khalif's generals who encountered Al Habib this year, was defeated in several engagements, and had his army at last entirely destroyed. After this Al Mowaffek and another general named Moyesh advanced against him. In the first engagement Moyesh being killed by an arrow, the khalif's troops retired; but Al Mowaffek put them afterwards in such a posture of defence, that the enemy durst not renew the attack. Several other sharp encounters happened this year, in which neither party gained great advantage; but, at last, some contagious distempers breaking out in Al Mowaffek's army, he was obliged to conclude a truce, and retire to Walet to refresh his troops.

In the 259th year of the Hegira, commencing Nov. 7th, 872, the war between the khalif and Al Habib still continued. Al Mowaffek, upon his arrival at Bagdad, sent Mahammed furnished Al Mowalled with a powerful army to act against the Zenjians; but he could not hinder them from ravaging the province of Ahwaz. cutting off about 50,000 of the khalif's subjects, and dismantling the city of Ahwaz; and notwithstanding the utmost efforts of all the khalif's generals, no considerable advantages could be gained either this or the following year.

In the 261st year of the Hegira, beginning October 16th 874, Mohammed Ebn Wafel, who had killed the khalif's governor of Fars, and afterwards made himself master of that province, had several engagements with Al Habib, but with what success is not known. The khalif, having been apprized of the state of affairs on that side, annexed the government of Fars, Ahwaz, and Basra, to the prefecture he had given to Musa Ebn Boga, whom he looked upon as one of the best generals he had. Musa, soon after his nomination to that post, sent Abdalrahman Ebn Mosleh as his deputy to Ahwaz, giving him as a colleague and assistant one Tifam, a Turk. Mohammed Ebn Wafel, however, refusing to obey the orders of Abdalrahman and Tifam, a fierce conflict ensued, in which the latter were defeated, and Abdalrahman taken prisoner. After this victory, Mohammed advanced against Musa Ebn Boga himself; but that general, finding he could not take possession of his new government without a vast effusion of blood, recalled the deputies from their provinces, and made the best of his way to Sarra Manray. After this, Yakub Ebn Al Leit, having taken Khorasan from the descendants of Thaber, attacked and defeated Mohammed Ebn Wafel, seizing on his palace, where he found a sum of money amounting to 40,000,000 dirhems.

The next year Yakub Ebn Leit being grown formidable by the acquisition of Ahwaz and a considerable portion of Fars, or at least the Persian Irak, declared war against the khalif. Against him Al Motamed dispatched Al Mowaffek, who having defeated him with prodigious slaughter, plundered his camp, and pursued him into Khorasan; where meeting with no opposition, he entered Nitabur, and released Mahomet the Thaerian, whom Yakub had detained in prison three years. As for Yakub himself, he made his escape with great difficulty, though he and his family continued several years in possession of many of the conquests he had made. This war with Yakub proved a favourable diversion in favour of Al Habib, who this year defeated all the forces sent against him, and ravaged the district of Wafet.

The following year, being the 263d of the Hegira, beginning September 24th 876, the khalif's forces, under the command of Ahmed Ebn Lebna, gained two considerable advantages over Al Habib; but being at last drawn into an ambuscade, they were almost totally destroyed, their general himself making his escape with the utmost difficulty; nor were the khalif's forces able, during the course of the next year, to make the least impression upon these rebels.

