or GREAT BRITAIN, the most considerable of all the European islands, extends from the Lizard Point, in the latitude of about 50° to Duneshay-head in latitude 58° 30' N. or, taking it in a straight line from north to south, about eight degrees or 550 miles; and from Dover head on the east to Land's-end on the west comprehends about seven degrees of longitude, which may be computed at about 290 miles; but the form being very irregular, and leaping continually towards the north, proper allowances must be made in computing its dimensions.

The ancient name of this island was Albion, the name Britain being then common to all the islands round it, ancient Hence Agathemerus, speaking of the British islands, "They are many in number (says he); but the most considerable among them are Hibernia and Albion." And Ptolomy, to the chapter wherein he describes the island now called Great Britain, prefixes the following title: "The situation of Albion a British island." But as this far excelled the other British islands, the name of Albion in process of time was laid quite aside, and that of Britain used in its stead. By this name it was known in Pliny's time, and even in Caesar's. The origin of both these names is very uncertain. Some derive that different of Albion from the Greek word albon, which, according to Festus, signifies white, the chalky cliffs that in several places rise on the southern coasts having that colour; while others pretend this name to have been borrowed from a giant supposed to have been the son of Neptune, and mentioned by several ancient authors. Some etymologists have recourse to the Hebrew, and others to the Phoenician; alben in the former signifying white, and alp in the latter signifying high. The origin of the name Britain is no less uncertain than that of Albion. Nennius and some other British writers derive it from Brutus, whom they likewise call Brito, the fifth in descent from the celebrated Æneas. Others derive it from the British words pryd cain, that is, a white form, softened by degrees into Britannia. Camden derives it from the word brith, which, in the ancient language of the island, signifies painted; and tania, importing, in Greek, a region or country; so that the word Britania, changed in process of time into Britannia, expresses what the Britons really were, that is, painted. Somner, disliking Camden's etymolo- gy, proposes another, viz. that the name Britain comes from brydio; signifying, in the British tongue, rage, and pointing out the violent motion of the sea that surrounds the island. Mr Whittaker, in his History of Manchester, derives it from the word britt, brie, brit, bris, or brig, which, he says, signifies divided or striped. Against the first of these etymologies it may be objected, that it is founded on a fable; and against the other four lies one common and unanswerable objection; which is, that the name of Britain was given to the island by foreigners, who could not borrow it from the British tongue, with which they were in all likelihood unacquainted. That the island received the name of Britain from foreigners is evident, since the natives never styled themselves Britons, nor their country Britain; their true name being Cymri, or Cambri; whence Cambria the name of Wales to this day among the Welsh.

The learned Bochart, speaking of the colonies and language of the Phoenicians, offers a conjecture which most of our modern writers have adopted as the most natural. The Phoenicians, according to that writer, called this island and some others near it, Barat Anas, that is, the land or country of tin or lead, and more contractedly Bratanac; which name, passing from the Phoenicians to the Greeks, and from there to the Romans, might have been softened into that of Britannica and Britannia. That the Phoenicians first discovered these islands, which were afterwards by the Greeks called Caffiterides, and are proved by Camden to be our Scilly islands, appears both from Strabo and Pliny; of whom the former tells us, that the Phoenicians first brought tin from the Caffiterides, which they sold to the Greeks; but kept the trade to themselves, and the place private; and the latter writes, that Mediocritus was the first who brought lead from the Caffiterides; where Bochart shows that we ought to read Melichartus, who is the Phoenician Hercules of Sanchoniatho, to whom that nation ascribe their first western discoveries. But notwithstanding the care of the Phoenicians to conceal these islands, the Greeks at last discovered them; and gave them the name of Caffiterides, which, in the Greek tongue, signifies the same with Barat Anas in the Phoenician. This name was at first given to the islands of Scilly already mentioned, but by degrees communicated to all the others lying in the same sea. Thus Bochart. But after all, his opinion, however plausible in appearance, may be as foreign to the purpose as any of the rest; many instances of names given to newly-discovered countries showing that the origin of such names is not always owing to reason, but often to chance or caprice.

The general division of Britain is into England, Scotland, and Wales; for a particular description and history of which, see these articles.

In the year 1603, the kingdoms of Scotland and England fell under the dominion of one sovereign, by the accession of James VI. of Scotland to the throne of England. He derived his title to the latter from being the grandson of Margaret eldest daughter to Henry VII. of that kingdom; and, on the failure of all the male line, his hereditary right remained incontestable. Queen Elizabeth, with her latest breath, had recognized him for her successor; so that few sovereigns ever ascended a throne with more approbation of their subjects, or greater hopes of a peaceable and happy reign.

Those hopes, however, were soon blasted; and the history of this monarch's reign consists of little else than a detail of disputes and contentions between him and his parliament. A particular and minute account of such transactions could afford very little entertainment; but it is of importance to know their origin, as they are to be reckoned the ultimate causes of those succeeding events which make so conspicuous a figure in the annals of Britain.

In those barbarous ages which preceded the period General we are now entering upon, the human mind, enervated by superstition, and obscured by ignorance of every art and science, seemed to have given up all pretensions to liberty, either religious or civil. Unlimited and uncontrolled despotism prevailed everywhere; and though England suffered less in this respect than almost any other nation, the many examples of arbitrary power exerted by her sovereigns, queen Elizabeth herself, James's immediate predecessor, not excepted, show that they were very far from being then a free people. An incontrovertible proof of this, and an evidence how little restraint at that time the people could lay upon the authority of the sovereign, is, that the proceedings of parliament were accounted, even by themselves, of so little consequence, that they were not at the trouble to keep journals of them. It was not till the year 1607, four years after the accession of James, that parliamentary journals were kept, at the motion of Sir Edwin Sandys, a member of great authority in the house.

The proceedings of the parliament being at that time of so little consequence, it is no wonder that the sessions of little consequence were not regular, or that little attention was paid to the choice or continuance of the members. In the reign of Elizabeth, and her predecessors, the sessions of parliament did not continue above the twelfth part so long as the vacations. It was then usual, after parliaments had been prolonged beyond one session, for the chancellor to exert a discretionary authority of issuing new writs to supply the place of any members whom he judged incapable of attending, either on account of their employment, sickness, or other impediment. No practice could be more dangerous to liberty than this, as it gave the chancellor, and consequently the sovereign, an opportunity of garbling at pleasure the representatives of the nation; yet so little was liberty at that time understood, that the commons, of their own accord, without the least court influence or intrigue, and contrary to some former votes of their own, confirmed the chancellor's power in this respect in the 23d of Elizabeth. Nor did they proceed any farther in the assertion of their privileges, than to vote, that "during the fitting of parliament there do not, at any time, any writ go out for the choosing or returning any member without the warrant of the house."

Towards the end of the 16th or beginning of the 17th century, a great revolution took place, though insensibly, throughout all Europe. Arts and sciences began to flourish, commerce and navigation were greatly extended, and learning of all kinds began to diffuse itself. By more enlarged views, the love of freedom began, in England especially, to take place in the breasts of most people of birth and education; and this was greatly greatly promoted by an acquaintance with the ancient Greek and Latin historians. From the example of the republics of Greece and Rome, whose members had so often sacrificed their lives for the sake of liberty, a patriotic spirit began to arise; and a desire of circumferencing the excessive prerogative and arbitrary proceedings of the crown began secretly to take place throughout the nation.

Nor was this desire unreasonable, or without a solid foundation. During the last years of queen Elizabeth's reign, the commerce, navigation, and number of seamen in England, had sensibly decayed. A remonstrance from the Trinity-house in 1602 says, that since 1588, the number of seamen and shipping had decayed about a third part. Every species of domestic industry was fettered by monopolies; and by exclusive companies, which are only another species of monopoly, almost all foreign trade, except that to France, was brought into the hands of a few rapacious engrossers, and all prospect of future improvement in commerce was for ever sacrificed to a little temporary advantage of the sovereign. These companies, though arbitrarily erected, had carried their privileges so far, that almost all the commerce of England centered in London; the customs of that port alone amounted to £110,000l. a-year; while those of all the kingdom beside amounted only to £7,000l.; nay, the whole trade of London was confined to about 200 citizens, who were easily enabled, by combining among themselves, to fix whatever price they pleased both on the exports and imports of the nation. Besides this, the subjects were burdened by wardships and purveyances. The latter was an old prerogative of the crown, by which the officers of the household were empowered to take, without consent of the owners, provisions for the king's family, and carts and horses for the removal of his baggage, upon paying a stated price for them. The king had also a power of sending any person, without his consent, on whatever message he pleased; and thus he could easily force any individual to pay him whatever money he chose, rather than be sent out of the country on a disagreeable errand. Money extorted from individuals, by this or any other method, was called a benevolence.

These were some of the grievances under which the nation at this time laboured, and these the rising spirit of patriotism tended to redress. This disposition, however, the severe government of Elizabeth had confined within very narrow bounds; but when James succeeded to the throne; a foreign prince, less dreaded and less beloved; symptoms of a more free and independent genius immediately appeared. Happily James neither perceived the alteration, nor had sufficient capacity to check its early advances. He had established in his own mind a speculative system of absolute government, which few of his subjects, and none but traitors and rebels, he thought, would make any scruple to admit. He considered himself as intitled to equal prerogatives with other European sovereigns, not considering the military force with which their despotism was supported. The almost unlimited power which, for upwards of a century, had been exercised by the English sovereigns, he considered as due to royal birth and titles, not to the prudence and spirit of those monarchs, or the conjunctures of the times. In his person, therefore, he imagined all legal power to be centered by an hereditary and a divine right; nay, so fully was he persuaded that he was the absolute proprietor of his subjects, that in his speech to the parliament in 1621, he told them, that he "wished them to have said that their privileges were derived from the grace and permission of him and his ancestors." And when the same parliament protested that "the liberties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdictions of parliament, are the ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance of the subjects of England," he was so enraged, that sending for the journals of the commons, he, with his own hand, before the council, tore out this protestation; and ordered his reasons to be inserted in the council-book.

Such were the opposite dispositions of the prince and parliament, at the commencement of the Scottish line; dispositions just beginning to exist and to appear in parliament, but thoroughly established, and openly avowed on the part of the king, throughout his whole reign.

The consequence of such opposite dispositions prevailing in the king and parliament was, that during this reign the prerogatives of the crown were violently and openly attacked; but the chief grounds of discontent were money and religion. The king's high notions of the royal prerogative made him imagine he had a right to whatever sums he pleased to demand; and his king and profusion caused him to dissipate in a short time the scanty supplies he could extort from the parliament, who seem to have behaved as unreasonably on the one hand as James himself did on the other. With regard to religious matters, the nation was at that time greatly infected with puritanism. Though the severities of the puritans Elizabeth had almost totally suppremed the Papists, it had been otherwise with the Puritans. So much had they increased by the very means which had diminished the number of catholics, that no less than 750 clergymen of that persuasion signed a petition to James on his accession. They hoped that the king, having received his education in Scotland, and having always professed an attachment to the church established there, would at least abate the rigour of the laws enacted against the Puritans, if he did not show them particular favour and encouragement. But in this they were mistaken. He had observed in their Scots brethren a violent turn toward republicanism, and a zealous attachment to civil liberty. In the capacities both of monarch and theologian, he had experienced the little complaisance they were disposed to show him. They controuled his commands; disputed his tenets; and to his face, before the whole people, censured his conduct and behaviour. This superiority assumed by the presbyterian clergy, the monarchical pride of James could never digest. Though he had been obliged while in Scotland to court their favour, he treasured up on that account the stronger resentment against them; and was determined to make them feel in their turn the weight of his authority. He therefore not only rejected the petition of the 750 clergymen above mentioned, but throughout his whole reign refused to relax in the least the severity of the laws against Protestant nonconformists, though very often petitioned in their favour by his parliament.

The same principles which occasioned in James such an aversion to the Puritans, prompted him greatly to favour the episcopals, and even the Papists, as being greater greater friends to despotism. In his youth he had been suspected of a bias towards the religion of the latter; and when he ascended the throne of England, it is certain he often endeavoured to procure some mitigation of the laws against them, if not an absolute toleration. But in this he was constantly opposed by the parliament; and indeed the strong inclination shown by James to establish episcopacy throughout every corner of his dominions, tended very much to alienate the minds of the generality of his subjects, especially in Scotland, entirely from him.

In May 1617, the king set out for Scotland, expressly with the design of establishing episcopacy in that kingdom. He did not, however, propose to abolish presbytery entirely, and set up absolute episcopacy in its room. He designed to content himself with establishing the royal authority above the ecclesiastical, and introducing some ceremonies into the public worship, such as kneeling at the sacrament, private communion, private baptism, confirmation of children, and the observance of Christmas, &c. But as his design was fully seen from the beginning, every advance towards episcopacy gave the greatest discontent, and those trivial ceremonies were rejected as so many mortal sins.

At this time the power of the Scots clergy was exceedingly great; and the gloomy enthusiastic spirit with which they were actuated, prompted them to exercise it in such a manner as to make their tyranny insupportable to those who were of a different way of thinking from themselves. Every ecclesiastical court possessed the power of excommunication; which was then attended with some very serious temporal consequences, besides the spiritual ones which were supposed to flow from it. The person excommunicated was shunned by every one as profane and impious; his whole estate during his life-time, and all his moveables for ever, were forfeited to the crown. A sentence of excommunication was sometimes pronounced in a summary manner, by any ecclesiastical court however inferior, against any person, whether he lived within the bounds of their jurisdiction or not. And by this means, the whole tyranny of the inquisition, though without its orders, was introduced into Scotland. But the clergymen were not satisfied with this unbounded authority in ecclesiastical matters; they assumed a censorial power over every part of administration; and in all their sermons and even prayers mingling politics with religion, they inculcated the most seditious and turbulent principles.

One Black, a minister of St Andrew's, went so far as to pronounce in one of his sermons, that all kings were the devil's children; and in his prayer for the queen he used these words, "We must pray for her for the fashion's sake, but we have no cause: she will never do us any good." Another minister preaching in the principal church of that capital, said, that the king was polluted with a devil; and that, one devil being expelled, seven worse had entered in his place. To which he added, that the subjects might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of the hands of their sovereign.

We can scarce wonder that James should be desirous of subjugating such rebellious and turbulent spirits as these; and, on the other hand, considering the extreme weakness of this monarch's understanding, and that he imagined himself able to manage not only furious religionists, but even the most powerful foreign nations, with no other weapon than mere argumentation, we can as little wonder at his want of success.—In short, so far was James from being able to establish his royal authority above the ecclesiastical, that he found himself unable to introduce a single ceremony. He returned therefore with the mortification not only of seeing his schemes entirely baffled with regard to Scotland, but of having disgusted even the few of that nation over whom religious prejudices did not prevail: for they, considering the ceremonies so much insisted on by the king as trivial and insignificant, could not help thinking the national honour sacrificed by a servile imitation of the modes of worship practised in England, and that their sovereign betrayed equal narrowness of mind, though in an opposite manner, with those he so much condemned.

The like bad success attended James when he attempted some opposition to the puritanical innovations set against in England. He had observed in his progress through that kingdom, that a Judaical observance of the Sunday gained ground every day: and that by this means, under colour of religion, the people were debarred from such sports and recreations as contributed to their health as well as amusement. Imagining, therefore, that it would be easy to infuse cheerfulness into the dark spirit of devotion which then prevailed, he issued a proclamation to allow and encourage, after divine service, all kinds of lawful games and exercises; and this proclamation his subjects regarded as an instance of the utmost profaneness and impiety. In 1620 a bill was brought in by the commons for the more strict observance of the Sunday, which they affected to call the Sabbath. One Shepherd opposed this bill, objected to the appellation of Sabbath as puritanical, and seems even to have justified sports on that day. For this he was expelled the house by the suggestion of Mr Pym; and in the sentence pronounced against Shepherd, his offence is said to be great, exorbitant, and unparalleled.

This sketch, we hope, will be sufficient to give the reader a tolerable idea of the situation of affairs during the reign of James I. We now proceed to give an account of the few remarkable transactions which occurred in this period.

The first thing of any consequence was a conspiracy Sir Walter formed, the very year of the king's accession to the Raleigh's throne, to displace him, and bestow the kingdom on Arabella Stuart, a near relation of James's, and equally descended from Henry VII. With regard to this conspiracy everything remains still mysterious, as it was at the time when the conspiracy itself was discovered. What renders it remarkable is the concern Sir Walter Raleigh was said to have in it; for which he was tried, condemned without sufficient proof, suffered 13 years imprisonment in the tower, and was afterwards executed out of complaisance to the Spaniards.

See Raleigh.

In 1605 was discovered the famous gunpowder treason, the anniversary of which discovery hath ever after been celebrated with rejoicings. Its origin was as follows: On the accession of James, great expectations had been formed by the catholics that he would prove favourable to them, both as that was the religion of his mother, and as he himself had been suspected of a bias towards it in his youth. It is even pretended that he had entered into positive engagements to grant them a toleration as soon as he should mount the throne of England. Here, however, they found their hopes built on a false foundation. James on all occasions expressed his intention of executing strictly the laws enacted against them, and of persevering in all the rigorous measures of Queen Elizabeth.

A plan of revenge was first thought of by one Catesby, a gentleman of good parts, and of an ancient family. He communicated his mind to Percy, a descendant of the house of Northumberland. The latter propounded to assassinate the king; but this seemed to Catesby very far from being adequate to their purpose. He told Percy, that the king would be succeeded by his children, who would also inherit his maxims of government. He told him, that even though the whole royal family were destroyed, the parliament, nobility, and gentry, who were all infected with the same heresy, would raise another Protestant prince to the throne.

"To serve any good purpose (says he), we must destroy, at one blow, the king, the royal family, the lords and commons; and bury all our enemies in one common ruin. Happily they are all assembled on the first meeting of parliament; and afford us the opportunity of glorious and useful vengeance. Great preparations will not be requisite. A few of us may run a mine below the hall, in which they meet; and chusing the very moment when the king harangues both the houses, confine over to destruction those determined foes to all piety and religion. Mean while, we ourselves standing aloof, safe and unsuspected, shall triumph in being the instruments of divine wrath, and shall behold with pleasure those sacrilegious walls, in which were passed the edicts for prohibiting our church and butchering her children, tossed into a thousand fragments; while their impious inhabitants, meditating perhaps still new persecutions against us, pass from flames above to flames below, there for ever to endure the torments due to their offences."

This terrible scheme being approved of, it was resolved to communicate it to a few more. One Thomas Winter was sent over to Flanders in quest of Fawkes, an officer in the Spanish service of approved zeal and courage. All the conspirators were bound by the most solemn oaths, accompanied with the sacrament; and to such a degree had superstition effaced every principle of humanity from their minds, that not one of them ever entertained the smallest compunction for the cruel massacre they were going to commit. Some indeed were startled at the thoughts of destroying a number of catholics who must necessarily be present as spectators, or attendants on the king; or as having seats in the house of peers. But Tescmund a Jesuit, and Garnet superior of that order in England, removed those scruples, by showing that the interest of religion required in this case the sacrifice of the innocent with the guilty.

This happened in the spring and summer of 1604; when the conspirators also hired a house in Percy's name, adjoining to that in which the parliament was to assemble. Towards the end of that year they began to pierce through the wall of the house, in order to get in below that where the parliament was to sit. The wall was three yards thick, and consequently occasioned a great deal of labour. At length, however, they approached the other side, but were then startled by a noise for which they could not well account. Upon inquiry, they found that it came from a vault below the house of lords; that a magazine of coals had been kept there; and that the coals were then falling off, after which the vault would be let to the highest bidder. Upon this the vault was immediately hired by Percy; 36 barrels of powder lodged in it; the whole covered up with faggots and billets; the doors of the cellar boldly flung open; and every body admitted, as if it contained nothing dangerous.

Being now, as they thought, assured of success, the conspirators began to plan the remaining part of their enterprise. The king, the queen, and prince Henry, were expected to be present at the opening of the parliament. The duke, by reason of his tender age, would be absent, and it was resolved that Percy should seize or murder him. The princess Elizabeth, likewise a child, was kept at Lord Harrington's house in Warwickshire; and some others of the conspirators engaged to assemble their friends on pretence of a hunting match, when they were to seize that princess, and immediately proclaim her queen. The day so long wished for at last approached; the dreadful secret, tho' communicated to more than 20 persons, had been religiously kept for near a year and a half; and nothing could be foreseen which could possibly prevent the success of their design. Ten days before the meeting of parliament, however, lord Monteagle, a catholic son to lord Morley, received the following letter, which had been delivered to his servant by an unknown hand. "My discovered, lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care for your preservation. Therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance on this parliament. For God and man have determined to punish the wickedness of this time. And think not lightly of this advertisement; but retire yourself into the country, where you may expect the event in safety. For, tho' there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this parliament; and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm: for the danger is over as soon as you have burned this letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it, to whose holy protection I commend you."—Though Monteagle imagined this letter to be only a ridiculous artifice to frighten him, he immediately carried it to lord Salisbury, secretary of state; who laid it before the king on his arrival in town a few days after.

The king looked upon the letter in a more serious light. From the manner in which it was wrote he concluded that some design was forming to blow up the parliament-house with gunpowder, and it was thought advisable to search the vaults below. The lord chamberlain, to whom this charge belonged, purposely delayed the search till the day before the meeting of parliament. He remarked those great piles of wood and faggots which lay in the vault under the upper-house; and casting his eye upon Fawkes, who stood in a corner and palled himself for Percy's servant, he took notice of that daring and determined courage which was conspicuous in his face, and so much distinguished this conspirator even amongst the the other heroes in villany that were concerned in the scheme. Such a quantity of fuel, also, for one who lived so little in the town as Percy, appeared somewhat extraordinary; and, upon comparing all circumstances, it was resolved to make a further search. About midnight, Sir Thomas Knevett, a justice of peace, was sent with proper attendants; and before the door of the vault, finding Fawkes, who had just finished all his preparations, he immediately seized him, and, turning over the faggots, discovered the powder. The matches and every thing proper for setting fire to the train were taken in Fawkes's pocket; who seeing now no refuge but in boldness and despair, expressed the utmost regret that he had lost the opportunity of firing the powder at once, and of sweetening his own death by that of his enemies. For two or three days he displayed the same obstinate intrepidity; but, being confined in the tower, and the rack just shown to him, his courage at last failed, and he made a full discovery of all the conspirators.

Catesby, Percy, and the other criminals, on hearing that Fawkes was arrested, hurried away to Warwickshire; where Sir Edward Digby, imagining that his confederates had succeeded, was already in arms, to seize the princess Elizabeth. She had escaped into Coventry; and they were obliged to put themselves in a posture of defence against the country-people, who were raised from all quarters and armed by the sheriffs. The conspirators, with all their attendants, never exceeded the number of 80 persons; and being surrounded on every side, could no longer have any hope either of prevailing or escaping. Having therefore confessed themselves, and received absolution, they boldly prepared for death, and resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible. But even this miserable consolation was denied them. Some of their powder took fire, and disabled them from defending themselves. The people then rushed in upon them. Percy and Catesby were killed with one shot. Digby, Rookwood, Winter, and others, being taken prisoners, were tried, confessed their guilt, and died as well as Garnet, by the hands of the common executioner. The lords Stourton and Mordaunt, two catholics, were fined, the former of £4000, the latter of £10,000, by the star-chamber; because their absence from parliament had occasioned a suspicion of their being made acquainted with the conspiracy. The earl of Northumberland was fined £30,000, and detained several years a prisoner in the tower; because, not to mention other grounds of suspicion, he had admitted Percy into the number of gentlemen pensioners, without his taking the requisite oaths.

In 1612, James appears in his most advantageous point of view, namely, as legislator of Ireland, and the person who undertook to civilize the barbarous inhabitants of that kingdom, and to render their subjection durable and useful to the crown of England. In this work, James proceeded by a steady, regular, and well-concerted plan. He began with abolishing the ancient Irish customs which supplied the place of laws, and which were exceedingly barbarous and absurd. By the Brehon law, every crime however enormous was punished not with death, but by a fine. Murder itself was compensated in this way. Every one had a value affixed to him, called his eric; and whoever was able to pay this, might kill him when he pleased. As for such slight offences as oppression, extortion, or other things of that nature, no penalty was affixed to them, nor could any redress for them ever be obtained. By the custom of gavelkind, upon the death of any person, his land was divided among all the males of the sept or family, both bastard and legitimate; and after partition made, if any of the sept died, his portion was not shared out among his sons; but the chieftain at his discretion made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that sept, and gave every one his share: as no man, by reason of this custom, enjoyed the fixed property of any land; to build, cultivate, or improve, must have been so much lost labour. Their chieftains were established by election, or, more properly speaking, by force and violence. Their authority was absolute; and notwithstanding certain lands were assigned to the office, its chief profit resulted from exactions, dues, assessments, for which there was no fixed law, and which were levied at pleasure.

After abolishing these customs, and substituting English law in their place; James having taken all the natives under his protection, and declared them free citizens, proceeded to govern them by a regular administration, military as well as civil. A sufficient army was maintained, its discipline inspected, and its pay transmitted from England, in order to prevent the soldiery from preying upon the country, as had been usual in former reigns. When O'Doghartie raised an insurrection, a reinforcement was sent over, and the rebellion immediately extinguished. All minds being first quieted by an universal indemnity, circuits were established, justice administered, and crimes of every kind severely punished. As the Irish had been universally engaged in a rebellion against Elizabeth, a renunciation of all the rights formerly granted them to separate jurisdictions was rigorously exacted; a resignation of private estates was even required; and when they were restored, the proprietors received them under such conditions as might prevent all future tyranny and oppression over the common people. The province of Ulster having fallen to the crown by the attainder of rebels, a company was established in London for planting new colonies in that fertile country. The property was divided into moderate shares, the largest not exceeding 2000 acres: Tenants were brought over from England and Scotland; The Irish were removed from the hills and fastnesses, and settled in the open country: Husbandry and the arts were taught them; and by these means Ulster, from being the most wild and disorderly province in Ireland, soon became the best cultivated and most civilized.

This year was also remarkable for the death of Henry prince of Wales, who died suddenly on the 6th of November, not without strong suspicions of poison, for which the king himself was blamed. On opening his body, however, no symptoms of poison appeared; but his death diffused an universal grief throughout the nation, he being reckoned a prince of extraordinary accomplishments.

The marriage of the princess Elizabeth with Frederick elector palatine, which was celebrated February the 14th 1613, served to dissipate the grief which had arisen on account of prince Henry's death. But this marriage, in the event, proved unhappy to the king as well. as his son-in-law. The elector, trusting to so great an alliance, engaged in enterprizes beyond his strength; and James, not being able, and indeed perhaps not willing, to assist him in his distress, lost entirely what remained of the affections of his people.

These bad consequences did not begin to appear till the year 1619. At that time the states of Bohemia having taken arms against the emperor Matthias, in defence of the Protestant religion, and continued their revolt against his successor Ferdinand II. and being alarmed at his mighty preparations against them, made an offer of their crown to the elector palatine. To this they were induced by the greatness of his connections, as being son-in-law to the king of England, and nephew to prince Maurice, whose authority in the United Provinces was almost absolute; and the young palatine stimulated by ambition, without consulting either James or Maurice, whose opposition he foretold, immediately accepted the offer, and marched all his forces into Bohemia, in support of his new subjects.

The affairs of the new king were not long of coming to an unfortunate crisis. It was known almost at one time in England, that Frederic being defeated in the great and decisive battle of Prague, had fled with his family into Holland; and that Spinola the Spanish general had invaded the palatinate, where meeting with little resistance, except from one body of 2400 Englishmen commanded by the brave Sir Horace Vere, had in a little time reduced almost the whole principality. In 1621, the ban of the empire was published against the unfortunate elector, and the execution of it was committed to the duke of Bavaria. The upper palatinate was in a little time conquered by that prince; and measures were taken in the empire for bestowing on him the electoral dignity of which the palatine was deprived. Frederic was now obliged to live with his numerous family, in poverty and distress, either in Holland, or at Sedan, with his uncle the duke of Bouillon; and the new conquests of the catholics throughout all Germany were attended with persecutions against the Protestants.

At this news the religious zeal of the English was war inflamed to the highest degree; and they would have plunged headlong into a war with the house of Austria, without reflecting in the least on the consequences that might ensue. The sufferings of their Protestant brethren in Germany were the only objects of consideration, and the neutrality and inactive spirit shown by James were loudly exclaimed against. But though James might have defended his pacific measures by very plausible arguments, it is certain that some of his motives were the most ridiculous that can be imagined. Such was the opinion that he himself entertained of his own wisdom, that he imagined himself capable of defending hostile nations by dint of argument; and that the whole power of Austria, though not awed by the power of England, would submit to his arbitration, merely out of respect to his virtue and moderation.—So much also he was wedded to his opinion concerning the prerogative of kings, that he imagined, wherever there was a contention between any sovereign and his subjects, the latter behoved always to be in the wrong; and for this reason, from the very first he had denied his son-in-law the title of king of Bohemia, and forbade him to be prayed for in the churches under that appellation. Besides these reasons, James was on another account extremely adverse to come to a rupture with Spain. He had entertained an opinion peculiar to himself, which was, that any alliance below that of a king Spanish was unworthy a prince of Wales; and he never would match for allow any princess but a daughter of France or Spain his son, to be mentioned as a match for his son. This piece of pride, which really implied meanness as if he could have received honour from any alliance, gave Spain an opportunity of managing this monarch in his most important concerns. With a view to engage him to a neutrality with regard to the succession of Cleves, the eldest daughter of the king of Spain had been indirectly offered during the life of prince Henry. The bait, however, did not then take; James, in consequence of his alliance with the Dutch, marched 4000 men to the assistance of the Protestants, by which means the succession was secured to the Protestant line. In 1618, Gondomar the Spanish ambassador made offer of the king's second daughter to prince Charles; and, that he might render the temptation irresistible to the necessitous James, gave hopes of an immense fortune that should attend the princess. Upon this match James had built great hopes, not only of relieving his own necessities, but of recovering the palatinate for his son-in-law; which last, he imagined, might be procured from the mere motive of friendship and personal attachment.

This last step was equally disagreeable to the commons with the rest; and, joined to the other pieces of adverse to James's conduct, at last blew into a flame the contentions which had so long subsided between their sovereign and them. On the 14th of November 1621, the commons framed a remonstrance which they intended to carry to the king. They represented, that the enormous growth of the Austrian power threatened the liberties of Europe; that the progress of the Catholic religion in England bred the most melancholy apprehensions lest it should again acquire an ascendant in the kingdom; that the indulgence of his majesty towards the professors of that religion had encouraged their insolence and temerity; that the uncontrolled conquests made by the Austrian family in Germany raised mighty expectations in the English Papists; but above all, that the Spanish match elevated them so far as to hope for an entire toleration, if not a final re-establishment, of their religion. They therefore intreated his majesty, that he would immediately undertake the defence of the palatinate, and maintain it by force of arms; that he would turn his sword against Spain, whose armies and treasuries were the chief support of the Catholic interest in Europe; that he would enter into no negociation for the marriage of his son but with a Protestant princess; that the children of Popish recusants should be taken from their parents, and committed to the care of Protestant teachers and schoolmasters; and that the fines and confiscations to which the Catholics by law were liable, should be levied with the utmost severity.

The king, who was then at Newmarket, hearing of the intended remonstrance, wrote a letter to the speaker, in which he sharply rebuked the house for debating on matters far above their reach and capacity; and he strictly forbade them to meddle with any thing that regarded... garded his government, or deep matters of state, and especially not to touch on his son's marriage with the Spanish princess. Upon this the commons framed a new remonstrance, in which they affected their right of debating on all matters of government, and that they possessed entire freedom of speech in their debates. The king replied, that their remonstrance was more like a denunciation of war, than an address of dutiful subjects; that their pretension to inquire into all state affairs without exception, was such a plenipotency as none of their ancestors, even during the reign of the weakest princes, had ever pretended to; that public transactions depended on a complication of views and intelligence, with which they were entirely unacquainted; that they could not better show their wisdom, as well as duty, than by keeping within their proper sphere; and that in any business which depended on his prerogative, they had no title to interpose with their advice, unless when he pleased to ask it, &c. The commons in return framed the protestation already mentioned, which the king tore out of their journals, and soon after dissolved the parliament. The leading members of the house, Sir Edward Coke and Sir Robert Phillips, were committed to the tower; three others, Selden, Pym, and Mallory, to other prisons; and, as a lighter punishment, some others were sent into Ireland to execute the king's business. Sir John Savile, however, a powerful man in the house of commons, and a zealous opposer of the court, was made comptroller of the household, a privy counsellor, and soon after a baron. This event is memorable; as being the first instance in the English history, of any king's advancing a man on account of parliamentary interest, and of opposition to his measures.

This breach between the king and parliament soon made politics become a general subject of discourse, and every man began to indulge himself in reasonings and inquiries concerning matters of state; and the factions which commenced in parliament were propagated throughout the nation. In vain did James, by reiterated proclamations, forbid discourses of this kind. Such proclamations, if they had any effect, served rather to inflame the curiosity of the public. In every company or society the late transactions became the subject of argument and debate; some taking the side of monarchy, others of liberty; and this was the origin of the two parties since known by the names of Whigs and Tories.

For five years, James continued the dupe of the court of Spain. Though firmly resolved to contract no alliance with a heretic, the king of Spain had continued to procrastinate and invent one excuse after another, while he pretended to be very willing to conclude the match. At last the king of England, finding out what was really the matter, resolved to remove that obstacle if possible. He issued public orders for discharging all Popish recusants who were imprisoned; and it was daily apprehended that he would forbid, for the future, the execution of the penal laws against them. For this conduct he was obliged to apologize, and even pretend that it was done in order to procure from foreign princes a toleration for the Protestants; the severity of the English laws against catholics, he said, having been urged as a reason against showing any favour to Protestants residing in catholic kingdoms.

These concessions in favour of the catholics, however ill relished by his subjects, at last obtained James's end with regard to the marriage. The earl of Bristol, ambassador at the court of Spain, a minister of vigilance and penetration, and who had formerly opposed the alliance with catholics, being now fully convinced of the Spanish sincerity, was ready to congratulate the king on the completion of his projects. The Spanish princess is represented as very accomplished; she was to bring with her a fortune of L.600,000; and, what was more, not only Bristol considered this match as an infallible prognostic of the palatine's restoration, but the Spaniards themselves did the same. All things being therefore agreed upon between the parties, nothing was wanting but the dispensation from Rome, which might be considered as a matter of mere formality. Upon this, the king exulted in his pacific counsels, and boasted of his superior sagacity and penetration; when all his flattering prospects were blasted by the temerity of the duke of Buckingham, who governed both court and nation with almost unlimited sway.

This nobleman had suddenly been raised to the highest honours. Though possessed of some accomplishments of a courtier, he was utterly devoid of every talent of a minister; but at once partook of the influence which attends a fortune newly acquired, and the impetuosity which belongs to persons born in high stations, and unacquainted with opposition. Among those who had experienced the arrogance of this overgrown favourite, the prince of Wales himself had not been entirely spared; and a great coldness, if not enmity, had for that reason taken place between them. Buckingham being desirous of putting an end to this coldness, and at the same time envious of the great reputation of the earl of Bristol, persuaded the prince to undertake a journey to Madrid; which, he said, would be an unexpected galantry; would equal all the fictions of Spanish romance; Buckingham, and, suiting the amorous and enterprising character of him who resolves that nation, must immediately introduce him to the princess under the agreeable character of a devoted lover and daring adventurer. Little persuasion was necessary to prevail with prince Charles to undertake this journey; and the impetuosity of Buckingham having extorted a consent from James, our two adventurers set out, prince Charles as the knight-errant, and Buckingham as the squire. They travelled through France in disguise, assuming the names of Jack and Tom Smith. They went to a ball at Paris, where the Prince first saw the princess Henrietta whom he afterwards married, who was then in the bloom of youth and beauty, and with whom the novelties of that time say he then fell in love. On their arrival at Madrid, every body was surprised by a step so little usual among great princes. The Spanish monarch made Charles a visit, expressed the utmost gratitude for the confidence he reposed in him, and made warm protestations of a correspondent confidence and friendship. He gave him a golden key which opened all his apartments, that the prince might, without any introduction, have access to him at all hours: he took the left hand of him on every occasion, except in the apartments assigned to Charles; for there, he said, the prince was at home: Charles was introduced into the palace with the same pomp and ceremony which attend the kings of Spain on their coronation; the council received public orders to obey him as the king. king himself; Olivarez too, the prime minister, though a grandee of Spain, who has the right of being covered before his own king, would not put on his hat in the prince's presence; all the prisons of Spain were thrown open, and all the prisoners received their freedom, as if an event the most honourable and most fortunate had happened to the monarchy; and every sumptuary law with regard to apparel was suspended during Prince Charles's residence in Spain. The infanta, however, was only shown to her lover in public; the Spanish ideas of decency being so strict, as not to allow any farther intercourse till the arrival of the dispensation. The point of honour was carried so far by these generous people, that no attempt was made, on account of the advantage they had acquired by having the prince of Wales in their power, to impose any harsher conditions of treaty; their pious zeal only prompted them on one occasion to define more concessions in the religious articles; but, on the opposition of Bristol, they immediately desisted. The Pope, however, hearing of Charles's arrival in Madrid, tacked some new clauses to the dispensation; and it became necessary to transmit the articles to London, that the king might ratify them. This treaty, which was made public, consisted of several articles, chiefly regarding the exercise of the catholic religion by the infanta; and, among these, nothing could reasonably be found fault with, except one article, in which the king promised that the children should be educated by the princes till they were ten years of age; which undoubtedly was inflicted upon with a view of seasoning their minds with catholic principles. But, besides this public treaty, there were some private articles sworn to by James, which could not have been made public without grievous murmurs. A suspension of the penal laws against the English catholics was promised, as likewise a repeal of them in parliament, and a toleration for the exercise of that religion in private houses. Meanwhile Gregory XV., who granted the dispensation, died; and Urban VIII. was chosen in his place. Upon this event, the nuncio refused to deliver the dispensation till it should be renewed by Urban. This the crafty pontiff delayed, in hopes that, during the prince's residence in Spain, some expedient might be fallen upon to effect his conversion. The king of England, as well as the prince, became impatient; but, on the first hint, Charles obtained leave to return; and Philip graced his departure with all the circumstances of civility and respect which had attended his arrival. He even erected a pillar on the spot where they took leave of each other, as a monument of mutual friendship; and the prince, having sworn to the observance of all the articles, embarked on board the English fleet at St Andrew.

The modest, reserved, and decent behaviour of Charles, together with his unparalleled confidence in them, and the romantic gallantry he had practised with regard to their princesses, had endeared him to the whole court of Madrid. But in the same proportion that Charles was beloved and esteemed, was Buckingham despised and hated. His failings of passion; his indecent freedoms with the prince; his dissolute pleasures; his arrogant impetuous temper, which he neither could nor would disguise; were to the Spaniards the objects of peculiar aversion. They lamented the infanta's fate, who must be approached by a man whose temerity seemed to respect no laws divine or human. Buckingham, on the other hand, sensible how odious he was become to the Spaniards, and dreading the influence which that nation would naturally acquire after the arrival of the infanta, resolved to employ all his credit in order to prevent the marriage. By what arguments he could present, the nation, from whom he had received such generous treatment; by what colours he could disguise the ingratitude and imprudence of such a measure; these are totally unknown to us; certain it is, however, that when the prince left Madrid, he was firmly determined, in opposition to his most solemn promises, to break off the treaty with Spain. On their arrival at London, therefore, the prince and Buckingham assumed the entire direction of the negociation; and it was their business to seek for pretences by which they could give a colour to their intended breach of treaty. At last, after many fruitless artifices were employed to delay or prevent the epoufals, Bristol received positive orders not to deliver the proxy which had been left in his hands, or to finish the marriage, till security was given for the full restitution of the palatinate. Philip understood this language; Philip but being determined to throw the whole blame of the liges himself rupture on the English, he delivered into Bristol's hand to procure a written promise, by which he bound himself to procure the restitution of the palatinate either by perquisition or by every other possible means; and when he found that this concession gave no satisfaction, he ordered the infanta to lay aside the title of Princess of Wales, which she bore after the arrival of the dispensation from Rome, and to drop the study of the English language; and as he knew that such rash counsels as now governed the court of England would not stop at the breach of the marriage-treaty, he immediately ordered preparations for war to be made throughout all his dominions.

A match for prince Charles was soon after negotiated with Henrietta, daughter of the great Henry IV., and this met with much better success than the former. However, the king had not the same allurements in prosecuting this match as the former, the portion promised him being much smaller; but, willing that his son should not be altogether disappointed of a bride, as the king of France demanded only the same terms that had been offered to the court of Spain, James thought proper to comply. In an article of this treaty of marriage, it was stipulated, that the education of the children till the age of 13 should belong to the mother; and this probably gave that turn towards popery which has since proved the ruin of the unfortunate family of Stuart.

James now, being deprived of every other hope of war declaring his son-in-law but by force of arms, declared war against Spain and the emperor, for the recovery of the palatinate; 6000 men were sent over into Holland to assist prince Maurice in his schemes against those powers; the people were everywhere elated at the courage of their king, and were satisfied with any war which was to exterminate the Papists. This army was unsuccessful, followed by another consisting of 12,000 men, commanded by count Mansfeldt; and the court of France promised its assistance. But the English were disappointed in all their views: the troops being embarked at Dover, upon sailing to Calais, found no orders for their admission. After waiting for some time, they were obliged to sail towards Zealand, where no proper measures were yet consulted for their disembarkation. Meanwhile, a perilous disorder crept among them, so long cooped up in narrow vessels; half the army died while on board; and the other half, weakened by sickness, appeared too small a body to march into the palatinate; and thus ended this ill-concerted and fruitless expedition. Whether this misfortune had any effect on the king's constitution or not, is uncertain; but he was soon after seized with a tertian ague, which put an end to his life on the 27th of March 1625, after having lived 59 years, and reigned over England 22, and over Scotland almost as long as he had lived.

