a kingdom of Africa, including the states of Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, and Tunis; (see those articles). This country contains almost the whole of what the Romans possessed of the continent of Africa, excepting Egypt. It stretches itself in length from east to west, beginning at the southern limits of Egypt, to the straits of Gibraltar full 35 degrees of longitude; and from thence to Santa Cruz, the utmost western edge of it, about six more, in all 41 degrees; so that the utmost length of Barbary from east to west is computed at above 750 German leagues. On the south, indeed, it is confined within much narrower bounds, extending no farther than from 27 to 35½ degrees of north latitude; so that its utmost breadth from north to south, does not exceed 128 German miles. Barbary. More particularly, Barbary begins on the west of the famed mount Atlas, called by the Arabs Ay Duacal, or Al Duacal, including the ancient kingdoms of Suez and Dela, now provinces of Morocco; thence stretching north-eastward along the Atlantic to the pillars of Hercules at Cape Finisterre, then along the coast of the Mediterranean, it is at last bounded by the city of Alexandria in Egypt.
Concerning the origin of the name Barbary, there are many conjectures. According to some, the Romans, after they had conquered this large country, gave it that name out of contempt and dislike to the barbarous manners of the natives, according to their custom of calling all other people but themselves Barbarians. Marmol, on the contrary, derives the word Barbary from Berber, a name which the Arabs gave to its ancient inhabitants, and which they retain to this day in many parts of the country, especially along the great ridge of the mountains of Atlas; and which name was given them on account of the barrenness of their country. According to Leo Africanus, the name of Barbary was given by the Arabs on account of the strange language of the natives, which appeared to them more like a murmur or grumbling of some brute animals than articulate sounds. Others, however, derive it from the Arabic word bar, signifying a desert, twice repeated; which was given by one Ifric, or Africus, a king of Arabia, from whom the whole continent of Africa is pretended to have taken its name. According to them, this king being driven out of his own dominions, and closely pursued by his enemies, some of his retinue called out to him Bar, bar; that is, To the desert, To the desert; from which the country was afterwards called Barbary.
Among the Romans this country was divided into the provinces of Mauritania, Africa Propria, &c. and the Romans continued absolute masters of it from the time of Julius Caesar till the year of Christ 428. At that time Bonifacius the Roman governor of these provinces, having through the treachery of Ætius been forced to revolt, called in to his assistance Genferic king of the Vandals, who had been some time settled in Spain. The terms offered, according to Procopius, were, that Genferic should have two thirds, and Bonifacius one third, of Africa; provided they could maintain themselves against the Roman power; and to accomplish this they were to assist each other to the utmost. This proposal was instantly complied with; and Genferic set sail from Spain in May 428, with an army of 80,000 men, according to some, or only 24,000 according to others. Barbarians, together with their wives, children, and all their effects. In the mean time, however, the Empress Placidia having discovered the true cause of Bonifacius's revolt, wrote a most kind and obliging letter to him, in which she assured him of her favour and protection for the future, exhorting him to return to his duty, and exert his usual zeal for the welfare of the empire, by driving out the Barbarians whom the malice of his enemies had obliged him to call in for his own safety and preservation.
Bonifacius readily complied with this request, and offered the Vandals considerable sums if they would retire out of Africa and return to Spain. But Genefric, already master of the greatest part of the country, first returned a scoffing answer, and then, falling unexpectedly on him, cut most of his men in pieces, and obliged Bonifacius himself to fly to Hippo, which place he invested in May 430. The siege lasted till the month of July the following year; when the Vandals were forced, by a famine that began to rage in their camp, to drop the enterprise, and retire. Soon after, Bonifacius having received two reinforcements, one from Rome, and the other, under the conduct of the celebrated Alpar, from Constantinople, a resolution was taken by the Roman generals to offer the enemy battle. The Vandals readily accepting the challenge, a bloody engagement ensued, in which the Romans were utterly defeated, a prodigious number of them taken, and the rest obliged to shelter themselves among the rocks and mountains. Aspar, who commanded the eastern troops, escaped with difficulty to Constantinople, and Bonifacius was recalled to Italy. Upon their departure, the Vandals overran all Africa, committing everywhere the most terrible ravages; which struck the inhabitants of Hippo with such terror, that they abandoned their city, which was first plundered, and then set on fire by the victorious enemy; so that Cirta and Carthage were now the only strong places possessed by the Romans.