In the 265th year of the Hegira, beginning September 3d 878, Ahmed Ebn Tolun rebelled against the khalif, and set up for himself in Egypt. Having assembled a considerable force, he marched to Antioch, and besieged Sima the governor of Aleppo, and all the provinces known among the Arabs by the name of Al Awajem in that city. As the besieged found that he was resolved to carry the place by assault, they thought fit, after a short defence, to submit, and to put Sima into his hands. Ahmed no sooner had that officer in his power, than he caused him to be beheaded; after which he advanced to Aleppo, the gates of which were immediately opened unto him. Soon after, he reduced Damascus, Homs, Hamath, Kinnifrin, and Al Rakka, situated upon the eastern bank of the Euphrates. This rebellion so exasperated Al Motamed, that he caused Ahmed to be publicly cursed in all the mosques belonging to Bagdad and Irak; and Ahmed on his part ordered the same malediction to be thundered out against the khalif in all the mosques within his jurisdiction. This year also a detachment of Al Habib's troops penetrated into Irak, and made themselves masters of four of the khalif's ships laden with corn; then they advanced to Al Nomanic, laid the greatest part of it in ashes, and carried off with them several of the inhabitants prisoners. After this they possessed themselves of Jarjaraya, where they found many prisoners more, and destroyed all the adjacent territory with fire and sword. This year there were four independent powers in the Moflem dominions, besides the house of Omeyyad in Spain; viz. The African Molems, or Agla-bites, who had for a long time acted independently; nominal Ahmed in Syria and Egypt; Al Leit in Khorasan; minions, and Al Habib in Arabia and Irak.

In the 266th year of the Hegira, beginning August 23d 879, Al Habib reduced Ramhormoz, burnt the stately mosque there to the ground, put a vast number of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried away great numbers, as well as a vast quantity of spoil. This was his last successful campaign; for the year following, Al Mowaffek, attended by his son Abul Ab-bad successus, having attacked him with a body of 100,000 horse and death, and a few infantry, notwithstanding the vast disparity of numbers (Al Habib's army amounting to 100,000 men), defeated him in several battles, recovered most of the towns he had taken, together with an immense quantity of spoil, and released 5000 women that had been thrown into prison by these barbarians. After these victories, Al Mowaffek took post before the city of Al Mabiya built by Al Habib, and the place of his residence; burnt all the ships in the harbour; thoroughly pillaged the town; and then entirely dismantled it. After the reduction of this place, in which he found immense treasures, Al Mowaffek pursued the flying Zenjians, put several of their chiefs to the sword, and advanced to Al Mokhtara, a city built by Al Habib. As the place was strongly fortified, and Al Habib was posted in its neighbourhood with an army, according to Abu Jaafar Al Tabari, of 300,000 men, Al Mowaffek perceived that the reduction of it would be a matter of some difficulty. He therefore built a fortress opposite to it, where he erected a mosque, and coined money. The new city, from its founder, was called by the Arabs Al Mowaffekia, and soon rendered considerable by the settlement of several wealthy merchants there. The city of Al Mokhtara being reduced to great straits was at last taken by storm, and given up to be plundered by the khalif's troops; after which Al Mowaffek defeated the numerous forces of Al Habib in such a manner, that they could no more be rallied during that campaign.

The following year, being the 268th of the Hegira, Al Mowaffek penetrated again into Al Mabiya, and demolished the fortifications which had been raised since its former reduction, though the rebels disputed every inch of ground. Next year he again attacked Al Habib with great bravery; and would have entirely defeated him, had he not been wounded in the breast with an arrow, which obliged him to find a retreat. However, as soon as he was cured of his wound, Al Mowaffek advanced a third time to Al Mabiyah, made himself master of that metropolis, threw down the walls that had been raised, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and carried a vast number of them into captivity.

The 27th year of the Hegira, commencing July 11th 883, proved fatal to the rebel Al Habib. Al Mowaffek made himself a fourth time master of Al Mabiyah, burnt all Habib's palace, seized upon his family, and sent them to Sarra Manray. As for the usurper himself, he had the good fortune to escape at this time; but being closely pursued by Al Mowaffek into the province of Ahwaz, where the shattered remains of his forces were entirely defeated, he at last fell into the hands of the victor, who ordered his head to be cut off, and carried through a great part of that region which he had so long disturbed. By this complete victory Al Mowaffek obtained the title of Al Nasir Lidmilalak, that is, "the protector of Mahometanism." This year also died Ahmed Ebn Tolun, who had seized upon Egypt and Syria, as we have already observed; and was succeeded by his son Khamarawiyah.