James was succeeded by his son Charles I., who ascended the throne amidst the highest praises and caresses of his subjects for what was perhaps the most blame-worthy action of his life, namely, his breaking off the match with the Spanish princess, and procuring the rupture with the house of Austria. Being young and inexperienced, he regarded these praises as sincere; and therefore was so impatient to assemble the great council of the nation, that he would gladly, for the sake of dispatch, have called together the same parliament which sat under his father, and which lay at that time under prorogation. But being told that such a measure would appear unusual, he issued writs for summoning a new parliament on the 7th of May; and it was not without regret that the arrival of the princess Henrietta, whom he had espoused by proxy, obliged him to delay, by repeated prorogations, their meeting till the 18th of June, when they assembled at Westminster for the dispatch of business.

Charles inherited from his father great distress for money, very high notions of the royal prerogative, and a violent attachment to episcopacy. As to his character, he seems to have been obstinate, though not refractory; and therefore, though it was scarce ever possible to make him give up his point, he never could carry on his designs with that spirit which was necessary for their success. In other respects, he appears to have possessed every virtue requisite to constitute the character of a good man. At present believing his subjects to be in perfect friendship with him as he was with them, he resolved that their bounty to him should be entirely unasked, and the genuine effect of mutual confidence and regard. Accordingly, his discourse to the parliament was full of simplicity and cordiality; he lightly mentioned the occasion he had for supply. He employed no intrigue to influence the suffrages of the members. He would not even allow the officers of the crown, who had seats in the house, to mention any particular sum which he had occasion for; but trusted entirely to the wisdom and affection of his parliament, who perfectly well knew his circumstances.

It is almost impossible to read without indignation an account of the return made by the commons to this generous behaviour of their sovereign. They knew that all the money granted by the last parliament had been expended on military and naval preparations; and that great anticipations were likewise made on the revenues of the crown. They were not ignorant that Charles was loaded with a debt contracted by his father, who had borrowed money both from foreign princes, and from his own subjects. They had learned by experience, that the public revenues could with difficulty maintain the dignity of the crown, even under the ordinary charges of government. They were sensible that the present war was, very lately, the result of their own importunate applications and intrigues, and that they had solemnly engaged to support their sovereign in the management of it. They were acquainted with the difficulty of military enterprises directed against the whole house of Austria; against the king of Spain, possessor of the greatest riches and most extensive dominions of any prince in Europe; against the emperor Ferdinand, hitherto the most fortunate monarch of the age, who had subdued and astonished Germany by the rapidity of his victories. Deep impressions they saw must be made by the British sword, and a vigorous offensive war be waged against these mighty potentates, ere they would resign the palatinate which they had now fully subdued, and which they held in secure possession by its being surrounded with all their other territories. To answer, therefore, all these great and important ends; to satisfy their young king in the first request he made them; to prove their sense of the many royal virtues, particularly economy, with which Charles was endowed; the commons thought proper to confer on the king a supply of L.112,000. To search for the reasons of such an extravagant piece of conduct would be needless; it is impossible they could be good.

It is not to be supposed that Charles, or any person of common sense, could be insensible of such treatment as this; he behaved, however, with great moderation. He represented in the most explicit manner the necessity there was for a large supply: he even condescended to use intrigues: he said that this request was the first he had ever made them; that he was young, and in the commencement of his reign; and if he now met with kind and dutiful usage, it would endear him to the use of parliaments, and would forever preserve an entire harmony between him and his people.—To these reasons and intrigues, the commons remained inexorable; they even refused the addition of two fifteenths to the former supply. Instead of this, they renewed their ridiculous complaints against the growth of popery, which was now their only grievance. They showed their intolerant spirit by demanding a strict execution of the penal laws against the catholics; and remonstrated against some late pardons granted to priests. They attacked Montague, one of the king's chaplains, on account of a moderate book which he had lately composed, and which, to their great disgust, favored virtuous catholics as well as other Christians from eternal torments. Charles gave them a gracious and complaisant answer; but firmly resolved to abate somewhat of the rigorous laws against that unfortunate party, for which his engagements with France absolutely required. No measure, however, throughout the whole reign of this prince, was more disagreeable to his bigoted subjects, or by its consequences more fatal to himself, than this resolution. The Puritans had continued to gain ground during the whole reign of James, and now formed the majority of the house of commons; in consequence of which, petitions were presented to the king for replacing such able clergymen as had been silenced for want of conformity to the ceremonies. They also... also enacted laws for the strict observance of Sunday, which they affected to call the Sabbath, and which they sanctified with the most melancholy indolence; and it is worthy of notice, that the different appellations of Sunday and Sabbath were at that time known symbols of the different parties.—In consequence of this behaviour in Charles's first parliament, it was dissolved on the 12th of August 1625, and a new one called on February 6th 1626.

During this interval Charles had been obliged to borrow from his subjects on privy-seals; the advantage of which was but a small compensation for the difficulty occasioned. By means, however, of that supply, and some other expedients, he was enabled to equip his fleet, though with difficulty. It was designed against Spain, but performed nothing worth notice, and its bad success increased the clamours against the court.

Charles's second parliament immediately adopted the same views with the former; however, they voted him a supply of three subsidies (£168,000), and three fifteenths; but the passing this vote into a law was reserved until the end of the session, that in the mean time they might have an opportunity of forcing the king to make what concessions they pleased. This harsh and undutiful conduct was greatly resented by Charles; but he found himself obliged to submit, and wait the event with patience. In the mean time they attacked the duke of Buckingham, who was become generally obnoxious; and he was also impeached by the earl of Bristol, on account of his conduct with regard to the Spanish negociation. The earl's impeachment, however, was entirely overlooked, and the commons were able to prove nothing otherwise of any consequence against him. The king imagining that Buckingham's greatest crime was the having been so much in favour with his sovereign, commanded the house expressly not to meddle with his minister and servant, but to finish in a few days the bill they had begun for the subsidies; otherwise they must expect to sit no longer.

Suggestions of this kind had a bad effect; and when the king proceeded further to throw into prison two members of the house who had managed the impeachment against Buckingham, the commons declared that they would proceed no further in business till they had satisfaction in their privileges. Charles alleged as the reason of this measure, certain seditious expressions, which, he said, had, in their accusation of the duke, dropped from these members. Upon inquiry it appeared that no such expressions had been used, and the members were accordingly released. Soon after, the house of lords, moved by the example of the commons, claimed liberty for the earl of Arundel, who had been lately confined in the tower; and after many fruitless evasions the king was obliged, though somewhat ungracefully, to comply.

The next attack made by the commons would have proved decisive, had it succeeded, and would have reduced the king to an absolute dependence on his parliament. They were preparing a remonstrance against the levying of tonnage and poundage without consent of parliament. This article, together with the new impositions laid on merchandise by James, constituted near one-half of the crown revenues; and after having gained this point, they were to petition the king, which then would have been the same thing with commanding him, to remove Buckingham from his presence and councils. The king, however, being alarmed at the yoke they were preparing for him, dissolved his parliament a second time, June 15, 1626.

Charles having thus made such a breach with his parliament as there was no hopes of repairing, was obliged to have recourse to the exercise of every branch of his prerogative in order to supply himself with money. A commission was openly granted to compound with the catholics, and agree for dispensing with the penal laws enacted against them; and by this expedient the king, indeed, filled his coffers, but gave universal disgust to his subjects. From the nobility he defied affluence: from the city he required a loan of £100,000. The former contributed slowly; but the latter, covering themselves under many pretences and excuses, gave at last a flat denial. In order to equip a fleet, a distribution by order of the council was made to all the maritime towns; and each of them was required, with the affluence of the adjacent counties, to arm as many vessels as were appointed them. The city of London was rated at 20 ships; and this is the first appearance, in Charles's reign, of ship money; a taxation which had once been imposed by Elizabeth, but which, when carried some steps farther by Charles, produced the most violent discontents.—These methods of supply were carried on with some moderation, till news arrived of the king of Denmark being totally defeated by count Tilly the Imperial general; but money then becoming more than ever necessary, it was suggested in council, that the most speedy, equal, and convenient method of loan resupply was by a general loan from the subject, according as every man was assessed in the rolls of the last subsidy. That precise sum was required which each would have paid, had the vote of four subsidies been passed into a law: care, however, was taken, that the sums thus exacted were not to be called subsidies but loans; but it was impossible to avoid observing, that thus the liberty of the subject was entirely destroyed, and all parliaments rendered at once superfluous.

Many people throughout England refused these loans, and some were even active in encouraging their neighbours to insist upon their common rights and privileges. By warrant of the council, these were thrown into prison. Most of them patiently submitted to confinement, or applied by petition to the king, who commonly released them. Five gentlemen, however, Sir Thomas Darnell, Sir John Corbet, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John Hewenham, and Sir Edmond to stand Hambden, demanded release, not as a favour from the court, but as their due by the laws of their country. No particular cause was assigned for their commitment. The special command of the king and council alone was pleaded. And it was alleged, that by law this was not sufficient reason for refusing bail or releasement to the prisoners. The question was brought to a solemn trial before the court of king's bench; and the whole kingdom was attentive to the issue of the cause. By the debates on this subject it appeared, that personal liberty had been secured by no less than six different statutes, and by an article in magna charta itself. It appeared, that, in times of turbulence and sedition, the princes infringed upon these laws; and of this also many examples were produced. The difficulty then lay to determine when such violent measures were necessary; but of that the court pretended to be the supreme judge. As it was legal, therefore, that these five gentlemen should plead the statute, by which they might demand bail, so it was expedient in the court to remand them to prison, without determining on the necessity of taking bail for the present. This was a cruel evasion of justice; and, in fact, satisfied neither party. The court insisted that no bail could be taken; the country exclaimed that the prisoners ought to be set free.

While the king was thus embroiled with his parliament at home, and with powerful nations abroad, he rashly engaged in a war with France, a kingdom with which he had but lately formed the most natural alliance. All historians agree that this war proceeded from the rivalryship of the duke of Buckingham and cardinal Richelieu; both of whom were in love with the queen of France; and an inveterate enmity being thus produced between these favourites, they resolved to involve their respective nations in the dispute. However this be, war was declared against France; and Charles was taught to hope, that hostilities with that kingdom would be the surest means of procuring tranquillity at home.—The success of this war was proportionable to the wisdom with which it was commenced. Buckingham was appointed commander; and he being entirely unacquainted both with sea and land service, managed matters so ill, that he lost two thirds of his army, and returned in total discredit both as an admiral and general.

The discontent in England now rose to such an height, that there was reason to apprehend an insurrection or rebellion. Charles was also reduced to the greatest distress for want of money. That which he had levied by virtue of his prerogative came in very slowly, and it was dangerous to renew the experiment on account of the ill humour of the nation in general.

A third parliament therefore was called, March 17th, 1628; whom Charles plainly told at the beginning of the session, that "if they should not do their duties, in contributing to the necessities of the state, he must, in discharge of his conscience, use those other means which God had put into his hands, in order to save that which the follies of some particular men might otherwise put in danger." This parliament behaved in a much more reasonable manner than either of the two former ones. The nation was now really aggrieved by the late arbitrary proceedings. They began with voting against arbitrary imprisonments and forced loans; after which, five subsidies (£280,000) were voted to the king. With this sum, though much inferior to his wants, Charles declared himself well satisfied; and even tears of affection started in his eye when informed of this concession; the commons, however, refused not to pass this vote into a law, before they had obtained from the king a sufficient security that their liberties should be no longer violated as they had formerly been. They resolved to frame a law, which they were to call a petition of right, in which they should collect all the arbitrary exertions of the prerogative which Charles had exposed to their view, and these they were to assault at once by their petition. The grievances now complained of were, forced loans, benevolences, taxes without consent of parliament, arbitrary imprisonments, billeting soldiers, and martial law. They pretended not, as they affirmed, to any unusual power or privileges; nor did they intend to infringe the royal prerogative in any respect: they aimed only at securing those rights and privileges derived from their ancestors.

The king, on his part, now began plainly to show, duplicity of that he aimed at nothing less than absolute power, the king. This reasonable petition he did his utmost to evade, by repeated messages to the house, in which he always offered his royal word that there should be no more infringements on the liberty of the subject. These messages, however, had no effect on the commons: they knew how insufficient such promises were, without further security; and therefore the petition at last passed both houses, and nothing was wanting but the royal assent to give it the force of a law. The king accordingly came to the house of peers, sent for the commons, and being seated in the chair of state, the petition was read to him. In answer to it, he said, "The king willeth, that right be done according to the laws and customs of the realm, and that the statutes be put into execution; that his subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression contrary to their just rights and liberties, to the preservation whereof he holds himself in confidence as much obliged as of his own prerogative."

This equivocal answer was highly resented. The commons returned in very ill humour. Their indignation would undoubtedly have fallen on the unfortunate catholics, had not their petition against them already received a satisfactory answer. To give vent to their present wrath, therefore, they fell on Dr Manwaring, who had preached a sermon, and, at the special command of the king, printed it; which was now found to contain doctrines subversive of all civil liberty. It taught, that though property was commonly lodged in the subject, yet, whenever any exigency required supply, all property was transferred to the sovereign; that the consent of parliament was not necessary for the imposition of taxes; and that the divine laws required compliance with every demand, however irregular, which the prince should make upon his subjects. For these doctrines Manwaring was sentenced to be imprisoned during the pleasure of the house; to be fined £1000 to the king; make submission and acknowledgment for his offence; be suspended three years; be incapable of holding any ecclesiastical dignity or secular office; and that his book be called in and burnt. No sooner, however, was the session ended, than Manwaring received a pardon, and was promoted to a living of considerable value. Some years afterwards he was promoted to the see of St Asaph. At last, the king, seeing it impossible to carry his point, yielded to give his assent to the importunities of parliament. He came to the house of peers, and pronouncing the usual form of petition, words, "Let it be law as is desired," gave full sanction and authority to the petition. The house reassembled with acclamations, and the bill for five subsidies immediately passed.

The commons, however, were not yet satisfied; they began again to attack Buckingham, against whom they were implacable: they also asserted, that the levying of tonnage and poundage without consent of parliament, was a palpable violation of the ancient liberties of the people, and an open infringement of the petition of right so lately granted. The king, in order to prevent a re-proposed... monstrance on that subject, suddenly prorogued the parliament, on June 26th, 1628.

The commons soon got rid of their enemy Buckingham; who was murdered, on the 23rd of August this same year, by one Felton who had formerly served under him as a lieutenant. The king did not appear much concerned at his death, but retained an affection for his family throughout his whole lifetime. He desired also that Felton might be tortured, in order to extort from him a discovery of his accomplices; but the judges declared, that though that practice had been formerly very common, it was altogether illegal.

In 1629, the usual contentions between the king and his parliament continued. The great article on which the commons broke with their sovereign, and which finally created in him a disgust at all parliaments, was their claims with regard to tonnage and poundage. The dispute was, whether this tax could be levied without consent of parliament or not. Charles, supported by multitudes of precedents, maintained that it might; and the parliament, in consequence of their petition of right, asserted that it could not. The commons were resolved to support their rights: and the disputes concerning tonnage and poundage went hand in hand with some theological controversies; particularly concerning Arminianism, which the Puritans, who now formed the majority of the nation, opposed with the greatest violence; and which consequently crept in among those who professed episcopacy, where it hath still maintained its ground more than in any other party.

The commons began with summoning before them the officers of the custom-house, to give an account by what authority they had seized the goods of those merchants who had refused to pay the duties of tonnage and poundage. The barons of exchequer were questioned with regard to their decrees on that head. The sheriff of London was committed to the Tower for his activity in supporting the officers of the custom-house. The goods of Rolles, a merchant, and member of the house, being seized for his refusal to pay the duties, complaints were made of this violence, as if it were a breach of privilege. Charles, on the other hand, supported his officers in all these measures, and the quarrel between him and the commons became every day higher. Sir John Elliot framed a remonstrance against tonnage and poundage, which he offered to the clerk to read; but it was refused, and he then read it himself. The question being called for, Sir John Finch the speaker said, that he had a command from the king to adjourn, and to put no question; upon which he rose and left the chair. The whole house was in an uproar; the speaker was pushed back into the chair, and forcibly held in it; till a short remonstrance was formed, which was instantaneously passed by almost universal acclamation. Papists and Arminians were now declared capital enemies to the commonwealth. Those who levied tonnage and poundage were branded with the same epithet. And even the merchants, who should voluntarily pay these duties, were declared betrayers of English liberty, and public enemies. The doors being locked, the gentleman-usher of the house of lords, who was sent by the king, could get no admittance till this remonstrance was finished. By the king's order he took the mace from the table, which put an end to their proceedings, and on the 10th of March the parliament was dissolved. Some of the members were imprisoned and fined; but this severity served only to increase the general discontent, and point out the sufferers as proper leaders for the popular party.

Charles being now disgusted with parliaments, resolved to call no more; but finding himself destitute of France and resources, was obliged to make peace with the two Spanish powers with which he was at war. A treaty was signed with France on the 14th of April, and another with Spain on the 5th of November 1630, by which Charles bound himself to observe a neutrality with regard to the affairs on the continent. His conduct to his subjects cannot now appear entirely blameless, nor the general discontent altogether without foundation. As if, however, he had resolved to ruin himself, and to lose the small degrees of affection which remained among his subjects, Charles now began to set about making innovations in religion. Archbishop Laud had obtained a prodigious ascendancy over the king; and, by his superstitious attachment to foolish ceremonies, led him into a conduct that proved fatal to himself and to the kingdom in general. The humour of the nation ran at that time in a channel perfectly the reverse of superstition. The ancient ceremonies which had been sanctified by the permission and practice of the first reformers, could scarce be retained in divine service. Laud chose this time, of all others the most improper, for renewing the ceremonies of the fourth and fifth century, when the Christian church, as is well known, was sunk into those superstitions which were afterwards continued and augmented by the policy of the church of Rome. So openly were these tenets espoused, that not only the discontented Puritans believed the church of England to be relapsing fast into the Romish superstition, but the court of Rome itself entertained hopes of regaining its authority in this island. To forward Laud's good intentions, an offer was twice made him, in private, of a cardinal's hat; which he declined accepting. His answer was (as he says himself), that "something dwelt within him which would not suffer his compliance, till Rome was other than it is." It must be confessed, however, that though Laud deserved not the appellation of a Papist, the genius of his religion was, though in a less degree, the same with that of the Romish. The same profound respect was exacted to the facerdotal character; the same submission to the decrees and decrees of synods and councils required; the same pomp and ceremony was affected in worship; and the same superstitious regard to days, postures, meats, and vestments. Orders were given, and rigorously inflicted on, that the communion-table should be removed from the middle of the area where it had hitherto stood in all churches except cathedrals. It was placed at the east end, raised in, and denominated an altar; as the clergyman who officiated commonly received the appellation of priest. All kinds of ornaments, especially pictures, were introduced. Some of these, upon inquiry, were found to be the very same that were to be met with in the mass-book. The crucifix too, that perpetual consolation of all pious Catholics, and terror to all sound Protestants, was not forgot on this occasion.

In return for Charles's indulgence towards the church, Laud and his followers took care to magnify on every occasion the regal authority, and to treat with the utmost disdain or detestation all puritanical pretensions to a free and independent constitution. From this subjection, however, they took care to exclude themselves, and inflicted upon a divine and apostolic charter in preference to a legal and parliamentary one. The sacerdotal character was magnified as sacred and indefeasible; all right to spiritual authority, or even to private judgment in spiritual subjects, was refused to profane laymen; ecclesiastical courts were held by bishops in their own name, without any notice taken of the king's authority; and Charles, though extremely jealous of every claim in popular assemblies, seemed rather to encourage than repress those encroachments of his clergy.

The principles which exalted prerogative were put in practice during the whole time that Charles ruled without parliaments. He wanted money for the support of government; and he levied it, either by the revival of obsolete laws, or by violations of the privileges. Though humane and gentle in his nature, he gave way to severities in the star-chamber and high commission, which seemed necessary in order to support the present mode of administration, and suppress the rising spirit of liberty throughout the kingdom. Tonage and poundage were continued to be levied by royal authority alone. The former arbitrary impositions were still exacted; and even new impositions laid upon different kinds of merchandise. The custom-house officers received orders from the council to enter into any house, warehouse, or cellar; to search any trunk or chest; and to break any bulk whatever, in default of the payment of customs. In order to exercise the militia, each county by an edict of the council was afflicted in a certain sum for maintaining a muster-master appointed for that service. Compulsions were openly made with recusants, and the Popish religion became a regular part of the revenue. A commission was granted for compounding with such as were possessed of crown lands on defective titles; and on this pretence some money was exacted of the people, &c.

While the English were in the utmost discontent, and almost ready to break out in open rebellion against these arbitrary proceedings, Charles thought proper to attempt setting up episcopacy in Scotland. The canons for established ecclesiastical jurisdiction were promulgated in 1635, and were received without much appearance of opposition; yet with great inward apprehension and discontent. The first reading of the liturgy was attempted in the cathedral church of St Giles in Edinburgh, in 1637; but this produced such a tumult, that it was not thought safe to repeat the experiment. An universal combination against the religious innovations began immediately to take place; but Charles, as if obstinately bent on his own destruction, continued inflexible in his purpose, though he had nothing to oppose to the united force of the kingdom but a proclamation, in which he pardoned all past offences, and exhorted the people to be more obedient for the future, and to submit peaceably to the use of the liturgy. This proclamation hastened forward the insurrection which had been slowly advancing before.

Four tables, as they were called, were formed in Edinburgh. One consisted of nobility, another of gentry, a third of ministers, and the fourth of burgesses. The table of gentry was divided into many subordinate ones, according to their different counties. In the hands of the four tables, the authority of the whole kingdom was placed. Orders were issued by them, and every where obeyed with the utmost regularity; and among the first acts of their government was the production of the Covenant.

This famous covenant consisted of a renunciation of Popery, formerly signed by James in his youth, and the covenants filled with many virulent invectives against that party. A bond of union followed, by which the subscribers obliged themselves to resist all religious innovations, and to defend each other against all opposition whatsoever: And all this for the greater glory of God, and the greater honour and advantage of their king and country. The covenant was subscribed by people of all ranks and conditions. Few disapproved of it in their hearts, and still fewer dared openly to condemn it. The king's ministers and counsellors themselves were mostly of the same way of thinking; and none but rebels to God, and traitors to their country, it was thought, would withdraw themselves from so salutary and pious a combination.

The king now began to be alarmed. He sent the Charles marquis of Hamilton, as commissioner, with authority to treat with the covenanters. He required the covenanters to be renounced and recalled; and he thought that on his part he made very satisfactory concessions, when he offered to suspend the canons and liturgy till in a fair and legal way they could be received, and so to model the high commission that it should no longer give offence to his subjects. In answer to this demand the covenanters told him, they would sooner renounce their baptism; and invited the commissioner himself to sign it. Hamilton returned to London; made another fruitless journey with new conclusions to Edinburgh; returned again to London, and was immediately sent back with still more satisfactory concessions. The king was now willing to abolish entirely the canons, the liturgy, and the high-commission court; he even resolved to limit extremely the power of the bishops, and was content if on any terms he could retain that order in the church of Scotland. And to ensure all these gracious offers, he gave Hamilton authority to summon first an assembly, and then a parliament, where every national grievance should be redressed.—These successive concessions only showed the weakness of the king, and encouraged the malcontents to rise in their demands. The offer, however, of an assembly and a parliament, in which they expected to be entirely masters, was very willingly embraced by the covenanters.

Charles, perceiving what advantage his enemies had reaped from their covenant, resolved to have a covenant entered into by the royalists also on his side; and he ordered one to be drawn up for that purpose. It consisted of the same violent renunciation of Popery with the other; which, though the king did not approve of it, he thought proper to adopt, in order to remove all the suspicions entertained against him. As the covenanters, in their bond of mutual defence against all opposition, had been careful not to except the king; Charles had formed a bond which was annexed to this renunciation, and which expressed the subscribers loyalty and duty to his majesty. But the covenanters perceiving that this new covenant was only meant to weaken and divide them, them, received it with the utmost scorn and detestation. And, without delay, they proceeded to model the assembly from which such great achievements were expected.

The assembly met at Glasgow in 1638. A firm determination had been entered into of utterly abolishing episcopacy; and, as a preparative to it, there was laid before the presbytery of Edinburgh, and solemnly read in all the churches of the kingdom, an accusation against the bishops, as guilty, all of them, of hereby, simony, bribery, perjury, cheating, incest, adultery, fornication, common-swearers, drunkenness, gaming, breach of the Sabbath, and every other crime which had occurred to the accusers. The bishops sent a protest, declining the authority of the assembly; the commissioner too protested against that court, as illegally constituted and elected; and, in his majesty's name, dissolved it. This measure was foreseen, and little regarded. The court still continued to sit and do business. All the acts of assembly, since the accession of James to the crown of England, were, upon pretty reasonable grounds, declared null and invalid. The acts of parliament which affected ecclesiastical affairs were on that very account supposed to have no authority. And thus the whole fabric which James and Charles, in a long course of years, had been rearing with much care and policy, fell at once to the ground. The covenant likewise was ordered to be signed by every one, under pain of excommunication.

In 1639, the covenanters prepared in earnest for war. The earl of Argyle, though he long seemed to temporize, at last embraced the covenant; and he became the chief leader of that party. The earls of Rothes, Cassils, Montrose, Lothian, the lords Lindeley, Loudon, Yester, and Balmerino, also distinguished themselves. Many of their officers had acquired reputation in the German wars, particularly under Gustavus; and these were invited over to assist their country in their present necessity. The command was entrusted to Leslie, a soldier of experience and ability. Forces were regularly enlisted and disciplined. Arms were commissioned and imported from foreign countries. A few cattle which belonged to the king, being unprovided of victuals, ammunition, and garrisons, were soon seized. And the whole country, except a small part, where the marquis of Huntly still adhered to the king, being in the covenanters' hands, was soon put into a tolerable posture of defence.

Charles, on the other hand, was not deficient in his endeavours to oppose this formidable combination. By regular economy he had not only paid all the debts contracted in the French and Spanish wars, but had amassed a sum of £200,000; which he had reserved for any sudden exigency. The queen had great interest with the catholics, both from the sympathy of religion, and from the favours and indulgences which she had been able to procure them. She now employed her credit, and persuaded them, that it was reasonable to give large contributions, as a mark of their duty to the king, during this urgent necessity: And thus, to the great scandal of the Puritans, a considerable supply was gained. The king's fleet was formidable and well supplied. Having put 5000 land forces on board, he intrusted it to the marquis of Hamilton, who had orders to sail to the frith of Forth, and cause a diversion in the forces of the malcontents. An army was levied of near 20,000 foot and 3000 horse; and was put under the command of the earl of Arundel, a nobleman of great family, but celebrated neither for military nor political abilities. The earl of Essex, a man of strict honour, and extremely popular, especially among the soldiery, was appointed lieutenant-general: The earl of Holland was general of the horde. The king himself joined the army, and he summoned all the peers of England to attend him. The whole had the appearance of a splendid court rather than a military armament, and in this situation the camp arrived at Berwick.

The Scottish army was equally numerous with that of the king, but inferior in cavalry. The officers had more experience; and the soldiers, though ill disciplined and armed, were animated, as well by the national aversion to England, and the dread of becoming a province to their old enemy, as by that religious enthusiasm which was the occasion of the war. Yet so prudent were their leaders, that they immediately sent very submissive messages to the king, and craved leave to be admitted to a treaty.—Charles, as usual, took peace condition, in which it was stipulated, that he should withdraw his fleet and army; that within 48 hours the Scots should dismiss their forces; that the king's forts should be restored to him; his authority be acknowledged; and a general assembly and parliament be immediately summoned, in order to compose all differences.

This peace was of no long duration. Charles could not prevail on himself to abandon the cause of episcopacy, and secretly intended to seize every favourable opportunity to recover the ground he had lost. The assembly, on the other hand, proceeded with the utmost fury and violence. They voted episcopacy to be unlawful in the church of Scotland: they stigmatized the canons and liturgy as popish: they denounced the high commission tyranny. The parliament, which sat after the assembly, advanced pretensions which tended to diminish the civil power of the monarch; and, what probably affected Charles still more, they were proceeding to ratify the acts of assembly, when by the king's instructions Traquair the commissioner provoked them. And on account of these claims, which might have been easily foreseen, war was recommenced.

No sooner had Charles concluded the peace, than he found himself obliged to disband his army, on account of his want of money; and as the soldiers had been held together merely by mercenary views, it was not possible, without great trouble, expense, and loss of time, to reassemble them. On the contrary, the covenanters, in dismissing their troops, had been careful to preserve nothing but the appearance of a pacification. The officers had orders to be ready on the first summons: The soldiers were warned not to think the nation secure from an English invasion: And the religious zeal which animated all ranks of men made them immediately fly to their standards, as soon as their trumpet was sounded by their spiritual and temporal leaders.

In 1640, however, the king made shift to draw an army together; but finding himself unable to support them, was obliged to call a parliament after an intermission. As the sole design of the king's calling this parliament was to obtain a supply, and the only reason they had for attending was to procure a redress of grievances, it is not to be supposed there could be any good agreement between them. The king accordingly insisted for money, and the parliament on their grievances, till a dissolution ensued.

To add to the unpopularity of this measure, the king, notwithstanding his dissolving the parliament, allowed the convocation to sit; a practice of which, since the reformation, there had been very few examples, and which was now by many deemed very irregular. Besides granting to the king a supply from the spirituality, the convocation, jealous of innovations similar to those which had taken place in Scotland, imposed an oath on the clergy and the graduates in the universities, by which every one swore to maintain the established government of the church, by archbishops, bishops, deans, chapters, &c. These steps were deemed illegal, because not ratified by consent of parliament; and the oath, containing an &c. in the middle of it, became a subject of general ridicule.

The king, disappointed of parliamentary subsidies, was obliged to have recourse to other expedients. The ecclesiastical subsidies served him in some stead; and it seemed but just that the clergy should contribute to the expense of a war which had been in a great measure of their own raising. He borrowed money from his ministers and courtiers; and so much was he beloved among them, that above 300,000l. were subscribed in a few days. Some attempts were made towards forcing a loan from the citizens; but still repelled by the spirit of liberty, which was now become unconquerable. A loan of 40,000l. was extorted from the Spanish merchants who had bullion in the tower. Coat and conduct money for the soldiery was levied on the counties; an ancient practice, but which was supposed to be abolished by the petition of right. All the pepper was bought from the East India Company upon trust; and sold, at a great discount, for ready money. A scheme was proposed for coining two or three hundred thousand pounds of base money. Such were the extremities to which Charles was reduced. The fresh difficulties, which amidst the present distresses were every day raised, with regard to the payment of ship-money, obliged him to exert continual acts of authority, augmented extremely the discontent of the people, and increased his indigence and necessities.

The present expedients, however, enabled the king, though with great difficulty, to march his army, consisting of 19,000 foot and 2000 horse. The earl of Northumberland was appointed general; the earl of Strafford, who was called over from Ireland, lieutenant-general; lord Conway, general of the horse. A small fleet was thought sufficient to serve the purposes of this expedition. The Scots, though somewhat superior, were sooner ready than the king's army, and marched to the borders of England. Notwithstanding their warlike preparations and hostile attempts, the covenanters still preferred the most submissive language to the king; and entered England with no other design, they said, than to obtain access to the king's presence, and lay their humble petition at his royal feet. At Newburn upon Tyne they were opposed by a detachment of 4500 men under Conway, who seemed resolute to dispute with them the passage of the river. The Scots first intreated them, with great civility, not to stop them in their march to their gracious sovereign; and then attacked them with great bravery, killed several, and chased the rest from their ground. Such a panic seized the whole English army, that the forces at Newcastle fled immediately to Durham; and not yet thinking themselves safe, they deserted that town, and retreated into Yorkshire.

The Scots continued to advance; they dispatched messengers to the king, who was now arrived at York. They took care, after the advantage they had gained, to redouble their expressions of loyalty, duty, and submission to his person; and they even made apologies full of sorrow and contrition for their late victory. Charles was in a very distressed condition; and, in order to prevent the further advance of the Scots, agreed to a treaty, and named 16 English noblemen to meet with 11 Scots commissioners at Rippon. Strafford, upon whom, by reason of Northumberland's sickness, the command of the army had devolved, advised Charles rather to put all to hazard, than submit to such unworthy terms as he saw would be imposed upon him. He advised him to push forward and attack the Scots, and bring the affair to a quick decision; and if he was ever so unsuccessful, nothing worse could befall him than what from his inactivity he would certainly be exposed to; and, to show how easily this project might be executed, he ordered an assault to be made on some quarters of the Scots, and gained an advantage over them. This salutary advice Charles had not resolution to follow. He therefore resolved to call a council of the peers; and as he foretold that they would advise him to call a parliament, he told them in his first speech, that he had already taken that resolution. In order to subdue both armies (for the king was obliged to pay his enemies, in order to save the northern counties), Charles wrote to the city, desiring a loan of 200,000l. And the peers at York, whose authority was now much greater than that of their sovereign, joined in the same request.

The parliament met November 3d 1640: the house of commons had never been observed so numerous; and, meets that they might strike a decisive blow at once against the court, they began with the impeachment of the earl of Strafford. That nobleman, who was considered as unhappy prime minister, both on account of the credit he possessed with his master, and his own uncommon vigour and capacity, had now the misfortune of having incurred the hatred of all the three kingdoms. The Scots looked upon him as the capital enemy of their country. He had engaged the parliament of Ireland to advance large subsidies to be employed in a war against them: he had levied an army of 9000 men, with which he had menaced all their western coast: he had obliged the Scots who lived under his government to renounce the covenant, &c.; he had governed Ireland, first as deputy, and then as lord-lieutenant, during eight years, with great vigilance, activity, and prudence, but with very little popularity. In a nation so adverse to the English government and religion, these very virtues were sufficient to draw on him the public hatred. His manners, besides, were at bottom haughty, rigid, and severe; and no sooner did adversity begin to seize him, than the concealed cealed aversion blazed up at once, and the Irish parliament used every expedient to aggravate the charge against him.

The universal discontent which prevailed throughout the English nation was all pointed against the earl of Strafford; though for no other reason but because he was the minister of state whom the king most favoured and trusted. His extraction was honourable, his paternal fortune considerable: yet envy attended his sudden and great elevation; and his former associates in popular councils, finding that he owed his advancement to the defection of their cause, represented him as the great apostate of the commonwealth, whom it behoved them to sacrifice as a victim to public justice.

From so terrible a combination against a single person, nothing else could be expected than what really happened. Strafford was impeached, most unjustly condemned, and at last executed, in the year 1641. It was not without extreme difficulty that the king could be brought to consent to his execution. He came to the house of lords, where he expressed his resolution never to employ Strafford again in any public business; but with regard to the treason for which he was condemned, he professed himself totally dissatisfied. The commons voted it a breach of privilege for the king to take notice of any bill depending before the house. Charles did not perceive, that his attachment to Strafford was the chief motive for the bill; and the greater proof he gave of this attachment to his favourite minister, the more inevitable did he render his destruction. The house of lords were intimidated, by popular violence, into passing the bill of attainder against the unfortunate earl. The same battery was next employed to force the king's assent. The populace flocked about Whitehall, and accompanied their demand of justice with the loudest clamours and most open menaces. A thousand idle reports of conspiracies, insurrections, and invasions, were spread abroad. On whatever side the king cast his eyes, he saw no resource nor security. All his servants, consulting their own safety rather than their master's honour, declined interfering with their advice between him and his parliament. The queen, terrified at the appearance of so great danger, pressed Charles, with tears, to satisfy his people in this demand, which it was hoped would finally content them. Archbishop Juxon alone had the courage to advise him, if he did not approve of the bill, by no means to consent to it.

Strafford, hearing of the king's irresolution and anxiety, wrote to him a letter, in which he desired his own execution, in order to give peace to the nation; and at last, after the most violent anxiety and doubt, Charles granted a commission to four noblemen, in his name, to give the royal assent to the bill; flattering himself, perhaps, that as neither his will consented to the deed, nor was his hand immediately engaged in it, he was the more free from all the guilt which attended it. These commissioners he empowered at the same time to give his assent to a bill yet more fatal to himself, viz. That the present parliament should not be dissolved, prorogued, or adjourned, without their own consent.

By this last bill Charles rendered the power of his enemies perpetual, as it was already uncontrollable. The reason of this extraordinary step was, that the commons, from policy, more than necessity, had embraced the expedient of paying the two armies by borrowing money from the city. These loans they repaid afterwards by taxes levied on the people. At last the forsooths for the citizens, either of themselves, or by suggestion, began to start difficulties with regard to a farther loan which was demanded. "We make no scruple of trusting the parliament (said they), were we certain that the parliament was to continue till our repayment. But, in the present precarious situation of affairs, what security can be given us for our money?" In order to obviate this objection, the abovementioned bill was suddenly brought in, and having passed both houses with great rapidity, was at last brought to the king; who, being oppressed with grief on account of the unhappy fate of Strafford, did not perceive the pernicious consequence of the bill.

All this time the commons had ruled in other respects with an uncontrollable sway. Soon after the impeachment of Strafford, Laud was accused of high treason, and committed to custody. To avoid the like fate, prisoned lord keeper Finch and secretary Windebank fled, the one into Holland, the other into France. The house instituted a new species of guilt, termed delinquency; those who had exercised the powers necessary for the defence of the nation during the late military operations, were now called delinquents. In consequence of this determination, many of the nobility and prime gentry of the nation, while only exerting, as they justly thought, the legal powers of magistracy, found themselves unexpectedly involved in this new crime of delinquency. The commons, however, by their institution, reaped this multiplied advantage; they disarmed the crown, they established the maxims of rigid law and liberty, and they spread the terror of their own authority. All the sheriffs who had formerly exacted ship money, though by the king's express command, were now declared delinquents. The farmers and officers of the customs who had been employed during so many years in levying tonnage, poundage, &c. were likewise denominated criminals of the same kind, and were afterwards glad to compound for a pardon, by paying £50,000. Every discretionary or arbitrary sentence of the star-chamber and high commission courts, which from their very nature were arbitrary, underwent a severe scrutiny; and all those who had concurred in such sentences, were voted to be liable to the penalties of law. No minister of the king, no member of the council, but what found himself exposed by this determination. The judges who had formerly given judgment against Hambden for refusing to pay ship-money, were accused before the peers, and obliged to find security for their appearance. Berkley, a judge of the king's bench, was seized by order of the house, even when sitting in his tribunal. The sanction of the lords and commons, as well as that of the king, was declared necessary for the confirmation of ecclesiastical canons. Monopolists and projectors, if of the king's party, were now expelled the house; but one Mildmay, a notorious and injurious monopolist, was allowed to keep his seat, because he represented the views of the popular party. In short, the constitution of parliament was completely new-modelled; and during the first period of the transactions of this remarkable parliament, if we except Strafford's attainder, their merits in other respects so much overbalance their mistakes, as to justify... title them to very ample praises from all lovers of liberty. Not only were former abuses remedied, and grievances redressed; great provision for the future was made by excellent laws against the return of like complaints. And if the means by which they obtained such mighty advantages favoured often of artifice, sometimes of violence; it is to be considered, that revolutions of government cannot be effected by mere force of argument and reasoning; and that, factions being once excited, men can neither so firmly regulate the tempers of others, nor their own, as to ensure themselves against all exorbitancies.

Had the parliament stopped here, it had been happy for the nation; but they were now resolved to be satisfied with nothing less than the total abolition of monarchy. The king had promised to pay a visit, this summer, to his subjects in Scotland, in order to settle their government; and though the English parliament was very importunate with him to lay aside that journey, they could not prevail with him to much as to delay it. Having failed in this, they appointed a small committee of both houses to attend him, in order, as was pretended, to see the articles of pacification executed, but really to be spies upon the king; to extend still farther the ideas of parliamentary authority, as well as eclipse his majesty. Endeavours were even used, before Charles's departure, to have a protector of the kingdom appointed, with a power to pass laws without having recourse to the king. About this time, the king concluded the marriage of the princesses Mary with William prince of Orange. He did not conclude this alliance without communicating his intentions to parliament, who were very well satisfied with the proposal. They adjourned from Sept. 9th, to October 20th, 1641.

Charles arrived in Scotland August 14th 1641, with a design to give full satisfaction if possible to this restless kingdom. Some good regulations were made; the bench of bishops, and lords of articles, were abolished; it was ordained that no man should be created a Scottish peer, who possessed not 10,000 marks (above 500 l.) of annual rent in the kingdom; a law for triennial parliaments was likewise enacted; and it was ordained, that the last act of every parliament should be to appoint the time and place for holding the parliament next ensuing; the king was also deprived of that power formerly exercised, of issuing proclamations which enjoined obedience under the penalty of treason. But the most fatal blow given to royal authority, and what in a manner dethroned the prince, was an article, that no member of the privy-council, in whose hands, during the king's absence, the whole administration lay, no officer of state, none of the judges, should be appointed but by advice and approbation of parliament. Charles even agreed to deprive of their seats four judges who had adhered to his interests; and their place was supplied by others more agreeable to the ruling party. Several of the covenanters were also sworn of the privy-council; and all the ministers of state, counsellors and judges, were, by law, to hold their places during life or good behaviour. The king, while in Scotland, conformed himself to the established church; he bestowed pensions and preferments on Henderson, Gillespy, and other popular preachers; he practised every art to soften, if not to gain, his greatest enemies; the earl of Argyle was created a marquis, Lord Loudon an earl, and Leslie was dignified with the title of Lord Loven. But though Charles was thus obliged to heap favours on his enemies and overlook his friends, the former were not satisfied, as believing all he did proceeded from artifice and necessity; while some of the latter were disgusted, and thought themselves ill rewarded for their past services.