In 435, Genefric, probably being afraid of an attack by the united forces of the eastern and western empires, concluded a peace with the Romans, who yielded to him part of Numidia, the province of Proconsularis, and likewise Byzacene; for which, according to Prosper, he was to pay a yearly tribute to the emperor of the east. Genefric delivered up his son Hunneric by way of hostage; but so great was the confidence which the Romans placed in this Barbarian, that some time after they sent him back his son. Of this they soon had reason to repent; for in 439, the Romans being engaged in a war with the Goths in Gaul, Genefric laid hold of that opportunity to seize upon the city of Carthage; by which he considerably enlarged his African dominions. Valentinian, the Roman emperor, however, maintained as long as he lived, the two Mauritaniæ, with Tripolitana, Tingitana, and that part of Numidia where Cirta stood.
On the taking of Carthage, Genefric made it the seat of his empire; and in 440 made a descent on the island of Sicily, where he ravaged the open country, and even laid siege to Palermo. Not being able, however, to reduce that place, he soon returned to Africa with an immense booty and a vast number of captives. Being now become formidable to both empires, Theodosius emperor of the east resolved to assist Valentinian against so powerful an enemy. Accordingly, he fitted out a fleet consisting of 1100 large ships; and putting on board of it the flower of his army, under the conduct of Arcovindas, Anfilus, and Germanus, he ordered them to land in Africa, and, joining the western forces there, to drive Genefric out of the countries he had seized. But Genefric in the meantime pretending a desire to be reconciled with both empires, amused the Roman general with proposals of peace, till the season for action was over; and, next year, Theodosius being obliged to recall his forces to oppose the Huns, Valentinian found it necessary to conclude a peace with the Vandals; and this he could obtain on no other terms than yielding to them the quiet possession of the countries they had seized.
So powerful was Genefric now become, or rather so low was the Roman empire by this time reduced, that in 455, he took and plundered the city of Rome itself, as is fully related under the article Rome; and, after his return to Africa, made himself master of the remaining countries held by the Romans in that part of the world. Herupon Avitus, who had succeeded Valentinian in the empire, dispatched ambassadors to Genefric, putting him in mind of the treaty he had concluded with the empire in 442; and threatening, if he did not observe the articles at that time agreed upon, to make war upon him not only with his own forces, but with those of his allies the Vehigoths, who were ready to pass over into Africa. To this Genefric was so far from paying any regard, that he immediately put to sea with a fleet of 60 ships; but being attacked by the Roman fleet under Ricimer, he was utterly defeated, and forced to fly back into Africa: he returned, however, soon after with a more powerful fleet, committing great ravages on the coast of Italy; but in a second expedition he was not attended with so good success; the Romans falling unexpectedly upon his men while busied in plundering the country, put great numbers of them to the sword, and among the rest the brother-in-law of Genefric himself. Not content with this small advantage, Majorianus, at that time emperor, resolved to pass over into Africa, and attempt the recovery of that country. For this purpose he made great preparations; but his fleet being surprized and defeated by the Vandals, through the treachery, it is said, of some of his commanders, the enterprise miscarried.