The next year, a bloody engagement happened between the khalif's forces commanded by Al Mowaffek's son, and those of Khamarawiyah, who had made an irruption into the khalif's territories. The battle was fought between Al Ramla and Damascus. In the beginning, Khamarawiyah found himself so hard pressed, that his men were obliged to give way; upon which, taking for granted that all was lost, he fled with great precipitation, even to the borders of Egypt; but, in the mean time, his troops being ignorant of the flight of their general, returned to the charge, and gained a complete victory. After this, Khamarawiyah, by his just and mild administration, so gained the affections of his subjects, that the khalif found it impossible to gain the least advantage over him. In the 276th year of the Hegira, he overthrew one of the khalif's generals named Abul Saj, at Al Bathnia near the city of Damascus; after which he advanced to Al Rakka on the Euphrates, and made himself master of that place. Having annexed several large provinces to his former dominions, and left some of his friends in whom he could confide to govern them, he then returned into Egypt, the principal part of his empire, which now extended from the Euphrates to the borders of Nubia and Ethiopia.

The following year, being the 278th of the Hegira, was remarkable for the death of Al Mowaffek. He died of the elephantiasis or leprosy; and while in his last illness, could not help observing, that of 100,000 men whom he commanded, there was not one so miserable as himself. This year was also remarkable for the first disturbances raised in the Mohammetan empire by the Karmatians. The origin of this sect is not certainly known; but the most common opinion is, that a poor fellow, by some called Karmata, came from Khuzistan to the villages near Cuta, and there pretended great sanctity and strictness of life, and that God had enjoined him to pray 50 times a day; pretending also to invite people to the obedience of a certain Imam of the family of Mahomet; and this way of life he continued till he had made a very great party, out of whom he chose twelve as his apostles to govern the rest, and to propagate his doctrines. He also assumed the title of prince, and obliged every one of his earlier followers to pay him a dinar a-year. But Al Haidam, the governor of that province, finding men neglected their work, and their husbandry in particular, to say those 50 prayers a-day, feasted the fellow, and having put him in prison, swore that he should die. This being overheard by a girl belonging to the governor, she, out of compassion, took the key of the dungeon at night from under her master's head, released the man, and restored the key to its place while her master slept. The next morning the governor found his prisoner gone; and the accident being publicly known, raised great admiration; Karmata's adherents giving out that God had taken him into heaven. After this he appeared in another province, and declared to a great number of people he got about him, that it was not in the power of any person to do him hurt; notwithstanding which, his courage failing him, he retired into Syria, and was never heard of any more. After his disappearance, the sect continued and increased; his disciples pretending that their master had manifested himself to be a true prophet, and had left them a new law, wherein he had changed the ceremonies and form of prayer used by the Mohametans, &c. From this year, 278, their sectaries gave almost continual disturbance to the khalifs and their subjects, committing great disorders in Chaldea, Arabia, and Mesopotamia, and at length established a considerable principality.

In the 279th year of the Hegira died the khalif Al Sultan of Motamed; and was succeeded by Al Motaded, son to Egypt's Al Mowaffek. The first year of his reign, Al Motaded married demanded in marriage the daughter of Khamarawiyah, the khalif sultan, or khalif, in Egypt; which was agreed to by Al Motamed him with the utmost joy, and their nuptials were solemnized with great pomp in the 282nd year of the Hegira. He carried on a war with the Karmatians; but very unsuccessfully, his forces being defeated with great slaughter, and his general Al Abbas taken prisoner. This khalif also granted to Harun, son to Khamarawiyah, the perpetual prefecture of Awasam and Kinninfrin, which he annexed to that of Egypt and Syria, upon condition that he paid him an annual tribute of 45,000 dinars. He died in the year of the Hegira 289, and was succeeded by his son Al Moc-tali.

This khalif proved a warlike and successful prince. He gained several advantages over the Karmatians, but recovered was not able to reduce them. The Turks, however, by the khalif Al Moc-tali, having invaded the province of Mawarnanahr, were defeated with great slaughter; after which, Al Moc-tali carried on a successful war against the Greeks, from whom he took Selucia. After this he invaded Syria and Egypt, which provinces he recovered from the house of Ahmed Ebn Tolun.