Argyle and Hamilton, being seized with an apprehension, real or pretended, that the earl of Crawford and others meant to assassinate them, left the parliament suddenly, and retired into the country; but, upon invitation and assurances, returned in a few days. This event, which in Scotland had no visible consequence, was commonly denominated the incident; but though the incident had no effect in Scotland, it was attended with very serious consequences in England. The English parliament immediately took the alarm; or rather probably were glad of the hint; they infuenced the people, that the malignants, so they called those of the king's party, had laid a plot at once to murder them guard, and all the godly in both kingdoms. They applied therefore to Essex, whom the king had left general of the fourth of England; and he ordered a guard to attend them.

In the mean time a most dangerous rebellion broke out in Ireland, with circumstances of unparalleled horror, bloodshed, and devastation. The old Irish, by the wife conduct of James, had been fully subdued, and proper means taken for securing their dependence and subjection for the future; but their old animosity still remained, and only wanted an occasion to exert itself. This they obtained from the weak condition to which Charles was reduced, and this was made use of in the following manner.

One Roger More, a gentleman descended from an ancient Irish family, but of narrow fortune, first formed the project of expelling the English, and asserting the independency of his native country. He secretly went from chieftain to chieftain, and roused up every latent principle of discontent. He maintained a close correspondence with lord Macguire, and Sir Phelim O'Neale, the most powerful of the old Irish; and by his persuasions soon engaged not only them, but the most considerable persons of the nation, into a conspiracy; and it was hoped, the English of the pale, as they were called, or the old English planters, being all catholics, would afterwards join the party which restored their religion to its ancient splendor and authority. The plan was, that Sir Phelim O'Neale, and the other conspirators, should begin an insurrection on one day throughout the provinces, and should attack all the English settlements; and that, on the very same day, lord Macguire and Roger More should surprise the cattle of Dublin. They fixed on the beginning of winter for the commencement of this revolt; that there might be more difficulty in transporting forces from England. Succours to themselves, and supplies of arms, they expected from France, in consequence of a promise made them by cardinal Richelieu; and many Irish officers who had served in the Spanish troops had given assurances of their concurrence, as soon as they saw an insurrection entered upon by their Catholic brethren. News, which every day arrived from England, of the fury expressed by the commons against all Papists, struck fresh terror into the Irish nation, stimu- lated the conspirators to execute their fatal purpose, and assured them of the concurrence of their countrymen.

Such a propensity was discovered in all the Irish to revolt, that it was deemed unnecessary as well as dangerous to trust the secret in many hands; and though the day appointed drew nigh, no discovery had yet been made to government. The king, indeed, had received information from his ambassadors, that something was in agitation among the Irish in foreign parts; but though he gave warning to the administration in Ireland, his intelligence was entirely neglected. They were awakened from their security only that very day before the commencement of hostilities. The castle of Dublin, by which the capital was commanded, contained arms for 10,000 men, with 35 pieces of cannon, and a proportionable quantity of ammunition. Yet was this important place guarded, and that too without any care, by no greater force than 50 men. Macguire and More were already in town with a numerous band of their retainers; others were expected that night; and next morning they were to enter upon what they deemed the easiest of all enterprises, the surprisal of the castle. O'Connell, however, an Irishman, but a Protestant, discovered the conspiracy. The justices and council fled immediately to the castle, and reinforced the guards. The city was immediately alarmed, and all the Protestants prepared for defence. More escaped, but Macguire was taken; and Mahon, one of the conspirators, being likewise seized, first discovered to the justices the project of a general insurrection.

But though O'Connolly's discovery saved the castle from a surprize, Mahon's confession came too late to prevent the intended insurrection. O'Neale and his confederates had already taken arms in Ulster. The houses, cattle, and goods of the English were first seized. Those who heard of the commotions in their neighbourhood, instead of deserting their habitations, and assembling together for mutual protection, remained at home in hopes of defending their property; and fell thus separately into the hands of their enemies.

An universal massacre now commenced, accompanied with circumstances of unequalled barbarity. No age, sex, or condition, was spared. All connections were dissolved, and death was dealt by that hand from which protection was implored and expected. All the tortures which wanton cruelty could devise, all the lingering pains of body, the anguish of mind, the agonies of despair, could not satiate revenge excited without injury, and cruelty derived from no cause. Such enormities, in short, were committed, that though attested by undoubted evidence, they appear almost incredible. The stately buildings or commodious habitations of the planters, as if upbraiding the sloth and ignorance of the natives, were consumed with fire, or laid level with the ground; and where the miserable owners, shut up in their houses, and preparing for defence, perished in the flames, together with their wives and children, a double triumph was afforded to their insulting foes. If anywhere a number assembled together, and resolved to oppose the assassins; they were disarmed by capitulations, and promises of safety, confirmed by the most solemn oaths. But no sooner had they surrendered, than the rebels, with perfidy equal to their cruelty, made them share the fate of their unhappy countrymen. Others tempted their prisoners, by the fond love of life, to embrace their hands in the blood of friends, brothers, or parents; and having thus rendered them accomplices in their own guilt, gave them that death which they fought to shun by deserving it.

Such were the barbarities by which Sir Phelim O'Neale and the Irish in Ulster signalized their rebellion. More, shocked at the recital of these enormities, flew to O'Neale's camp; but found that his authority, which was sufficient to excite the Irish to a rebellion, was too feeble to restrain their inhumanity. Soon after, he abandoned the cause, and retired to Flanders. From Ulster, the flames of rebellion diffused themselves in an instant over the other three provinces of Ireland. In all places, death and slaughter were not uncommon; though the Irish in these other provinces pretended to act with moderation and humanity. But cruel and barbarous was their humanity! Not content with expelling the English from their houses, they stripped them of their very clothes, and turned them out naked and defenseless to all the severities of the season. The heavens themselves, as if conspiring against that unhappy people, were armed with cold and tempest unusual to the climate, and executed what the sword had left unfinished. By some computations, those who perished by all these cruelties are supposed to amount to 150 or 200,000; but by the most reasonable and moderate, they are made to amount only to 40,000; though probably even this account is not free of exaggeration.

The English of the pale, who probably were not at first in the secret, pretended to blame the insurrection, and to detest the barbarity with which it was accompanied. By their protestations and declarations they engaged the justices to supply them with arms, which they promised to employ in defence of government. But in a little time, the interests of religion were found to be more prevalent over them than regard and duty to their native country. They chose lord Gormontone their leader; and, joining the old Irish, rivalled them in every act of cruelty towards the English Protestants. Besides many smaller bodies, dispersed over the kingdom, the main army of the rebels amounted to 20,000 men, and threatened Dublin with an immediate siege. Both the English and Irish rebels conspired in one imposture, by which they seduced many of their countrymen. They pretended authority from the king and queen, but especially the latter, for their insurrection; and they affirmed that the cause of their taking arms was to vindicate the royal prerogative, now invaded by the puritanical parliament. Sir Phelim O'Neale, having found a royal patent in the house of lord Caulfield, whom he had murdered, tore off the seal, and affixed it to a commission which he had forged for himself.

The king received intelligence of this insurrection Scots relief while in Scotland, and immediately acquainted the Scots to assist in parliament with it. He hoped, as there had all along quelled been such an outcry against Popery, that now, when that religion was appearing in its blackest colours, the whole nation would vigorously support him in the suppression of it. But here he found himself mistaken. The Scots considering themselves now as a republic, and conceiving hopes from the present distresses of Ireland, land, they resolved to make an advantageous bargain for the succours with which they should supply the neighbouring nation. Except dispatching a small body of forces, to support the Scots colonies in Ulster, they would, therefore, go no farther than to send commissioners to London, in order to treat with the parliament, to whom the sovereign power was in reality transferred. The king too, sensible of his utter inability to subdue the Irish rebels, found himself obliged, in this exigency, to have recourse to the English parliament, and depend on their affluence for supply. He told them that the insurrection was not, in his opinion, the result of any rash enterprise, but of a formed conspiracy against the crown of England. To their care and wisdom, therefore, he committed the conduct and prosecution of the war, which, in a cause so important to national and religious interests, must of necessity be immediately entered upon, and vigorously pursued.

The English parliament, now re-assembled, discovered in each vote the same dispositions in which they had separated. Nothing less than a total abolition of monarchy would serve their turn. But this project it had not been in the power of the popular leaders to have executed, had it not been for the passion which seized the nation for the presbyterian discipline, and the wild enthusiasm which at that time attended it. By the difficulties and distresses of the crown, the commons, who possessed alone the power of supply, had aggrandized themselves; and it seemed a peculiar happiness, that the Irish rebellion had succeeded, at such a critical juncture, to the pacification in Scotland. That expression of the king's, by which he committed to them the care of Ireland, they immediately laid hold of, and interpreted in the most unlimited sense. They had on other occasions been gradually encroaching on the executive power of the crown, which forms its principal and most natural branch of authority; but with regard to Ireland, they at once assumed it, fully and entirely, as if delivered over to them by a regular gift or assignment. And to this usurpation the king was obliged passively to submit, both because of his inability to resist, and lest he should expose himself still more to the charge of favouring the rebels; a reproach eagerly thrown upon him by the popular party as soon as they heard that the Irish pretended to act by his commission. Nay, to complete their character, while they pretended the utmost zeal against the insurgents, they took no steps for its suppression, but such as likewise gave them the superiority in those commotions which they forefear must be so soon excited in England. They levied money under pretence of the Irish expedition, but reserved it for purposes which concerned them more nearly: they took arms from the king's magazines, but still kept them with a secret intention of making use of them against himself: whatever law they deemed necessary for aggrandizing themselves, they voted, under colour of enabling them to recover Ireland; and if Charles withheld his royal assent, the refusal was imputed to those pernicious counsels which had at first excited to Popish rebellion, and which still threatened total ruin to the Protestant interest throughout his dominions. And though no forces were for a long time sent over into Ireland, and very little money remitted during the extreme distress of that kingdom; so strong was the people's attachment to the commons, that the fault was never imputed to those pious zealots, whose votes breathed nothing but death and destruction to the Irish rebels.

The conduct of the parliament towards the king now became exceedingly unreasonable, unjust, and cruel. It was thought proper to frame a general remonstrance of the state of the kingdom; and accordingly the committee, which at the first meeting of the parliament had been chosen for that purpose, were commanded to finish their undertaking. The king returned from King-Scotland November 25th 1641. He was received in turns from London with the shouts and acclamations of the populace, and with every demonstration of regard and affection. Sir Richard Gournay, lord mayor, a man of great merit and authority, had promoted these favourable dispositions; and had engaged the populace, who so lately insulted the king, and who so soon after made furious war upon him, to give him these marks of their dutiful attachment. But all the pleasure which Charles reaped from this joyful reception was soon damped by the remonstrance of the commons, which was presented to him together with a petition of the like nature. The bad counsels which he followed were there complained of; his concurrence in the Irish rebellion plainly infatuated; the scheme laid for the introduction of popery and superstition inveighed against; and for a remedy to all these evils, the king was desired to entrust every office and command to persons in whom his parliament should have cause to confide. By this phrase, which was very often repeated in all the memorials and addresses of that time, the commons meant themselves and their adherents. To this remonstrance Charles was obliged to make a civil reply, notwithstanding his subjects had transgressed all bounds of respect and even good manners in their treatment of their sovereign.

It would be tedious to point out every invasion of Commons the prerogative now attempted by the commons: but affume the finding themselves at last likely to be opposed by the nobility, who saw their own depression closely connected with that of the crown, they openly told the upper house, that "they themselves were the representatives of the whole body of the kingdom, and that the peers were nothing but individuals, who held their seats in a particular capacity; and therefore, if their lordships will not consent to acts necessary for the preservation of the people, the commons, together with such of the lords as are more sensible of the danger, must join together and represent the matter to his majesty." Every method proper for alarming the populace was now put in practice. The commons affected continual fears of destruction to themselves and to the whole nation. They excited the people by never-ceasing inquiries after conspiracies, by reports of insurrections, by feigned intelligence of invasions from abroad, and by discoveries of dangerous combinations at home against Papists and their adherents. When Charles dismissed the guard which they had ordered during his absence, they complained; and, upon his promising them a new guard under the command of the earl of Lindsey, they absolutely refused the offer: they ordered halberts to be brought into the hall where they assembled, and thus armed themselves against those conspiracies with which they pretended they were hourly threatened. threatened. Several reduced officers, and young gentlemen of the inns of court, during this time of distress and danger, offered their service to the king. Between them and the populace there passed frequent skirmishes, which ended not without bloodshed. By way of reproach, these gentlemen gave the rabble the name of round-heads, on account of their short cropped hair; while they distinguished the others by the name of cavaliers. And thus the nation, which was before sufficiently provided with religious as well as civil causes of quarrel, was also supplied with party-names, under which the factions might rendezvous and signalize their mutual hatred.

These tumults continued to increase about Westminster and Whitehall. The cry continually resounded against bishops and rotten-hearted lords. The former especially, being easily distinguishable by their habit, and being the object of violent hatred to all the sectaries, were exposed to the most dangerous insults. The archbishop of York, having been abused by the populace, hastily called a meeting of his brethren. By his advice a protestation was drawn and addressed to the king and the house of lords. The bishops there set forth, that though they had an undoubted right to sit and vote in parliament, yet in coming thither they had been menaced, assaulted, affronted, by the unruly multitude, and could no longer with safety attend their duty in the house. For this reason they protested against all laws, votes, and resolutions, as null and invalid, which should pass during the time of their forced absence. This protestation, which, though just and legal, was certainly ill-timed, was signed by twelve bishops, and communicated to the king, who hastily approved of it. As soon as it was presented to the lords, that house desired a conference with the commons, whom they informed of this unexpected protestation. The opportunity was seized with joy and triumph. An impeachment of high treason was immediately sent up against the bishops, as endeavouring to subvert the fundamental law, and to invalidate the authority of the legislature. They were, on the first demand, sequestrated from parliament, and committed to custody. No man in either house ventured to speak a word in their vindication; so much was every one displeased at the egregious imprudence of which they had been guilty. One person alone said, that he did not believe them guilty of high treason; but that they were stark mad, and therefore defied they might be sent to bedlam.

This was a fatal blow to the royal interest; but it soon felt a much greater from the imprudence of the king himself. Charles had long suppressed his resentment, and only strove to gratify the commons by the greatness of his concessions; but finding that all his compliance had but increased their demands, he could no longer contain. He gave orders to Herbert his attorney-general to enter an accusation of high treason, in the house of peers, against lord Kimbolton, one of the most popular men of his party, together with five commoners, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Hollis, Hambden, Pym, and Strode. The articles were, That they had traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental laws and government of the kingdom, to deprive the king of his regal power, and to impose on his subjects an arbitrary and tyrannical authority; that they had invited a foreign army to invade the kingdom; that they had aimed at subverting the very right and being of parliaments; and had actually raised and countenanced tumults against the king. Men had scarce leisure to wonder at the precipitancy and imprudence of this impeachment, when they were astonished by another measure still more rash and unsupported. A sergeant-at-arms, in the king's name, demanded of the house the five members, and was sent back without any positive answer. This was followed by a conduct still more extraordinary. The next day, the king himself was seen to enter the house of commons alone, advancing through the hall, while all the members stood up to receive him. He goes in to take possession of it. Having seated himself, and looked round him for some time, he told the house, that he was sorry for the occasion that forced him thither; that he was come in person to seize the members whom he had accused of high treason, seeing they would not deliver them up to his sergeant-at-arms. Then addressing himself to the speaker, he desired to know whether any of them were in the house; but the speaker, falling on his knees, replied, that he had neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in that place, but as the house was pleased to direct him; and he asked pardon for being able to give no other answer. The king sat for some time, to see if the accused were present; but they had escaped a few minutes before his entry. Thus disappointed, perplexed, and not knowing on whom to rely, he next proceeded, amidst the invectives of the populace, who continued to cry out, Privilege! privilege! to the common council of the city, and made his complaint to them. The common council answered his complaints by a contemptuous silence; and, on his return, one of the populace, more insolent than the rest, cried out, "To your tents, O Israel!" a watch-word among the Jews, when they intended to abandon their princes.

When the commons assembled the next day, they pretended the greatest terror; and passed an unanimous decree that the king had violated their privileges, and that they could not assemble again in the same place, till they should obtain satisfaction, and have a guard for their security. The king had retired to Windsor, and from thence he wrote to his parliament, making every concession, and promising every satisfaction in his power. But they were resolved to accept of nothing unless he would discover his advisers in that illegal measure; a condition to which, they knew, that without rendering himself for ever vile and contemptible, he could not possibly submit.

The commons had already stript the king of almost all his privileges; the bishops were fled, the judges were demand intimidated; it now only remained, after securing the possession of church and the law, that they should get possession of the sword also. The power of appointing governors and of the state, generals, and of levying armies, was still a remaining prerogative of the crown. Having therefore first magnified their terrors of Popery, which perhaps they actually dreaded, they proceeded to petition that the Tower might be put into their hands; and that Hull, Portsmouth, and the fleet, should be intrusted to persons of their choosing. These were requests, the complying with which subverted what remained of the constitution; however, such was the necessity of the times, that they were first contested, and then granted. At last, every compliance... compliance only increasing the avidity of making fresh demands, the commons desired to have a militia raised and governed by such officers and commanders as they should nominate, under pretence of securing them from the Irish Papists, of whom they were under the greatest apprehension.

It was here that Charles first ventured to put a stop to his concessions; and that not by a refusal, but a delay. He was at that time at Dover attending the queen and the princes of Orange, who had thought it prudent to leave the kingdom. He replied to the petition, that he had not now leisure to consider a matter of such great importance; and therefore would defer an answer till his return. But the commons were well aware, that though this was depriving him even of the shadow of power, yet they had now gone too far to recede; and they were therefore desirous of leaving him no authority whatever, being conscious that themselves would be the first victims to its fury. They alleged, that the dangers and distempers of the nation were such as could endure no longer delay; and unless the king should speedily comply with their demands, they should be obliged, both for his safety and that of the kingdom, to embody and direct a militia by the authority of both houses. In their remonstrances to the king, they desired even to be permitted to command the army for an appointed time; which so exasperated him, that he exclaimed, "No, not for an hour." This peremptory refusal broke off all further treaty; and both sides were now resolved to have recourse to arms.

Charles, taking the prince of Wales with him, retired to York, where he found the people more loyal, and less infected with the frenzy of the times. He found his cause there backed by a more numerous party among the people than he had expected. The queen, who was in Holland, was making successful levies of men and ammunition by selling the crown-jewels. But before war was openly declared, the shadow of a negotiation was carried on, rather with a design to please the people than with any view of reconciliation. Nay, that the king might despair of all composition, the parliament sent him the conditions on which they were willing to come to an agreement. Their demands were contained in 19 propositions, and amounted to a total abolition of monarchical authority. They required that no man should remain in the council who was not agreeable to parliament; that no deed of the king's should have validity unless it passed the council, and was attested under their hand; and that all the officers of state should be chosen with consent of parliament; that none of the royal family should marry without consent of parliament or council; that the laws should be executed against Catholics; that the votes of Popish lords should be excluded; that the reformation of the liturgy and church-government should take place according to the advice of parliament; that the ordinance with regard to the militia be submitted to; that the justice of parliament may pass upon all delinquents; that a general pardon be granted with such exceptions as should be advised by parliament; that the forts and castles be disposed of by consent of parliament; and that no peers be made but with consent of both houses. War on any terms was deemed, by the king and all his counsellors, preferable to so ignominious a peace. Charles accordingly resolved to support his authority by force of arms. "His towns (he said) were taken from him; his ships, his army, and his money: but there still remained to him a good cause, and the hearts of his loyal subjects; which, with God's blessing, he doubted not would recover all the rest." Collecting therefore some forces, he advanced southwards, and erected his royal standard at Nottingham.

The king found himself supported in the civil war by the nobility and more considerable gentry. They, dreading a total confusion of rank from the fury of the populace, enlisted themselves under the banner of their monarch; from whom they received, and to whom they communicated, their lustre. The concurrence of the bishops and church of England also increased the adherents of the king; but it may be safely affirmed, that the high monarchical doctrines so much inculcated by the clergy, had never done him any good. The bulk of the nobility and gentry who now attended the king in his distresses, breathed the spirit of liberty as well as of loyalty: and in the hopes alone of his submitting to a limited and legal government they were willing to sacrifice their lives and fortunes.

On the other hand, the city of London, and most of the great corporations, took part with the parliament; and adopted with zeal those democratical principles on which these assemblies were founded. The example of the Dutch commonwealth too, where liberty had so happily supported industry, made the commercial part of the nation desire to see a like form of government established in England. Many families also, who had enriched themselves by commerce, saw with indignation, that notwithstanding their opulence, they could not raise themselves to a level with the ancient gentry; they therefore adhered to a power by whose success they hoped to acquire rank and consideration.

At first every advantage seemed to lie against the Diligent royal cause. The king was totally destitute of money, condition of London, and all the sea-ports except Newcastle, being theroyalists in the hands of parliament, they were secure of a considerable revenue; and the leaven naturally following the disposition of the ports to which they belonged, the parliament had the entire dominion of the sea. All the magazines of arms and ammunition they seized at first; and their fleet intercepted the greatest part of those sent by the queen from Holland. The king, in order to arm his followers, was obliged to borrow the weapons of the train bands, under promise of restoring them as soon as peace should be settled. The nature and qualities of his adherents alone, gave the king some compensation for all the advantages possessed by his adversaries. More bravery and activity were hoped for from the generous spirit of the nobles and gentry, than from the base disposition of the multitude. And as the landed gentlemen, at their own expense, levied and armed their tenants, besides an attachment to their masters, greater force and courage were to be expected from these rustic troops than from the vicious and enervated populace of cities. Had the parliamentary forces, however, exerted themselves at first, they might have easily dispossessed the small number the king had been able to collect, and which amounted to no more than 800 horse and 300 foot; while his enemies were within a few days march of him with 6000 men. In a short time the parliamentary army were ordered to march march to Northampton; and the earl of Essex, who had joined them, found the whole to amount to 15,000. The king's army too was soon reinforced from all quarters; but still, having no force capable of coping with the parliamentary army, he thought it prudent to retire to Derby, and from thence to Shrewsbury, in order to countenance the levies which his friends were making in those parts. At Wellington, a day's march from Shrewsbury, he made a rendezvous of all his forces, and caused his military orders to be read at the head of every regiment. That he might bind himself by reciprocal obligations, he here protested solemnly before his whole army, that he would maintain the Protestant religion according to the church of England; that he would govern according to the known statutes and customs of the kingdom; and particularly, that he would observe inviolable the laws to which he had given his consent during this parliament, &c.

While Charles lay at Shrewsbury, he received the news of an action, the first which had happened in these parts, and wherein his party was victorious. On the appearance of commotions in England, the princes Rupert and Maurice, sons of the unfortunate elector palatine, had offered their service to the king; and the former at that time commanded a body of horse which had been sent to Worcester in order to watch the motions of Essex, who was marching towards that city. No sooner had the prince arrived, than he saw some cavalry of the enemy approaching the gates. Without delay he briskly attacked them, as they were defiling from a lane, and forming themselves. Colonel Sandys' their commander was killed, the whole party routed, and pursued above a mile.

In 1642, October 23rd, happened a general engagement at Edgehill, in which, though the royalists were at first victorious, their impetuosity lost the advantage they had gained, and nothing decisive happened. Five thousand men, it is said, were found dead on the field of battle. Soon after, the king took Banbury and Reading; and defeated two regiments of his enemies at Brentford, taking 500 prisoners. Thus ended the campaign in 1642; in which, though the king had the advantage, yet the parliamentary army amounted to 24,000 men, and was much superior to his; notwithstanding which, his enemies had been so far humbled as to offer terms of peace.

In 1643, the treaty was carried on, but without any cessation of hostilities; and indeed the negociation went no farther than the first demand on each side; for the parliament, finding no likelihood of coming to an accommodation, suddenly recalled their commissioners. On the 27th of April, Reading surrendered to the parliamentary forces under the earl of Essex, who commanded a body of 18,000 men. The earl of Northumberland united in a league for the king the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, and the bishopric; and engaged some time after other counties in the same association. The same nobleman also took possession of York, and dislodged the forces of the parliament at Tadcaster, but his victory was not decisive. Other advantages were also gained by the royalists; the most important of which was the battle of Stratton, where the poet Waller, who commanded the parliament's army, was entirely defeated, and forced to fly with only a few horse to Bristol. This happened on the 13th of July; and was followed by the siege of that city, which surrendered to prince Rupert on the 25th of the same month.

Though the taking of Bristol had cost the royalists dear, yet such a continued run of success had greatly dispirited the opposite party; and such confusion now prevailed at London, that some proposed to the king to march directly to that city, which it was hoped might be reduced either by an insurrection of the citizens by victory or by treaty, and thus an end put to the civil disorders at once. This advice, however, was rejected, on account of the great number of the London militia; and it was resolved first to reduce Gloucester, in consequence of which the king would have the whole course of the Severn under his command. The rich and malcontent counties of the west having then lost all protection from their friends, might be enforced to pay large contributions as an atonement for their disaffection; an open communication could be preserved between Wales and these new conquests; and half the kingdom being entirely freed from the enemy, and thus united into one firm body, might be employed in re-establishing the king's authority throughout the remainder.

The siege of this city commenced August 10th; but being defended by Massey a resolute governor, and well garrisoned, made a vigorous defence. The conformation at London, however, was as great as if the enemy had been already at their gates; and in the midst of the general confusion, a design was formed by Waller of forcing the parliament to accept of some reasonable conditions of peace. He imparted his design to some others; but a discovery being made of their proceedings, he and two others were condemned to death. Waller, however, escaped with a fine of 10,000L. The city of Gloucester in the mean time was reduced to the utmost extremity; and the parliament, as their last resource, dispatched Essex with an army of 14,000 men, to force the king to raise the siege of that to raise the city. This he accomplished; and when he entered, found only one barrel of gunpowder left, and other provisions in the same proportion. On his return to London, he was intercepted by the king's army, with whom a most desperate battle ensued at Newbury which lasted till night. Though the victory was left undecided, Essex next morning proceeded on his march, and reached London in safety, where he received the applause for his conduct he deserved. The king followed him on his march; and having taken possession of Reading after the earl left it, he there established a garrison, and straitened by that means London and the quarters of the enemy.

In the north, during this summer, the earl, now created marquis of Newcastle, had raised a considerable force for the king; and great hopes of success were entertained from that quarter. There appeared, however, in opposition to him, two men on whom the event of the war finally depended, and who began about this time to be remarked for their valour and military conduct. These were, Sir Thomas Fairfax, son to the lord of that name; and Oliver Cromwell. The former gained a considerable advantage over the royalists at Wakefield, and took general Goring prisoner: the latter obtained a victory at Gainsborough over a party commanded by the gallant Cavendish, who perished in the action. action. But both these defeats were more than compensated by the total rout of lord Fairfax at Atherton moor, and the dispersion of his army, which happened on the 31st of July. After this victory, the marquis of Newcastle sat down before Hull with an army of 15,000 men; but being beat off by a fall of the garrison, he suffered so much that he thought proper to raise the siege. About the same time, Manchester, who advanced from the eastern associated counties, having joined Cromwell and young Fairfax, obtained a considerable victory over the royalists at Horn castle; where the two last mentioned officers gained renown by their conduct and gallantry. And though fortune had thus balanced her favours, the king's party still remained much superior in those parts of England; and had it not been for the garrison of Hull, which kept Yorkshire in awe, a conjunction of the northern forces with the army in the south might have been made, and had probably enabled the king, instead of entering on the unfortunate, perhaps imprudent enterprise of Gloucester, to march directly to London, and put an end to the war. The battle of Newbury was attended with such loss on both sides, that it put an end to the campaign of 1643, by obliging both parties to retire into winter quarters.

The event of the war being now very doubtful, the king and parliament began both of them to look for assistance from other nations. The former cast its eyes on Ireland, the latter on Scotland. The parliament of England had ever invited the Scots, from the commencement of the civil dissensions, to interpose their mediation, which they knew would be very little favourable to the king, and which for that reason he had declined. Early in the spring 1643, this offer of mediation had been renewed, with no better success than before. The commissioners were also empowered to press the king to a compliance with the presbyterian worship and discipline. But this he absolutely refused, as well as to call a parliament in Scotland; so that the commissioners, finding themselves unable to prevail in any one of their demands, returned home highly dissatisfied. The English parliament being now in great distress, gladly sent commissioners to Edinburgh, to treat of a more close confederacy with the Scottish nation. The person they principally trusted to on this occasion was Sir Henry Vane, who in eloquence, address, capacity, as well as in art and dissimulation, was not even surpassed by any one in that age so famous for active talents. By his persuasions was framed at Edinburgh the Solemn League and Covenant; which erased all former pretensions and vows taken in both kingdoms, and long maintained its credit and authority. In this covenant, the subscribers, besides engaging mutually to defend each other against all opponents, bound themselves to endeavour, without respect of persons, the extirpation of popery and prelacy, superstition, heresy, and profaneness; to maintain the rights and privileges of parliaments, together with the king's authority; and to discover and bring to justice all incendiaries and malignants. They vowed also to preserve the reformed religion established in the church of Scotland; but by the artifice of Vane, no declaration more explicit was made with regard to England and Ireland, than that these kingdoms should be reformed according to the word of God, and the example of the purest churches.

Great were the rejoicings among the Scots, that they should be the happy instruments of extending their mode of religion, and dissipating the profound darkness in which the neighbouring nations were involved. And being determined that the sword should carry conviction to all refractory minds, they prepared themselves with great vigilance and activity for their military enterprises; so that, having added to their other forces the troops which they had recalled from Ireland, they were ready about the end of the year to enter England under their old general the earl of Leven, with an army of above 20,000 men. The king, in order to secure himself, concluded a cessation of arms with the fitted Irish rebels, and recalled a considerable part of his army from Ireland. Some Irish catholics came over with these troops, and joined the royal army, where they continued the same cruelties and disorders to which they had been accustomed. The parliament voted, that no quarter in any action should ever be given them. But prince Rupert, by making some reprisals, soon repelled this inhumanity.

The campaign of 1644 proved very unfortunate to the royal cause. The forces brought from Ireland were landed at Moyle in North Wales, and put under the command of lord Biron. They besieged and took the castles of Hawarden, Beeston, Acton, and Deddington-house. No place in Cheshire or the neighbourhood now adhered to the parliament, except Lanchester; and to this place Biron laid siege in the depth of winter. Sir Thomas Fairfax, alarmed at so great a progress, assembled an army of 4000 men in Yorkshire; and having joined Sir William Brereton, was approaching to the camp of the royalists. Biron and his soldiers, elated with successes in Ireland, entertained a most profound contempt for their enemies. Fairfax suddenly attacked their camp. The swelling of the Irish forces river by a thaw, divided one part of the army from another. That part exposed to Fairfax, being beat from their post, retired into the church at Acton, where being surrounded, they were all taken prisoners. The other retreated with precipitation; and thus was dissipated or rendered useless that body of forces which had come from Ireland. This happened on the 25th of January; and on the 11th of April, Colonel Bellasis was totally defeated at Selby in Yorkshire by Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had returned from Cheshire with his victorious forces. Being afterwards joined by lord Leven, the two generals sat down before the city of York; but being unable to invest that city completely, they were obliged to content themselves with accommodating it by a loose blockade. Hopeton, having assembled a body of 14,000 men, endeavoured to break into Sussex, Kent, and the southern association, which seemed well disposed to receive him; but was defeated by Waller at Cherington. At Newark, however, prince Rupert totally defeated the parliamentary army which besieged that place; and thus preserved the communication open between the king's northern and southern quarters.

The great advantages the parliament had gained in the north, seemed now to second their unwarrantable enterprizes, and finally to promise them success. Man chester having taken Lincoln, had united his army to that of Leven and Fairfax; and York was now closely besieged by their numerous forces. That town, tho' vigorously defended by the marquis of Newcastle, was reduced to the last extremity, when prince Rupert, having joined Sir Charles Lucas who commanded Newcastle's horse, hastened to its relief with an army of 20,000 men. The Scots and parliamentary generals raised the siege, and drawing up on Marston moor, proposed to give battle to the royalists. Prince Rupert approached the town by another quarter, and interposing the river Ouse between him and the enemy, safely joined his forces to those of Newcastle. The marquis endeavoured to persuade him, that having so successfully effected his purpose, he ought to be contented with the present advantages, and leave the enemy, now much diminished by their losses, and discouraged by their ill success, to dissolve by those mutual dissensions which had begun to take place among them. The prince, however, hurried on by his natural impetuosity, gave immediate orders for fighting. The battle was lost, the royal army entirely pushed off the field, and the train of artillery taken. Immediately after this unfortunate action the marquis of Newcastle left the kingdom, and prince Rupert retired into Lancashire. The city of York was surrendered in a few days, and Newcastle soon after taken by storm.

This was a fatal blow to the royal cause, and far from being balanced by an advantage gained at Croppedy bridge by the king over Waller, or even by the disarming of Essex's forces, which happened on the 1st of September. On the 27th of October, another battle was fought at Newbury, in which the royalists were worsted, but soon after retrieved their honour at Dennington castle, which finished the campaign in 1644.

In 1645, a negociation was again set on foot, and the commissioners met at Uxbridge on the 30th of January; but it was found impossible to come to any agreement. The demands of the parliament were exorbitant; and, what was worse, their commissioners owned them to be nothing but preliminaries. The king was required to attain, and except from a general pardon, 40 of the most considerable of his English subjects, and 19 of his Scots, together with all the Popish recusants who had borne arms for him. It was inflicted that 48 more, with all the members of either house who had sat in the parliament called by the king at Oxford, all lawyers and divines who had embraced the king's party, should be rendered incapable of any office, be forbid the exercise of their profession, be prohibited from coming within the verge of the court, and forfeit the third of their estates to the parliament. It was required, that whoever had borne arms for the king should forfeit the tenth of their estates, or if that did not suffice, the fifth, for the payment of public debts. As if royal authority were not sufficiently annihilated by these terms, it was demanded that the court of wards should be abolished; that all the considerable officers of the crown, and all the judges, should be appointed by parliament; and that the right of peace and war should not be exercised without consent of parliament. A little before the commencement of this fruitless treaty, the parliament, to show their determined resolution to proceed in the same haughty imperious method in which they had begun, brought to the block archbishop Laud, who had long been a prisoner in the tower, and was incapable of giving offence to any.

While the king's affairs thus went into decay in England, they seemed to revive a little in Scotland, thro' the conduct and valour of the earl of Montrose, a young nobleman newly returned from his travels. He had been the earl of introduced to the king; but not meeting with an agreeable reception, had gone over to the covenanters, and been active in forwarding all their violence. Being commissioned, however, by the tables, to wait upon the king while the army lay at Berwick, he was so gained by the civilities and caresles of that monarch, that he thenceforth devoted himself entirely, though secretly, to his service. For attempting to form an association in favour of the royal cause, Montrose was quickly thrown into prison; but being again released, he found the king ready to give ear to his counsels, which were of the boldest and most daring kind. Though the whole nation of Scotland was occupied by the covenanters, though great armies were kept on foot by them, and every place guarded by a vigilant administration, he undertook by his own credit, and that of the few friends who remained to the king, to raise such commotions, as would soon oblige those malcontents to recall the forces which had so leniently thrown the balance in the favour of parliament. The defeat at Marston-moor had left him no hopes of any succours from England; he was therefore obliged to stipulate with the earl of Antrim, a nobleman of Ireland, for some supply of men from that country. And he himself having used various difficulties, and passed through many dangers, arrived in Scotland, where he lay for some time concealed in the borders of the Highlands.

The Irish did not exceed 1100 foot, very ill armed. Montrose immediately put himself at their head; and, being joined by 1300 Highlanders, attacked lord Elcho, who lay at Perth with 6000 men, utterly defeated him, and killed 2000 of the covenanters. He next marched northwards, in order to rout again the marquis of Huntly and the Gordons, who had taken arms before, but been suppressed by the covenanters. At Aberdeen he attacked and entirely defeated lord Bury, who commanded 2500 men. Montrose, however, by this victory, did not obtain the end he proposed; the marquis of Huntly showed no inclination to join an army where he was so much eclipsed by the general.

Montrose was now in a very dangerous situation. Argyle, reinforced by the earl of Lothian, was behind him with a great army. The militia of the northern counties, Murray, Rothes, and Caithness, to the number of 5000, opposed him in front, and guarded the banks of the Spey, a deep and rapid river. In order to save his troops, he turned aside into the hills; and after some marches and counter-marches, Argyle came up with him at Faivy castle; and here, after some skirmishes, in which he was always victorious, Montrose got clear of a superior army, and by a quick march through these almost inaccessible mountains put himself absolutely beyond their power.

It was the misfortune of this general, that very good or very ill fortune were equally destructive of his army. After every victory his Scots soldiers went home to enjoy joy the spoil they had acquired; and had his army been composed of these only, he must have soon been abandoned altogether; but his Irishmen having no place to which they could retire, adhered to him in every fortune. With these, therefore, and some reinforcements of the Atholmen and Macdonalds, Montrose fell suddenly upon Argyle's country, letting loose upon it all the horrors of war. Argyle, collecting 3000 men, marched in quest of the enemy, who had retired with their plunder; and he lay at Innerlochey, supposing himself to be still at a good distance from them. The earl of Seaforth, at the head of the garrison of Inverness, and a body of 5000 new-levied troops, pressed the royalists on the other side, and threatened them with total destruction. By a quick and unexpected march, Montrose hastened to Innerlochey, and presented himself in order of battle before the covenanters. Argyle alone, feigned with a panic, deserted his army. They made a vigorous resistance, however; but were at last defeated and pursued with great slaughter; after which, Montrose was joined by great numbers of Highlanders; Seaforth's army dispersed of itself; and the lord Gordon, eldest son to the marquis of Huntly, having escaped from his uncle Argyle, who had hitherto detained him, now joined Montrose with a considerable number of his followers, attended by the earl of Aboyne.

The council at Edinburgh, alarmed at these victories, sent for Baillie, an officer of reputation, from England; and, joining him in command with Urrey, sent them with a considerable army against the royalists. Montrose, with a detachment of 800 men, had attacked Dundee, a town extremely attached to the covenant; and having carried it by assault, had given it up to be plundered by his soldiers; when Baillie and Urrey with their whole force came upon him. He instantly called off his soldiers from the plunder; put them in order; secured his retreat by the most skilful measures; and having marched 60 miles in the face of an enemy much superior, without stopping, or allowing his soldiers the least sleep or refreshment, at last secured himself in the mountains. His antagonists now divided their forces, in order to carry on the war against an enemy who surprised them as much by the rapidity of his marches as by the boldness of his enterprises. Urrey met him with 4000 men, at Alderne near Inverness; and trusting to his superiority in numbers (for Montrose had each double only 2000 men), attacked him in the post which he had chosen. Montrose, having placed his right wing in strong ground, drew the best of his forces to the other, and left no main body between them; a defect which he artfully concealed by showing a few men through trees and bushes with which that ground was covered. That Urrey might have no leisure to perceive the stratagem, he instantly led his wing to the charge, made a furious attack on the covenanters, drove them off the field, and obtained a complete victory over them. Baillie now advanced, in order to revenge Urrey's defeat; but he himself met with a like fate at Alford. Montrose, weak in cavalry, lined his troops of horse with infantry; and, after putting the enemy's horse to rout, fell with united force upon their foot, which were entirely cut in pieces, though with the loss of the gallant lord Gordon on the part of the royalists.

Having thus prevailed in so many battles, which his vigour always rendered as decisive as they were successful, he prepared for marching into the southern provinces, in order to put a total period to the power of the covenanters, and dissipate the parliament, which with great pomp and solemnity they had ordered to meet at St Johnstone's.

While Montrose was thus signalizing his valour in Parliament, the north, Fairfax, or rather Oliver Cromwell under his name, employed himself in bringing in a new model into the parliamentary army, and throwing the whole troops into a different shape; and never surely was a more singular army established, than that which was now set on foot by the parliament. To the greatest number of the regiments chaplains were not appointed. The officers assumed the spiritual duty, and united it with their military functions. During the intervals of action they occupied themselves in sermons, prayers, and exhortations. Rapturous ecstasies supplied the place of study and reflection; and while the zealous devotees poured out their thoughts in unpremeditated harangues, they mittook that eloquence, which to their own surprize, as well as that of others, flowed in upon them, for divine illuminations, and illaples of the Holy Spirit. Wherever they were quartered, they excluded the minister from his pulpit; and, usurping his place, conveyed their sentiments to the audience with all the authority that followed their power, their valour, and their military exploits, united to their apparent zeal and fervour. The private soldiers were seized with the same spirit; and in short, such an enthusiasm seized the whole army as was perhaps scarce ever equalled.

The royalists ridiculed this fanaticism of the parliamentary armies, without being sensible how much reason they had to dread it. They were at this time equal, if not superior, in numbers to their enemies; but so licentious, that they were become more formidable to their friends than their enemies. The commanders were most of them men of dissolute characters; in the west especially, where Goring commanded, universal spoil and havoc were committed; and the whole country was laid waste by the rapine of the army; so that the most devoted friends both to the church and state wished there for such succours to the parliamentary forces as might put an end to these disorders.