Notwithstanding this misfortune, however, Majorianus persisted in his resolution; and would in all likelihood have accomplished his purpose, had not he himself been murdered soon after by Ricimer. After his death, Genefric committed what ravages he pleased in the poor remains of the western empire, and even made descents on Peloponnesus and the islands belonging to the emperor of Constantinople. To revenge this affront, Genefric Leo made vast preparations for the invasion of Africa, defeating infomuch, that, according to Procopius, he laid out eastern 130,000 pounds weight of gold in the equipment of his army and navy. The forces employed on this occasion were sufficient for expelling the Vandals, had they been much more powerful than they were; but the command being given to Basiliscus a covetous and ambitious man, the fleet was utterly defeated through his treachery, and all the vast preparations came to nothing. By this last defeat the power of the Vandals in Africa was... was fully established, and Geniferic made himself master of Sicily, as well as of all the other islands between Italy and Africa, without opposition from the western emperors, whose power was entirely taken away in the year 476.
Thus was the Vandalic monarchy in Barbary founded by Geniferic, between the years 428 and 468. If we take a view of that prince's government in his new dominions, it presents no very agreeable prospect. Being himself an absolute barbarian in the strictest sense of the word, and an utter stranger to every useful art, he did not fail to show his own prowess by the destruction of all the monuments of Roman greatness which were so numerous in the country he had conquered. Accordingly, instead of improving his country, he laid it waste, by demolishing all the flatly structures both public and private, and all other valuable and sumptuous works with which those proud conquerors had adorned this part of their dominions. So that, whatever monuments the Romans had been at such an immense expense to erect, in order to eternalize their own glory, the barbarous Vandals were now at no less pains to reduce into heaps of ruins. Besides this kind of devastation, Geniferic made his dominions a scene of blood and slaughter, by persecuting the orthodox Christians; being himself, as well as most of his countrymen, a zealous Arian; and for this his long reign is chiefly remarkable. He died in 477, after a reign of 60 years; and was succeeded by his son Hunneric.
The new king proved yet a greater tyrant than his father, persecuting the orthodox with the utmost fury; and, during his short reign of seven years and a half, destroyed more of them than Geniferic had done in all his lifetime. He is said to have died in the same manner as the heresiarch Arius*; before which time his flesh had been rotting upon his bones, and crawling with worms, so that he looked more like a dead carcass than a living man. Concerning his successors Guatamund, Thrasamund, and Hilderic, we find nothing remarkable, except that they sometimes persecuted, and sometimes were favourable to, the orthodox; and by his favour for them the last king was ruined. For, having unadvisedly published, in the beginning of his reign, a manifesto, wherein he repealed all the acts of his predecessors against the orthodox, a rebellion was the immediate consequence. At the head of the malcontents was one Gilimer, or Gildemar, a prince of the blood-royal, who by degrees became so powerful, as to depose Hilderic in the seventh year of his reign; after which he caused the unhappy monarch with all his family to be closely confined, and was himself crowned king of the Vandals at Carthage.
Gilimer proved a greater tyrant than any that had gone before him. He not only cruelly persecuted the orthodox, but horribly oppressed all the rest, so that he was held in universal abhorrence and detestation when the Greek emperor Justinian projected an invasion of Africa. This expedition of Justinian's is said to have been occasioned by an apparition of Laetus an African bishop, who had been murdered some time before, but now commanded the emperor to attempt the recovery of Africa, and assured him of success. Accordingly, this, or some other motive, prevailed upon Justinian so far, that, notwithstanding his being at that time engaged in a war with Persia, he sent a powerful fleet and army to Africa, under the command of the celebrated general Belifarius, who was for that reason recalled from Persia.
So much was Gilimer, all this time, taken up with his own pleasures, or with oppressing his subjects, that he knew little or nothing of the formidable preparations that were making against him. On the arrival of Belifarius, however, he was constrained to put himself into a posture of defence. The management of his army he committed to his two brothers Gundimer and Gelamund, who accordingly attacked the Romans at the head of a numerous force. The engagement was long and bloody; but at last the Vandals were defeated, and the two princes slain. Gilimer, grown desperate at this news, fell out at the head of his corps de reserve, with full purpose to renew the attack with the utmost vigour; but by his own indiscretion lost a fair opportunity of defeating the Romans. For no sooner did they perceive Gilimer hastening after them at the head of a fresh army, than they betook themselves to flight; and the greatest part were dispersed in such a manner, that, had the king followed them close, they must have been totally cut off. Instead of this, however, floundering unfortunately on the body of one of his slain brothers, the sight of it made him lose all thoughts about the enemy; and instead of pursuing them, he spent part of his time in idle lamentations, and part in burying the corpse with suitable pomp and dignity. By this means Belifarius had an opportunity of rallying his men; which he did so effectually, that, coming unexpectedly upon Gilimer, he easily gained a new and complete victory over him.