The reduction of Egypt happened in the 292d year of the Hegira, after which the war was renewed with state of the success against the Greeks and Karmatians. The kha-khalifs after lif died in the 295th year of the Hegira, after a reign of about six years and a half. He was the last of the khalifs who made any figure by their warlike exploits. His successors Al Moktader, Al Kaher, and Al Radi, were were so distressed by the Karmathians and numberless usurpers who were every day starting up, that by the 325th year of the Hegira they had nothing left but the city of Bagdad. In the 324th year of the Hegira, commencing November 30th, 935, the khalif Al Radi, Omra in finding himself distressed on all sides by usurpers, and having a vizir of no capacity, instituted a new office superior to that of vizir, which he intitled Emir Al Omra, or Commandant of commandants. This great officer was trusted with the management of all military affairs, and had the entire management of the finances in a much more absolute and unlimited manner than any of the khalif's vizirs ever had. Nay, he officiated for the khalif in the great mosque at Bagdad, and had his name mentioned in the public prayers throughout the kingdom. In short, the khalif was so much under the power of this officer, that he could not apply a single dinar to his own use without the leave of the Emir Al Omra. In the year 325, the Moslem empire, once so great and powerful, was shared among the following usurpers.

The cities of Wasit, Basra, and Cufa, with the rest of the Arabian Irak, were considered as the property of the Emir Al Omra, though they had been in the beginning of the year feigned upon by a rebel called Al Bardi, who could not be driven out of them.

The country of Fars, Farsetan, or Persia, properly so called, was possessed by Amado'ddawla Ali Ebn Buuya, who resided in the city of Shiraz.

Part of the tract denominated Al Jebal, together with Persian Irak, which is the mountainous part of Persia, and the country of the ancient Parthians, obeyed Rueno'ddawla, the brother of Amado'ddawla, who resided at Isfahan. The other part of that country was possessed by Washmakin the Deylamite.

Diyar Rabia, Diyar Becr, Diyar Modar, and the city of Al Mawsel, or Moful, acknowledged for their sovereign a race of princes called Hamdanites.

Egypt and Syria no longer obeyed the khalifs, but Mahomet Ebn Taj, who had formerly been appointed governor of these provinces.

Africa and Spain had long been independent.

Cicily and Crete were governed by princes of their own.

The provinces of Khorasan and Mawaralnahr were under the dominion of Al Nasr Ebn Ahmed, of the dynasty of the Sammarians.

The provinces of Tabrestan, Jorjan, or Georgiana, and Mazanderan, had kings of the first dynasty of the Deylamites.

The province of Kerman was occupied by Abu Ali Mahomet Ebn Eyla Al Sammani, who had made himself master of it a short time before.

Lastly, the provinces of Yamama and Bahren, including the district of Hajr, were in the possession of Abu Thaher the Karmatian.

Thus the khalifs were deprived of all their dominions, and reduced to the rank of foreign pontiffs; in which light, though they continued for some time to be regarded by the neighbouring princes, yet their power never arrived to any height. In this low state the khalifs continued till the year of the Hegira 656, commencing January 8th, 1258. This year was rendered remarkable by the taking of Bagdad by Hulaku the Mogul or Tartar; who likewise abolished the khalifat, putting the reigning khalifat Al Moftasem Billah to a most cruel death. These diabolical conquerors, after they had taken the city, massacred, according to custom, a vast number of the inhabitants; and after they had plundered it, set it on fire. The spoil they took from thence was prodigiously great, Bagdad being then looked upon as the first city in the world.