The natural consequence of such enthusiasm in the royalists' parliamentary army, and licentiousness in that of the defeated king, was, that equal numbers of the latter would no longer maintain their ground against the former. This appeared in the decisive battle of Naseby, where the forces were nearly equal; but after an obstinate engagement, Charles was entirely defeated, 500 of his officers and 4000 private men made prisoners, all his artillery and ammunition taken, and his infantry totally dispersed; so that scarce any-victory could be more complete.

After this fatal battle, the king retired first to Hereford, then to Abergavenny; and remained some time in Wales, from the vain hope of raising a body of infantry in these quarters already harried and exhausted. His affairs now, however, went to ruin in all quarters. Fairfax retook Leicester on the 17th of June. On the 10th of July, he raised the siege of Taunton; and the royalists retired to Lamport, an open town in the county of Somerset. Here they were attacked by Fairfax, and beat from their post, with the loss of 300 killed and 1400 taken prisoners. This was followed by the the loss of Bridgewater, which Fairfax took three days after; making the garrison, to the number of 2600 men, prisoners of war. He then reduced Bath and Sharburn; and on the 11th of September Bristol was surrendered to him by prince Rupert, though a few days before he had boasted in a letter to Charles, that he would defend the place for four months. This so enraged the king, that he immediately recalled all the prince's commissions, and sent him a pass to go beyond sea.

The Scots in the meantime, having made themselves masters of Carlisle after an obstinate siege, marched southwards and invested Hereford; but were obliged to raise the siege on the king's approach. And this was the last glimpse of success that attended his arms. Having marched to the relief of Chester, which was anew besieged by the parliamentary forces under colonel Jones, his rear was attacked by Pointz, and an engagement immediately ensued. While the fight was continued with great obstinacy, and victory seemed to incline to the royalists, Jones fell upon them from the other side, and defeated them with the loss of 600 killed and 1000 taken prisoners. The king with the remains of his army fled to Newark; and from thence escaped to Oxford, where he shut himself up during the winter season.

After the surrender of Bristol, Fairfax and Cromwell having divided their forces, the former marched westwards in order to complete the conquest of Devonshire and Cornwall; the latter attacked the king's garrisons which lay the east of Bristol. Nothing was able to stand before these victorious generals; every town was obliged to submit, and every body of troops that pretended to resist were utterly defeated. At last, news arrived, that Montrose himself, after some more successes, was defeated; and thus the only hope of the royal party was destroyed.

When that brave general descended into the southern counties, the covenanters, assembling their whole force, met him with a numerous army, and gave him battle at Kilflyth. Here he obtained his most memorable victory: 6000 of the covenanters were killed on the spot, and no remains of an army left them in Scotland. Many noblemen, who secretly favoured the royal cause, now declared openly for it, when they saw a force able to support them. The marquis of Douglas, the earls of Annandale and Hartfield, the lords Fleming, Seton, Maderty, Carnegy, with many others, flocked to the royal standard. Edinburgh opened its gates, and gave liberty to all the prisoners there detained by the covenanters. Among the rest was lord Ogilvy, son to Airly, whose family had contributed very much to the victory gained at Kilflyth.—David Leslie was detached from the army in England, and marched to the relief of his distressed party in Scotland. Montrose advanced still further to the south, allured by the vain hopes, both of raising to arms the earls of Hume, Traquair, and Roxborough, who had promised to join him; and of obtaining from England some supply of cavalry, in which he was very deficient. By the negligence of his scouts, Leslie, at Philiphaugh in the forest, surprized his army, much diminished in numbers from the defection of the Highlanders, who had retired to the hills, according to custom, to secure their plunder. After a sharp conflict, in which Montrose exerted great valour, his forces were routed by Leslie's cavalry, and he himself forced to fly to the mountains.

Nothing could be more affecting than the situation in which the king now was. He now resolved to grant the parliament their own terms, and sent them repeated himself to messages to this purpose, but they never deigned to make him the least reply. At last, after reproaching him with the blood spilt during the war, they told him that they were preparing some bills, to which, if he would consent, they would then be able to judge of his pacific inclinations. Fairfax, in the mean time, was advancing with a victorious army in order to lay siege to Oxford; and Charles, rather than submit to be taken captive and led in triumph by his insolent subjects, resolved to give himself up to the Scots, who had never testified such implacable animosity against him, and to trust to their loyalty for the rest. After passing through many bye-ways and cross-roads, he arrived in company with only two persons, Dr Hudson and Mr Athburnham, at the Scots camp before Newark, and discovered himself to lord Leven their general.

The reception he met with was such as might be expected from these infatuated bigots, destitute of every hint to the principle of reason, honour, or humanity. Instead of English endeavours to alleviate the distresses of their sovereign, they suffered him to be insulted by the clergymen. They immediately sent an account of his arrival to the English parliament, and they as quickly entered into a treaty with the Scots about delivering up their prisoner. The Scots thought this a proper time for the recovery of their arrears due to them by the English. A great deal was really due them, and they claimed much more than actually belonged to them. At last, after various debates between them and the parliament, in which they pretended to great honour, and inflicted upon many punishments, it was agreed, that, upon payment of £400,000, the Scots should deliver up the king to his enemies; and this was cheerfully complied with. Thus the Scots justly fell under the censure of having sold their king who had thrown himself upon their mercy; a stain peculiar to the nation, and unparalleled in history, either ancient or modern. It must, however, be acknowledged, that the infamy of this bargain had such an influence on the Scots parliament, that they once voted that the king should be protected and his liberty inflicted on. But the general assembly interposed; and pronounced, that as he had refused to take the covenant which was pressed on him, it became not the godly to concern themselves about his fortunes. In consequence of this, the parliament were obliged to retract their vote. The king, being delivered over to the English commissioners, was conducted under a guard to Holdenby in the county of Northampton, where he was very rigorously confined; his ancient servants being dismissed, himself debarred from visits, and all communication cut off with his friends or family.

The civil war being now over, the king absolved his followers from their allegiance, and the parliament had now no enemy to fear but their own troops. From this quarter their danger only arose; and it was not long before they found themselves in the same unfortunate situation to which they had reduced the king. The majority of the house were Presbyterians, but the majority of the army were independents. The former, soon after the retreat of the Scots, feeling every thing reduced reduced to obedience, proposed to disband a considerable part of the army, and send the rest over to Ireland. This was by no means relished, and Cromwell took care to heighten the disaffection. Instead of preparing to disband, therefore, the soldiers resolved to petition; and they began by desiring an indemnity, ratified by the king, for any illegal actions which they might have committed during the war. The commons voted that this petition tended to introduce mutiny, &c. and threatened to proceed against the promoters of it as enemies to the state and disturbers of the public peace. The army now began to set up for themselves. In opposition to the parliament at Westminster, a military parliament was formed. The principal officers formed a council to represent the body of peers; the soldiers elected two men out of each company to represent the commons, and these were called the agitators of the army; and of this assembly Cromwell took care to be a member. The new parliament soon found many grievances to be redressed; and specified some of the most considerable. The commons were obliged to yield to every request, and the demands of the agitators rose in proportion. The commons accused the army of mutiny and sedition; the army retorted the charge, and alleged that the king had been deposed only to make way for their usurpations. Cromwell, in the meantime, who secretly conducted all the measures of the army, while he exclaimed against their violence, resolved to seize the king's person. Accordingly a party of 500 horse appeared at Holmby castle, under the command of one Joyce, originally a taylor, but now a cornet; and by this man was the king conducted to the army, who were hastening to their rendezvous at Triplo-heath near Cambridge. Next day Cromwell arrived among them, where he was received with acclamations of joy, and immediately invested with the supreme command.

The commons now saw the designs of the army; but it was too late, all resistance was become vain: Cromwell advanced with precipitation, and was in a few days at St Albans. Even submission was now to no purpose; the army still rose in their demands, in proportion as these demands were gratified, till at last they claimed a right of modelling the whole government, and settling the nation.

Cromwell began with accusing eleven members of the house, the very leaders of the presbyterian party, as guilty of high treason, and being enemies of the army. The commons were willing to protect them; but the army insisting on their deposition, they voluntarily left the house. At last the citizens of London, finding the constitution totally overturned, and a military deposition beginning to take place, instead of the kingly one they were formerly afraid of, began to think seriously of repressing the insolence of the troops. The common council assembled the militia of the city; the works were manned; and a manifesto published, aggravating the hostile intentions of the army. Finding that the commons, in compliance with the request of the army, had voted that the city-militia should be disbanded, the multitude rose, besieged the door of the house, and obliged them to reverse that vote they had so lately passed. The assembly was, of consequence, divided into two parties; the greater part siding with the citizens; but the minority, with the two speakers at their head, were for encouraging the army. Accordingly the two speakers, with 62 of the members, secretly retired from the house, and threw themselves under the protection of the army, who were then at Hounslow-heath. They were received with shouts and acclamations; their integrity was extolled; and the whole force of the soldiery, joined to the number of 20,000 men, now moved forward to reinstate them in their places.

In the mean time, the part of the house which was left, resolved to resist the encroachments of the army. They chose new speakers, gave orders for enlisting troops, ordered the train-bands to man the lines; and the whole city boldly resolved to resist the invasion. But this resolution only held while the enemy was at a distance; for when Cromwell appeared, all was obedient. The resistance and submission: the gates were opened to the general, who attended the two speakers and the rest of the members peaceably to their habitations. The eleven impeached members being accused as causes of the tumult, were expelled; and most of them retired to the continent. The mayor, sheriff, and three aldermen, were sent to the tower; several citizens, and officers of the militia, were committed to prison; the lines about the city levelled with the ground; and the command of the Tower was given to Fairfax.

It now only remained to dispose of the king, who remained a prisoner at Hampton-court. The independent army, at the head of whom was Cromwell, on one hand; and the presbyterians, in name of both houses, on the other; treated with him separately in private. He had sometimes even hopes, that, in these struggles for power, he might have been chosen mediator in the dispute; and he expected that the kingdom at last, being sensible of the miseries of anarchy, would of its own accord be hushed into its former tranquil condition. At this time he was treated with some flattering marks of distinction; he was permitted to converse with his old servants; his chaplains were permitted to attend him, and celebrate divine service their own way. But the most exquisite pleasure he enjoyed was in the company of his children, with whom he had several interviews. The meeting on these occasions was so pathetic, that Cromwell himself, who was once present, could not help being moved, and was heard to declare, that he never beheld such an affecting scene before. But these instances of respect were of no long continuance. As soon as the army had gained a complete victory over the house of commons, the king was treated not only with the greatest disrespect, but even kept in continual alarms for his own personal safety. The consequence of this was, that Charles at last resolved to withdraw himself from the kingdom. Accordingly, on the 11th of November 1647, attended only by Sir John Berkeley, Ashburnham, and Leg, he privately left Hampton-court; and his escape was not discovered till near an hour after; when those who entered his chamber, found on the table some letters directed to the parliament, to the general, and to the officer who had attended him. All night he travelled through the forest, and arrived next day at Tichfield, a seat of the earl of Southampton, where resided the countess dowager, a woman of honour, to whom the king knew he might safely entrust his person. Before he arrived at this place, he had gone to the sea-coast; and expressed great anxiety. anxiety that a ship which he seemed to look for had not arrived. He could not hope to remain long concealed at Tichfield; the question was, what measure should next be embraced? In the neighbourhood lay the Isle of Wight, of which Hammond was governor. This man was entirely dependent on Cromwell, which was a very unfavourable circumstance: yet, because the governor was nephew to Dr Hammond the king's favourite chaplain, and had acquired a good reputation in the army, it was thought proper to have recourse to him in the present exigence, when no other rational expedient could be thought of. Ashburnham and Berkeley were dispatched to the island. They had orders not to inform Hammond of the place where the king lay concealed, till they had first obtained a promise of him not to deliver up his majesty, even though the parliament and army should require him; but restore him to his liberty, if he could not protect him. The promise would have been but a slender security: yet even without exacting it, Ashburnham imprudently, if not treacherously, brought Hammond to Tichfield; and the king was obliged to put himself into his hands, and to attend him to Carisbrooke castle in the isle of Wight, where, though he was received with great demonstrations of respect and kindness, he was in reality a prisoner.

While the king continued in this forlorn situation, Cromwell found himself upon the point of losing all the fruits of his former schemes, by having his own principles turned against himself. Among the Independents, who in general were for no ecclesiastical subordination, a set of men grew up called levellers, who disallowed all subordination whatsoever, and declared that they would have no other chaplain, king, or general, but Jesus Christ. Though this would have gone down very well with Cromwell as long as it was only directed against his enemies, he did not so well relish it when applied to himself. Having intimation that the levellers were to meet at a certain place, he unexpectedly appeared before them at the head of his red regiment, which had hitherto been deemed invincible. He demanded, in the name of God, what these meetings and murmurings meant; he expostulated with them upon the danger and consequence of their precipitant schemes, and desired them immediately to depart. Instead of obeying, however, they returned an insolent answer; wherefore, rushing on them in a fury, he laid two of them dead at his feet. His guards dispersing the rest, he caused several of them to be hanged upon the spot, and sent others to London; and thus dissipated a faction no otherwise criminal than in having followed his own example.

Cromwell's authority was greatly increased by the last mentioned action; but it became irresistible in consequence of a new and unexpected addition to his successes. The Scots, perhaps ashamed of the reproach of having sold their king, and stimulated farther by the Independents, who took all occasions to mortify them, raised an army in his favour, and the chief command was given to the earl of Hamilton: while Langdale, who professed himself at the head of the more bigotted party who had taken the covenant, marched at the head of his separate body, and both invaded the north of England. Though these two armies amounted to above 20,000 men, yet Cromwell, at the head of 8000 of his hardy veterans, feared not to give them battle. He attacked them one after another; routed and dispersed them; took Hamilton prisoner; and, following his blow, entered Scotland, the government of which he settled entirely to his satisfaction. An insurrection in Kent was quelled by Fairfax with the same ease; and nothing but success attended all this usurper's attempts.

During these contentions, the king, who was kept a prisoner at Carisbrooke castle, continued to negotiate with the parliament for settling the unspeakable calamities of the kingdom. The parliament now saw no other method of destroying the military power, but to depress it by the kingly. Frequent proposals for an accommodation passed between the captive king and the commons; but the great obstacle which had all along stood in the way, still kept them from agreeing. This was the king's refusing to abolish episcopacy, though he consented to alter the liturgy. However, the treaty was still carried on with vigour, and the parliament for the first time seemed in earnest to conclude their negotiations. But all was now too late. The victorious army, with Cromwell at their head, advanced to Windsor, and with furious remonstrances began to demand vengeance on the king. The unhappy monarch had been lately sent under confinement to that place; and from thence he was now conveyed to Hurst-castle in Hampshire, opposite to the isle of Wight. The parliament in the mean time began to issue ordinances for a more effectual opposition to these military encroachments, when they were astonished by a message from Cromwell, that he intended paying them a visit next day with his whole army; and in the mean time ordering them to raise him L.40,000 on the city of London.

The commons, though destitute of all hopes of prevailing, had still the courage to resist, and to attempt in the face of the whole army to finish the treaty they had begun with the king. They had taken into consideration the whole of his concessions; and though they had formerly voted them unsatisfactory, they now renewed the consultation with great vigour. After a violent debate which lasted three days, it was carried in the king's favour by a majority of 129 against 83, that his concessions were a foundation for the houses to proceed upon in settling the affairs of the nation. This was the last attempt in his favour; for the next day colonel Pride, at the head of two regiments, blockaded the house; and seizing in the passage 41 members of the presbyterian party, sent them to a low room be-purged, belonging to the house, that passed by the denomination of Hell. Above 160 members more were excluded; and none were allowed to enter but the most furious and determined of the Independents, in all not exceeding 60. This atrocious invasion of parliamentary rights commonly passed by the name of Pride's purge, and the remaining members were called the Rump. These soon voted, that the transactions of the house a few days before were entirely illegal, and that their general's conduct was just and necessary.

Nothing now remained, to complete the wickedness of this parliament, but to murder the king. In against this assembly, therefore, composed of the most obscure citizens, and officers of the army, a committee was appointed to bring in a charge against the king; and on their report, a vote passed declaring it treason in a king to levy war against his parliament. It was therefore resolved, that an high court of justice should be appointed, to try his majesty for this new invented treason. For form's sake, they deferred the concurrence of the few remaining lords in the upper house; but there was virtue enough left in that body unanimously to reject the proposal. The commons, however, were not to be stopped by so small an obstacle. They voted that the concurrence of the house of lords was unnecessary, and that the people were the origin of all just power. To add to their zeal, a woman of Herefordshire, illuminated by prophetical visions, desired admittance, and communicated a revelation she pretended to have received from heaven. She assured them that their measures were consecrated from above, and ratified by the sanction of the Holy Ghost. This intelligence gave them great comfort, and much confirmed them in their present resolutions.

Colonel Harrington, the son of a butcher, was commanded to conduct the king from Hurst castle to Windsor, and from thence to London. His afflicted subjects, who ran to have a sight of their sovereign, were greatly affected at the change that appeared in his face and person. He had permitted his beard to grow; his hair was become venerably grey, rather by the pressure of anxiety than the hand of time; while the rest of his apparel bore the marks of misfortune and decay. He had long been attended by an old decrepid servant whose name was Sir Philip Warwick, who could only deplore his master's fate without being able to revenge his cause. All the exterior symbols of sovereignty were now withdrawn, and his attendants had orders to serve him without ceremony. He could not, however, be persuaded that his adversaries would bring him to a formal trial; but he every moment expected to be dispatched by private assassination.

From the 6th to the 20th of January was spent in making preparations for this extraordinary trial. The court of justice consisted of 133 persons named by the commons; but of these never above 70 met upon the trial. The members were chiefly composed of the principal officers of the army, most of them of very mean birth, together with some of the lower house, and a few citizens of London. Bradshaw a lawyer was chosen president; Coke was appointed solicitor for the people of England; Doriflous, Steele, and Ask, were named affiliates. The court sat in Westminster hall. When the king was brought forward before the court, he was conducted by the mace-bearer to a chair placed within the bar. Though long detained a prisoner, and now produced as a criminal, he still maintained the dignity of a king. His charge was then read by the solicitor, accusing him of having been the cause of all the bloodshed which followed since the commencement of the war; after which Bradshaw directed his discourse to him, and told him that the court expected his answer.

The king began his defence with declining the authority of the court. He represented, that having been engaged in treaty with his two houses of parliament, and having finished almost every article, he expected a different treatment from what he had now received. He perceived, he said, no appearance of an upper house, which was necessary to constitute a just tribunal. He alleged that he was himself the king and fountain of law, and consequently could not be tried by laws to which he had never given his assent; that having been intrusted with the liberties of the people, he would not now betray them by recognizing a power founded in usurpation; that he was willing, before a proper tribunal, to enter into the particulars of his defense; but that before them he must decline any apology for his innocence, lest he should be considered as the betrayer of, and not a martyr for, the constitution. Bradshaw, in order to support the authority of the court, insisted, that they had received their authority from the people, the source of all right. He pressed the king not to decline the authority of the court that was delegated by the commons of England, and interrupted and over-ruled him in his attempts to reply. In this manner the king was three times produced before the court, and as often persisted in declining its jurisdiction. The fourth and last time he was brought before this self-created tribunal, as he was proceeding thither, he was insulted by the soldiers and the mob, who cried out, "Justice! Justice! Execution! execution!" but he continued undaunted. His judges having now examined some witnesses, by whom it was proved that the king had appeared in arms against the forces commissioned by parliament, they pronounced sentence against him. He seemed very anxious at this time to be admitted to a conference with the two houses, and it was supposed that he intended to resign the crown to his son; but the court refused compliance, and considered his request as an artifice to delay justice.

The behaviour of Charles under all these instances of His low-bred malice was great, firm, and equal. In going through the hall from this execrable tribunal, the soldiers and rabble were again incited to cry out, Justice and execution! They reviled him with the most bitter reproaches. Among other insults, one miserable presumed to spit in the face of his sovereign. He patiently bore their insolence: "Poor souls (cried he), they would treat their generals in the same manner for sixpence." Those of the populace who still retained the feelings of humanity expressed their sorrow in sighs and tears. A soldier more compassionate than the rest could not help imploring a blessing on his royal head. An officer overhearing him, struck the honest centinel to the ground before the king; who could not help saying, that the punishment exceeded the offence.

At his return to Whitehall, Charles desired permission of the house to see his children, and to be attended in his private devotions by Dr Juxon late bishop of London. These requests were granted, and also three days to prepare for execution. Every night between his sentence and execution, the king slept as usual, though the noise of the workmen employed in framing the scaffold continually resounded in his ears. The fatal morning being at last arrived, he rose early; and calling one of his attendants, he bad him employ more than usual care in dressing him, and preparing him for so great a solemnity. The street before Whitehall was the place destined for his execution; for it was intended that this should increase the severity of his punishment. He was led through the banqueting-house to the scaffold adjoining to that edifice, attended by his friend and servant bishop Juxon, a man of the same mild and steady virtues with his master. The scaffold, which was covered covered with black, was guarded by a regiment of soldiers under the command of colonel Tomlinson; and on it were to be seen the block, the ax, and two executioners in masks. The people, in crowds, stood at a greater distance. The king surveyed all these solemn preparations with calm composure; and, as he could not expect to be heard by the people at a distance, he addressed himself to the few persons who stood round him. He there justified his own innocence in the late fatal wars; he observed, that he had not taken arms till after the parliament had shown him the example; and that he had no other object in his warlike preparations, than to preserve that authority entire which had been transmitted to him by his ancestors. But, though innocent towards his people, he acknowledged the equity of his execution in the eyes of his Maker: he owned that he was justly punished for having consented to the execution of an unjust sentence against the earl of Strafford. He forgave all his enemies; exhorted the people to return to their obedience, and acknowledge his son as his successor; and signified his attachment to the Protestant religion as professed by the church of England. So strong was the impression made by his dying words on those who could hear him, that colonel Tomlinson himself, to whose care he had been committed, acknowledged himself a convert. At one blow his head was severed from his body. The other executioner then, holding up the head, exclaimed, "This is the head of a traitor."

It is impossible to describe the grief, indignation, and astonishment, which took place not only among the spectators, who were overwhelmed with a flood of sorrow, but throughout the whole nation, as soon as the report of this fatal execution was conveyed to them. Each blamed himself either with active disloyalty to the king, or a passive compliance with his destroyers. The very pulpits that used to resound with insolence and sedition were now bedewed with tears of unfeigned repentance; and all united in their detestation of those dark hypocrites who, to satisfy their own enmity, involved a whole nation in the guilt of treason.—Charles was executed on the 30th of January 1649, in the 49th year of his age, and 24th of his reign. He was of a middling stature, robust, and well-proportioned. His visage was pleasant, but melancholy; and it is probable that the continual troubles in which he was involved might have made that impression on his countenance.

It being remarked, that the king, the moment before he stretched out his neck to the executioner, had said to Juxon, with a very earnest accent, the single word Remember, great mysteries were supposed to be concealed under that word; and the generals vehemently insisted with the prelate that he should inform them of the king's meaning. Juxon told them, that the king, having frequently charged him to inculcate on his son the forgiveness of his murderers, had taken this opportunity in the last moment of his life, when his commands, he supposed, would be regarded as sacred and inviolable, to reiterate that desire; and that his mild spirit thus terminated its present course by an act of benevolence to his greatest enemies.

The dissolution of the monarchy in England soon followed the death of the monarch. When the peers met on the day appointed in their adjournment, they entered upon business; and sent down some votes to the commons, of which the latter deemed not to take the least notice. In a few days after, the commons voted, that the house of lords was useless and dangerous; for which reason it was abolished. They voted it high treason to acknowledge Charles Stuart, son of the late king, as successor to the throne. A great seal was made; on one side of which were engraven the arms of England and Ireland, with this inscription, "The great seal of England." On the reverse was represented the house of commons sitting, with this motto: "On the first year of freedom, by God's blessing restored, 1649." The forms of all public business were changed from being transacted in the king's name, to that of the keepers of the liberties of England. The enthusiasm court of king's bench was called the court of public and tyranny. Nay, so cautious on this head, it is said, were the commons of the republicans, that, in reciting the Lord's prayer, they would not say, "thy kingdom," but "thy commonwealth, come." The king's statue in the exchange was thrown down; and on the pedestal these words were inscribed: Exit tyrannus, regum ultimus; "The tyrant is gone, the last of the kings." The commons, it is said, intended to bind the princess Elizabeth apprentice to a button-maker; the duke of Gloucester was to be taught some other mechanical employment; but the former soon died of grief, as is supposed, for her father's tragic end; the latter was sent beyond sea by Cromwell.

The commons next proceeded to punish those who had been most remarkable for their attachment to their late sovereign. The duke of Hamilton, lord Capel, and the earl of Holland, were condemned and executed; the earl of Norwich and Sir John Owen were also condemned, and afterwards pardoned. These executions irritated the Scots: their loyalty began to return; and the insolence of the independents, with their victories, inflamed them still more. They determined, therefore, to acknowledge prince Charles for their king, but at the same time to abridge his power by every limitation which they had attempted to impose on his father.

Charles, after the death of his father, having passed some time at Paris, and finding no likelihood of assistance from that quarter, was glad to accept of any conditions. The Scots, however, while they were thus professing loyalty to their king, were nevertheless cruelly punishing his adherents. Among others, the brave marquis of Montrose was taken prisoner, as he endeavoured to raise the Highlanders in the royal cause; and being brought to Edinburgh, was hanged on a gibbet 30 feet high, then quartered, and his limbs stuck up in the principal towns of the kingdom. Yet notwithstanding all this severity, Charles ventured into Scotland, and had the mortification to enter the gate of Edinburgh where the limbs of that faithful adherent were still exposed.

The young king soon found that he had only exchanged his exile for imprisonment. He was surrounded by the fanatical clergymen, who having brought royalty, under their feet, were resolved to keep it still subservient, and to trample upon it with all the contumely of upstarts. Charles pretended to give ear to their discourses; but, however, made an attempt. attempt to escape. He was overtaken and brought back; when he owned the greatness of his fault, and testified his repentance for what he had done. Cromwell, in the mean time, who had been appointed by the parliament to command the army in Ireland, prosecuted the war in that kingdom with his usual success. He had to encounter the royalists commanded by the duke of Ormond, and the native Irish led on by O'Neal. These troops he quickly overcame; and most of the towns, intimidated by his cruelty, opened their gates at his approach. He was on the point of reducing the whole kingdom, when he was recalled by the parliament to defend his country against the Scots, who had raised a considerable army in support of the royal cause.

On the return of Cromwell to England, he was chosen commander-in-chief of the parliamentary forces, in the room of Fairfax, who declined opposing the presbyterians. The new general immediately set forward for Scotland with an army of 16,000 men, where he was opposed by general Leslie, who formed an excellent plan for his own defence. This prudent commander, knowing his men to be inferior in valour and discipline, however superior in numbers, to those of Cromwell, kept himself carefully in his intrenchments. At last Cromwell was drawn into a very disadvantageous position near Dunbar, where his antagonist waited deliberately to take advantage of him. From this imminent danger, however, he was delivered by the machinations of the Scots clergy. They, it seems, had been wrestling in prayer with the Lord night and day, and at last fancied that they had obtained the superiority. Revelations were made them, that the heretical army, together with Agag their general, would be delivered into their hand. Upon the assurances of these visions, they obliged their general to defend into the plain, and give the English battle. When Cromwell saw this mad action, he assured his followers, that the Lord had delivered them into his hands, and ordered his army to sing psalms, as if already certain of victory. The Scots, though double the number of the English, were soon put to flight, and pursued with great slaughter, while Cromwell did not lose in all above 40 men.

After this defeat, Charles put himself at the head of the remains of his army; and these he further strengthened by the royalists, who had been for some time excluded from his service by the covenanters. He was so closely pursued by Cromwell, however, that he soon found it impossible to maintain his army. Observing, therefore, that the way was open to England, he immediately directed his march towards that country, where he expected to be reinforced by all the royalists in that part of the kingdom. In this, however, he was deceived: the English, terrified at the name of his opponent, dreaded to join him. But his mortification was greatly increased, when at Worcester he was informed, that Cromwell was marching with hasty strides from Scotland with an army of 40,000 men. This news was scarcely arrived, when Cromwell himself was there. He fell upon the town on all sides: the whole Scots army was either killed or taken prisoners; and the king himself, having given many proofs of personal valour, was obliged to fly.

The young king now entered upon a scene of adventures the most romantic that can be imagined. After his hair was cut off, the better to disguise his person, he worked for some days in the habit of a peasant, cutting faggots in a wood. He next made an attempt to retire into Wales, under the conduct of one Pendred, a poor farmer, who was sincerely attached to his cause. In this attempt, however, he was disappointed; every path being guarded to prevent their escape. Being obliged to return, he met one colonel Careless, who had escaped the carnage at Worcester. In his company the king was obliged to climb a spreading oak; among the thick branches of which they spent the day together, while they heard the soldiers of the enemy in pursuit of them below. From thence he passed with imminent danger, feeling all the varieties of famine, fatigue, and pain, till he arrived at the house of colonel Lane, a zealous royalist in Staffordshire. There he deliberated about the means of escaping into France; and Bristol being supposed the properest port, it was resolved that he should ride thither before this gentleman's father, on a visit to one Mrs Norton, who lived in the neighbourhood of that city. During this journey, he every day met with persons whose faces he knew, and at one time passed through a whole regiment of the enemy's army.

When they arrived at Mrs Norton's, the first person they saw was one of his own chaplains sitting at the door, and amusing himself with seeing people play at bowls. The king, after having taken proper care of his horse in the stable, was shown to an apartment which Mrs Lane had provided for him, as it was said he had the ague. The butler, however, being sent to him with some refreshment, no sooner beheld his face, which was very pale with anxiety and fatigue, than he recollected his king and master; and falling on his knees, while the tears streamed down his cheeks, cried out, "I am rejoiced to see your majesty." The king was alarmed; but made the butler promise that he would keep the secret from every mortal, even from his master; and the honest servant punctually obeyed him.

No ship being found that would for a month set sail from Bristol either for France or Spain, the king was obliged to go elsewhere for a passage. He therefore repaired to the house of colonel Wyndham in Dorsetshire, where he was cordially received. His mother, a venerable matron, seemed to think the end of her life nobly rewarded in having it in her power to give protection to her king. She expressed no dissatisfaction at having lost three sons and one grandchild in the defence of his cause, since she was honoured in being instrumental in his own preservation.

Pursuing from thence his journey to the sea-side, he once more had a very narrow escape at a little inn, where he set up for the night. The day had been appointed for a solemn fast; and a fanatical weaver, who had been a soldier in the parliamentary army, was preaching against the king in a little chapel fronting the house. Charles, to avoid suspicion, was himself among the audience. It happened that a smith, of the same principles with the weaver, had been examining the horses belonging to the passengers, and came to admire the preacher, that he knew by the fashion of the shoes, that one of the strangers' horses came from the north. The preacher immediately affirmed, that this horse could belong to no other than Charles Stuart, and and instantly went with a constable to search the inn. But Charles had taken timely precautions, and left the inn before the constable's arrival.

At Shoreham, in Sussex, a vessel was at last found, in which he embarked. He was known to so many, that if he had not set sail at that critical moment, it had been impossible for him to escape. After 41 days concealment, he arrived safely at Feschainp in Normandy. No less than 40 men and women had at different times been privy to his escape.

Cromwell in the mean time returned in triumph; and his first care was to depose the Scots, on account of their having withheld the work of the gospel as he called it. An act was passed for abolishing royalty in Scotland, and annexing that kingdom as a conquered province to the English commonwealth. It was empowered, however, to send some members to the English parliament. Judges were appointed to distribute justice; and the people of that country, now freed from the tyranny of the ecclesiastics, were not much dissatisfied with the government.

All parts of the British dominions being now reduced to perfect subjection to the parliament, they next resolved to chastise the Dutch, who had given but very slight causes of complaint. It happened that one Dr Dorislaus, who was of the number of the late king's judges, being sent by the parliament as their envoy to Holland, was assassinated by one of the royal party who had taken refuge there. Some time after, also, Mr St John, appointed their ambassador to that court, was insulted by the friends of the prince of Orange. These were thought sufficient reasons for a declaration of war against the Hollanders by the commonwealth of England. The parliament's chief dependence lay in the activity and courage of Blake their admiral; who, though he had not embarked in naval command till late in life, yet surpassed all that went before him in courage and dexterity. On the other side, the Dutch opposed to him their famous admiral Van Tromp, to whom their country never since produced an equal. Many were the engagements between these celebrated admirals, and various was their success. Several dreadful encounters served rather to show the excellency of the admirals than to determine their superiority. At last the Dutch, who felt many great disadvantages by the loss of their trade, and by the total suspension of their fisheries, were willing to treat of a peace. The parliament, however, gave but a very unfavourable answer. They studied to keep their navy on foot as long as they could; rightly judging, that while the force of the nation was exerted by sea, it would diminish the formidable power of Cromwell by land.

This great aspirer, however, quickly perceived their designs; and therefore, secure in the attachment of the army, resolved to seize the sovereign power. He persuaded the officers to present a petition for payment of arrears, and redress of grievances. His orders were obeyed; a petition was drawn up and presented, in which the officers, after demanding their arrears, desired the parliament to consider how many years they had sat, and what pretensions they had formerly made of their designs to new-model the house, and establish freedom on its broadest basis. They alleged, that it was now full time to give place to others; and however meritorious their actions might have been, yet the rest of the nation had some right, in their turn, to manifest their patriotism in defence of their country. The house was highly offended; they appointed a committee to prepare an act, ordaining that all persons who presented such petitions for the future should be deemed guilty of high treason. To this the officers made a very warm remonstrance, and the parliament as angry a reply. Cromwell, being informed of this altercation, started up in the utmost seeming fury, and turning to major Vernon, cried out, that "he was compelled to do a thing that made the very hair of his head stand on end." Then, hastening to the house with 300 soldiers, and with the marks of violent indignation on his countenance, he entered, took his place, and attended to the debates for some time. When the question was ready to be put, he suddenly started up, and began to load the parliament with the vilest reproaches for their tyranny, ambition, oppression, and robbery of the public. Upon which, stamping with his foot, which was the signal for the soldiers to enter, the place was immediately filled with armed men. Then, addressing himself to the members, "For shame (said he), get you gone. Give place to honest men; to those who will more faithfully discharge their trust. You are no longer a parliament; I tell you, you are no longer a parliament; the Lord has done with you." Sir Harry Vane exclaiming against this conduct, "Sir Harry! (cries Cromwell with a loud voice), O Sir Harry Vane! The Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane!" Taking hold then of one of the members by his cloak, "Thou art a whoremaster," cries he; to another, "Thou art an adulterer;" to a third, "Thou art a drunkard;" to a fourth, "Thou art a glutton, &c." "It is you (continued he to the members), that have forced me upon this. I have fought the Lord night and day, that he would rather slay me than put me upon this work." Then pointing to the mace, "Take away that bauble," cried he: after which, turning out all the members, and clearing the hall, he ordered the doors to be locked; and putting the keys in his pocket, returned to Whitehall.

Thus the whole civil and military power centered in Cromwell, who by this bold transaction became, in another effect, king of Great Britain, with uncontrollable authority. Being willing, however, to amuse the people with the form of a commonwealth, he proposed to give his subjects a parliament; but such an one as should be altogether obedient to his commands. For this purpose it was decreed, that the sovereign power should be vested in 144 persons, under the denomination of a parliament; and he undertook to make the choice himself. The persons pitched upon were the lowest, meanest, and most ignorant among the citizens, and the very dregs of the fanatics. To go further than others in the absurdities of fanaticism was the chief qualification upon which each of these valued himself. Their very names, borrowed from scripture, and rendered ridiculous by their misapplication, served to show their excess of folly. One of them particularly, who was called Prais God Barebone, a canting leather-feller, gave his name to this odd assembly, and it was called Barebone's Parliament. They were chiefly composed of Antinomians; a fact that, after receiving the spirit, supposed themselves incapable of error; and the fifth-monarchy-men, who every hour expected Christ's second second coming on earth. They began by choosing eight of their tribe to seek the Lord in prayer, while the rest calmly sat down to deliberate upon the suppression of the clergy, the universities, and courts of justice; and instead of all this, it was their intent to substitute the law of Moses.

It was impossible such a legislature as this could stand; even the vulgar began to exclaim against it, and Cromwell himself to be ashamed of their absurdities. He had carefully chosen many persons among them who were entirely devoted to his interests, and these he commanded to dismiss the assembly. These accordingly met by concert earlier than the rest of their fraternity; and observing to each other that this parliament had sat long enough, they hastened to Cromwell, with Rouse their speaker at their head, and into his hands resigned the authority with which he had invested them. Cromwell accepted their resignation with pleasure; but being told that some of their number were refractory, he sent colonel White to clear the house of such as ventured to remain there. They had placed one Moyer in the chair by the time that the colonel had arrived; and he being asked by the colonel, What they did there? Moyer replied very gravely, That they were seeking the Lord. "Then you may go elsewhere (cried White); for, to my certain knowledge, the Lord hath not been here these many years."

The shadow of a parliament being thus dissolved, the officers, by their own authority, declared Cromwell protector of the commonwealth of England. The mayor and aldermen were sent for to give solemnity to his appointment, and he was instituted into his new office at Whitehall, in the palace of the kings of England. He was to be addressed by the title of Highness; and his power was proclaimed in London, and other parts of the kingdom. It was now, indeed, in a great measure necessary that some person should take the supreme command; for affairs were brought into such a situation, by the furious animosities of the contending parties, that nothing but absolute power could prevent a renewal of former bloodshed and confusion.

The government of the kingdom was adjusted in the following manner. A council was appointed, which was not to exceed 21, nor to be under 13 persons. These were to enjoy their offices for life, or during good behaviour; and, in case of vacancy, the remaining members named three, of whom the protector chose one. The protector was appointed the supreme magistrate of the commonwealth, with such powers as the king was possessed of. The power of the sword was vested in him jointly with the parliament when sitting, or with the council at other times. He was obliged to summon a parliament once every three years, and to allow them to sit five months without adjournment. A standing army was established of 20,000 foot and 10,000 horse; and funds were assigned for their support. The protector enjoyed his office for life; and on his death, his place was to be supplied by the council. Of all these clauses the standing army was sufficient for Cromwell's purpose; for, while possessed of that instrument, he could mould the rest of the constitution to his pleasure at any time. He chose his council from among his officers, who had been the companions of his dangers and victories, to each of whom he assigned a pension of 1000l. a-year. He took care to have his troops, upon whose fidelity he depended for support, paid a month in advance; the magazines were also well provided, and the public treasure managed with frugality and care; while his activity, vigilance, and resolution, were so well exerted, that he discovered every conspiracy against his person, and every plot for an insurrection, before they took effect.

Thus Cromwell continued to govern, though without assuming the title of king, in as absolute a manner as the most despotic prince in Europe. As he was feared at home, so he made himself respected abroad. The Dutch, having been humbled by repeated defeats, were obliged to sue for peace. Cromwell obliged them to pay deference to the British flag. He compelled them to abandon the interests of the king, to pay 85,000l. as an indemnification for former expenses, and to restore to the English East India company a part of those dominions which they had been possessed of by the Dutch during the former reign. The ministry of France thought proper to pay deference to the imperious character of the protector; and he having lent that court a body of 6000 men to attack the Spanish dominions in the Netherlands, who obtained a signal victory, the French put Dunkirk into his hands as a reward for his attachment. By means of the celebrated admiral Blake, he humbled Spain prodigiously, as also the Algerines and Tunisians. Penn and Venables, two other admirals, made an attempt on Blake, the island of Hispaniola; but failing of this, they fleered to Jamaica, which was surrendered to them without a blow. Yet so little was thought of the importance of this conquest, that, on their return, the two admirals were committed to the tower, on account of the failure of the principal object of their equipment.

It is not to be supposed that a numerous standing army could be maintained, and so many foreign wars carried on, without incurring extraordinary expenses. The Protector's revenues were so much exhausted, that procuring he was obliged to have recourse to methods which he probably would not have chosen, had he not been driven to them by necessity. One or two conspiracies entered into by the royalists, which were detected and punished, served him as a pretence to lay a heavy tax upon all that party, of the tenth penny on all their possessions. In order to raise this oppressive imposition, ten major-generals were instituted, who divided the whole kingdom into so many military jurisdictions. These men had power to subject whom they pleased to this tax, and to imprison such as denied their jurisdiction. Under colour of these powers they exercised the most arbitrary authority; the people had no protection against their exactions; the very mask of liberty was thrown off, and all property was at the disposal of a military tribunal. It was in vain that the nation cried out for a free parliament. Cromwell assembled one in consequence of their clamours; but as speedily dissolved it when he found it refractory to his commands. At last, as parliaments were always held in such estimation by the people, he resolved to give them one, but such as parliament should be entirely of his own chusing, and chiefly composed of his creatures. Lest any of a different complexion should enter the house, guards were placed at the door, and none admitted but such as produced a warrant from his council.

The principal design of convening this assembly was, that they should offer him the crown, with the title of king, and all the other ensigns of royalty. His creatures, therefore, took care to infuse the confusion there was in legal proceedings without the name of a king; that no man was acquainted with the extent or limits of the present magistrates authority, but those of a king had been well ascertained by the experience of ages. The motion was at last formally made in the house, easily carried through, and nothing was now wanting but Cromwell's own consent to have his name enrolled among the kings of England. This consent, however, he never had resolution enough to give. His doubts continued for some days; and the conference carried on with the members who made him the offer, so far as it is on his part intelligible, seems to argue that he was desirous of being compelled to accept the offer; however, the conference ended in his total refusal.