This defeat was followed by the loss of Carthage, which the barbarians had been at no pains to put into a posture of defence. After which Gilimer, having in vain endeavoured to obtain affiance from the Moors and Goths, was obliged to recall his brother Tzafon from Sardinia. The meeting between the two brothers was very mournful; but they soon came to a resolution of making one desperate attempt to regain the lost kingdom, or at least recover their captives out of the hands of the enemy. The consequence of this resolution was another engagement, in which Tzafon was killed with 800 of his choicest men, while the Romans lost no more than 50; after which Belifarius moving suddenly forward at the head of all his army, fell upon the camp of the Vandals. This Gilimer was no sooner apprised of, than, without staying to give any more orders to the rest of his army, he fled towards Numidia in the utmost consternation. His flight was not immediately known among his troops; but when it was, such an universal confusion ensued, that they abandoned their camp to the Romans, who had now nothing to do but plunder it; and not content with this, they massacred all the men found in it, carrying away the women captives.
Thus a total end was put to the power of the Vandals in Barbary, and the Romans once more became masters of this country. The Vandal inhabitants were permitted to remain as they were, on condition of exchanging the heresy of Arius for the orthodox faith. As for Gilimer, he fled with the utmost expedition to Medamus, a town situated on the top of the Pappuan mountain, and almost inaccessible by reason of its height. height and ruggedness. The siege of this place was committed to Pharas, an officer of great experience, who having shut up all avenues to the town, the unhappy Gilimer was reduced to the greatest straits for want of provisions. Pharas being soon apprified of the extreme distresses he was in, wrote him a most friendly and pathetic letter, earnestly exhorting him to put an end to the distress of himself and his friends by a surrender. This Gilimer declined; but at the same time concluded his answer with a most submissive request, that Pharas would so far pity his great distresses as to send him a loaf of bread, a sponge, and a lute. This strange request greatly surprized Pharas; but at last it was explained by the messenger, who told him that the king had not tasted any baked bread since his arrival on that mountain, and earnestly longed to eat a morsel of it before he died: the sponge he wanted to allay a tumour that was fallen on one of his eyes; and the lute, on which he had learned to play, was to assist him in setting some elegiac verses he had composed on the subject of his misfortunes to a suitable tune. At this mournful report Pharas could not refrain from tears, and immediately dispatched the messenger with the things he wanted.
Gilimer had spent near three winter months on the summit of this inhospitable mountain, his misery hardening him still more against the thoughts of surrendering, when a melancholy scene in his own family at once reconciled him to it. This was a bloody struggle between two boys, one of them his foster's son, about a flat bit of dough, laid on the coals; which the one feasted upon, burning hot as it was, and clapped it into his mouth; but the other by dint of blows forced it out, and ate it from him. This quarrel, which might have ended fatally had not Gilimer interposed, made so deep an impression upon him, that he immediately dispatched a messenger to Pharas, acquainting him that he was willing to surrender himself and all his effects upon the conditions he had offered, as soon as he was assured that they were embraced by Belifarius. Pharas lost no time to get them ratified and sent back to him; after which he was conducted to Belifarius, who gave him a very kind reception. Gilimer was afterwards brought before Justinian in golden chains, whom he besought in the most submissive manner to spare his life. This was readily granted by the emperor; who also allowed him a handsome yearly pension to live upon as a private gentleman. But his mind and heart were too much unsettled and broken to enjoy the sweets of a private state; so that Gilimer, opprest with grief, died in the year 534, the first of his captivity, and five years after he had been raised to the throne.