Bagdad remained in the hands of the Tartars or History of Moguls to the year of the Hegira 795, of Christ 1392, when it was taken by Tamerlane from Sultan Ahmed Ebn Weiss; who being incapable of making head against Tamerlane's numerous forces, found himself obliged to send all his baggage over the Tigris, and abandon his capital to the conqueror. He was, however, hotly pursued by his enemy's detachments to the plain of Kabella, where several skirmishes happened, and a considerable number of men were lost on both sides. Notwithstanding this disaster, he found means to escape the fury of his pursuers, took refuge in the territories of the Greek emperor, and afterwards repossessed himself of the city of Bagdad. There he remained till the year of the Hegira 803, when the city was taken a second time by Tamerlane; who nevertheless restored it to him, and he continued sovereign of the place till driven from thence by Miram Shaw. Still, however, he found means to return; but in the 815th year of the Hegira was finally expelled by Kara Yufef the Turkman. The descendants of Kara Yufef continued masters of Bagdad till the year of the Hegira 875, of Christ 1470, when they were driven out by Ulun Calfun. The family of this prince continued till the year of the Hegira 914, of our Lord 1508, when Shah Ishmael, surnamed Sufi or Safi, the first prince of the royal family reigning in Iran or Persia, till the dethroning of the late Shah Hosein, made himself master of it. From that time to this Bagdad has continued to be a bone of contention between the Turks and Persians. It was taken by Soliman surnamed the magnificent, and retaken by Shah Abbas the great, king of Persia: but being at length besieged by Amruth or Morad IV. with a formidable army, it was finally obliged to surrender to him in the year 1638; since which time the Persians have never been able to make themselves masters of it for any length of time.

The city is large and populous; and the advantage its present of the Tigris is so considerable, with regard to commerce, that although the climate is excessive hot, and in other respects far from being agreeable, yet the number of its inhabitants is computed at 300,000; but before the plague broke out there, they were supposed to be four times that number. It is governed by a bashaw, whose authority extends as far as Courdistan. The revenues would be immense was the government mild; but instead thereof, oppression rules here with the most despotic sway. The bashaw is continually extorting money from the poor inhabitants, and none suffer more than the unfortunate Jews and Christians, many of whom are put to the most cruel tortures in order to force their property from them. This series of tyranny and oppression has almost entirely drove them out of the city, in consequence of which the trade must suffer very considerably, they being generally the principal merchants in the place. In the months of June, July, and August, the weather is so extremely hot, as to oblige the inhabitants to live for these months in subterraneous apartments, which are arched over, to admit the freer circulation of the air. The houses are generally large, built of brick and cement, and are arched over; many of the windows are made of elegant Venetian glass; the ceilings are mostly ornamented with a kind of chequered work, which has generally a noble appearance; most of the houses have a court-yard before them, in the middle of which is a little plantation of orange trees, &c. that has a very pleasing effect. The soil, which would produce not only every convenience in life, but almost every luxury, is through the natural indolence of the Turks, and the many faults in the government of the country, in a great measure uncultivated and neglected. The revenues are computed at 125 lacks of piastres, or 1,561,500l. sterling; but a quarter part of this is not collected, owing to the flottilles of the Turks, who suffer the Arabs to plunder them of the remainder. This in some measure accounts for the cruelties and extortions that are continually practised here. As the bashaw lives in all the splendor of a sovereign prince, and maintains a very large army, he could not be able to defray his expenses, was he not to have recourse to oppression and injustice; and he, by his extensive power, acting almost independent of the Porte, only acknowledging it to bring in a balance from thence yearly in his favour.

The bazars or markets here are large and extensive; being covered over with arches built of masonry, and divided into different streets, filled with shops of all kinds of merchandise, to the number of 12,000. Everything a person can have occasion for may be had there. - The number of houses in the city is computed at near 80,000; and each house and shop pay an annual tribute to the bashaw, which is calculated to produce the sum of 300,000l. sterling. Besides these immense revenues that are collected, the bashaw pretends, that by repairs on the fortifications 30,000l. or 40,000l. are annually expended, when not to many hundreds are taken out of his coffers for that purpose. Likewise clearing the river and mending the bridge become a charge greater than their income, and probably not the value of an English shilling is expended.

To support the expense of the fergah, their clothes, caparisons of their horses, and every outward pomp, the amount is considerable.