With all these proffered honours, and with all his despotic power, the situation of Cromwell was far from being enviable. Perhaps no situation, however mean, or loaded with contempt, could be more truly distressful than his, at the time the nation was loading him with congratulations and addresses. He had at last rendered himself hateful to every party, and he owed his safety to their mutual hatred and disaffection of one another. His arts of dissimulation were exhausted; none could be deceived by them; even those of his own party and principles disdaining the use to which he had converted his zeal and professions. Though the whole nation silently detested his administration, he had not been completely wretched if he could have found domestic consolation. But even his own family had embraced republican principles with so much vehemence, that they could not without indignation behold him invested with uncontrollable power; and Mrs Claypole, his favourite daughter, upbraided him, on her deathbed, with all the crimes which led him to trample on the throne. To add to all this, not only were conspiracies formed against him, but he was at last taught, upon reasoning principles, that his death was not only desirable, but his assassination would be meritorious. A book was published by colonel Titus, a man who had formerly been attached to his cause, entitled Killing no murder. Of all the pamphlets that appeared at that time, or perhaps of those that have since appeared, this was the most eloquent and masterly. Cromwell read it, and is said never to have smiled afterwards.

The usurper now found, that the grandeur to which he had sacrificed his former tranquillity was only an inlet to fresh inquietudes. He was haunted with perpetual fears of assassination. He wore armour under his clothes, and always kept pistols in his pockets. His aspect was clouded by a settled gloom, and he regarded every stranger with suspicion. He was always attended by a numerous guard, and travelled in a hurry. He never returned from any place by the road he went; and never slept above three nights together in the same chamber. At last he was delivered from this life of horror and anxiety by a tertian ague, of which he died September 3rd 1658, after having usurped the government nine years.

Oliver Cromwell was succeeded in his office of protector by his son Richard, who immediately called a parliament. To this assembly the army presented a remonstrance, desiring some person for their general in whom they could confide. The house voted such meetings and remonstrances unlawful; upon which the officers, surrounding Richard's house, forced him to dissolve the parliament; and soon after he signed an abdication of the government. His younger brother Henry, who had been appointed to the command in Ireland, followed Richard's example, and resigned his commission without striking a blow.

The officers, thus left at liberty, resolved to restore Rump parliament as it was called, consisting of that remnant of a parliament which had condemned Charles. They were no sooner reinstated in their authority, however, than they began to humble the army by cashiering some of the officers, and appointing others on whom they could have more dependence. The officers immediately resolved to dissolve the assembly. Lambert, one of the general officers, drew up a chosen body of troops; and placing them in the streets which led to Westminster-hall, when the speaker Lenthall proceeded in his carriage to the house, he ordered the horses to be turned, and very civilly conducted him home. The other army members were likewise intercepted; and the army returned to their quarters to observe a solemn fast, which generally either preceded or attended their outrages. A committee was then elected, of 23 persons; of whom seven were officers. These they pretended to invest with military sovereign authority; and a military government was established, which gave the nation a prospect of endless servitude and tyranny without redress.

Upon hearing that the officers had by their own authority dissolved the parliament, general Monk, who Monk's was then in Scotland with 8000 veteran troops, protested against the measure, and resolved to defend the national privileges. As soon as he put his army in motion, he found himself eagerly fought after by all parties; but so cautious was he of declaring his mind, that, till the very last, it was impossible to know which side he designed to take. A remarkable instance of this cautious behaviour was, that, when his own brother came to him with a message from lord Granville in the name of the king, he refused all conversation with him upon hearing that he had told his errand to Mr Price, the general's own chaplain, and a man of known probity and honour.

Hearing that the officers were preparing an army to oppose him, Monk amused them with negotiations; and the people, finding themselves not entirely defenceless, began to declare for a free parliament. The Rump, finding themselves invited also by the navy and part of parliament, the army, again ventured to refuse their seats, and to force thunder votes in their turn against the officers and that party of the army by which they had been ejected. Without taking any notice of Lambert, they sent orders to the troops to repair immediately to the garrisons appointed for them. The soldiers obeyed; and Lambert at last found himself deserted by his whole army. Monk in the mean time proceeded with his army to London. The gentry, on his march, flocked round him with addresses, expressing their desire of a new parliament; but that general, still continuing his inflexible taciturnity, at last came to St Alban's, within a few miles of the capital, leaving all the world in doubt as to his motives and designs. Here he sent the parliament a message, desiring them to remove such forces forces as remained in London to country quarters. Some of the regiments willingly obeyed this order; and such as did not, Monk turned out by force: after which he took up his quarters with his army in Westminster. The house voted him thanks for his services: he desired them to call a free parliament; and this soon inspired the citizens to refuse submission to the present government. They resolved to pay no taxes until the members formerly excluded by colonel Pride should be replaced. For this they were punished by Monk, at the desire of the parliament. He arrested 11 of the most obnoxious of the common council; broke the gates and portcullises; and, having exposed it to the scorn and contempt of all who hated it, he returned in triumph to his quarters at Westminster. The next day, however, he made an apology for this conduct, and promised for the future to co-operate with the mayor and common-council in such schemes as they should approve.

The commons were now greatly alarmed. They tried every method to gain off the general from his new alliance. Some of them even promised to invest him with the dignity of supreme magistrate, and to support his usurpation. But Monk was too just, or too wise, to hearken to such wild proposals; he resolved to restore the secluded members, and by their means to bring about a new election.

The restoration of the expelled members was easily effected; and their number was so much superior to that of the Rump, that the chiefs of this last party now thought proper to withdraw in their turn. The restored members began with repealing all those orders by which they had been expelled. They renewed and enlarged the general's commission; fixed a proper stipend for the support of the fleet and army; and, having passed these votes, they dissolved themselves, and gave orders for the immediate assembling of a new parliament. Mean while, Monk new-modelled his army to the purposes he had in view. Some officers, by his direction, presented him with an address, in which they promised to obey implicitly the orders of the ensuing parliament. He approved of this engagement, which he ordered to be signed by all the different regiments; and this furnished him with a pretence for dismissing all the officers by whom it was rejected.

In the midst of these transactions, Lambert, who had been confined in the Tower, escaped from his prison, and began to raise forces; and as his activity and principles were sufficiently known, Monk took the earliest precautions to oppose his measures. He dispatched against him colonel Ingoldby, with his own regiment, before Lambert had time to assemble his dependents. That officer had taken possession of Daventry with four troops of horse: but the greater part of them joined Ingoldby; to whom he himself surrendered, not without exhibiting strong marks of pusillanimity.

All this time Monk still persisted in his reserve; nor would he intrust his secret intentions with any person, except one Morrice, a gentleman of Devonshire. He was of a sedentary and studious disposition; and with him alone did the general deliberate on the great and dangerous enterprise of the restoration. Sir John Granville, who had a commission from the king, applied for access to the general; but he was desired to communicate his business to Morrice. Granville refused, though twice urged, to deliver his message to any but the general himself: so that Monk now, finding he could depend on this minister's secrecy, opened to him his whole intentions; but, with his usual caution, refused to commit anything to paper. In consequence of these, the king left the Spanish territories, where he very narrowly escaped being detained at Breda by the governor, under pretence of treating him with proper respect and formality. From thence he retired to Holland, where he resolved to wait further advice.

The new parliament being assembled, Sir Harbottle Grimstone was chosen speaker, a man known to be a royalist in his heart. The affections of all were turned towards the king; yet such were their fears, and such dangers attended a freedom of speech, that no one dared for some days to make any mention of his name. At length Monk gave directions to Anneley, president of the council, to inform them that one Sir John Granville, a servant of the king's, had been sent over by his majesty, and was now at the door with a letter to the house of commons. This message was received with the utmost joy. Granville was called in, the letter read, and the king's proposals immediately accepted. He offered a general amnesty to all persons whatsoever, and that without any exceptions but what should be made by parliament. He promised to indulge scrupulous consciences with liberty in matters of religion; to leave to the examination of parliament the claims of all such as possessed lands with contested titles; to confirm all these concessions by act of parliament; to satisfy the army under general Monk with respect to their arrears, and to give the same rank to his officers when they should be enlisted in the king's army.

In consequence of this good agreement between king and parliament, Montague the English admiral waited on his majesty to inform him that the fleet expected his orders at Scheveling. The duke of York immediately went on board, and took the command as lord high admiral. The king embarked, and landing at Dover, was received by the general, whom he tenderly embraced. He entered London in 1660, on the 29th of May, which was his birthday; and was attended by an innumerable multitude of people, who testified their joy by the loudest acclamations.

Charles II. was 30 years of age at the time of his restoration. Being naturally of an engaging countenance, and possessed of an open and affable disposition, he was the favourite of all ranks of his subjects. They had now felt the miseries of anarchy, and in proportion to these miseries was the satisfaction they felt on the accession of their young monarch. His first measures were calculated to give universal satisfaction. He seemed desirous of losing the memory of past animosities, popular, and of uniting every party in affection for their prince and country. He admitted into his council the most eminent men of the nation, without regard to former distinctions. The presbyterians shared this honour equally with the royalists. Calamy and Baxter, presbyterian clergymen, were even made chaplains to the king. Admiral Montague was created earl of Sandwich, and general Monk duke of Albemarle. Morrice, the general's friend, was created secretary of state. But what gave the greatest contentment to the nation was the judicious choice which the king at first made of his principal ministers and favourites. Sir Edward Hyde, created... created earl of Clarendon, was prime minister and chancellor. The marquis, created duke of Ormond, was steward of the household; the earl of Southampton high-treasurer; Sir Edward Nicholas secretary of state. These men, united together in the strictest friendship, and combining in the same laudable inclinations, supported each other's credit, and pursued the interests of the public.

The parliament having been summoned without the king's consent, received at first only the title of a convention; and it was not till after an act passed for that purpose, that they were acknowledged by the name of parliament. Both houses owned the guilt of the former rebellion, and gratefully received in their own name, and in that of all the subjects, his majesty's gracious pardon and indemnity. The king had before promised an indemnity to all criminals, but such as should be excepted by parliament: he now issued a proclamation, declaring, that such of the late king's judges as did not surrender themselves within 14 days should receive no pardon. Nineteen surrendered themselves; some were taken in their flight; others escaped beyond sea. The peers seemed inclined to great severity on this occasion; but were restrained by the king, who in the most earnest terms pressed the act of general indemnification.

After repeated solicitations, the act of indemnity passed both houses, with the exception of those who had an immediate hand in the king's death. Even Cromwell, Ireton, and Bradshaw, though dead, were considered as proper objects of resentment: their bodies were dug from their graves; dragged to the place of execution; and, after hanging some time, buried under the gallows. Of the rest who sat in judgment on the late monarch's trial, some were dead, and some thought worthy of pardon. Ten only, out of 80, were doomed to immediate destruction; and these were enthusiasts who had all along acted from principle, and who, in the general spirit of rage excited against them, showed a fortitude that would have done honour to a better cause.

This was all the blood that was shed at the restoration. The rest of the king's judges were reprieved, and afterwards dispersed into several prisons. The army was disbanded, that had for so many years governed the nation; prelacy, and all the ceremonies of the church of England, were restored; at the same time that the king pretended to preserve the air of moderation and neutrality. In fact, with regard to religion, Charles, in his gayest hours, was a professed deist; but in the latter part of his life he showed an inclination to the Catholic persuasion, which he had strongly imbibed in his infancy and exile.

On the 13th of September this year, died the young duke of Gloucester, a prince of great hopes. The king was never so deeply affected by any incident in his life. The princess of Orange, having come to England, in order to partake of the joy attending the restoration of her family, with whom she lived in great friendship, soon after fainted and died. The queen-mother paid a visit to her son, and obtained his consent to the marriage of the princess Henrietta with the duke of Orleans, brother to the French king. The parliament having met on the 6th of November, and carried on business with the greatest unanimity and dispatch, were dissolved by the king on 29th of December 1660.

During the reign of Charles II., the spirit of the people seemed to take a turn quite opposite to that in the time of Charles I. The latter found his subjects animated with a ferocious though ignorant zeal for liberty. They knew not what it was to be free, and therefore imagined that liberty consisted in throwing off entirely the royal authority. They gained their point: the unhappy monarch was dethroned and murdered; but instead of liberty, they found themselves involved in much worse tyranny than before. Being happily freed from this tyranny by the restoration, they ran into the contrary extreme; and instead of an unbounded spirit of opposition, there was nothing now to be found but an unbounded spirit of submission; and through the flattery, submissions, and concessions of the people in this reign, Charles found means to render himself at last almost quite absolute, and to govern without requiring, or indeed without having any occasion for parliament.

A like revolution took place with regard to religious matters. During the former reigns, a spirit of the most gloomy enthusiasm had overspread the whole island, and men imagined that the Deity was only to be pleased by their denying themselves every social pleasure, and refusing every thing that tended to make life agreeable. The extreme hypocrisy of Cromwell and his associates, and the absurd conduct of others, showed that this was not religion; but, in avoiding this error, they ran into one equally dangerous; and every thing religious or serious was disconvenanced. Nothing but riot and dissipation took place everywhere. The court set them the example; nothing but scenes of gallantry and festivity were to be seen; the horrors of the late war became the subject of ridicule; the formality of the sectaries was displayed on the stage, and even laughed at from the pulpit. In short, the best mode of religion now was to have as little as possible; and to avoid not only the hypocrisy of the sectaries, but even the common duties of morality.

In the midst of this riot and dissipation, the old and faithful followers of the royal family were left unrewarded. Numbers who had fought both for the king and his father, and who had lost their whole fortunes in his service, still continued to pine in want and oblivion; while in the mean time their persecutors, who had acquired fortunes during the civil war, were permitted to enjoy them without molestation. The wretched royalists petitioned and murmured in vain; the monarch fled from their expostulations to scenes of mirth and festivity; and the act of indemnity was generally said to have been an act of forgiveness to the king's enemies, and of oblivion to his friends.

In 1661, the Scots and English parliaments seemed to vie with each other in their prostrations to the king. In England, monarchy and episcopacy were raised to the greatest splendour. The bishops were permitted to resume their seats in the house of peers; all military authority was acknowledged to be vested in the king. He was empowered to appoint commissioners for regulating corporations, and expelling such members as had intruded themselves by violence, or professed principles dangerous to the constitution. An act of uniformity was passed, by which it was required that every very clergyman should be re-ordained, if he had not before received episcopal ordination; that he should declare his assent to every thing contained in the book of Common prayer, and should take the oath of canonical obedience. In consequence of this law, above 2000 of the presbyterian clergy resigned their cures at once. In Scotland the right of the king was affected in the fullest and most positive terms to be hereditary, divine, and indefeasible. His power was extended to the lives and possessions of his subjects, and from his original grant was said to come all that they enjoyed. They voted him an additional revenue of 40,000l.; and all their former violences were treated with a degree of the utmost detestation.

This intoxication of loyalty, however, began soon to wear off. The king's profusion and extravagance in his pleasures, together with his indolence in administration, furnished opportunities of making very disadvantageous comparisons between him and Oliver Cromwell. These animosities were heightened by the ejected clergy, especially when they saw Dunkirk, which had been acquired during the usurper's vigorous administration, sold to the French for 40,000l. and that merely to supply the king's extravagance. From this time (August 17th 1662), Charles found himself perpetually opposed, and his parliaments granted supplies much more reluctantly than before.

A few months before, the continual exigencies of the king had forced him to conclude a marriage with the Infanta of Portugal for the sake of her portion, which was 500,000l. in money, together with the fortresses of Tangier in Africa, and of Bombay in the East Indies. The chancellor Clarendon, the dukes of Ormonde and Southampton, urged many reasons against this match, particularly the likelihood of her never having any children; but all their objections could not prevail, and therefore Clarendon set himself to promote it as far as lay in his power. Still, however, the king's necessities were greater than his supplies. He therefore resolved to sacrifice his minister the great Clarendon to the resentment of the parliament, to whom he was become obnoxious, in order to procure some more supplies for himself. In 1663, an extraordinary supply was demanded: the king sent for the commons, on the 12th of June, to Whitehall. He complained of their inattention; and by acquainting them of a conspiracy to seize the cattle of Dublin, he hoped to furnish a reason for demanding a present supply. Four subsidies were immediately granted, and the clergy in convocation followed the example of the commons. On this occasion the earl of Bristol ventured to impeach the chancellor in the house of peers; but as he did not support his charge, the affair was dropped for the present.

With a view probably of having the money to be employed for that purpose in his hands, Charles was induced to declare war against the Dutch in 1664. In this war the English, under the command of Sir Robert Holmes, expelled the Dutch from Cape-Corfe castle on the coast of Africa, and likewise seized on their settlements of Cape Verde and the isle of Goree. Sailing from thence to America, the admiral possessed himself of Nova Belgia, since called New York; and which has ever since continued subject to Britain. On the other hand, De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, dispossessed the English of all their settlements in Guinea except Cape Corfe. He afterwards sailed to America, where he attacked Barbadoes and Long Island, but was repulsed. Soon after, the two most considerable fleets of each nation met; the one under the duke of York, to the number of 114 sail; the other commanded by Opdam admiral of the Dutch navy, of nearly equal force. The engagement began at four in the morning, and Terrible both sides fought with equal intrepidity. The duke of York was in the hottest part of the engagement, and behaved with great spirit and composure, while many of his lords and attendants were killed beside him. In the heat of the action the Dutch admiral's ship blew up; which so discouraged and disheartened them, that they fled towards their own coast, having 30 ships sunk and taken, while the victors lost only one. This success of the English so much excited the jealousy of the neighbouring states, that France and Denmark immediately resolved to protect the republic from such formidable enemies. De Ruyter the great Dutch admiral, on his return from Guinea, was appointed, at the head of 76 sail, to join the duke of Beaufort the French admiral, who it was supposed was then entering the British channel from Toulon. The duke of Albemarle and prince Rupert now commanded the British fleet, which did not exceed 74 sail. Albemarle detached prince Rupert with 20 ships to oppose the duke of Beaufort; against which piece of rashness Sir George Aysefoe protested in vain. The fleets thus engaging upon unequal terms, a most memorable battle ensued. The first day, the Dutch admiral Evertzen was killed by a cannon-ball, one of their ships was blown up, and three of the English ships taken; the combatants were parted by darkness. The second day they renewed the battle with incredible fury. Sixteen fresh ships joined the Dutch; and the English were so shattered, that their fighting ships were reduced to 28. Upon retreating towards their own coast, the Dutch followed them; where another dreadful conflict was beginning, but parted by the darkness of the night as before. The morning of the third day the English continued their retreat, and the Dutch their pursuit. Albemarle came to the desperate resolution of blowing up his own ship rather than submit to the enemy, when he found himself happily reinforced by prince Rupert with 16 ships of the line. By this time it was night; and the next day the fleets came again to a close combat, which was continued with great violence, till they were parted by a mist. Sir George Aysefoe having the misfortune to strike on the Galoper sands, was taken, with a ship of 100 guns.

Both sides claimed the victory, but the Dutch certainly had the advantage in this engagement. A second, however, equally bloody, happened soon after, with larger fleets on both sides, commanded by the same admirals. In this the Dutch were vanquished; but they were soon in a condition to face their enemies, by the junction of Beaufort the French admiral. The Dutch fleet appeared in the Thames, conducted by their great admiral. The English were thrown into the utmost consternation: a chain had been drawn across the river Medway; and some fortifications had been added to the forts along the bank. But all these were unequal to the present force: Sheerness was soon taken; the Dutch passed forward and broke the chain, though fortified. fortified by some ships sunk by Albemarle's orders. Destroying the shipping in their passage, they still advanced, with six men of war and five fire-ships, as far as Upnor castle, where they burned three men of war. The whole city of London was in consternation; it was expected that the Dutch might sail up next tide to London-bridge, and destroy not only the shipping, but even the buildings of the metropolis. The Dutch, however, were unable to prosecute that project from the failure of the French who had promised them assistance. Spreading therefore an alarm along the coast, and having insulted Norwich, they returned to their own coasts.

During these transactions abroad, happened a great plague at London, which destroyed 100,000 of the inhabitants. This calamity was soon followed by another, still more dreadful if possible. A fire broke out in a baker's house in Pudding-lane near the bridge, and spread with such rapidity, that no efforts could extinguish it, till it laid in ashes the most considerable part of the city. This calamity, though it reduced thousands to beggary, proved in the end both beneficial and ornamental to the city. It rose from its ruins in greater beauty than ever; the streets being widened, and the houses built of brick instead of wood, became thus more wholesome and secure. So great a calamity it is remarkable that not a single life was lost.

These complicated misfortunes did not fail to excite many murmurs among the people: the blame of the fire was laid on the Papists; the Dutch war was exclaimed against as unsuccessful and unnecessary, as being an attempt to humble that nation who were equal enemies to Popery with themselves. Charles himself also began to be sensible, that all the ends for which he had undertaken the Dutch war were likely to be entirely frustrated. Instead of being able to lay up money for himself, the supplies of parliament had hitherto been so scanty, that he found himself considerably in debt. A treaty therefore was set on foot, which was concluded at Breda on the 21st of July 1667. By this treaty the only advantage gained by Britain was, the cessation of the colony of New York. It was therefore judged disgraceful, and the blame of it thrown upon the unhappy earl of Clarendon. Along with this, he was charged with the sale of Dunkirk; the bad payment of the sea-men; the disgrace by the Dutch fleet; and his own ambition. His daughter, while yet in Paris, had commenced an amorous with the duke of York; and under a solemn promise of marriage had admitted him to her bed. Her lover, however, either of his own accord, or through the persuasions of his brother Charles, afterwards married her; and this too was imputed as a crime to Clarendon. On these accusations, the king, who on account of his rigid virtue had never much loved this nobleman, ordered the seals to be taken from him, and given to Sir Orlando Bridgemen. Clarendon was again impeached; and though the charges were manifestly frivolous, yet so strong was the popular torrent against him, that he thought proper to withdraw into France. Soon after, the king formed an alliance with Holland and Sweden, in order to prevent the French king from completing his conquest of the Netherlands. The greatest part of this country he had already subdued, when he was unexpectedly stopped by this league; in which it was agreed by the contracting powers, that they would constitute themselves arbiters of the differences between France and Spain, and check the exorbitant pretensions of either.

The king now began to act in a very arbitrary manner. He had long wished to extend his prerogative, proceedings and to be able to furnish himself with whatever sums he might want for his pleasures, and therefore was most likely to be pleased with those ministers who could flatter both his wishes at once. These he found in Clifford, Ashley, Buckingham, Arlington, and Lauderdale, a junto distinguished by the name of the cabal; a word formed by the initials of their names. The first effects New war of their advice was a secret alliance with France, and a rupture with Holland. Soon after this, the duke of York declared himself a Papist; and liberty of conscience was proclaimed to all sectaries, whether dissenters or Papists; a proclamation was issued containing very rigorous clauses in favour of pressing; another full of menaces against those who should speak undutifully of his majesty's measures; and even against those who heard such discourses, unless they informed in due time against the offenders. All these things gave very great and just offence to the people; but they were especially alarmed at the alliance with France, and justly afraid of the treachery of that nation.

On the 28th of May 1672, the English fleet under the duke of York was surprised by the Dutch in South naval engagement. About eight in the morning began a most furious engagement. The gallant Sandwich, who commanded the English van, drove his ship into the midst of the enemy, beat off the admiral that ventured to attack him, sunk another ship that attempted to board him, and three fire ships that offered to grapple with him. Though his vessel was torn with shot, and out of 1000 men there only remained 400, he still continued to fight. At last, a fire-ship, more fortunate than the rest, having laid hold of his vessel, her destruction became inevitable, and the earl himself was drowned in attempting to swim to some other ship. Night parted the combatants; the Dutch retired, and were not followed by the English. The loss sustained by the two maritime powers was nearly equal; but the French suffered very little, not having entered into the heat of the engagement. It was even supposed that they had orders for this conduct, and to spare their own ships, while the Dutch and English should weaken each other by their mutual animosities.

The combined powers were much more successful against the Dutch by land. Louis conquered all before Louis XIV., him, crossed the Rhine, took all the frontier towns against the enemy, and threatened the new republic with a final dissolution. Terms were proposed to them by the two conquerors. Louis offered them such as would have deprived them of all power of resisting an invasion from France by land. Those of Charles exposed them equally to every invasion by sea. At last the murmurs of the English at seeing this brave and industrious people, the supporters of the Protestant cause, totally sunk and on the brink of destruction, were too loud not to reach the king. He was obliged to call a parliament, to take the lenes of the nation upon his condescension; and he soon saw how his subjects stood affected.

The parliament met on the 4th of February 1673. They began with repressing some of the king's extraordinary stretches of prerogative, and taking means for uniformity. uniformity in religious matters. A law was passed entitled the test act, imposing an oath on all who should enjoy any public benefice. Besides the taking the oaths of allegiance and the king's supremacy, they were obliged to receive the sacrament once a year in the established church, and to abjure all belief in the doctrine of transubstantiation. As the dissenters also had seconded the efforts of the commons against the king's declaration of indulgence to Roman Catholics, a bill was passed for their ease and relief, which, however, went with some difficulty through the house of peers.

The Dutch in the meantime continued to defend themselves with such valour, that the commons began to despair of success. They therefore resolved that the standing army was a grievance; they next declared, that they would grant no more supplies to carry on the Dutch war, unless it appeared that the enemy were to obitinate as to refuse all reasonable conditions. To cut short these disagreeable alterations, the king resolved to prorogue the parliament; and, with that intention, went unexpectedly to the house of peers, from whence he sent the usher of the black-rod to summon the house of commons to attend. It happened that the usher and the speaker met nearly at the door of the house; but the speaker being within, some of the members suddenly shut the door, and cried "To the chair." Upon which the following motions were instantly made in a tumultuous manner: That the alliance with France was a grievance; that the evil counsellors of the king were a grievance; that the earl of Lauderdale was a grievance; and then the house rose in great confusion. The king soon saw that he could expect no supply from the commons for carrying on the war which was so disagreeable to them; he resolved, therefore, to make a separate peace with the Dutch, on terms which they had proposed by the Spanish ambassador. For form's sake, he asked the advice of his parliament; who concurring heartily in his intentions, a peace was concluded accordingly.

The prepossession which Charles had all along shown for France, and his manifest inclination upon all occasions to attach himself to that kingdom, had given great offence to his people. Along with this, other circumstances conspired to raise a general discontent. The toleration of Catholics, so much wished for by the king; the bigotry of the duke of York, the heir apparent to the crown; and his zeal for the propagation of the Catholic religion; excited a contumbrance not altogether without foundation, as if the Protestant religion was in danger. This fear and discontent was carefully kept up and fomented by wicked and designing men, who to promote their own interests would not scruple to advance the grossest falsehoods. In 1678, an account of a plot formed by the papists for destroying the king and the protestant religion, was given in by one Kirby a chemist, Dr Tong, a weak credulous clergyman, and Titus Oates, who had likewise been a clergyman, but one of the most abandoned miscreants that can be imagined. The circumstances attending this pretended discovery were so perfectly incredible, that it appears amazing how any person of common sense could give ear to them. Nevertheless, so much were the minds of the nation in general inflamed against the Catholics at this time, that it not only produced the destruction of individuals of the Romish persuasion, but an universal massacre of that unhappy sect was apprehended. The parliament, who ought to have repressed these delusions, and brought back the people to calm deliberative inquiry, were found more credulous than even the vulgar themselves. The cry of plot was immediately echoed from one house to the other; the country party could not flip so favourable an opportunity of managing the passions of the people; the courtiers were afraid of being thought disloyal if they should doubt the guilt of those who were accused of designs against the king's person. Danby, the prime minister, himself entered into it very furiously, and persisted in his inquiries notwithstanding all the king's advices to the contrary. Charles himself, who was the person that ought to have been most concerned, was the only one who treated it with contempt. Nothing, however, could stop the popular fury; and for a time the king was obliged to give way to it.

During the time of this general uproar and persecution, the lord treasurer Danby was impeached in the house of commons by Seymour the speaker. The principal charge against him was, his having written a letter to Montague the king's ambassador at Paris, directing him to tell the king's good offices at the treaty of Nimeguen, to the king of France, for a certain sum of money; contrary to the general interests of the confederates, and even of those of his own kingdoms. Though the charge was just, yet Danby had the happiness to find the king resolved to defend him. Charles assured the parliament, that, as he had acted in every thing by his orders, he held him entirely blameless; and though he would deprive him of all his employments, yet he would positively insist on his personal safety. The lords were obliged to submit; however, they went on to impeach him, and Danby was sent to the Tower, but no worse consequences followed.

These furious proceedings had been carried on by an house of commons that had continued undissolved for above 17 years. They were now dissolved, and another parliament was called; which, however, proved as unmanageable as the preceding. The members resolved to check the growth of Popery by striking at the root of the evil; and therefore brought in a bill for the total exclusion of the duke of York from the crown of England and Ireland, which passed the lower house by a majority of 79. They next voted the king's standing army and guards to be illegal. They proceeded to establish limits to the king's power of imprisoning to delinquents at will. It was now also that the celebrated statute called the habeas corpus act was passed, which confirms the subject in an absolute security from oppressing power.

During these troubles the duke of York had retired to Brussels; but an indisposition of the king led him back to England, to be ready, in case of any sinister accident, to assert his right to the throne. After prevailing upon his brother to disgrace his natural son the duke of Monmouth, who was now become very popular, he himself retired to Scotland, under pretence of quieting the apprehensions of the English nation, but in reality to strengthen his interests in that part of the empire. This secession served still more to inflame the country party, who were strongly attached to the duke of Monmouth, and were resolved to support him against the duke of York. Mobs, petitions, pope-burnings, were artifices employed to keep up the terrors of Popery, and alarm the court. The parliament had shown favour to the various tribes of informers, and that served to increase crease the number of these miscreants; but plots themselves also became more numerous. Plot was set up against plot; and the people were kept suspended in the most dreadful apprehension.

But it was not by plots alone that the adverse parties endeavoured to supplant each other. Tumultuous petitions on the one hand, and flattering addresses on the other, were sent up from all quarters. Wherever the country party prevailed, petitions were sent to the king filled with grievances and apprehensions. Wherever the church or court party prevailed, addresses were framed containing expressions of the highest regard to his majesty, and the deepest abhorrence of those who endeavoured to disturb the public tranquillity. Thus the nation came to be distinguished into petitioners and abhorers. Whig and Tory, also, were now first used as terms of reproach. The whigs were so denominated from a cant name given to the four presbyterian conventicles, (whig being milk turned sour). The tories were denominated from the Irish banditti so called, whose usual manner of bidding people deliver was by the Irish word Torce, or "Give me."

All this time the king had tyrannized over the Scots in a very cruel manner. Being apprised of the tendency of presbyterian principles to a republican form of government, Charles, like his predecessors, had endeavoured to introduce episcopacy there, but in a much more violent manner than had been formerly attempted. The rights of patrons had for some years been abolished; and the power of electing ministers had been vested in the kirk-session and lay elders: but it was now enacted, that all incumbents who had been admitted upon this title should receive a presentation, and be instituted anew by the bishop, under the penalty of deprivation. In consequence of this, 350 parishes were at once declared vacant. New ministers were sought for all over the kingdom, and none was so vicious or ignorant as to be rejected. The people, as might have been expected, were displeased to the highest degree; they resolved, however, to give no sign of mutiny or sedition, notwithstanding their discontent. This submission made their case still worse; it being foolishly imagined, that, as they did not complain for a little ill usage, they would submit altogether if they were worse treated.

Affairs remained in a peaceable situation, till, in 1664, a very severe act was passed in England against conventicles; and this severity was imitated by the Scots parliament, who passed an act of the same kind. Military force was next let loose. Wherever the people had generally forsaken their churches, the guards were quartered throughout the country. They were commanded by Sir James Turner, a man of a very furious temper and dissolute life. He went about and received lists from the clergy of those who absented themselves from the churches, or were supposed to frequent conventicles. Without any proof, or legal conviction, he demanded a fine from them; and quartered soldiers on the supposed criminals till he received payment. An insurrection being dreaded during the Dutch war, new forces were levied, and entrusted to the command of Dalziel and Drummond, two men of very cruel dispositions, and the Scots parliament gave full scope to all their enormities.

Representations were now made to the king, who promised some redress. But his lenity came too late. The people, in 1668, rose in arms. They surprised Turner in Dumfries, and resolved to put him to death; but finding his orders to be more violent than his execution of them, they spared his life. At Lanark they renewed the covenant, and published their manifesto; where they professed their submission to the king, and only desired the re-establishment of presbytery, and of their former ministers. Their force never exceeded 2000 men; and though the country in general bore them great favour, mens spirits were so subdued, that the insurgents could expect no farther increase of numbers. Dalziel took the field to oppose them. The number of the covenanters was now reduced to 800, and these no way capable of contending with regular forces. Having advanced near Edinburgh, insurgents they attempted to find their way back into the west by defeated Pentland hills. Here they were attacked by the king's Pentland-troops, and received the first charge very resolutely; but that was all the action. Immediately they fell into confusion, and fled. About 40 were killed on the spot, and 130 taken prisoners.

So long ago as the year 1661, the presbyterians had deputed one Sharpe to lay their grievances before the archbishop of St Andrew's. After the battle of Pentland-hills, this man was the foremost to take vengeance on the unhappy insurgents, whose oppressed state and inoffensive behaviour had made them objects of universal compassion. Ten were hanged on one gibbet in Edinburgh; before their own doors in different places. They might all have saved their lives, if they would have renounced the covenant; but this they absolutely refused. The executions were going on, when the king wrote a letter to the privy council, in which he ordered that such of the prisoners as should simply promise to obey the laws for the future, should be set at liberty, and that the incorrigible should be sent to the plantations. This letter was brought to the council by Burnet, but was not immediately delivered by Sharpe. What his motives were for this delay, we pretend not to say; but certain it is, that no action of his life will bear a worse construction than this. It had been customary to put these poor creatures to very severe tortures, in order to make them confess that to be falsehood which they believed to be true. By Sharpe's delay, one Hugh Maccaill had been tortured, who would otherwise have escaped; and so violent were the torments he endured, that he expired under them. He seemed to die in an ecstacy of joy. His last words were uttered with an accent which struck all the bystanders of Mr Mac with astonishment. "Farewell (said he) sun, moon, calf, and stars; farewell world and time; farewell weak frail body; welcome eternity; welcome angels and saints; welcome Saviour of the world; and welcome God the judge of all."

In 1670, an act against conventicles was passed, seemingly with a design of mitigating the former persecuting laws; though even this was severe enough. By this act, the hearer in a conventicle (that is, in a dissenting assembly where more than five beside the family were present) was fined 5s. for the first offence, and 10s. for the second; the preacher L.20 for the first offence. offence, and L.40 for the second. The person in whose house the conventicle met was fined a like sum with the preacher. One remarkable clause was, that if any dispute should arise with regard to the interpretation of any part of the act, the judges should always explain the doubt in the sense least favourable to conventicles, it being the intention of parliament entirely to suppress them.

As the violent methods used by the king were found ineffectual to obtain his purpose in Scotland, in 1678 a scheme of comprehension was tried, by which it was proposed to diminish greatly the authority of the bishops, to abolish their negative voice in the ecclesiastical courts, and to leave them little more than the right of precedence among the prebysers; but this too was rejected by the people, who well knew its tendency. The next scheme was an indulgence. By this, the most popular of the expelled preachers, without requiring any terms of submission to the established religion, were settled in vacant churches; and small salaries of about L.20 a-year were offered to the rest, till they should be otherwise established. This bounty was rejected as the wages of criminal silence, and the replaced ministers soon repented of their compliance; conventicles multiplied, and the covenanters daily met in arms at their places of worship, though they usually dispersed themselves after divine service.

These mild methods being rejected, a renewal of the persecution commenced under the administration of the duke of Lauderdale, and in which archbishop Sharp had a principal hand. It was an old law, and but seldom put in execution, that a man who was accused of any crime, and did not appear to take his trial, might be intercommunicated; that is, he might be publicly outlawed; and whoever afterwards, either on account of business, relation, or charity, had the least intercourse with him, was subjected to the same penalties which the law could inflict on the criminal himself. A great many writs of intercommunion were now issued against the covenanters; by which absurd method of proceeding, crimes and punishments were multiplied to an extreme degree.

Application was made to Charles for some redress of these grievances; but he was too much taken up with his pleasures to take any effectual means of putting a stop to them; nay, even while he retracted them, he was persuaded to avow and praise them in a letter to the privy council. The consequence of all this was, that the covenanters were at last so much enraged against Sharp, whom they considered as an apostate, and experienced to be an unrelenting persecutor, that, on the 3rd of May 1679, he was way-laid and murdered with all the circumstances of unrelenting cruelty. The murder of Sharp produced a persecution still more violent, which at last brought on another insurrection.

The covenanters finding themselves obliged to meet in large bodies, and bring arms along with them for their own security, set forth a declaration against prelacy, which they published at Rutherglen, a small borough near Glasgow; and in the market-place there they burned several acts of parliament which had established that mode of ecclesiastical government, and had prohibited all conventicles. For this purpose they chose the 29th of May, the anniversary of the restoration; and previously extinguished the bonfires that had been kindled on that occasion. Count Graham, afterwards viscount Dundee, an active and enterprising officer, attacked a great conventicle upon Loudon-hill, but was repulsed with the loss of 30 men. The covenanters then finding themselves unwarily engaged in rebellion, were obliged to persevere; and therefore pushed on to Glasgow, which, though repulsed at first, they afterwards made themselves masters of. Here they dispossessed the established clergy, and issued proclamations, in which they declared that they fought against the king's supremacy, against Popery and Prelacy, and against a Popish successor.

Charles, being now alarmed, dispatched against the covenanters a small body of English cavalry under the duke of Monmouth. He joined the Scots guards, and some regiments of militia levied from the well-affected counties; and with great celerity marched in quest of the insurgents. They had taken post at Bothwell-bridge between Hamilton and Glasgow; where there was no defeated access but by the bridge, and where a small body was able to defend it against the king's army. The whole army of the covenanters never exceeded 8000 men, and they had in reality no other generals than their clergymen. Monmouth attacked the bridge, and the covenanters maintained their post as long as their ammunition lasted. When they sent for more, they received orders to quit their post and retire; and this imprudent measure occasioned an immediate defeat. Monmouth passed the bridge without opposition, and drew up his forces opposite to the enemy. His cannon alone put them to the rout. About 700 were killed in the pursuit; for, properly speaking, there was no action. Twelve hundred were taken prisoners, and treated with humanity by Monmouth. Such as promised to live peaceably under the present government were dismissed; and about 300 who refused this condition were shipped for Barbadoes, but unfortunately perished by the way. Two of their clergymen were hanged. Soon after, an act of indemnity was passed; but Lauderdale took care that it should afford little protection to the unhappy covenanters; for though orders were given to connive thenceforward at all conventicles, he found means under a variety of pretences to elude the execution of them.

It is now certainly known, that king Charles II. had formed a scheme of overturning the established religion, and substituting Popery in its place; as also of rendering himself absolute. In this, however, he met with violent opposition from his parliaments; and as this one of 1679 seemed even to surpass their predecessors in violence, the king was induced to dissolve them and call another in 1680. By this step, however, he was no gainer. They voted the legality of petitioning the king; and fell with extreme violence on the abhorred, who in their addresses to the crown had expressed their disapprobation of those petitions. Great numbers of thieves were seized by their order in all parts of England, and committed to close custody; the liberty of the subject, which had been so carefully guarded by their own recent law, was every day violated by their arbitrary and capricious imprisonments. One Stowel of Exeter put a stop to their proceedings; he refused to obey the sergeant at arms who was sent to apprehend him; he stood upon his defence, and said he knew no law. law by which the house of commons pretended to commit him. The house, finding it equally dangerous to proceed or recede, got off by an evasion. They voted that Stowel was indisposed; and a month's time was allowed him for his recovery. It is happy for the nation, that should the commons at any time overleap the bounds of their authority, and capriciously order men to be put in prison, there is no power, in case of resistance, that can compel the prisoners to submit to their decrees.

The chief point, however, laboured by the present parliament was, to obtain the exclusion bill, which, though the former house had voted, was never yet passed into a law. It passed by a great majority in the house of commons, but was thrown out by the house of peers. All the bishops except three voted against it; for they were of opinion that the church of England was in much greater danger from the prevalence of presbyterianism than Popery. The commons were extremely mortified at the rejection of their favourite bill; in revenge, they passed several other disagreeable acts, among which one was, That, till the exclusion bill was passed, they could not, consistent with the truth reported in them, grant the king any manner of supply; and that whoever should hereafter lend, by way of advance, any money upon any branches of the king's revenue, should be responsible to parliament for his conduct. Charles, therefore, finding that there were no hopes of extorting either money or obedience from the commons, came to a resolution of once more dissolving the parliament. His usher of the black-rod accordingly came to dissolve them while they were voting that the dissenters should be encouraged, and that the Papists had burned the city of London.

It was for some time a doubt whether the king would ever call another parliament: his necessities, however, furnished all his fears of their violence; and, in 1681, he summoned his parliament to meet him at Oxford, that he might thus have an opportunity of punishing the city of London by showing his suspicions of their loyalty. In this, as in all former parliaments, the country party predominated; and they trode exactly in the same paths with their predecessors. The same speaker was chosen, and the exclusion bill urged more fiercely than before. Ernely, one of the king's ministers, proposed that the duke should be banished 500 miles from England; and that on the king's decease the next heir should be constituted regent with regal power. Yet even this expedient, which left the duke the bare title of king, could not obtain the attention of the house. Nothing but a total exclusion could satisfy them.

Each party had now for some time reviled and ridiculed each other in pamphlets and libels; and this practice at last was attended with an incident that deserves notice. One Fitzharris, an Irish Papist, employed a Scotman named Everhard to write a libel against the king and the duke of York. The Scot was actually a spy for the contrary party; and supposing this trick to entrap him, he discovered the whole to Sir William Waller, an eminent justice of the peace; and, to convince him of the truth of his information, posted the magistrate and two other persons privately, where they heard the whole conference between Fitzharris and himself. The libel composed between them was replete with the utmost rancour and scurrility. Waller carried the intelligence to the king, and obtained a warrant for committing Fitzharris, who happened at that very time to have a copy of the libel in his pocket. Seeing himself in the hands of a party from whom he expected no mercy, he resolved to side with them, and throw the odium of the libel upon the court, who, he said, were willing to draw up a libel which should be imputed to the exclusioners, and thus render them hateful to the people. He enhanced his services to the country-party by a new Popish plot more tremendous than any of the foregoing, and in which he brought in the duke of York as a principal accomplice.

The king imprisoned Fitzharris; the commons avowed his cause. They voted that he should be impeached by themselves, to screen him from the ordinary forms of justice: the lords rejected the impeachment; the commons asserted their right: a commotion was likely to ensue; and the king, to break off the contest, Parliament went to the house and dissolved the parliament, with a dissolved fixed resolution never to call another.

From this moment the king ruled with despotic Arbitrary power. His temper, which had always been easy and proceeding merciful, now became arbitrary and cruel; he entered the king's train spies and informers round the throne, and imprisoned all such as he thought most daring in their designs. He resolved to humble the presbyterians: they were divested of their employments and their places; and their offices given to such as held with the court, and approved the doctrine of non-resistance. The clergy began to testify their zeal and their principles by their writings and sermons; but though among these the partizans of the king were the most numerous, those of the opposite faction were the most enterprising. The king openly espoused the cause of the former; and thus placing himself at the head of a faction, he deprived the city of London, which had long headed the London popular party, of their charter. It was not till after privation of an abject submission that he restored it to them, having previously subjected the election of their magistrates to his immediate authority.

Terrors also were not wanting to confirm this new species of monarchy. Fitzharris was brought to a trial before a jury, and condemned and executed. The whole gang of spies, witnesses, informers, suborners, which had long been encouraged and supported by the leading patriots, finding now that the king was entirely master, turned short upon their ancient drivers, and offered their evidence against those who first put them in motion. The king's ministers gave them encouragement; and in a short time the same injustice and the same cruelties were practised against presbyterian schemes that had formerly been practised against Catholic treasons. The king's chief resentment was levelled against the earl of Shaftesbury; and, indeed, not without reason, as he had had a very active hand in the late disturbances. No sums were spared to seek for evidence, or even to suborn witnesses, against this intriguing and formidable man. A bill of indictment being presented to the grand jury, witnesses were examined, who swore to such incredible circumstances as must have invalidated their testimony, even if they had not been branded as perjured villains. Among his papers, indeed, a draught of an association was found, which might have been construed into treason; but it was not in the earl's handwriting, nor could it be proved. proved that he had ever communicated this scheme to any body, or signified his approbation of any such project. The sheriffs had summoned a jury, whose principles coincided with those of the earl; and that probably, more than any want of proof, procured his safety.

In 1683, the city of London was deprived of its charter; which was restored only upon terms of the utmost submission, and giving up the nomination of their own magistrates. This was so mortifying a circumstance, that all the other corporations in England soon began to fear the same treatment, and were successively induced to surrender their charters into the hands of the king. Considerable sums were exacted for restoring these charters; and all the offices of power and profit were left at the disposal of the crown. Resistance now, however justifiable, could not be safe; and all prudent men saw no other expedient but submitting patiently to the present grievances.

There was a party, however, in England, that still cherished their former ideas of freedom, and resolved to restore liberty to their country by dethroning the king who acted in such a despotic manner. The principal conspirators were Monmouth, Shaftesbury, Ruffel, Essex, Howard, Algernon Sidney, and John Hamden grandson to the great man of that name. Monmouth engaged the earl of Macclesfield, Lord Brandon, Sir Gilbert Gerard, and other gentlemen in Cheshire. Lord Ruffel fixed a correspondence with Sir William Courtney, Sir Francis Knowles, and Sir Francis Drake, who promised to raise the west. Shaftesbury, with one Ferguson, an independent clergyman, and a ruffler's plotter, managed the city, upon which the confederates chiefly relied. These schemes had been laid in 1681; but the caution of Lord Ruffel, who induced the duke of Monmouth to put off the enterprise, saved the kingdom from the horrors of a civil war; while Shaftesbury was so struck with a sense of his impending danger, that he left his house, and, lurking about the city, attempted, but in vain, to drive the Londoners to an open insurrection. At last, enraged at the numberless cautions and delays which clogged and defeated his projects, he threatened to begin with his own friends singly. However, after a long struggle between fear and rage, he abandoned all hopes of success, and fled to Amsterdam, where he soon after died.

The loss of Shaftesbury, though it retarded, did not suppress the designs of the conspirators. The remaining fix formed a council; they corresponded with Argyle and the malecontents in Scotland; and resolved to prosecute the scheme of the insurrection, tho' they widely differed in principles from one another. Monmouth aspired at the crown; Ruffel and Hamden proposed to exclude the duke of York from the succession, and redress the grievances of the nation; Sidney was for restoring the republic, and Essex joined in the same wish. Lord Howard was an abandoned man, who, having no principles, sought to embroil the nation, to gratify his private interest in the confusion.

Besides these, there was a set of subordinate conspirators, who frequently met together, and carried on projects quite unknown to Monmouth and his council. Among these was colonel Rumsey, an old republican officer; lieutenant-colonel Walcot, of the same stamp; Goodenough, under sheriff of London, a zealous

Vol. III. Part II.

and noted party-man; Ferguson, an independent minister; and several attorneys, merchants, and tradesmen of London. But Rumsey and Ferguson were the only persons that had access to the great leaders of the conspiracy. These men undertook the desperate resolution of assassinating the king in his way to New-market; Rumbold, one of the party, possessed a farm upon that road, called the Rye-house, and from thence the conspiracy was called the Rye-house plot. They deliberated on a scheme of stopping the king's coach by overturning a cart on the high way at this place, and shooting him through the hedges. The house in which the king lived at New-market accidentally took fire, and he was obliged to leave New-market eight days sooner than it was expected; to which circumstance he owed his safety. Soon after this the conspiracy was discovered; Ruffel, Sidney, and Walcot, were executed; Essex cut his own throat; Hamden was fined 40,000l.; and scarce one escaped who had been in any manner concerned, except the duke of Monmouth, who was the most culpable of all.

This was the last blood that was shed on account of plots or conspiracies, which continued during the greatest part of this reign. Severe punishments, however, were inflicted on many who treated the duke of York unworthily. The famous Titus Oates was fined 100,000l. for calling him a Popish traitor; and he was imprisoned till he should pay it, which he was absolutely incapable of. A similar sentence was passed upon Dutton Colt. Sir Samuel Barnadilton was fined 10,000l. for having, in some private letters, reflected on the government. The government of Charles was now as absolute as that of any prince in Europe; but, to please his subjects by an act of popularity, he judged it proper to marry the lady Anne, his niece, to prince George brother to the king of Denmark. This was the last remarkable transaction of this extraordinary reign. On February 2d 1685, about eight in the morning, the king was seized with a fit of the apoplexy; being dressed, and just come out of his closet, where he had been for some time after he rose from bed. By being bled, he was restored perfectly to his senses; and there were great hopes of his recovery the next day. On the fourth day the physicians despaired of his life, and therefore sent for the queen. He was in his perfect senses when she arrived. She threw herself on her knees, and asked his pardon for all her offenses. He replied, that she had offended in nothing; but that he had been guilty of offenses against her, and asked her pardon. He spoke with great affection to the duke of York, and gave him excellent counsel for his future conduct. He advised him to adhere to the laws with strictness, and invariably to support the church of England. The duke seemed anxious to convince him before he died how little he intended to follow his advice. Having removed the bishops, and several of the lords who attended the bed of the king, he sent for Huddleston, a Roman priest. In the presence of the duke, the earl of Bath, and Trevannon a captain in the guards, Huddleston gave the extreme unction to the king, and administered to him the sacrament according to the rites of the church of Rome. All this was done in the space of half an hour. The doors were then thrown open. Six prelates, who had before attended the king, were sent for to give him the sacrament. BRI

Britain. sacrament. Kenn, bishop of Bath and Wells, read the visitation of the sick; and, after he said that he repented of his sins, the absolution. The king assisted with seeming devotion at the service; but his mouth being distorted with fits, and his throat contracted, he could not swallow the elements. He professed, however, his satisfaction in the church of England; and expired on the 6th of February, between 11 and 12 o'clock; having reigned 25 years, and lived 55.

The first act of James II.'s reign was to assemble the privy council: where, after some praises bestowed on the memory of his predecessor, he made professions of his resolution to maintain the established government both in church and state; and as he had heretofore ventured his life in defense of the nation, he would still go as far as any man in maintaining all its just rights and privileges.

This discourse was received with great applause, not only by the council, but by the whole nation. Addresses came from all quarters, full of duty, nay of the most servile adulation. From this charge, however, we must except those of the Quakers, which is remarkable for its good sense and simplicity. "We are come (said they) to testify our sorrow for the death of our good friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our governor. We are told that thou art not of the persuasion of the church of England no more than we; wherefore we hope that thou wilt grant us the same liberty which thou allowest thyself. Which doing, we with thee all manner of happiness."

The king, however, soon showed, that he either was not sincere in his promises, or that he entertained so lofty an idea of his own legal power, that even his utmost sincerity could tend very little to the security of the liberties of the people. All the customs, and the greater part of the excise, which had been voted to the late king for his life only, were levied by James without a new act for that purpose. He went openly to mas with all the ensigns of his dignity; and even sent one Caryl as his agent to Rome to make submissions to the Pope, and to pave the way for the re-admission of England into the bosom of the Catholic church. From the suggestions of these men all his measures were undertaken. One day when the Spanish ambassador ventured to advise his majesty against putting too much confidence in such kind of people, "Is it not the custom in Spain (said James), for the king to consult with his confessor?" "Yes (answered the ambassador), and that is the reason why our affairs succeed so very ill."

James's first parliament, which was composed mostly of zealous tories, was strongly inclined to comply with the measures of the crown. They voted unanimously, that they should settle on the present king during life, all the revenue enjoyed by the late king till the time of his decease. For this favour, James assured them, that he would secure them in the full enjoyment of their laws; but with regard to religion, no answer could be extorted, for that he was resolved to alter. In every thing, however, religion excepted, James merited every praise. He applied himself to business with unremitting attention. He managed his revenue with the strictest economy. He retrenched superfluous expenses, and showed himself zealous for the glory of the nation. He endeavoured to expel from court the vice which had prevailed so much during the former reign, and to restore decency and morality. He presided daily at the council, at the boards of admiralty and treasury. He even entered into the whole detail of the concerns of the great departments of the state. But his bigotry for the Romish religion nullified all his good qualities, and rendered him feared for his violence, where he was not despised for his weaknesses.

But whilst everything was submitted in tranquillity Monmouth at home, a storm was gathering abroad to disturb his repose. For a long time the prince of Orange had entertained hopes of ascending the British throne, and had even used all his endeavours to exclude James from it. Monmouth, who, since his last conspiracy, had been pardoned, but ordered to depart the kingdom, had retired to Holland. He was received by the prince of Orange with the highest marks of distinction, and even became his chief favorite through whom all favours were to be obtained. When the news of Charles's death arrived, indeed, the prince made a show of altering his note, and dismissed Monmouth, though he still kept a close correspondence with him. The duke retired to Brussels, where, under the auspices of the prince of Orange, he resolved to invade England, with a design of seizing the crown for himself. He was seconded by the duke of Argyle, who formed the scheme of an insurrection in Scotland; and while Monmouth attempted to make a rising in the west of England, it was resolved that Argyle should also try his endeavours in the north. The generosity of the prince of Orange, however, did not correspond with the warmth of his professions. The unfortunate duke derived from his own plate and jewels his whole supply for the war; and the enthusiasm of a rich widow supplied Argyle with 10,000l., wherewith he purchased three vessels, which he loaded with arms and ammunition.

Argyle was the first who landed in Scotland, where defeat and he published his manifestoes, put himself at the head of death of 2500 men, and strove to influence the people in his favour. But a formidable body of the king's forces coming against him, his army fell away; and he himself, after being wounded in attempting to escape, was taken prisoner by a peasant who found him standing up to the neck in water. He was from thence carried to Edinburgh, where after suffering many indignities he was publicly executed.

By this time Monmouth had landed in Dorsetshire with scarce 100 followers. His name, however, was lands in so popular, and so great was the hatred of the people England, to James on account of his religion, that in four days he had assembled a body of above 2000 men. They were indeed all of them the lowest of the people, and his declarations were suited entirely to their prejudices. He called the king the duke of York; and denominated him a traitor, a tyrant, a murderer, and a Popish usurper. He imputed to him the fire of London, and even affirmed that he had poisoned the late king.

Monmouth continued to make a rapid progress, and in a short time found himself at the head of 6000 men; but was daily obliged to dismiss great numbers for want of arms. The king was not a little alarmed at his invasion. Six regiments of British troops were called over from Holland; and a body of regulars, to the number of 3000, were sent, under the command of the earl of Feversham and Churchill, to check the pro- They took post at Sedgemoor, a village in the neighbourhood of Bridgewater, and were joined by considerable numbers of the country militia.

Here Monmouth resolved, by a desperate effort, to lose his life, or gain the kingdom. He drove the royal infantry from their ground, and was on the point of gaining a complete victory, when the cowardice of Gray, who commanded the horse, brought all to ruin. This nobleman fled at the first onset; and the rebels, being charged in flank, gave way after a three-hours contest. About 300 were killed in the engagement, and 1000 in the pursuit. Monmouth fled above 20 miles from the field of battle, till his horse sunk under him. He then alighted; and, exchanging clothes with a shepherd, fled on foot, attended by a German count who had accompanied him from Holland. Being quite exhausted with hunger and fatigue, they both lay down in a field, and covered themselves with fern. The shepherd, being found in Monmouth's clothes by the pursuers, increased the diligence of the search; and by the means of bloodhounds he was detected in his miserable situation, with raw pease in his pocket, on which he had lived for some days. He hurled into tears when seized by his enemies; and petitioned, with the most abject submissions, for his life. On his way to London, he wrote a submissive letter to the king, promising discoveries, should he be admitted into his presence. The curiosity of James being excited by the letter, he sent Sheldon a gentleman of the bed-chamber to meet Monmouth. In his conversation with Sheldon, he asked who was in chief confidence with the king; and being answered that it was Sunderland, Monmouth knocked his breast in a surprize, and said, "Why then, as I hope for salvation, he promised to meet me." He desired Sheldon to inform the king, that several of his accomplices in rebellion were in the confidence of his majesty; and he gave him a particular account of the part which the prince of Orange had acted in this whole affair.

Sheldon, on his return from the duke of Monmouth, began to give an account to the king of what he had learned from the unhappy prisoner. Sunderland, pretending buffets, came into the room. Sheldon stopped, and signified his desire to speak in private with the king. James told him he might say anything before that lord. Sheldon was in great perplexity; but being urged, he told all that Monmouth had asserted. Sunderland appeared, for some time, confused; at length he said, with a laugh, "If that is all he can discover to save his life, he will derive little good from his information." Monmouth himself was soon after brought before the king. Sunderland by an artifice ensured the death of the unfortunate duke, to save himself and the other adherents of the prince of Orange. When he saw Monmouth's letter to James, and heard the discoveries made by Sheldon, he is said to have advised him, that, as he could assure him of the certainty of a pardon, he ought to deny what he had said in prejudice of his friends, who could serve him on some other more favourable occasion. The credulous duke, swayed by the advice of Sunderland, suppressed what he had said to Sheldon, when he was examined by the king. He mentioned nothing of the concern which the prince of Orange had taken in the invasion; though a point on which James was already sufficiently informed.

D'Avaux, the French minister to the States, had given a circumstantial account of the whole conduct of the prince to Louis XIV. who had ordered it to be privately communicated to the king of England. The minister who had been sent from Holland to congratulate James on the suppression of Argyle's rebellion, was in a grievous agony when he heard that the king was resolved to see Monmouth. "Though he found that he said nothing of his master (said James), he was never quiet till Monmouth was dead."

The unfortunate duke made various attempts to obtain mercy. He wrote to the queen dowager; he sent a letter to the reigning queen, as well as to the king himself. He begged his life, when admitted into his presence, with a meanness unsuitable to his pretensions and high rank. But all his entreaties and submissions were of no avail. James told him, that he was much affected with his misfortunes, but that his crime was too dangerous in its example to be left unpunished. In his last moments he behaved with a magnanimity worthy of his former courage. When he came to the scaffold, he behaved with decency and even with dignity. He spoke little; he made no confession; nor did he accuse any of his friends. Circumstances are said to have attended his death that created a horror among the spectators. The executioner missed his blow, and struck Terribly him slightly on the shoulder. Monmouth raised his head from the block, and looked him full in the face, as if reproaching him for his mistake. He struck him twice again, but with feeble strokes; and then threw the axe from his hands. The sheriff forced him to renew his attempt; and the head of the duke, who seemed already dead, was at last severed from his body.

Those concerned in the duke of Monmouth's conspiracy were punished with the utmost severity. Immediately after the battle of Sedgemoor, Feverham hanged up above 20 prisoners; and was proceeding in his executions, when the bishop of Bath and Wells informed him that these unhappy men were now by law intitled to a trial, and that their execution would be deemed a real murder. Nineteen were put to death in the same manner at Bridgewater, by colonel Kirke, a man of a savage and bloody disposition. This vile fellow, practiced in the arts of slaughter at Tangier, where he served in garrison, took pleasure in committing instances of wanton barbarity. He ravaged the whole country, without making any distinction between friend and foe. His own regiment, for their peculiar barbarity, went under the ironical title of Kirke's lambs. It doth not, however, appear that these cruelties were committed by the direction, or even with the approbation, of James; any more than the legal slaughters that were committed by judge Jefferies, who was sent down to try the delinquents. The natural brutality of this man's temper was inflamed by continual intoxication. No fewer than 80 were executed by his orders at Dorchester; and on the whole, at Exeter, Taunton, and Wells, 250 are computed to have fallen by the hand of justice as it was called; nor were women exempted from the general severity, but suffered for harbouring their nearest kindred. Jefferies on his return was immediately created a peer, and soon after vested with the dignity of chancellor. In justice to the king, however, it must be owned, that in his memoirs he complains, with apparent indignation, of "the strange..." strange havock made by Jefferies and Kirke in the well;" and that he attributed the unpopularity, which afterwards deprived him of the crown, to the violence and barbarity of those pretended friends of his authority. He even ascribes their severities, in some degree, to a formed design of rendering his government odious to his subjects; and from hence it is probable, that no exact or impartial accounts of these cruelties had reached his ears, at least till long after they were committed.

James now began to throw off the mask, and to endeavour openly to establish Popery and arbitrary power. He told the house of commons, that the militia were found by experience to be of no use; that it was necessary to augment the standing army; and that he had employed a great many Catholic officers, in whose favour he had thought proper to dispense with the test required to be taken by all who were employed by the crown. He found them useful, he said, and he was determined to keep them employed. These stretches of power naturally led the lords and commons into some degree of opposition; but they soon acquiesced in the king's measures, and then the parliament was dissolved for their tardy compliance. This was happy for the nation; for it was perhaps impossible to pick out another house of commons that could be more ready to acquiesce in the measures of the crown; but the dissolution of this parliament was generally looked upon as a sign that James never intended to call another.

The parliament being dismissed, James's next step was to secure a Catholic interest in the privy council. Accordingly four Catholic lords were admitted, viz. Powis, Arundel, Belafin, and Dover. Sunderland, who saw that the only way to gain preferment was by Popery, became a convert. Rochester, the treasurer, was turned out of his office, because he refused to conform. Even in Ireland, where the duke of Ormond had long supported the royal cause, this nobleman was displaced as being a Protestant; and the lord Tyrconnel, a furious Roman-catholic, was placed in his stead. In his zeal for Popery, it is said, that James stooped so low as even to attempt the conversion of colonel Kirke: but the daring soldier told him, that he was pre-engaged; for he had promised the king of Morocco, when he was quartered at Tangiers, that, if ever he changed his religion, he would turn Mahometan.

At last the clergy of the church of England began to take the alarm, and commenced an opposition to court measures. The pulpits now thundered out against Popery; and it was urged, that it was more formidable from the support granted it by the king. It was in vain that James attempted to impose silence on these topics; instead of avoiding the controversy, the Protestant preachers pursued it with greater warmth.

To effect his designs, the king determined to revive the high commission court, which had formerly given the nation so much disgust, and which had been abolished for ever by act of parliament. An ecclesiastical commission was issued out anew, by which seven commissioners were invested with a full and unlimited authority over the whole church of England.—The next step was to allow a liberty of conscience to all sectaries; and he was taught to believe that the truth of the Catholic religion would then, upon a fair trial, gain the victory. In such a case, the same power that granted liberty of conscience might restrain it; and the Catholic religion alone be allowed to predominate. He therefore issued a declaration of general indulgence, and asserted that non-conformity to the established religion was no longer penal. In Scotland, he ordered his parliament to grant a toleration only to the Catholics, without interfering in the least for the other dissenters who were much more numerous. In Ireland, the Protestants were totally expelled from all offices of trust and profit, and Catholics put in their places. These measures sufficiently disgusted every part of the British empire; but to complete the work, James publicly sent the earl of Cattlemaine ambassador extraordinary to Rome, in order to express his obedience to the Pope, and reconcile his kingdoms to the Catholic communion. This proceeding was too precipitate to be relished even by the Pope himself; and therefore the only return he made to this embassy was the sending a nuncio into England. The nuncio made a public and solemn entry into Windsor; which did not fail to add to the general discontent; and because the duke of Somerset refused to attend the ceremony, he was dismissed from his employment of one of the lords of the bedchamber.

Soon after this, the Jesuits were permitted to erect colleges in different parts of the kingdom, and to exercise the Catholic worship in the most public manner. Father Francis, a Benedictine monk, was recommended by the king to the university of Cambridge, for the degree of master of arts. The university rejected him with the utmost account of his religion; and presented a petition to Cambridge, the king, beseeching him to recall his mandate. James disregarded their petition, and denied their deputies a hearing; the vice-chancellor himself was summoned to appear before the high commission court, and deprived of his office: yet the university persisted, and father Francis was refused. The place of president of Magdalen college being vacant, the king sent a mandate in favour of one Farmer, a new convert, and a man of bad character in other respects. The fellows of the college made very submissive applications for recalling his mandate; but the election day coming on before they received an answer, they chose Dr Hough, a man of learning, integrity, and resolution. The king was incensed at their presumption; an inferior ecclesiastical court was sent down, who finding Farmer a man of scandalous character, issued a mandate for a new election. The man now recommended by the king was doctor Parker; a man of an abandoned character, but very willing to embrace the Catholic religion. The fellows refused to comply with this injunction; which so irritated the king, that he came down to Oxford in person, and ordered the fellows to be brought before him. He reproached them with their insolence and disobedience; and commanded them to choose Parker without delay. Another refusal on their side served still more to exasperate him; and finding them resolute in the defence of their privileges, he ejected them all except two from their benefices, and Parker was put in possession of the place. Upon this, the college was filled with Catholics; and Charnock, one of the two that remained, was made vice-president.

In 1688, a second declaration for liberty of conscience science was published almost in the same terms with the former; but with this peculiar injunction, that all divines should read it after service in their churches. The clergy resolved to disobey this order. Loyde bishop of St Asaph, Kenn of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chichester, White of Peterborough, and Trelawney of Bristol, together with Sancroft the primate, concerted an address in form of a petition to the king, which, with the warmest expressions of zeal and submission, remonstrated that they could not read his declaration consistent with their consciences, or the respect they owed the Protestant religion. The king received their petition with marks of surprise and displeasure. He said he did not expect such an address from the church of England, particularly from some amongst them; and persisted in his orders for their obeying his mandate.

As the petition was delivered in private, the king summoned the bishops before the council, and there questioned them whether they would acknowledge it. They for some time declined giving an answer; but being urged by the chancellor, they at last owned the petition. On their refusal to give bail, an order was immediately drawn for their commitment to the Tower, and the crown lawyers received directions to prosecute them for a seditious libel. The king gave orders that they should be conveyed to the Tower by water, as the whole city was in commotion in their favour. The people were no sooner informed of their danger, than they ran to the river-side in prodigious multitudes, craving their blessing; calling upon heaven to protect them, &c. The very soldiers by whom they were guarded, knelt down before them, and implored their forgiveness.

The 29th of June 1688 was fixed for the trial of the bishops; and their return was still more splendidly attended than their imprisonment. Twenty-nine peers, a great number of gentlemen, and an immense crowd of people, waited upon them to Westminster-hall. The dispute was learnedly managed by the lawyers on both sides. The jury withdrew into a chamber where they passed the whole night; but next morning they returned into court, and pronounced the bishops not guilty. Westminster-hall instantly rang with loud acclamations, which were communicated to the whole extent of the city. They even reached the camp at Hounslow, where the king was at dinner in lord Fetherham's tent. His majesty demanding the cause of those rejoicings, and being informed that it was nothing but the soldiers shouting for the delivery of the bishops; "Call you that nothing! (cried he); but so much the worse for them." Immediately after this, the king struck out two of the judges, Powel and Holloway, who had appeared to favour the bishops. He issued orders to prosecute all those clergymen who had not read his declaration, and all had refused it except 200. He sent also a mandate to the new fellows, whom he had obstructed on Magdalen college, to elect for president, in the room of Parker lately deceased, one Gifford, a doctor of the Sorbonne, and titular bishop of Madura.

As the king found the clergymen every where adverse to his measures, he was willing next to try what he could do with the army. He thought if one regiment should promise implicit obedience, their example would soon induce others to comply. He therefore ordered one of the regiments to be drawn up in his presence, and desired that such as were against his late declaration of liberty of conscience should lay down their arms. He was surprized to see the whole battalion ground their arms, except two officers and a few Roman-catholic soldiers.—A fortunate circumstance happened about this time in his family. A few days before the birth of a son, who was baptized by the name of James. This would, if anything could at that time, have served to establish him on the throne; but so great was the animosity against him, that a story was propagated that the child was supposititious; and so great was the monarch's pride, that he scorned to take any precautions to refute the calumny.

Though the enthusiasm of James himself bordered upon madness, the most wild of his religious projects seem to have been suggested by his enemies to accomplish his ruin. The earl of Sunderland, whom he chiefly trusted, was a man of abandoned principles, infatuated of Sunderland's aversion, and fitted by nature for stratagem, deception, and intrigue. The love of money was his ruling passion, and he sold his influence to the highest bidder. To such a degree was he mercenary, that he became at once the pensioner of the prince of Orange and of the king of France. The former, who had long fixed his eye on the English throne, watched James's motions, and took every advantage of his errors. He had laid his schemes so extensively, that nothing but the birth of a male heir to the crown of England could possibly prevent him from an almost immediate possession of the kingdom. He had the address to render two thirds of the powers of Europe interested in his success. The treaty of Augsburg, formed to break the power of France, could not accomplish its object without the accession of England. The house of Austria, in both its branches, preferred their political views to their zeal for the Roman faith, and promoted the dethronement of James as the only means to humble Louis XIV. Odechalcchi, who under the name of Innocent XI. filled then the papal chair, was gained to the measures of the prince of Orange by other considerations, as well as through his fixed aversion to France. The prince of Orange sent his intimate friend the prince of Vaudemont to Rome, to procure the aid of the Pope. He explained to his holiness, that the Catholic princes were in the wrong to expect any advantage to their faith from James, as his being a declared Papist rendered his people adverse to all his measures. As for himself, should he have the good fortune to mount the throne of England, he might take any step in favour of the Roman-catholics without jealousy; and he promised to procure a toleration for the Papists, should the Pope, the emperor, and the king of Spain, favour his attempt. This negociation procured the desired effect. Innocent contributed, with the money of the church, to expel a Roman-catholic prince from his throne.

Though the contest with the bishops had completed the king's unpopularity, he derived the suddenness of his ruin from the birth of a prince of Wales. That circumstance increased the fears of his subjects in proportion as it raised his security and hopes. In the reign of a prince to be educated under the prejudices of such a father nothing but a continuance of the same unconstitutional measures could be expected. So low indeed... was his credit sunk among his people at this time, and such prescience they all seemed to have of his fate, that the child had like to have died before a wet nurse could be procured to suckle him.

The prince of Orange, seeing the national discontent now raised to the highest pitch, resolved to take advantage of it. He began by giving one Dykevelt, his envoy, instructions to apply in his name to every religious sect in the kingdom. To the church-party he sent assurances of favour and regard; and protested, that his education in Holland had no way prejudiced him against episcopacy. To the non-conformists he sent exhortations, not to be deceived by the infidels' carelessness of their known enemy, but to wait for a real and sincere protector, &c. In consequence of these intimations, the prince soon received invitations from the most considerable persons in the kingdom. Admirals Herbert and Ruffel assured him in person of their own and the national attachment. Henry Sidney, brother to Algernon, and uncle to the earl of Sunderland, came over to him with assurances of an universal combination against the king. Lord Dumbarton, son to the earl of Danby, being master of a frigate, made several voyages to Holland, and carried from many of the nobility tenders of duty and even considerable sums of money to the prince of Orange. Soon after, the bishop of London, the earls of Danby, Nottingham, Devonshire, Dorset, and several other lords, gentlemen, and principal citizens, united in their addresses to him, and invited his speedy descent. The people, though long divided between whig and tory, now joined against their unhappy sovereign as a common enemy. William therefore determined to accept of their invitations; and this the more readily, as he perceived the malecontents had conducted themselves with prudence and secrecy. Having the principal servants of James in pay, he was minutely informed of the most secret actions and even designs of that prince. His intelligence came, through Sidney, from Sunderland, who betrayed the very measures which he himself had advised. The prince had a fleet ready to sail, and troops provided for action, before the beginning of June 1688.

The king of France was the first who gave James warning of his danger, and offered to assist him in repelling it. But he declined this friendly offer, lest it should be said that he had entered into a private treaty with that monarch to the prejudice of the Protestant religion. Being also deceived and betrayed by Sunderland, he had the weakness to believe, that the reports of an invasion were invented in order to frighten him into a strict connection with France. He gave credit to the repeated assurances of the states, that the armament prepared in their ports was not designed against England. Nay, he even believed the assertions of the prince himself, whose interest it was to deceive. Sunderland deprecated against the possibility of an invasion, and turned to ridicule all who believed the report. Having by the prior consent of James taken possession of all the foreign correspondence, he suppressed every intelligence that might alarm; and even all others whom James trusted, except Dartmouth, affected long to give no faith to the reports of an invasion.

Louis finding his first offers rejected, next proposed to march down his army to the frontiers of the Dutch provinces, and thus detain their forces at home for their own defence. But this proposal met with no better reception than the former. Still Louis was unwilling to abandon a friend and ally whose interest he regarded as closely connected with his own. He ventured to remonstrate with the Dutch against the preparations they were making to invade England. The Dutch treated his remonstrance as an officious impertinence, and James himself declined his mediation.

The king of England, having thus rejected the affluence of his friends, and being left to face the danger alone, was astonished with an advice from his minister in Holland, that an invasion was not only projected, but avowed. When he first read the letter containing this information, he grew pale, and the letter dropped from his hand. He saw himself on the brink of destruction, and knew not to whom to apply for protection. In this emergency, Louis wrote to James in his own hand, that to divert the Dutch from their intended invasion of England, he would lay siege to Maastricht with 32,000 men. James communicated this intelligence to Sunderland, and he to the prince of Orange. Six thousand men were thrown into Maastricht; and the design of Louis, as being impracticable, was laid aside. On this, Louis, being disgusted with James, turned his arms towards Germany. The dauphin laid siege to Philippsburgh on the 5th of October; and prince Clement of Bavaria, by throwing a strong garrison into Cologne, effectually secured the flutes of Holland from any sudden danger from the arms of France.

James had now no resource but in retreating from those precipitate measures which had plunged him into tempests of inextricable distresses. He paid court to the Dutch, and pacified his subjects by entering into any alliance with them for their common security. He replaced in all the counties of England all the deputy lieutenants and justices who had been deprived of their commissions for their adherence to the test and penal laws. He restored the charters of such corporations as he had possessed himself of; he annulled the high commission court; he reinstated the expelled president and fellows of Magdalen college; and was even reduced to care for those bishops whom he had so lately persecuted and insulted.

All these concessions, however, were now too late; but in vain they were regarded as the effects of fear, and not of repentance. Indeed, it is said, he very soon gave proofs of his sincerity; for, hearing that the Dutch fleet was dispersed, he recalled those concessions he had made in favour of Magdalen college; and to show his attachment to the Roman church, at the baptism of the prince of Wales, he appointed the pope one of the sponsors.

In the mean time, William set sail from Helvoetsluys with a fleet of near 500 vessels, and an army of above lands in 14,000 men. Fortune, however, seemed at first every way unfavourable to his enterprise. He was driven back by a dreadful storm; but he soon fitted his fleet, and again set sail for England. It was given out that this invasion was designed for the coasts of France; and many of the English, who saw the fleet pass along their coasts, little suspected the place of its destination. It happened that the same wind which sent the Dutch to their place of destination, detained the English fleet in the river; so that the Dutch passed the straits of Dover without molestation; and after a voyage of of two days, landed at Broxholme in Torbay, on the 5th of November, the anniversary of the gunpowder treason.

But though the invitation from the English was very general, the prince for some time had the mortification to find himself joined by very few. He continued for ten days in expectation of being joined by the malecontents, and at last was going to despair of success. But just when he began to deliberate about reembarking his forces, he was joined by several persons of consequence, and the whole country soon after flocked to his standard. The first person that joined the prince was major Burrrington, and he was quickly followed by the gentry of the counties of Devon and Somerset. Sir Edward Seymour made proposals for an association, which was signed by great numbers; and every day there appeared some effect of that universal combination into which the nation had entered against the measures of the king.

This was followed by the defection of the army. Lord Colchester, son to the earl of Rivers, first deserted to the prince. Lord Cornbury, son to the earl of Clarendon, carried off the greatest part of three regiments of cavalry at once; and several officers of distinction informed Faversham their general, that they could not in honour fight against the prince of Orange. Soon after this the unhappy monarch found himself deserted by his own servants and creatures. Lord Churchill had been raised from the rank of a page, and had been invested with an high command in the army; he had been created a peer, and owed his whole fortune to the king's bounty: yet even he deserted among the rest; and carried with him the duke of Grafton natural son to the late king, colonel Berkly, and some others.

In this universal defection, James, not knowing where to turn, began to think of requesting assistance from France when it was now too late. He wrote to Leopold emperor of Germany: but in vain; that monarch only returning for answer, That what he had foreseen had happened. James had some dependance on his fleet; but they were entirely disaffected. In a word, his interests were deserted by all, for he had long deserted them himself. He still found his army, however, to amount to 20,000 men; and had he led them immediately to battle, it is possible they might then have fought in his favour. But James's misfortunes had deprived him of his natural firmness and resolution; and, seeing himself deserted by those in whom he thought he could have placed most confidence, he became suspicious of all, and was in a manner deprived even of the power of deliberation. In this extremity of distress, the prince of Denmark, and Anne James's favourite daughter, perceiving the desperation of his circumstances, cruelly resolved to take part with the prince of Orange.

When the king was informed of this, he was flung with the most bitter anguish. "God help me (cried he), my own children have forsaken me." To add to his distress as a parent, he was accused of being accessory to the death of his own child. Her nurse, and her uncle the earl of Clarendon, went up and down like distracted persons, affirming that the Papists had murdered the princess. They publicly asked the queen's servants whither they had conveyed her? and they contributed to inflame the populace, whose zeal had already inflamed them to tumult and disorder. It was, however, soon known that she fled, under the conduct of the bishop of London, to Northampton.

On the 30th of November 1688, James sent three of his noblemen to treat with the prince of Orange. But though the latter knew very well that the king's commissioners were in his interests, his behaviour showed plainly that he now thought the time of treating was past. For some time he would not admit them to an audience; and, when he did, would give no satisfactory answer. James now began to be afraid of his personal safety. But what most affected him was the terrors of the queen for herself and her infant son. He therefore resolved to send them abroad. They crossed the river in a boat, at Whitehall, in a stormy and rainy day. They were carried to Gravesend in a coach, under the conduct of the count de Lauzun. A yacht, commanded by captain Gray, which lay there ready for the purpose, soon transported them in safety to Calais.

The king was now so dispirited and distracted, that he resolved to leave the kingdom at once, and thus to throw everything into confusion. He threw the great seal into the Thames; he left none with any authority to conduct affairs in his absence; and he vainly hoped to derive advantage to his affairs from anarchy and disorder. About twelve at night, on the 10th of December, he disguised himself, took a boat at Whitehall, and crossed the river. Sir Edward Hales, with another friend, met him at Vauxhall with horses. He mounted; and being conducted through by-ways, by a guide, he passed in the night-time to the Medway, which he crossed by Aylesford-bridge. At Woolpeck he took fresh horses, sent thither before by Sheldon one of his equerries who was in the secret of his flight. He arrived at ten o'clock at Embyferry near Faversham, where a customhouse hoy, hired by Sir Edward Hales, lay ready to receive them on board. But the wind blew fresh, and the vessel had no ballast. The master, therefore, easily persuaded the king to permit him to take in ballast at Shilness. It being half ebb when they ran ashore, they designed to sail as soon as the vessel should be afloat. But when the vessel was almost afloat, she was boarded by three fisher-boats belonging to Faversham, containing 50 men. They seized the king and his two companions, under pretence of their being Papists that wanted to escape from the kingdom. They turned up Faversham water with the tide; but still the king remained unknown. Sir Edward Hales placed privately 50 guineas in the hands of the captain, as an earnest of more should he permit them to escape. He promised: but was so far from keeping his word, that he took what money they had, under pretence of securing it from the seamen; and, having possessed himself of their all, he left them to their fate. The unfortunate fugitives were at length carried in a coach to Faversham, amid the insults, clamours, and shouts, of the sailors. When the king was brought to the inn, a seaman, who had served under him, knew him, and melted into tears; and James himself was so much moved at this instance of his affection, that he wept. The other fishermen, who had treated him with such indignity before, when they saw his tears, fell upon their knees. The lower inhabitants of the whole village gathered round him; but the better sort fled from his presence. The fishermen, however, formed themselves into a guard round him, him, and declared that "a hair of his head should not be touched." In the mean time, Sir James Oxendon, under the pretence of guarding him from the rabble, came with the militia to prevent his escape. The king found a change in his condition when he was taken out of the hands of the sailors. The commanders of the militia showed him no respect. He was even insulted by the common soldiers. A letter which he intended to send to London for clothes, a change of linen, and some money, was snatched by those who pretended to protect his person.

All things in the mean time ran into confusion at London, and the prince of Orange exercised in his own person all the functions of royalty. He issued a declaration to the disbanded army to reassemble themselves. He ordered the secretary at war to bring him a list of the king's troops. He commanded the lord Churchill to collect his troop of horse-guards. He sent the duke of Grafton to take possession in his name of Tilbury fort. The assembly of peers adjourned to the council-chamber at Whitehall; and, to give the appearance of legality to their meeting, chose the marquis of Halifax for their president. While this assembly was sitting, on the 13th of December, a poor countryman, who had been engaged by James, brought an open letter from that unfortunate prince to London. It had no superscription; and it was addressed to none. It contained, in one sentence only, his deplorable condition when in the hands of a desperate rabble. This poor messenger of their fallen sovereign had long waited at the council door, without being able to attract the notice of any who passed. The earl of Mulgrave at length, apprised of his business, had the courage to introduce him to the council. He delivered his open letter, and told the state of the king with tears. The assembly were so much moved, that they sent the earl of Fetherham with 200 of the guards towards Fetherham. His instructions were to rescue him first from danger, and afterwards to attend him to the sea-coast, should he choose to retire. He chose, however, to return to London; but the prince of Orange sent a message to him, directing him to advance no nearer the capital than Rochester. The messenger missed James by the way. The king sent Fetherham with a letter to the prince of Orange, requesting his presence in London to settle the nation. He himself proceeded to that place, and arrived on the 16th of December. Doubting the fidelity of the troops who were quartered at Westminster, he chose to pass through the city to Whitehall. Never prince returning with victory to his capital was received with louder acclamations of joy. All the streets were covered with bonfires. The bells were rung, and the air was rent with repeated shouts of gladness. All orders of men crowded to his coach; and, when he arrived at Whitehall, his apartments were crowded with people who came to express their joy at his return.

The prince of Orange received the news of his return with an haughty air. His aim from the beginning was to force him by threats and severities to relinquish the throne. The Dutch guards were ordered to take possession of Whitehall, and to displace the English. The king was soon after commanded by a message, which he received in bed at midnight, to leave his palace next morning, and to depart for Ham, a seat of the duchess of Lauderdale's. He desired, however, permission to retire to Rochester, a town not far from the sea-coast, and opposite to France. This was readily granted; and it was now perceived that the harsh measures of the prince had taken effect, and that the king meditated an escape to France.