On the north side of the town stands the citadel, which commands the river; and consists of curtains and battlements, on which some very long cannon are mounted, with two mortars in each battalion, placed on no other beds than the ground, and in very bad condition. The carriages of the guns are likewise so unwieldy, and in such a shattered condition, that from their appearances they would not support one firing, but would be shaken in pieces. Their elevations were from 30 to 40 degrees, but they had no quoins to level them. There are, besides, a number of small towers, and loop-holes for musketry, placed at certain distances, all well encompassed by a ditch of 25 feet deep, which can be filled at any time by the waters of the Tigris. The citadel is so close to the houses, that it might be easily taken if possession was once gained of the town; but an attack made towards the land would not probably be successful, as sluices might with the greatest facility be cut into the ditch, and so overflow the country for miles round; but it is said an advantageous attack might be made from the water.

The city, which is fortified by lofty thick walls of brick covered with earth, and strengthened by great towers much resembling cavalier battions, the whole being surrounded by a deep ditch, is in the form of an irregular square; but the walls in many places are broken down, occasioned by the disputes which happened on the death of Abdulla Basha a few years ago, when two competitors arose in Bagdad for the Bashawic, who fought several times in the town and citadel, and laid great part of it in ruins. In the interim, the governor of Mussool and Nineveh being appointed Bashaw by the Porte, came hither with a considerable army, and took possession of the sovereignty, vanquishing his two opponents. Opposite to the city, on the other side of the river, are very extensive suburbs, from whence shells might be thrown into the town, which would have a dreadful effect on a place so closely built. There is a communication between the city and suburbs by a bridge of boats; the only kind of bridge which that river will admit of, as it is broad and deep, and in its ordinary course very rapid. At certain seasons it swells to a prodigious height, and overflowing the country occasions many miseries on that side opposite to the city. Among these are several towns and villages, whose inhabitants are said to be the ancient Chaldeans: they are of a particular religion, which they pretend is that of Seth. The inhabitants of this city are composed chiefly of Persians, Armenians, Turks, Arabs, and Jews, which last act in the capacity of schroffs, or bankers, to the merchants. The Jews, notwithstanding the severe treatment they meet with from the government, are induced to live here from a reverence to the prophet Ezekiel, whose mausoleum they pretend is a day's journey from the city. Besides the Jews who reside here, there are many that come every year out of devotion to visit the prophet's tomb. There are also two European gentlemen, a Venetian and a Frenchman, with five Romish priests, who are Frenchmen and Italians. Two chapels are permitted for those of the Romish and Greek persuasions; at the former the five priests officiate. In the city are several large beautiful mosques, but into which Christians are never suffered to enter if known to be such, for fear it should defile them. The Mahometan women are very richly dressed, wearing bracelets on their arms and jewels in their ears: the Arabian women have the partition between their nostrils bored, wherein they wear rings.

There are also a number of antique buildings. At the distance of about ten miles stand the ruins of an ancient tower called the Tower of Nimrod. Whether this tower was at first of a square or round form is now difficult to determine; though the former is most probable, because all the remaining bricks are placed square, and not in the least circular. The bricks are all twelve inches square and four and a half thick. The cement is of mud or lime, mixed with broken reed, as we mix hair with mortar; which lime might either have been had from one of the great rivers, or taken out of one of the swamps in the plain, with which the country hereabout very much abounds. The height of the ruin is 126 feet; the diameter of the largest Baggage: largest and middle part about 100 feet. It would appear to be solid to the centre; yet near the top there is a regular opening of an oval form. The circumference of that part of the tower which remains, and is above the rubbish, is about 300 feet; but probably, could the foundation be come at, it would be found of far greater extent. The present Turks, Jews, and Arabians, are fond of believing this to be the identical ruin of the ancient tower of Babel, for which they assign a variety of reasons; but all so void of the appearance of truth, that to set about confuting them would be losing time in trifles. It appears to have been a beacon or watch-tower, to give notice of the approach of an enemy: or perhaps was used as an observatory to inspect the various motions of the heavenly bodies; which science was so much cultivated among the ancient inhabitants of this country, that even the Grecians, though desirous of being esteemed the inventors of all arts and sciences, could never deny the Babylonians the honour of having laid the foundations of astronomy.