The king, surrounded by the Dutch guards, arrived at Rochester on the 19th of December. The restraint put upon his person, and the manner in which he had been forced from London, raised the indignation of many, and the compassion of all. The English army, both officers and soldiers, began to murmur; and had it not been for the timidity and precipitation of James himself, the nation had certainly returned to their allegiance. He remained three nights at Rochester, in the midst of a few faithful friends. The earls of Arundel, Dumbarton, Ailesbury, Litchfield, and Middleton, in the kingdom, were there; and, with other officers of merit, the gallant lord Dundee. They argued against his flight with united efforts. Several bishops, some peers, and many officers, intreated his stay in some part of England. Meffage followed meffage from London. They represented that the opinions of men began to change, and that events would daily rise in favour of his authority. Dundee added his native ardour to his advice. "The question, Sir," (said he), "is, Whether you shall stay in England, or fly to France? Whether you shall trust the returning zeal of your native subjects, or rely on a foreign power? Here you ought to stand. Keep possession of a part, and the whole will submit by degrees. Resume the spirit of a king. Summon your subjects to their allegiance. Your army, though disbanded, is not dispersed. Give me your commission. I will gather 10,000 of your troops. I will carry your standard at their head through England, and drive before you the Dutch and their prince." The king replied, "that he believed it might be done; but that it would raise a civil war, and he would not do so much mischief to a nation that would so soon come to their senses again." Middleton urged his stay, though in the remotest part of the kingdom. "Your majesty," (said he), "may throw things into confusion by your departure; but it will be but the anarchy of a month: a new government will soon be settled, and you and your family will be ruined." These spirited remonstrances had no effect upon James. He resolved to quit the kingdom; and having communicated his design to a few of his friends, he passed at midnight through the back-door of the house where he lodged, and with his son the duke of Berwick, and Biddulph one of his servants, went in a boat to a smack, which lay waiting for him without the fort of Sheerness. By reason of a hard gale they were forced to bear up toward Leigh, and to anchor on the Essex-side, under the lee of the land. When the gale slackened, they reached the Buoy of the Narrows without tacking; but not being able to weather the Goodwin, they were forced to fall through the downs. Seven ships lay there at anchor; but the smack passed unquestioned along. Unable to fetch Calais, she bore away for Boulogne, and anchored before Ambleteuse. The king landed at three o'clock France, in the morning of Tuesday, December 25th; and taking post, soon joined his queen at St Germain.

James having thus abandoned his dominions, the prince of Orange remained master of them of course. By the advice of the house of lords, the only member of of the legislature remaining, he was desired to summon a parliament by circular letters; but the prince, unwilling to act upon so imperfect an authority, convened all the members who had sat in the house of commons during any parliament of Charles II, and to these were added the mayor, aldermen, and fifty of the common council of London; and the prince, being thus supported by an assembly deriving its authority from himself, wrote circular letters to the counties and corporations of England to call a new parliament.

The house being met, which was mostly composed of the Whig party, thanks were given to the prince of Orange for the deliverance he had brought them; after which they proceeded to settle the kingdom. A vote soon passed both houses, that king James II, having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of the kingdom, by breaking the original contract between the king and his people, and having by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons violated the fundamental laws, and withdrawn himself out of the kingdom, had abdicated the government; and that the throne was thereby vacant.

The king being thus deposed, it was easy for William to get himself appointed as his successor. Proposals were made for electing a regent. Others were for investing the princess of Orange with regal power, and declaring the young prince supposititious. To these proposals, however, William opposed the following decisive argument, viz., that "he had been called over to defend the liberties of the British nation, and that he had happily effected his purpose; that he had heard of several schemes proposed for the establishing of the government; that, if they chose a regent, he thought it incumbent upon him to inform them that he would not be that regent; that he would not accept of the crown under the princess his wife, though he was convinced of her merits; that therefore, if either of these schemes was adopted, he could give them no assistance in the settlement of the nation; but would return home to his own country, satisfied with his aims to secure the freedom of theirs." Upon this, after a long debate in both houses, a new sovereign was preferred to a regent by a majority of two voices. It was agreed that the prince and princess of Orange should reign jointly as king and queen of Britain; while the administration of government should be placed in the hands of the prince only. The marquis of Halifax, as speaker of the house of lords, made a solemn tender of the crown to their Highnesses, in the name of the peers and commons of Britain. The prince accepted the offer; and that very day, February 13th 1689, William and Mary were proclaimed king and queen of Great Britain.

Though Mary was comprehended in the royal title, she never possessed either the authority of a queen, or the influence of a wife. Her easy temper had long been subdued by the stern severity of a husband who had very few amiable qualities. Being brought up in a manner under the tuition of her spouse, and in some degree confined by his orders, she was accustomed to adopt implicitly his political maxims and even his thoughts; and in consequence of her want of importance with him, she ceased to be an object of consequence in the eyes of the nation.

William began his reign with issuing a proclamation for continuing in office all protestants that had been in place on the first of the preceding December. On the 17th of the month he formed his privy council, which consisted chiefly of such persons as had been most active in raising him to the throne. To gratify as many as possible of his friends, the several boards, and even the chancery, were put into commission. The benches of the exchequer and common law were filled with persons who had distinguished themselves against the measures of the late king. The earl of Nottingham who had violently opposed the elevation of William, and the earl of Shrewsbury who had adhered to his views, were made secretaries of state. The marquis of Halifax, and the earl of Danby, though rivals in policy, were admitted into the cabinet; the first as lord privy seal, the second as president of the council. His Dutch friends in the mean time were not forgotten by the king. Bentinck, his favourite, was made a privy counsellor, groom of the stole, and privy purse. Auverquerque was appointed master of the horse. Zuylenstein received the office of master of the robes. Schomberg was placed at the head of the ordinance.

Though these influences of gratitude were no doubt necessary to William, the generality of the nation were discontented, displeased. The tories were offended at being excluded from his favour, especially as they had departed from their principles in order to serve him. The nation in general were much prejudiced against foreigners, and universal discontent ensued upon seeing them preferred. The king, who had been bred a Calvinist, was also very strongly inclined to favour that sect; and his prejudices in favour of Calvinism were almost equal to those of James in favour of Popery. Finding, therefore, the clergy of the church of England little inclined to take the oaths to the new government, he began openly to indulge his own prejudices in favour of dissenters. Having come to the house of lords to pass some bills, on the 16th of March, he made a speech, urging the necessity of admitting all Protestants indiscriminately into the public service. He told his parliament, that he had something to communicate, which would conduce in favour of as much to their settlement as to the disappointment of their enemies. He informed them, that he was employed in filling up the vacancies in offices of trust; and he hoped that they were sensible of the necessity of a law to settle the oaths to be taken by such persons as should be admitted into place. As he doubted not, he said, that they would sufficiently provide against Papists, so he hoped that they would leave room for the admission of all Protestants that were able and willing to serve.

This proposition was rejected with vehemence. The adherents of the church complained that the ruin which they feared from the Papists in the preceding reign was now to be dreaded from the Protestant dissenters. They affirmed, that if the established religion was to be destroyed, it mattered little by whose hands it must fall. A bill brought in by the ministry for abrogating the former oaths of supremacy and allegiance was rejected.

An attempt to dispense with the sacramental test was made without success in another form. The court party proposed that any man should be sufficiently qualified for an office by producing a certificate of his having received the sacrament in any Protestant congregation. gation. But this motion was also rejected in the house of lords by a great majority. William repeated his attempts of a comprehension; but he was ultimately unsuccessful, and in the coronation-oath the church-party inserted a clause highly favourable to themselves, viz. that the king should maintain the Protestant religion "as established by law." To this clause William is said to have discovered an apparent unwillingness to swear.

For these and other reasons the government of William was for some time but in a very tottering condition. The king, either through want of health or inclination, interfered but little in the affairs of the nation. Ireland was strangely neglected. Halifax and Danby, who had in a manner raised the king to the throne, caballed with his enemies. They perceived that the people, with the same levity that induced them to desert their former sovereign, were beginning to be discontented with their new prince. Everything seemed to tend to a change. Halifax himself declared, that were James to conform with the Protestants, he could not be kept four months from reascending his throne. Danby averred, that, were the late king to give satisfaction for the security of religion, it would be difficult to oppose his restoration. From these apparent contents of the nation, the friends and emissaries of James assumed more boldness. They tampered with the servants of the crown, and inflamed the army. The former they alarmed with the prospect of a sudden change; the latter they roused into indignation by the manifest preference given by William to his countrymen the Dutch.

Though the kingdom of Scotland did not at first recognize the authority of William, yet the party of James never attained sufficient strength to be of any effectual service to him in that kingdom. Thirty Scots peers, and near 80 gentlemen, then in London, had waited in the beginning of January on the prince of Orange. Without any authority from the regency still subsisting in Edinburgh, they formed themselves into a kind of convention. The prince of Orange in a formal manner asked their advice. He withdrew, and they adjourned to the council-chamber at Whitehall. The duke of Hamilton being chosen president, explained the distracted state of Scotland. He represented, that disorders, anarchy, and confusion, prevailed; and he urged the necessity of placing the power somewhere till a convention of states should be called to form a lasting and solid settlement. When the heads of their address to the prince of Orange were settled, and ordered to be engrossed, the earl of Arran unexpectedly arose, and proposed to invite back the king. The meeting, however, adhered to the prince of Orange; and waited on him in a body, requesting him to take the administration into his hands. He thanked them for the trust they had reposed in him; and a convention was ordered to meet at Edinburgh on the 14th of March, and it was provided that no exception or limitation whatever should be made, except that the members should be Protestants.

A secession, however, was made from this convention, in favour of James. The archbishop of Glasgow, the earl of Balcarres, and the viscount Dundee, were authorized by an instrument signed by the late king, at that time in Ireland, to call a convention of the states at Stirling. But this measure was disappointed, first by the wavering disposition of the marquis of Athol, and afterwards by the delay and folly of the party. At last, the viscount Dundee, being alarmed by an information of a design formed by the covenanters to assassinate him, left Edinburgh at the head of 50 horse. When he passed under the walls of the castle, the duke of Gordon, who held that place, and favoured the cause of James, called him to a conference. He scrambled up the precipice, and informed the duke of his designs in favour of the late king. He conjured him to hold out the castle, under a certainty of being relieved. The novelty of the sight collected multitudes of spectators. The convention were alarmed. The president ordered the doors to be locked, and the keys to be laid upon the table. The drums were beat to alarm in the town. A parcel of ill-armed retainers were gathered together in the street by the earl of Leven. Dundee in the mean time rode off with his party. But when they found themselves secure, the duke of Hamilton adjourned the convention, which relieved the adherents of James from dreadful apprehensions for their own safety. Fifty members retired from Edinburgh; and that circumstance procured an unanimity in all the succeeding resolutions of the convention. Soon after this it was determined in a committee, that James had forfeited his right to the crown, by which was meant that he had perpetually excluded himself and his whole race from the crown, which was thereby become vacant. This resolution was approved by the convention, and another was drawn up for raising William and Mary to the vacant throne; in consequence of which they were proclaimed at Edinburgh on the 11th of April 1689.

The castle of Edinburgh was still kept, in the name of James, by the duke of Gordon: but despairing of any relief, and pressed by a siege, he surrendered it on the 13th of June, upon honourable terms. The adherents of James, terrified with this unexpected misfortune, now turned their eyes to the viscount Dundee. That nobleman having been in vain urged by the convention to return, they had declared him a fugitive, an outlaw, and a rebel. General Mackay had been sent to Scotland by William with four regiments of foot, and one of dragoons; and Dundee being apprised of his design to surprize him, retired to the Grampian mountains with a few horse. He marched from thence to Gordon castle, where he was joined by the earl of Dunfermline with 50 gentlemen. He then passed through the county of Murray to Inverness. Macdonald of Keppoch lay with 700 men before that town; after having ravaged, in his way from his own country, the lands of the clan of Macintosh. Dundee, having promised to the magistrates of Inverness to repay, at the king's return, the money extorted from them by Macdonald, induced the latter to join him with all his men. He could not prevent them, however, from first returning home with their spoil. He accompanied them to Lochaber, and on the 8th of May arrived in Badenoch. From thence he wrote letters to the chiefs of all the clans, appointing them to meet at a general rendezvous in Lochaber, on the 18th of the same month. In the mean time, passing suddenly through Athol, he surprized the town of Perth. In hopes of gaining to his party the two troops of Scots dragoons... who lay at Dundee, he marched suddenly to that place; but the fidelity of captain Balfour, who commanded them, disappointed his views. Having raised the land-tax as he passed, Dundee returned through Athol and Rannoch to hold the diet of rendezvous at Lochaber. Here he was reinforced by several Highland chieftains, so that his army amounted to 1500 men. He pursued Mackay for four days, who had advanced to Inverness, but afterwards retreated to Strathbogie, leaving the whole Highlands exposed to the enemy.

Soon after, however, Dundee found himself surrounded with many difficulties. The officers of the Scots dragoons, who held a secret correspondence with him, wrote him false intelligence, as an excuse for their own fears. They informed him that a party of Irish, who had endeavoured to land in Scotland, under the duke of Berwick, were driven back, and the duke himself taken prisoner; and that Mackay had been reinforced with a regiment of English horse, and another of foot. On this intelligence, Dundee retreated to Badenoch. The natives of the low country who served in his army quitted him without leave; and the Highlanders plundered the country wherever they came: at last he himself fell sick, while Mackay hovered on his rear. A flight skirmish happened, in which the Highlanders prevailed; but they lost their baggage during the action. Dundee at length arrived at Ruthven; but Mackay being reinforced with a body of 1200 men advanced against him, and other regiments had arrived at Perth and Dumbarton. The Highlanders now deserted every night by hundreds; their gallant leader himself was forced to retire to Lochaber, where only 200 of his whole force remained with him; and, to complete his misfortunes, he received at the same time news of the surrender of the castle of Edinburgh.

On the 23rd of June, letters arrived from king James, with a promise of immediate succours from Ireland; upon which Dundee ordered the neighbouring clans to assemble round his standard. But still he had scarce any thing but the mere bodies of his men with which he could prosecute the war. The Highlanders were armed only with their own proper weapons, and he had no more than 40 pounds of powder in his whole army. All difficulties, however, were surmounted by the active spirit of the general, for whom the army entertained an enthusiastic zeal. On the 17th of July, he met the king's forces under general Mackay, near the pass of Killiecrankie. An engagement ensued, in which the Highlanders were victorious. Two thousand of Mackay's men were lost either in the field or in the pursuit; but the victory cost the Highlanders very dear, for their brave general was mortally wounded. He survived the battle, however; and wrote an account of the victory to king James: he even imagined his wound was not mortal; but he died the next morning at Blair. With him ended all the hopes of James in Scotland. Colonel Cannon, who succeeded Dundee in the command, possessed neither his popularity nor his abilities. After some insignificant actions, in which the valour of the soldiers was more conspicuous than the conduct of their leader, the Highlanders dispersed themselves in disgust; and the war soon after ended favourably for William, without any repulse given to his enemies.

During the troubles in England, which had terminated in placing William on the throne, the two parties in Ireland were kept in a kind of tranquillity by their mutual fears. The Protestants were terrified at the prospect of another massacre; and the Papists expected every day to be invaded by the joint force of the English and Dutch. Their terrors, however, were ill founded; for though Tyrconnel sent several messengers to the prince, that he was ready to deliver up the kingdom to any force that might make a surrender decent, his offers were always rejected. William was persuaded by the marquis of Halifax, that, should Ireland yield, no pretence could remain for keeping an army in pay; that then, having no army to protect his authority, he might as easily be turned out as he had been brought in; that the English nation could never remain long in a state of good humour; and that he might perceive they already began to be discontented. These insidious arguments induced William to neglect Ireland in such a manner as is justly looked upon to be one of the greatest blemishes in his whole reign. His enemies, indeed, though perhaps without any good foundation, assign a worse cause; viz. that should England be confirmed under his government, Ireland could not long hold out; and that the obstinacy of his Irish enemies would give a pretence for forfeitures to gratify his English, but especially his foreign friends.

Tyrconnel, disappointed in his views of surrendering Ireland to the prince of Orange, affected to adhere to the king of James. The whole military force of the kingdom at that time amounted only to 4000 men, and of these only 600 were in Dublin; and what was still worse, all of them were so much disposed to quit the service, that the lord deputy was obliged to issue commissions for levying new forces. Upon this, an half-armed rabble, rather than army, rose suddenly in various parts of the kingdom. Having no pay from the king, they subsisted by depredation, and regarded no discipline. The Protestants in the north armed themselves in their own defence; and the city of Londonderry, relying on its situation, and a slight wall, shut its gates against their own the new-raised army. Protestant parties in the mean time rose everywhere, declaring their resolution to unite in self-defence, to preserve the Protestant religion, to continue their dependence on England, and to promote the meeting of a free parliament.

To preserve appearances, William now sent general Hamilton, an Irishman and a Roman catholic, to treat with Tyrconnel; but instead of persuading that lord to yield to William, this messenger advised him to adhere to James. In the mean time James himself assured the lord deputy, that he was ready to fail from Brexit with a powerful armament. Hamilton, assuming spirit from the hopes of this aid, marched against the northern insurgents. They were routed with considerable slaughter at Drumore; and Hillsborough, where defeated at they had fixed their head-quarters, was taken without resistance: the city of Londonderry, however, resolved to hold out to the last extremity.

On the 7th of March 1689, James embarked at Brexit. The whole force of his expedition consisted of 14 ships of war, 6 frigates, and 3 fire-ships. Twelve hundred of his native subjects in the pay of France, and 100 French officers, composed the whole army of James. He landed at Kinfaile without opposition on the 12th of the month, where he was received with the utmost demonstrations of joy. His first care was to secure, in the fort of Kinsale, the money, arms, and ammunition, which he brought from France; and put the town in some posture of defense: which having done, he advanced to Cork. Tyrconnell arrived at this place soon after, and brought intelligence of the rout at Dromore. The king was so much pleased with his attachment and services, that he created him a duke; after which, he himself advanced towards Dublin. The condition of the rabble, who poured round him under the name of an army, was not calculated to raise his hopes of success. The most of them were only provided with clubs; some had sticks tipped with iron; and even of those who were best armed, scarce two in a hundred had muskets fit for service. Their very numbers disheartened their sovereign, and ruined the country; inasmuch that James resolved to disband the greatest part of them. More than 100,000 were already on foot in the different parts of the island. Of these he referred 14 regiments of horse and dragoons, and 35 regiments of foot; the rest he ordered to their respective homes, and armed those that were retained in the best manner he could.

Being received at Dublin with an appearance of universal joy, James proceeded immediately to business. He ordered, by proclamation, all Protestants who had abandoned the kingdom to return. He commanded, in a second proclamation, all Papists, except those in his army, to lay up their arms, and put an end to the robberies and depredations which they had committed in the violence of their zeal. He raised the value of the currency by a proclamation; and he summoned a parliament to meet on the 7th of May, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The Protestant clergy represented their grievances in an address; and the university of Dublin appeared with complaints and congratulations. He assured the first of his absolute protection, and a full redress; and he promised the latter not only to defend, but even to enlarge, their privileges.

On the 8th of April, James left Dublin, resolving to lead his army against the insurgents in person. They retired before him, and the king laid siege to Londonderry. The besieged made such a vigorous resistance as has made the place remarkable ever since; but being reduced to the last extremity, they would have been obliged to surrender, had not they been relieved on the 28th of July, by seven ships laden with provisions; upon which the siege was immediately raised.

In the mean time, the distressed situation of James, and his absolute dependence upon France, drove him into measures which otherwise he would never have thought of. His soldiers for some time had been supported by their officers, or subsisted by depredation. The funds of the officers were at last exhausted, and the country itself could no longer bear the riot and injustice of the soldiers. Pressed by these difficulties, James, by the advice of his council, resolved to coin pieces of copper, which should be received for silver. He saw well enough the inconveniences of this measure; but all Ireland possessed not the means of paying the army, in current coin, to the middle of June. Of the French remittances only 200,000 livres remained; and the king found it absolutely necessary to reserve that sum, to forward his measures with regard to Britain, and to procure intelligence of the motions of his enemies. The army was satisfied even with this appearance of money, and the people received the fictitious coin in hopes of being repaid in a more favorable state of affairs. A tax of 20,000l. a month, granted for 13 months by the parliament, furnished government with an appearance of resources; and in the meantime the king endeavored to support the former revenue. He opened a trade with France to supply the want of commerce with England. But the French, knowing their own importance, and the necessity of the unfortunate monarch's affairs, claimed and obtained advantages in traffic which offended his own subjects.

To add to the distresses of James, Ireland was now invaded by 10,000 men under the command of the duke of Schomberg. They appeared on the 12th of August William's army; in the county of Down. Next day Schomberg landed without opposition his army, horses, and train of artillery. Having marched to Belfast on the 15th, he continued in that place four days to refresh his troops. He invested Carrickfergus, and threw into it 100 bombs, which laid the houses in ashes. The garrison having expended their powder to the last barrel, marched out with all the honors of war. But Schomberg's soldiers broke the capitulation. They disarmed and stripped the inhabitants, without any regard to sex or quality; even women, stark naked, were publicly whipped between the lines; and all this under pretence of cruelties of the same kind having been committed by the Papists.

Though Schomberg was an experienced general, who had passed a life of 80 years almost continually in the field, he found himself at a loss how to carry on the war in Ireland. He did not consider the dangers that threatened the health of his troops by confining them too long in one place; and he kept them in a low moist camp near Dundalk, almost without firing of any kind; so that the men fell into fevers and fluxes, and died in great numbers. The enemy were not less afflicted with similar disorders. Both camps remained for some time in sight of each other; and at last, the rainy season approaching, both armies quitted their camps at the same time, and retired into winter quarters.

The bad success of the campaign, and the miserable situation of the Protestants in Ireland, at length induced William in William to attempt their relief in person. Accordingly, he left London on the 4th of June 1690, and arrived at Carrickfergus on the 14th of that month. From thence he passed to Lisburn, the head quarters of the duke of Schomberg. He reviewed at Lough-Brizland his army, which consisted of 36,000 men, and was composed of English, Dutch, Germans, Danes, and French. Being supplied with every necessary, and in high health and spirits, they seemed absolutely certain of victory. The Irish army, having abandoned Ardee at their approach, fell back to the south of the Boyne. On the banks of that river they were joined by James, who had marched from Dublin at the head of his French auxiliaries. The banks of the Boyne were steep; the fourth side hilly, and fortified with ditches. The river itself was deep, and it rose very high with the tide. These advantages induced James, contrary to the opinion of his officers, to keep possession of this post. His army was inferior in numbers, discipline, and everything, to his his enemies; but flight, he thought, would dispirit his troops, and tarnish his own reputation; he therefore resolved to put the fate of Ireland on the issue of a battle. Urged by his friends in England, and encouraged by a projected invasion of that kingdom by France, he had resolved to quit Ireland; and to this he was farther encouraged by the assurance of aid from a powerful fleet that had already entered the narrow seas. But the strength of his situation, and the sudden appearance of the enemy, which made even a retreat dangerous, induced him to defer his purpose.

William was no sooner arrived, than he rode along the river's side, in sight of both armies, to make proper observations on the plan of battle; but in the meantime, being perceived by the enemy, a cannon was privately brought out and planted against him where he was sitting. The shot killed several of his followers, and he himself was wounded in the shoulder. The news of his being slain was instantly propagated through the Irish camp, and even sent off to Paris; but William, as soon as his wound was dressed, rode through the camp, and quickly undeceived his army.

The next day, (June 30th), the battle began at six in the morning. James's forces behaved with great resolution, but were at last defeated with the loss of 1500 men. The Protestants lost but about one third of that number; but among these was their brave general the duke of Schomberg. He was killed by a discharge from his own troops, who, not knowing that he had been accidentally hurled into the midst of the enemy, fired upon the body of men who surrounded him. During the action, James stood on the hill of Dunmore, surrounded with some squadrons of horse; and at intervals was heard to exclaim, when he saw his own troops repulsing those of the enemy, "O spare my English subjects!" While his troops were yet fighting, he quitted his station; and leaving orders to guard the pass at Duleek, made the best of his way to Dublin. He advised the magistrates of that city to make the best terms they could with the victors; and himself set out for Waterford, where he immediately embarked for France. When he first deserted his troops at the Boyne, O'Regan, an old Irish captain, was heard to say, "That if the English would exchange generals, the conquered army would fight them over again."

The victory at the Boyne was by no means decisive, and the friends of James resolved to continue their opposition to William. Sarsfield, a popular and experienced general, put himself at the head of the army that had been routed at the Boyne, and went farther into the country to defend the banks of the river Shannon. James appointed one St Ruth to command over Sarsfield, which gave the Irish universal discontent. On the other hand, general Ginkel, who had been appointed to command the English army in the absence of William, who was gone over to England, advanced towards the Shannon to meet the enemy. The only place where it was fordable was at Athlone, a strong walled town built on both sides of the river, and in the hands of king James's party. The English soon made themselves masters of that part which was on the hither side of the river; but the part on the opposite bank being defended with great vigour, was for a long while thought impregnable. At length it was resolved in a council of war, that a body of forlorn hope should ford the stream in the face of the enemy; and this desperate enterprise was performed with great resolution; the enemy were driven from their works, and the town surrendered at discretion. St Ruth marched his army to its relief, but he came too late; for he no sooner approached, than his own guns were turned against him; upon which he instantly marched off, and took post at Aughrim, at ten miles distance, where he determined to wait the English army. Ginkel did not decline the combat, though he had only 18,000 men, while the Irish were above 25,000 strong. A desperate engagement ensued; but at last St Ruth being killed, St Ruth, his troops gave way on all sides, and retreated to Limerick, where they determined to make a final stand, after having lost near 5000 of their best men.

Ginkel, wishing to put an end to the war at once, suffered as many of the Irish as chose, to retire to Limerick. In this last retreat the Irish forces made a brave defence. The siege commenced August 25th 1691. Six weeks were spent before the place without any decisive effect. The garrison was well supplied with provisions, and provided with all means of defence. The winter was approaching, and Ginkel had orders to finish the war upon any terms. He therefore offered such conditions as the Irish, had they been victors, could have refused with prudence. He agreed, that all in arms should receive their pardon; that their estates should be restored, their attainders annulled, and their outlawries reversed; that none should be liable for debts incurred through deeds done in the course of hostilities; that all Roman catholics should enjoy the same toleration with regard to their religion, as in the reign of Charles II.; that the gentry should be permitted to make use of arms; that the inferior fort should be allowed to exercise their callings and professions; that no oaths but that of allegiance should be required of high or low; that should the troops, or any number of them, choose to retire into any foreign service, they should be conveyed to the continent, at the expense of the king. Sarsfield, who had obtained the title of earl of Lucan from James after his abdication, was permitted to retain a dignity which the laws could not recognize. The lords justices had arrived from Dublin on the first of October. They signed the articles together with Ginkel; and thus the Irish Papists put a happy period to a war which threatened their party with absolute ruin. In consequence of this treaty, about 14,000 of those who had fought for king James went over to France, having transports provided by government for conveying them thither. When they arrived, James thanked them for their loyalty, and told them that they should still fight for their old master; and that he had obtained an order from the king of France, for their being new clothed, and put into quarters of refreshment. In this manner all James's expectations from Ireland were entirely frustrated, and the kingdom submitted quietly to the English government.

In the beginning of the year 1692, an action of unprecedented barbarity disgraced the government of William in Scotland. In the preceding August, in consequence of a pacification with the Highlanders, a proclamation of indemnity had been issued to such insurgents as should take the oaths to the king and queen, on or before the last day of December. The chiefs of the few tribes who had been in arms for James complied soon after with the proclamation; but Macdonald of Glencoe... Glencoe failed in submitting within the limited time; more, however, from accident than design. In the end of December, he came to Colonel Hill, who commanded the garrison in fort William, to take the oaths of allegiance to the government. Hill, having furnished Macdonald with a letter to Sir Colin Campbell, sheriff of the county of Argyle, directed him to repair immediately to Inverary, to make his submission in a legal manner before that magistrate. The way to Inverary lay through almost impassable mountains; the season was extremely rigorous, and the whole country covered with a deep snow. So eager, however, was Macdonald to take the oaths, before the limited time should expire, that, tho' the road lay within half a mile of his own house, he would not stop to visit his family. After various obstructions, he arrived at Inverary. The time was elapsed, and the sheriff hesitated to receive his submission; but Macdonald prevailed on him by his importunities, and even tears. Sir John Dalrymple, afterwards earl of Stair, attended king William as secretary of state for Scotland. He took advantage of Macdonald's neglecting to take the oaths within the time prescribed, and procured from the king a warrant of military execution against him and his whole tribe. As a mark of his own eagerness, or to save Dalrymple, William signed the warrant, both above and below, with his own hand. The secretary, in letters expressive of a brutal ferocity of mind, urged the officers who commanded in the Highlands to execute their orders with the utmost rigour. Campbell of Glenlyon, a captain in Argyle's regiment, and two subalterns, were ordered, with 120 men, to repair to Glencoe on the first of February. Campbell, being uncle to young Macdonald's wife, was received by the father with all manner of friendship and hospitality. The men were treated in the houses of his tenants with free quarters and kind entertainment. Till the 13th of the month, the troops lived in good humour and familiarity with the people. The officers, on the very night of the massacre, passed the evening and played at cards in Macdonald's house. In the night, lieutenant Lindsay, with a party of soldiers, called in a friendly manner at his door. He was instantly admitted. Macdonald, as he was rising to receive his guest, was shot dead behind his back, with two bullets. His wife had already put on her clothes; but she was stripped naked by the soldiers, who tore the rings off her fingers with their teeth. The slaughter was become general. To prevent the pity of the soldiers to their hosts, their quarters had been changed the night before. Neither age nor infirmity was spared. Some women, in defending their children, were killed. Boys, imploring mercy, were shot by officers, on whose knees they hung. In one place, nine persons, as they sat enjoying themselves at table, were shot dead by the soldiers. At Inveriggen, in Campbell's own quarters, nine men were first bound by the soldiers, and then shot at intervals, one by one. Near 40 persons were massacred by the troops. Several, who fled to the mountains, perished by famine and the inclemency of the season. Those who escaped owed their lives to a tempestuous night. Lieutenant colonel Hamilton, who had the charge of the execution from Dalrymple, was on his march with 400 men, to guard all the passes from the valley of Glencoe; but was obliged to stop by the severity of the weather, which proved the safety of the unfortunate tribe. He entered the valley next day; laid all the houses in ashes; and carried away all the cattle and spoil, which were divided among the officers and soldiers.

It can scarce be imagined that a massacre attended with such circumstances of treachery and breach of the laws of hospitality, could pass without some amazement; though the expressions of Cunningham, a writer very partial to the character of king William, seem to account it a fault that it should ever have been inquired into. "Mr James Johnstone, one of the secretaries of state (says he), from motives of revenge, caused the affair of Glencoe to be laid before parliament. This being somewhat disingenuously managed, was the occasion of much trouble to many people. The earl of Breadalbin was committed to the castle of Edinburgh; but the lord viscount Stair, who lay under some suspicion on that account, in a very artful speech endeavoured to resolve the whole matter into a misapprehension of dates; which, he alleged, had led both the actor in the slaughter complained of, and those who now accused him, into mistakes. In conclusion he affirmed, that neither the king nor any other person was to be blamed, save only the misled captain, who did not rightly understand the orders that had been given him." The most disgraceful circumstances of the massacre are by the same author concealed; as he only tells us, that "it unhappily fell out, that the whole clan of Glencoe, being somewhat too late in making their submission to king William, were put to the sword by the hands and orders of captain Campbell; which gave great offence to the king. It is certain the king had cause of resentment against some of his courtiers on account of this foul action; but he thought fit not to question them for it till he could settle himself more firmly on the throne."

It is not improbable, that partly to efface the remembrance of this massacre, and the sham inquiry into the Darien expedition above mentioned, the king now caused his commissioner to declare in the Scots parliament (the same that had inquired into the affair of Glencoe), "That if the members found it would tend to the advancement of trade that an act should be passed for the encouragement of such as should acquire and establish a plantation in Africa, America, or any other part of the world where plantations might be lawfully acquired, that his majesty was willing to declare he would grant to the subjects of this kingdom, in favour of these plantations, such rights and privileges as he granted, in like cases, to the subjects of his other dominions." Relying on this and other flattering promises, the nobility and gentry of Scotland advanced L.400,000 towards the establishment of a company for carrying on an East and West India trade; and 1200 veterans who had served in king William's wars were sent to effect a settlement on the peninsula of Darien, which lies between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and in the narrowest place is not above 60 miles over; and of consequence is equally well adapted for trading with both the Indies.

The new colony were well received by the natives, and matters began to wear a promising aspect, when the king, on the earnest solicitations of the English and Dutch East India Companies, resolved to gratify the latter at the expense of his Scottish subjects; and knowing that the new colony must want supplies of provisions, he sent orders to the governor of Jamaica and the English settlements in America to issue proclamations, prohibiting, under the severest penalties, all his majesty's subjects from holding any correspondence with the Scottish colony, or afflicting it in any shape with arms, ammunition, or provisions: "Thus (says Mr Knox) the king's heart was hardened against these new settlers, whom he abandoned to their fate, though many of them had been covered with wounds in fighting his battles.

"Thus vanished all the hopes of the Scottish nation, which had engaged in this design with incredible alacrity, and with the most sanguine expectations that the misfortunes of their country would, by this new channel of commerce, be completely healed.

"The distresses of the people, upon receiving authentic accounts of the fortune of their colony, scarcely admit of any description. They were not only disappointed in their expectations of wealth and a renewal of their commerce; but hundreds, who had ventured their all, were absolutely ruined by the miscarriage of the design.

"The whole nation seemed to join in the clamour that was raised against their sovereign. They taxed him with double dealing, inhumanity, and base ingratitude, to a people who had lavished their treasure and best blood in support of his government, and in the gratification of his ambition; and had their power been equal to their acrimony, in all probability the island would have been involved in a civil war."

Such is the account of this transaction given by Mr Knox; on the other hand, Mr Cunningham tells us, that "the same parliament (which had inquired into the Glencoe affair) also had under their consideration a scheme for settling a trade and planting a colony in America, which proved afterwards an occasion of manifold evils, and was matter of great complaint both to the English and the Spaniards. The Scots, carrying on the settlement of the colony which has been just mentioned with extravagant parade, and noise, and subscriptions, filled not only England, but all other countries also, with apprehensions lest Scotland should, in process of time, become the emporium of all the trade of Europe. But they never considered how few would trust their fortunes to the disposal of such a numerous nobility, nor calculated the frauds of their own managers; by which means the whole affair was afterwards ruined. Disputes arising on this head between the two kingdoms, old hostilities were recalled to mind; the cattle were driven off from the borders; the customs were defrauded, and other injuries committed; and at last the Spaniards complained of the Scots. Therefore, to prevent the mischiefs which might arise to both kingdoms, the king had nothing so much at heart as to bring about an union upon as fair terms as he could," &c.

The total reduction of Ireland, and the dispersion and extermination of the Highland chieftains who favoured his cause, did not entirely put an end to the hopes of James. His chief expectations next were founded on a conspiracy among his English adherents, and in the succours promised him by the French king. A plot was first formed in Scotland by Sir James Montgomery; a person who, from being an adherent to William, now turned against him; but as the project was ill contrived, so it was as lightly discovered by the instigator. To this another succeeded, which seemed to threaten more serious consequences, as it was managed by the whig party, who were the most formidable in the state. A number of these joined themselves to the tories, and both made advances to the adherents of the late king. They assembled together; and the result of their deliberations was, that the restoration of James was to be effected entirely by foreign forces: that he should sail for Scotland, and be there joined by 5000 Swedes; who, because they were of the Protestant religion, would, it was thought, remove a part of the odium which attended an invasion by foreigners; it was concerted that affiance should at the same time be sent from France, and that full liberty of conscience should be proclaimed throughout the kingdom. In order to lose no time, it was resolved to send over to France two trusty persons to consult with the banished monarch; and lord Preston and Mr Ashton were the two persons appointed for this embassy. Both of them, however, were seized when they least expected it, by order of lord Caernarvon. Both were condemned, and Ashton was executed without making any confession; but lord Preston had not the same resolution. Upon an offer of pardon, he discovered a great number of associates; among whom the duke of Ormond, lord Dartmouth, and lord Clarendon, were foremost.

The French at last became sensible of their bad policy in not having better supported the cause of James, posted by and therefore resolved to make a descent upon England the French in his favour. In pursuance of this scheme, the French king supplied James with an army consisting of a body of French troops, some English and Scots refugees, and the Irish regiments, which had been transported into France from Limerick, and were now become excellent soldiers by long discipline and severe duty. This army was assembled between Cherbourg and La Hogue, and commanded by king James in person. More than 300 transports were provided for landing it on the opposite coast; and Tourville, the French admiral, at the head of 62 ships of the line, was appointed to favour the descent. His orders were, at all events, to attack the enemy, in case they should oppose him; so that every thing promised the banished king a change of fortune.

These preparations on the side of France were soon known at the English court, and every precaution taken for a vigorous opposition. All the secret machinations of the banished king's adherents were discovered to the English ministry by spies; and by these they found that the tories were more faithful than even the whigs who had placed king William on the throne. The duke of Marlborough, lord Godolphin, and even the princess Anne herself, were violently suspected of disaffection. Preparations, however, were made, with great tranquillity and resolution, to resist the growing storm. Admiral Russell was ordered to put to sea with all possible expedition; and he soon appeared with 99 ships of the line, besides frigates and fire-ships. At the head of this formidable fleet he set sail for the coast of France; and, near La Hogue, he discovered the enemy under Tourville, who prepared to give him battle. The engagement began between the two admirals with great... great fury, and the rest of the fleet soon followed their example. The battle lasted for ten hours; but at last victory declared on the side of numbers: the French fled for Conquet road, having lost four ships in the first day's action. The pursuit continued for two days following: three French ships of the line were destroyed the next day; and 18 more, which had taken refuge in the bay of La Hogue, were burnt by Sir George Rooke. In this manner were all the French preparations frustrated; and so decisive was the blow, that from this time France seemed to relinquish all claims to the ocean.

This engagement, which happened on the 21st of May 1692, put a final period to the hopes of James. No further attempts were made in his favour, except some plots to assassinate king William, which ended only in the destruction of those who formed them. But it was never thoroughly proved that James countenanced these plots in the least; it rather appears, that in all cases he expressed the utmost abhorrence of such attempts. In 1697, the abbe de Polignac, ambassador from France in Poland, wrote to his master, that thoughts were entertained of the late king of Britain, in the new election which happened on the death of John Sobieski king of Poland; and that James had been already named by some of the diets as his successor. Louis was eager to seize an opportunity of ridding himself with honour of a prince whose pretensions he could no longer support. The friends of James were also sanguine for the project; but he himself refused it. He told them, that "he would ever retain a grateful remembrance of his friends in Poland. That, however, he would not accept of the crown, had it actually been offered; much less would he endeavour to obtain by solicitation any crown which was not actually his due. That his acceptance of any other sceptre would amount to an abdication indeed of that which he deemed his right. That therefore he was resolved to remain in his present forlorn condition, possessing less hopes than ever of being restored, rather than to do the least act of prejudice to his family." The same year, at an interview between king William and Louis XIV. it was proposed that the prince of Wales (James's son) should succeed to the throne of England after the death of William. The king with little hesitation agreed to this request. He even solemnly engaged to procure the repeal of the act of settlement; and to declare, by another, the prince of Wales his successor to the throne. Even this proposal was rejected by James. He told the king of France, that though he could suffer with patience the usurpation of his nephew upon his right, he would never permit his own son to be guilty of the same injustice. He urged, that should the son reign in his father's lifetime, that circumstance would amount to a formal renunciation. That the prince of Wales, by succeeding to the prince of Orange, would yield his sole right, which was that of his father, &c.

From this time James lost every hope of being restored to the throne, and resigned himself entirely to the austerities of religious enthusiasm. His constitution, though vigorous and athletic, had for some time begun to yield to the infirmities of age, and to that melancholy which superstition as well as his uncommon misfortunes had impressed on his mind. In the beginning of September 1701, when he was, according to his daily custom, at public prayers, he fell suddenly into a lethargy; and though he recovered his senses soon after, he languished for some days, and expired on the 6th of September. The French king, with great humanity, paid him several visits during his sickness; and exhibited every symptom of compassion, affection, and even respect.

Louis, being under a difficulty how to proceed upon the unexpected death of James, called a council to take their advice, whether he should own the prince of Wales as king of Great Britain and Ireland. The king himself had hesitated long in this delicate point. But the dauphin, the duke of Burgundy, and all the princes of the blood, declared, that it was unbecoming the dignity of the crown of France not to own that the titles of the father devolved immediately upon the son. Louis approved of this resolution, and determined to acquaint the dying king with it in person. When he arrived at St Germain, he acquainted first the queen, and then her son, of his design. He then approached the bed in which James lay almost insensible with his disorder. The king, rouging himself, began to thank his most Christian majesty for all his favours; but Louis interrupted him. "Sir," said he, "what I have done is but a small matter; but what I have to say is of the utmost importance." The people then began to retire. "Let no person withdraw," said Louis, "I own by come to acquaint you, Sir, that when God shall please Louis to call your majesty from this world, I shall take your family into my protection, and acknowledge your son, as he then will certainly be, king of Great Britain and Ireland."

Though the defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue had put king William out of all danger from any further attempts from that quarter, he by no means possessed his throne with any kind of tranquillity. The want of a common enemy produced dissensions among the people, and William began to find as much uneasiness from his parliament at home as from an enemy in the field. The uneasiness felt from the refractory disposition of his subjects was not a little heightened by the death of his queen, who was taken off by the small-pox on the 28th of December 1694. For some time he was under a sincere concern for her loss; but queen Mary politics had taken entire possession of his mind, he lost all other concerns in the greatness of his apprehensions for the balance of power and the fluctuating interests of Europe.

His chief motive for accepting the crown was to engage England more deeply in the concerns of Europe. His great object had been to humble the French, and all his politics consisted in forming alliances against them. On the other hand, many of the English had no such animosity against the French; and these, therefore, considered the interest of the nation as sacrificed to foreign connections; and complained that the continental war fell most heavily on them, though they had the least interest in its success. These complaints were heard by William with the most phlegmatic indifference; he employed all his attention only on the balance of power, and the interests of Europe. He became unmindful of the cultivation of internal polity; and, as he formed alliances abroad, increased the influence of party at home. Patriotism began to be ridiculed. dicated as an ideal virtue; and the practice of bribing a majority in parliament became universal. The example of the great was caught up by the vulgar; principle, and even decency, was gradually banished; talents lay uncultivated, and the ignorant and profligate were received into favour.

The king, upon accepting the crown, was resolved to preserve as much of the prerogative as possible; and he sometimes exerted a branch of it which his predecessors had never chosen to make use of, viz., the power of refusing his assent to some bills that had passed both houses. From this and other causes there were perpetual bickerings between him and his parliaments. At last William became fatigued with opposition. He admitted every restraint upon the prerogative in England, upon condition of being properly supplied with the means of humbling France. Provided the parliament supplied him with the means of executing this, he permitted them to rule the internal policy as they pleased. For the prosecution of the French war, the sums granted were indeed incredible. The nation, not contented with furnishing him such sums of money as they were capable of raising by the taxes of the year, mortgaged those taxes, and involved themselves in debts which they have never since been able to discharge.

The war with France continued during the greatest part of this king's reign; but at length the treaty of Rywick, in 1697, put an end to those contentions in which England had engaged without policy, and came off at last without advantage. In the general pacification, her interests seemed entirely deserted; and for all the treasures she had sent to the continent, and all the blood which had been shed there, the only equivalent received was an acknowledgment of William's title from the king of France.

The king, being now freed from a foreign war, set himself to strengthen his authority at home. As he could not bear the thoughts of being a king without military command, he conceived hopes of keeping up, in the time of a profound peace, those forces which had been granted during the time of danger. The commons, however, to his great mortification, passed a vote, that all the forces in the English pay, exceeding 7000 men, should be forthwith disbanded; and that those retained should be natural-born subjects of England. With this vote the king was exceedingly displeased. His indignation, indeed, was kindled to such a degree, that he actually conceived a design of abandoning the government. From this, however, his ministers diverted him, and persuaded him to consent to the passing of the bill.

These altercations continued during the remainder of this reign. William considered the commons as a body of men desirous of power for themselves, and consequently bent upon obstructing all his projects to secure the liberties of Europe. He seemed but little attached to any particular party in the house, all of whom he found at times deserted or opposed him. He therefore veered to whigs and tories indiscriminately, as interest or the immediate exigence demanded. He considered England as a place of labour, anxiety, and altercation. If he had any time for amusement or relaxation, he retired to Loo in Holland, where, among a few friends, he gave a loose to those coarse festivities which he alone was capable of relishing. Here he planned the different succession of the princes of Europe, and laboured to undermine the schemes and the power of Louis his rival in politics and fame.

But however feeble William's desire of other amusements might be, he could scarce live without being at variance with France. Peace had scarcely been made with that nation, when he began to think of resources for France, carrying on a new war, and for inflicting his English subjects in the confederacy against that nation. Several arts were used for inducing the people to second his aims; and the whole nation seemed at last to join in deferring a French war. He had been in Holland concerting with his allies operations for a new campaign. He had engaged in a negociation with the prince of Hesse; who assured him, that if he would besiege and take Cadiz, the admiral of Castile and several other grandees of Spain would declare for the house of Austria. The elector of Hanover had resolved to concur in the same measures; the king of the Romans, and prince Lewis of Baden, undertook to invest Laudon, while the emperor promised to send a powerful reinforcement into Italy; but death put a period to his projects and his ambition.

William was naturally of a very feeble constitution; and it was by this time almost quite exhausted by a series of continual disquietude and action. He had endeavoured to repair his constitution, or at least to conceal its decays, by exercise and riding. On the 21st of February 1702, in riding to Hampton-court from Kensington, his horse fell under him; and he was thrown with such violence, that his collar-bone was fractured. His attendants conveyed him to the palace at Hampton-court, where the fracture was reduced; and in the evening he returned to Kensington in his coach. The jolting of the carriage disunited the fracture; and the bones were again replaced by Bidloo his physician. This, in a robust constitution, would have been a trifling misfortune; but to him it was fatal. For some time he appeared in a fair way of recovery; but falling asleep on his couch, he was seized with a shivering, which terminated in a fever and diarrhoea, that soon became dangerous and desperate. Perceiving his end approaching, the objects of his former care lay next his heart; and the fate of Europe seemed to remove the sensations he might be supposed to feel for his own. The earl of Albemarle arriving from Holland, he conferred with him in private on the posture of affairs abroad. Two days after, having received the sacrament from archbishop Tennison, he expired, on Sunday March 8th; having lived 52 years, and reigned 13.—He was in his person of a middle stature, a thin body, and a delicate constitution. He had an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a large forehead, and a grave solemn aspect. He left behind him the character of a great politician, though he had never been popular; and of a formidable general, though he had been seldom victorious. His deportment was grave, phlegmatic, and full; nor did he ever show any fire but in the day of battle.

Cunningham says, that "at the very last moment, when his mind was otherwise oppressed, he retained a just sense of the redemption of mankind, and the remembrance of his good subjects." Thus he lay so quietly and composed, with his eyes fixed upon heaven, when his speech failed him, that no man could die either better prepared or with greater constancy and piety. piety, than this prince; of whose just praises no tongue shall be silent, and no time unmindful. And if any king be ambitious of regulating his councils and actions by the bright examples of the most famous great men, he may form to himself the idea of a great prince and a grand empire, not only from the king's life, but from the public records of the English and Dutch nations."

William was succeeded by the princess Anne, who had married George prince of Denmark. She ascended the throne in the 38th year of her age, to the general satisfaction of all parties. William had died at the eve of a war with France: and the present queen, who generally took the advice of her ministry on every important occasion, was now urged by opposite councils; a part of her ministry being inclined to war, and another to peace. At the head of those who opposed a war with France was the earl of Rochester, lord lieutenant of Ireland, first cousin to the queen, and the chief of the tory faction. At the head of the opposite party was the earl afterwards duke of Marlborough, and since so much renowned for his victories over the French. After giving the reasons for both their opinions, that of Marlborough preponderated: the queen resolved to declare war; and communicating her intentions to the house of commons, by whom it was approved, war was proclaimed accordingly. In this declaration of war, Louis was taxed with having taken possession of a great part of the Spanish dominions; with designing to invade the liberties of Europe, to obstruct the freedom of navigation and commerce; and with having offered an unpardonable insult to the queen and her throne, by acknowledging the title of the pretender: he was accused of attempting to unite the crown of Spain to his own dominions, by placing his grandson upon the throne of that kingdom, and thus of endeavouring to destroy the equality of power that subsisted among the states of Europe. This declaration of war on the part of England was seconded by similar declarations by the Dutch and Germans, all on the same day.

Louis XIV, whose power had been greatly circumscribed by William, expected, on the death of the latter, to enter on a field open for new conquests and fame. At the news of the English monarch's death, therefore, he could not suppress his rapture; the people of Paris, and indeed through the whole kingdom, testified their joy in the most public manner. At seeing, therefore, such a combination against him, the French monarch was filled with indignation; but his resentment fell chiefly on the Dutch. He declared with great emotion, that as for those gentlemen pedlars the Dutch, they should one day repent their insolence and presumption in declaring war against him whose power they had formerly felt and dreaded. By these threats, however, the affairs of the allies were no way influenced. Marlborough was appointed general of the British forces, and by the Dutch he was chosen generalissimo of the allied army; and indeed his after conduct showed, that no person could possibly have been chosen with greater propriety. He had learned the first rudiments of war under the famous marshal Turenne, having been a volunteer in his army; and by that general his future greatness was prognosticated.

The first attempt that Marlborough made to deviate from the general practices of the army was to advance the subaltern officers, whose merits had been hitherto neglected. Regardless of seniority, wherever he found abilities, he was sure to promote them; and thus he had all the upper ranks of commanders rather remarkable for their skill and talents than for their age and experience. In his first campaign, in the beginning of July 1702, he repaired to the camp at Nimeguen, in his first where he found himself at the head of 60,000 men, well provided with all necessaries, and long disciplined by the best officers of the age. He was opposed on the part of France by the duke of Burgundy, a youth of very little experience in the art of war; but the real acting general was the marshal Boufflers, an officer of courage and activity. But wherever Marlborough advanced, the French were obliged to retire before him, leaving all Spanish Guelderland at his discretion. The duke of Burgundy finding himself obliged to retreat before the allied army, rather than expose himself longer to such a mortifying indignity, returned to Versailles, leaving Boufflers to command alone. Boufflers retired to Brabant; and Marlborough ended the campaign by taking the city of Liege; in which was found an immense sum of money, and a vast number of prisoners.

This good fortune seemed to console the nation for some unsuccessful expeditions at sea. Sir John Munden, had permitted a French squadron of 14 ships to escape him by taking shelter in the harbour of Corunna; for which he was dismissed the service by prince George. An attempt was made upon Cadiz by sea and land, Sir George Rooke commanding the navy, and the duke of Ormond the land forces; but this also miscarried. At Vigo, however, the British arms were attended with better success. The duke of Ormond landed with 2500 men at the distance of six miles from the city, while the fleet forcing their way into the harbour, the French fleet that had taken refuge there were burned by the enemy to prevent their falling into the hands of the English. Eight ships were thus burned and run aground; but ten ships of war were taken, together with eleven galleons, and above a million of money in silver. In the West Indies, admiral Bembo had been stationed with ten death of admirals to distress the enemy's trade. Being informed that Du Caste the French admiral was in those seas bow, with a force equal to his own, he resolved to attack him; and soon after discovered the enemy's squadron near St Martha, steering along the shore. He quickly gave orders to his captains, formed the line of battle, and the engagement began. He found, however, that the rest of the fleet had taken some disgust at his conduct; and they permitted him to sustain, almost alone, the whole fire of the enemy. Nevertheless, the engagement continued till night, and he determined to renew it next morning. But he had the mortification to perceive that all the rest of his ships had fallen back, except one, who joined him in urging the pursuit of the enemy. Four days this intrepid seaman, afflicting by only one ship, pursued and engaged the enemy, while his cowardly officers remained at a distance behind. His last day's battle was more furious than any of the former: alone, and unsupported by any of the rest, he engaged the whole French squadron; when his leg was shattered by a cannon-ball, and he himself died soon after. after of his wounds. Two of his cowardly associates were shot on their arrival in England; one died on his passage thither; the rest were disgraced.

The next parliament, which was convened by the queen, were highly pleased with the success of the British arms on the continent. The house of commons was composed chiefly of tories, who voted 40,000 men, and the like number of land-forces, to act in conjunction with those of the allies. Soon after, the queen informed her parliament, that she was pressed by the allies to augment her forces; and upon this it was resolved that 10,000 more men should be added to the continental army, but on condition that the Dutch should immediately break off all commerce with France and Spain; a condition which was very readily complied with.

In the beginning of April 1703, the duke of Marlborough crossed the sea, and, assembling the allied army, opened the campaign with the siege of Bonn, the residence of the elector of Cologne. This held out but a short time. He next retook Huy; the garrison of which, after a vigorous defence, surrendered prisoners of war. Limburgh was next besieged, and surrendered in two days; and thus the campaign concluded, the allies having secured the country of Liege and the electorate of Cologne from the designs of the enemy.

In the campaign of 1704, the Duke of Marlborough informed the Dutch that it was his intention to march to the relief of the empire, which had been for some time oppressed by the French forces; and the states gave him full powers to march as he thought proper, with assurances of their affluence in all his endeavours. The French king, finding Boufflers no longer capable of opposing Marlborough, appointed the marshal de Villeroy to command in his place. But Marlborough, who, like Hannibal of old, was remarkable for studying the disposition of his antagonists, having no great fears from Villeroy, immediately flew to the assistance of the emperor. Taking with him about 13,000 British troops, he advanced by hasty marches to the banks of the Danube; he defeated a body of French and Bavarians stationed at Donauret to oppose him; then passed the river, and laid under contribution the dukedom of Bavaria which had sided with the enemy. Villeroy, who at first attempted to follow his motions, seemed all at once to have lost sight of the enemy; nor was he apprised of his route, till informed of his successes. But, in the mean time, marshal Tallard prepared by another route to obstruct Marlborough's retreat, with an army of 30,000 men. He was soon after joined by the duke of Bavaria's forces; so that the French army in that part of the continent amounted to 60,000 veterans, commanded by the two best reputed generals then in France.

To oppose these powerful generals, the duke of Marlborough was joined by a body of 30,000 men under the celebrated prince Eugene. The allied army, with this reinforcement, amounted to about 52,000. After various marches and countermarches, the two armies met at Blenheim *. A terrible engagement ensued, in which the French were entirely defeated, and a country of 100 leagues extent fell into the hands of the conquerors. Soon after finishing the campaign, the duke repaired to Berlin, where he procured a reinforcement of 8000 Prussians to serve under prince Eugene in Italy.

Thence he proceeded to negotiate for succours at the court of Hanover; and soon after returned to England; where he was received with every possible demonstration of joy.

The arms of Britain, in the mean time, were not less fortunate by sea than by land. The town of Gibraltar was taken by the prince of Hesse and Sir George Rooke; but little was the value of the conquest at that time understood, that it was for some time in debate whether it was a capture worth thanking the admiral for; and at last it was considered as unworthy of public gratitude. Soon after, the British fleet, to the French defeat of 53 ships of the line, came up with that of 52 at France, consisting of 52 men of war, commanded by the count de Thoultoule, off the coast of Malaga. This was the last great naval engagement in which the French ventured to face the British on equal terms. The battle began at ten in the forenoon, and continued with great fury for six hours; when the van of the French began to give way. The British admiral, for two days, attempted to renew the engagement; but this was as cautiously declined by the French, who at last disappeared totally. Both sides claimed the victory, but the consequences decided it in favour of the British.

In the mean time, the Spaniards, alarmed at the taking of Gibraltar, sent the marquis of Villadarias with a large army to retake it. France also sent a fleet of 13 ships of the line; but part of them were dispersed by a tempest, and part taken by the British. Nor was the land army more successful. The siege continued for four months; during which time the prince of Hesse, who commanded the town for the English, gave many proofs of valour. At length, the Spaniards having attempted to scale the rock in vain, finding no hopes of taking the place, were contented to draw off their men and abandon the enterprise.

While the British were thus victorious by land and sea, a new scene of contention was opened on the side of Spain. Philip IV., grandson of Louis XIV., had been placed on the throne of that kingdom, and received with the joyful concurrence of the greatest part of his subjects. He had also been nominated successor to the crown by the late king of Spain's will. But in a former treaty among the powers of Europe, Charles, son of the emperor of Germany, was appointed heir to that crown; and this treaty had been guaranteed by France herself, though she now resolved to reverse that consent in favour of a descendant of the house of Bourbon. Charles was still farther led on to put in for the crown of Spain, by the invitation of the Catalonians, who declared in his favour; and, with the assistance of the British and Portuguese, promised to arm in his cause. Upon his way to his newly assumed dominion, he landed in England; where he was received on shore by the dukes of Somerfelt and Marlborough, who conducted him to Windsor. He was kindly received by the queen; and furnished with 200 transports, 30 ships parted by war, and 9000 men, for the conquest of that extensive empire. The earl of Peterborough, a man of romantic bravery, offered to conduct them; and his single service was reckoned equivalent to armies.

The first attempt of this general was on the city of Barcelona, at that time defended by a garrison of 5000 men. The fort Monjuc, situated on a hill that commanded the city, was attacked; the outworks were taken. ken by storm, and the powder-magazine was blown up by a shell; upon which the fort immediately surrendered, and the city capitulated in a short time after. The conquest of all Valencia succeeded the taking of Barcelona. Charles became master of Arragon, Cartagena, Grenada, and Madrid. The British general entered the capital in triumph, and there proclaimed Charles king of Spain without opposition.

To these successes, however, very little regard was paid in Britain. The victories of the duke of Marlborough alone engrossed their attention. In 1706, he opened the campaign with an army of 80,000 men. He was met by the French under Villeroy near the village of Ramillies*. An engagement ensued, in which the duke gained a victory almost as complete as that of Blenheim had been; and the whole country of Brabant was the reward of the victors. The French troops were now dispirited; the city of Paris was in confusion; Louis, who had long been flattered with conquest, was now humbled to such a degree as almost to excite the compassion of his enemies. He intreated for peace, but in vain; the allies carried all before them; and his very capital began to dread the approach of the conquerors. But what neither his armies nor his politics could effect, was brought about by a party in England. The division between the whigs and tories saved France that now seemed tottering on the brink of ruin.

The councils of the queen had hitherto been governed by a whig ministry; for though the duke of Marlborough started in the interest of the opposite party, he soon joined the whigs, as he found them most sincere in the design of humbling France. The people, however, were now in fact beginning to change, and a general spirit of toryism to take place. The queen's personal virtues, her successes, her deference for the clergy, and their great veneration for her, began to have a prevailing influence over the whole nation. People of every rank were not ashamed to defend the most fervile tenets, when they tended to flatter or increase the power of the sovereign. They argued in favour of strict hereditary succession, divine right, and non-resistance to the regal power. The tories, though joining in vigorous measures against France, were never ardently their enemies; they rather secretly hated the Dutch, as of principles very opposite to their own; and longed for an opportunity of withdrawing from their friendship. They began to meditate schemes of opposition to the duke of Marlborough. Him they considered as a self-interested man, who sacrificed the real advantages of the nation, in protracting a ruinous war for his own private emolument and glory. They saw their country oppressed with an increasing load of taxes, which by a continuance of the war must inevitably become an intolerable burden. Their discontent began to spread, and the tories wanted only a few determined leaders to assist them in removing the present ministry.

In the mean time a succession of losses began to dissipate the conquering frenzy that had seized the nation in general, and to incline them to wish for peace. The earl of Galway, who commanded the army in Spain, was utterly defeated at Almanza† by the duke of Berwick; and in consequence of this victory, all Spain, except the province of Catalonia, returned to their duty to Philip their lawful sovereign. An attempt was made upon Toulon, by the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene by land, and an English fleet by sea; but to no purpose. The fleet under Sir Cloudesley Shovel, having set sail for England, was driven by a violent storm on the rocks of Scilly. His own ship of Sir Cloudesley Shovel was lost, and every person on board perished. Three more ships met with the same fate; while three or four others were saved with the utmost difficulty. In Germany, marshal Villars the French general carried all before him, and was upon the point of restoring the elector of Bavaria. The only hopes of the people lay in the activity and conduct of the duke of Marlborough, who opened the campaign of 1707, about the middle of May; but even here they were disappointed. The duke declined an engagement; and after several marchings and countermarchings, both armies retired into winter quarters about the end of October. The French made vigorous preparations for the next campaign; and the duke returned to England to meet with a reception he did not at all expect, and which, as far as appears, he did not deserve.

The most remarkable transaction, however, of this union last year, and indeed of this whole reign, was the union between Scotland and England. Though governed by one sovereign since the time of James I. of England, yet each nation continued to be ruled by its respective parliament; and often professed to pursue opposite interests to those of its neighbour. The union had often been unsuccessfully attempted before, and had indeed been the cause of the bloody wars in the time of Edward I. and III., of England. In all the former proposals on that head, both nations were supposed to remain free and independent; each kingdom having its own parliament, and subject only to such taxes and other commercial regulations as those parliaments should judge expedient for the benefit of their respective states. After the destruction of the Darien colony, in the manner already related, king William had endeavoured to allay the national ferment by refusing the affair of an union with as much affluency as his warlike disposition would allow. The terms proposed were the same with those formerly held out, viz. a federal union, somewhat like that of the states of Holland. With this view the Scots were prevailed on to send 20 commissioners to London; who, with 23 on the part of England, met at Whitehall in the month of October 1702. Here they were honoured with a visit from the queen, in order to enliven their proceedings and stimulate them to a more speedy dispatch of business; but the treaty was entirely broken off at this time by the Scottish commissioners insisting, that the rights and privileges of their countrymen trading to Africa and the Indies should be preferred and maintained. It was, however, resumed in the year 1706, when the commissioners again met on the 16th of April, in the council chamber of Whitehall. The Scottish commissioners still proposed a federal union; but the English were determined on an incorporation, which should not afterwards be dissolved by a Scottish parliament. Nothing but this, they said, could settle a perfect and lasting friendship betwixt the two nations. The commissioners from Scotland, however, still continued to reject that article which subjected their country to the same customs, excises, and regulations of trade as England; but the queen being prevailed upon to pay two visits in person to the commissioners, missioners, exerted herself so vigorously that a majority was at last gained over; and all the rest yielded, though with reluctance, excepting Lockhart of Carnwath, who could not by any means be persuaded either to sign or seal the treaty.

The articles being fully prepared on the 22d of July, they were presented next day to her majesty by the lord-keeper, in the name of the English commissioners; at the same time that a sealed copy of the instrument was likewise delivered by the lord chancellor of Scotland. They were most graciously received; and the same day the queen dictated an order of council, threatening with prosecution such as should be concerned in any discourse or libel, or in laying wagers with regard to the union. Notwithstanding all this harmony, however, the treaty was received with the utmost disapprobation in Scotland. The terms had been carefully concealed, so that nothing transpired till the whole was at once laid before parliament. The ferment was then so general, that all ranks of people, however divided in other respects, united against this detested treaty. The nobility and gentry were exasperated at the annihilation of parliament, and the consequent loss of their influence and credit. The body of the people cried out, that the independence of the nation was sacrificed to treachery and corruption. They insisted that the obligation laid on their members to stay so long at London, in their attendance on the British parliament, would drain the country of its money, impoverish the members themselves, and subject them to the temptation of being corrupted. Nor was the commercial part of the people better satisfied. The dissolution of the India company, the taxes laid on the necessaries of life, the vast number of duties, customs, and restrictions, laid upon trade, were all of them matter of complaint. Before this time the trade of Scotland had been open to the Levant, the Baltic, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and the Dutch plantations; and it seemed difficult to conceive how the commerce of the country could be advanced by laying restrictions upon it to these places, especially as the compensation allowed, viz. the privilege of trading to the English plantations in America, must have been a very trifling advantage, when the amount of the whole exports to these places did not near equal the expense of defending them. The most violent disputes took place in the parliament. The lord Belhaven made a most pathetic speech, enumerating the miseries that would attend this treaty; which drew tears from the audience, and to this day is reckoned prophetic by many of the Scottish nation. Almost every article of the treaty was the subject of a protest; addresses against it were presented to parliament by the convention of royal boroughs, the commissioners of the general assembly, the company trading to Africa and the Indies, as well as from shires, stewartries, boroughs, towns, and parishes, without distinction of whig, tory, presbyterian, or episcopal.

Nor was the resentment of the common people without doors less than that of the members within. A coalition was formed between the presbyterians and cavaliers; and to such a height did the resentment of the people arrive, that they chose officers, formed themselves into regiments, provided horses and ammunition, burnt the articles of union, justified their conduct by a public declaration, and resolved to take the route to Edinburgh and dissolve the parliament.

In the mean time the privy council issued a proclamation against riots, commanding all persons to retire from the streets whenever the drum should beat; ordering the guards to fire on those who should disobey this command, and indemnifying them from all prosecution for maiming or slaying the lieges. Even these precautions were insufficient. The duke of Queensberry, the chief promoter of the union, though guarded by double lines of horse and foot, was obliged to pass through the streets at full gallop, amidst the curses and imprecations of the people, who pelted his guards, and even wounded some of his friends who attended him in the coach. In opposition to all this fury, the duke of Queensberry and others attached to the union magnified the advantages that would accrue to the kingdom from the union; they took off the resentment of the clergy, by promoting an act to be inserted in the treaty, by which the presbyterian discipline was to be the only government of the church of Scotland, unalterable in all succeeding times, and a fundamental article of the union. Emblems were employed to unite the Cameronians from the Cavaliers, by demonstrating the absurdity, fineness, and danger, of such a proceeding. The India company was flattered with the prospect of being indemnified for the losses they had sustained, and individuals by sharing an equivalent. Their last manoeuvre was to bring over a party in the Scots parliament, nicknamed the Squadron Volante, from their fluctuating between ministry and opposition, without attaching themselves to any party till the critical moment, which was either to cement both kingdoms by a firm union, or involve them in the calamities of war. By this unexpected stroke, the ministry obtained a decisive victory, and all opposition was vain. The articles of treaty were ratified by parliament, with some trifling variations, on the 25th of March 1707; when the duke of Queensberry finally dissolved that ancient assembly, and Scotland ceased to be a separate independent kingdom.

On the conclusion of the treaty, the queen informed both houses of the English parliament that the treaty of union, with some additions and alterations, was ratified by an act of the parliament of Scotland; that she had ordered it to be laid before them, and hoped it would meet their approbation. She observed, that they had now an opportunity of putting the last hand to a happy union of the two kingdoms; and that she should look upon it as a particular happiness if this great work, so often attempted before without success, could be brought to perfection in her reign. Objections, however, were started by the tory party; but they were at that time too weak to be heard with any attention. Sir John Parkington compared the new treaty to the marriage of a woman without her consent. It was an union carried on by corruption and bribery within doors, and by force and violence without. The promoters of it had basely betrayed their trust, by giving up their independent constitution; and he would leave it to the judgment of the house, whether or not men of such principles were fit to be admitted into their house of representatives. Lord Haverham, in the upper house, said, the question was, Whether two nations, independent in their sovereign... ties, that had their distinct laws and interests, different forms of worship, church-government and order, should be united into one kingdom? He supposed it an union made up of so many incongruous ingredients, that should it ever take effect, it would require a standing power and force to keep them from falling asunder, and breaking in pieces every moment. Above an hundred Scottish peers, and as many commoners, he said, were excluded from fitting and voting in parliament, though they had as much right to sit there as any English peer had to sit and vote in the parliament of England. The union, he said, was contrary to the sense of the Scottish nation, the murmurs of the people had been so loud as to fill the whole kingdom, and had reached even the doors of parliament. That the government had issued a proclamation pardoning all slaughter, bloodshed, and maiming committed upon those who should be found in tumults; and from all these circumstances he concluded, that the people of Scotland were adverse to an incorporating union, which, he supposed, would be a most dangerous expedient to both nations. All these arguments, however, were answered by those of the opposite party with such success, that the union was unalterably completed on the first of May 1707; and the island took the name of "The United Kingdom of Great Britain." The queen expressed the highest satisfaction when it received the royal assent, and said, "She did not doubt but it would be remembered and spoke of hereafter, to the honour of those who had been instrumental in bringing it to such an happy conclusion. She desired that her subjects of both kingdoms should, henceforward, behave with all possible respect and kindness towards one another; that so it might appear to all the world they had hearts disposed to become one people." The first of May was appointed a day of public thanksgiving; and congratulatory addresses were sent up from all parts of England, excepting the university of Oxford. The Scots, however, were totally silent on the occasion.

In this treaty, it must be observed, that the commissioners on the part of England were not only able statesmen, but, for the most part, well skilled in trade, which gave them an evident advantage over those of Scotland, who consisted of lords and gentlemen who had no commercial knowledge. Hence they were outmatched by the former in the great objects which were to give the turn to national prosperity; though they were very careful to preserve all their heritable offices, superiorities, jurisdictions, and other privileges and trappings of the feudal aristocracy. Had the English commissioners made a liberal use of the advantages afforded them at this time, it would have been in their power greatly to have enriched themselves as well as the inhabitants of Scotland; "but instead of this (says Mr Knox), in negotiating with a ruined kingdom, they were influenced by the then narrow, short-sighted principle of commercial monopoly; and the consequences were such as might, with a small degree of reflection, have been foreseen. Instead of a solid compact, affording, upon the whole, reciprocal advantages, and which it would have been the inclination as well as interest of both nations to preserve inviolate, the concessions on the part of Scotland, and the restrictions on their trade, were so quickly and severely felt, that about the sixth year after the ratification of the treaty, the fifteen peers who first represented Scotland in the upper house, though most of them had been the supporters of administration in promoting the union, unanimously moved for its dissolution. The motion was followed by a violent debate, in which, however, the Scottish peers were at last overruled, and thenceforth the nation submitted reluctantly to its fate. The metropolis, having no manufactures, now beheld itself deprived of its only support by the translation of the parliament to London. The trading towns pined under the duties and restrictions on their commerce; the whole kingdom, after so many fatal disasters, seemed completely ruined beyond recovery, and all degrees of men sunk under the weight of these complicated misfortunes. The first fruits of the treaty in Scotland was a board of customs and another of excise, with the appointment of commissioners, collectors, &c., with other necessary officers, who were immediately distributed over the several sea-ports and districts of the nation. In many parts they were roughly used, particularly the excise officers; and, in the Orkneys, the officers were so frightened by the country people, that for some time the business was obliged to be postponed."

In 1708, there was a warm debate in the grand dissolution committee of the house of lords, occasioned by a bill of the commons for rendering the union of the privy council two kingdoms more entire and complete, whereby it was enacted, that, "from the first of May 1708, there should be but one privy council in the kingdom of Britain."—Of this affair Mr Cunningham gives a particular account, and informs us that he himself had a hand in the affair, and that he had "from his youth borne a just hate to the privy council of Scotland." The arguments for the dissolution were its enormous stretches of power and acts of cruelty; that it could now be of no other use in Scotland, than that the court might thereby govern everything at pleasure, and procure such members of parliament as they thought proper; against which both Scots and English ought now carefully to guard themselves. On the other hand, it was argued, that the abuse of the power complained of was no argument for the entire dissolution of the council, though it was for a restriction and limitation of it; that it was necessary that a privy council should remain in Scotland, out of regard to the ancient customs of the country, and to restrain the rage of the people which was then ready to break out beyond all bounds. The dissolution, however, was carried by 50 against 40; after which the nation, being deprived of this last fragment of their ancient government, the opposers of the union raised the animosities of the people to a dangerous height; but the ferment abated after an ineffectual attempt in favour of the pretender.

We must now return to the duke of Marlborough, who French had gone over to Flanders, where he seemed resolved to put his good fortune. Peace had been offered more than once; treaties entered upon, and as often frustrated. After the battle of Ramillies, the king of France had employed the elector of Bavaria to write letters in his name to the duke of Marlborough, containing proposals for opening a congress. He offered to give up either Spain and its dominions, or the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, to Charles of Austria, and to give a barrier to the Dutch in the Netherlands. But these terms were were rejected. The two armies once more met in numbers nearly equal at *Oudenarde* (a). An engagement ensued, in which the French were defeated, and Lille (b) the strongest town in Flanders, Gent, Bruges, and all the other towns in that country, soon after fell into the hands of the victors. The campaign ended with fixing a barrier to the Dutch provinces, and it now only remained to force a way into the provinces of the enemy.

The French king, being now in a manner reduced to despair, again sued for peace; but the demands of the allies were so high, that he was obliged to reject them, and prepare for another campaign. This was in the year 1709. The first attempt of the allies was on the city of Tournay, garrisoned by 12,000 men, and exceedingly strong both by nature and art. After a terrible siege of 21 days, the town capitulated; and a month afterwards the citadel, which was still stronger than the town. Next followed the bloody battle of Malplaquet†; where the allied army, consisting of 110,000 men, attacked the French consisting of 120,000, strongly posted and fortified in such a manner that they seemed quite inaccessible. Nothing, however, was able to stand before the allied army; they drove the French from their fortifications; but their victory cost them dear; 20,000 of their best troops lay dead on the field of battle (c). The consequence of this victory was the surrender of the city of Mons, which ended the campaign.

The last campaign of the duke of Marlborough, which happened in the year 1711, is said to have excelled all his former exploits. He was opposed by the marshal Villars, the same who had commanded the French in the battle of Malplaquet. He contrived his measures so, that, by marching and countermarching, he induced the enemy to quit a strong line of entrenchments without striking a blow, which he came afterwards and took possession of. This enterprise was followed by the taking of Bouchain, which was the last military achievement of this great general. By a continuance of conduct and success almost unparalleled, he had gained to the allies a prodigious tract of country. From the beginning of the war, which had now continued nine years, he had perpetually advanced, and never retreated before his enemies, nor lost an advantage he had obtained over them. He most frequently gained the enemy's posts without fighting; but where he was obliged to attack, no fortifications were able to resist him. He had never besieged a city which he did not take, nor engaged in a battle in which he did not come off victorious. Thus the allies had reduced under their command Spanish Guelderland, Limbourg, Brabant, Flanders, and Hainault; they were masters of the Scarpe, the capture of Bouchain had opened for them a way into the heart of France, and another campaign might have made them masters of Paris. On the duke's return from this campaign, he was accused of having taken a bribe of 6000l. a-year from a Jew who had contracted to supply the army with bread; misled from and the queen thought proper to dismiss him from all his employments.

On the removal of this great general the command of the British forces was given to the duke of Ormond. The transactions which followed, as represented by Mr Cunningham, are by no means favourable to the character of the British nation. He represents the people at large as blinded by an headstrong and furious clergy, who wished to revive the absurdities of the Romish religion, and to unite the English and Gallican churches; the general of the army acting a most infidels part, by giving the enemy intelligence of the designs of the allies before he declared that he was not to act in concert with them; and the queen herself as commanding him to act such a shameful part, nay as acting in a similar manner herself. Prince Eugene complained much of the inactivity of the English general, though he seemed to be unacquainted with his treachery; while the whole army loaded him with execrations, calling him "a stupid tool, and a general of straw." All this, however, was in vain; the duke continued to prefer the commands of his sovereign to every other consideration.

The disgrace of the duke of Marlborough had been owing to the prevalence of the tory party, who had now got the whig ministry turned out: the consequence of this was, that in spite of all the remonstrances, memorials, &c. of the allies, the British army in Flanders was ordered not to act offensively. Hence the operations languished, a considerable body of the allies was cut off at Denain, and the French re-took some towns. A peace was at last concluded in 1713, between France and Britain. In this treaty it was stipulated, that Philip, now acknowledged king of Spain, should renounce all right

(a) In this engagement the electoral prince of Hanover, afterwards George I. of Britain, greatly distinguished himself, and gained the whole glory of the first attack. In the engagement his horse was killed under him, and colonel Luschki close by his side. "On that day (says Cunningham), this excellent young prince discovered such courage as no man living ought to forget, and as all posterity will never surpass."

(b) At the siege of Lille, Cunningham relates the following anecdote of the magnanimity of a common soldier. "This man had the good fortune to take prisoner major general Colbert, brother to the marquis de Torrey. The prisoner, greatly taken with the clemency, humanity, and good behaviour of the soldier, offered him 200 louis d'ors, and a captain's post for life, if he would give him his liberty. The soldier, however, resisted the temptation, alleging the dishonour that would attend such conduct; and asking him at the same time, how, when raised to the rank of a captain, he could look his general in the face for whom he had fought for so many years?—This instance of fidelity weighed so much with prince Eugene and the duke of Marlborough, that the former made him a present, and the latter gave him a captain's commission."

(c) Cunningham differs prodigiously from this account. His computation being no more than 6000 killed and 9000 wounded on the part of the allies, and 7000 killed and 10,000 wounded on the part of the French. to the crown of France, the union of two such powerful kingdoms being thought dangerous to the liberties of Europe. It was agreed, that the duke of Berry, Philip's brother, and after him in succession, should also renounce his right to the crown of Spain, in case he became king of France. It was stipulated, that the duke of Savoy should possess the island of Sicily, with the title of king; together with Fenestrelles, and other places on the continent; which increase of dominion was in some measure made out of the spoils of the French monarchy. The Dutch had the barrier granted them which they so much desired; and if the crown of France was deprived of some dominions to enrich the duke of Savoy, on the other hand the house of Austria was taxed to supply the wants of the Hollander, who were put in possession of the strongest towns in Flanders. The fortifications of Dunkirk were demolished. Spain gave up Gibraltar and the island of Minorca. France resigned her pretensions to Hudson's bay, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland; but was left in possession of Cape Britain, and the liberty of drying fish upon the shore. Among the articles glorious to the British nation, their setting free the French Protestants confined in the prisons and galleys for their religion, was not the least meritorious. For the emperor it was stipulated, that he should possess the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and the Spanish Netherlands. The king of Prussia was to have Upper Guelder; and a time was fixed for the emperor's acceding to these articles, as he had for some time obstinately refused to assist at the negociation. This famous treaty was signed at Utrecht on the last day of March 1713.

This year was also remarkable for an attempt of the Scottish peers and commons to dissolve the union, which, as has been observed, had proved exceedingly disagreeable and distressful to the nation. During the debates on this subject, the earl of Peterborough endeavoured to prove the impossibility of dissolving the treaty, which he compared to a marriage, that, being once contracted, could not be dissolved by any power on earth. He observed, that though England, who, in the national marriage, must be supposed to represent the husband, had in some instances been unkind to the lady, she ought not presently to sue for a divorce; and added, when the union was termed a mere political expedient, that it could not have been made more solemn, unless like the ten commandments, it had come from heaven. The duke of Argyle also, who had originally promoted the union, now declared against it, and said, that unless it were dissolved he did not long expect to have either property left in Scotland or liberty in England. By some other peers it was alleged that the union had not produced its intended effect; that it had been designed to promote friendship between the two nations; but, so far from answering the purpose, the animosities between them were never so great as then; and if they were separated again they would be better friends. This motion was overruled in the house; but the discontent of the people still continued, and addresses were prepared throughout the kingdom, and matters were in danger of coming to the worst extremities, when the attempt of the pretender in 1715 so divided the minds of the people, that no unanimous effort could ever afterwards be made; though the union was long generally considered, and still is by some individuals, as a national grievance.

The history of the latter part of this reign consists entirely of the intrigues of the whigs and tories against each other; which, as they are now of no importance, it is needless to take up time in relating, further than that the tory influence continued to prevail. Whether the ministry at this time wished to alter the succession from the Hanoverian line, cannot now be clearly made out; but certain it is, that the whigs firmly believed it, and the tories but faintly denied the charge. The suspicions of the former became every day stronger, particularly when they saw a total removal of the whigs from all places of trust and confidence throughout the kingdom, and their employments bestowed on professed tories, supposed to be maintainers of an unbroken hereditary succession.

The violent dissensions between these two parties, death of their unbounded licentiousness, cabals, and tumults, made the queen's situation very disagreeable; her health declined; and on the 28th of July 1714, she fell into a lethargic infirmity. Notwithstanding all the medicines the physicians could prescribe, the distemper gained ground so fast, that next day they despaired of her life. All the members of the privy council, without distinction, were now summoned from the different parts of the kingdom; and they began to provide for the security of the constitution. A letter was sent to the elector of Hanover, informing him of the queen's desperate situation, and desiring him to repair to Holland, where he would be attended by a British squadron to convey him to England. At the same time they dispatched instructions to the earl of Strafford at the Hague, to desire the States-general to be ready to perform the guaranty of the Protestant succession. Precautions were taken to secure the sea-ports; and the command of the fleet was bestowed upon the earl of Berkeley, a professed whig. These measures, which were all dictated by that party, answered a double end. They argued the alacrity of the whigs in the cause of their new sovereign, and seemed to imply that the state was in danger from the disaffection of the opposite party.

On the 30th of July the queen seemed to be somewhat relieved by the medicines which had been given her. She rose from her bed about eight in the morning, and walked a little. After some time, casting her eyes on a clock that stood in her chamber, she continued to gaze at it for some minutes. One of the ladies in waiting asked her what she saw there more than usual? to which the queen only answered by turning her eyes upon her with a dying look. She was soon after seized with an apoplectic fit; from which, however, she was somewhat recovered by the assistance of Dr Mead. She continued all night in a state of stupification. She gave some signs of life betwixt twelve and one the next day; but expired the following morning, a little after seven o'clock, having lived 49 years, and reigned upwards of 12. This princess was remarkable neither for her learning nor her capacity. Like all the rest of her family, she seemed rather fitted for the duties of private life than a public station; being a pattern of conjugal fidelity, a good mother, a warm friend, and an indulgent mistress; and to her honour it certainly must be recorded, that during her reign reign none suffered on the scaffold for treason. In her ended the line of the Stuarts; a family who never re- warded their friends, nor ever avenged them of their adversaries; a family whose misfortunes and miscon- ducts are not to be paralleled in history.

The queen had no sooner resigned her breath than the privy-council met, and three instruments were pro- duced, by which the elector of Hanover appointed sev- eral of his known adherents to be added as lords ju- dices to the seven great officers of the kingdom. Or- ders also were immediately issued out for proclaiming George king of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The regency appointed the earl of Dorset to carry him the intimation of his accession to the crown, and to attend him in his journey to England. They sent the general officers, in whom they could confide, to their posts; they reinforced the garrison of Portsmouth, and ap- pointed the celebrated Mr Addison secretary of state. No tumult, no commotion, arose against the accession of the new king; and this gives a strong proof that the tories, had they really intended to exclude him, never took any rational measures to accomplish their purpose.

The king first landed at Greenwich; where he was received by the duke of Northumberland, captain of the lifeguard, and the lords of the regency. From the landing-place he walked to his house in the park, ac- companied by a great number of the nobility and other persons of distinction, who expected to make their court in this reign in consequence of their turbulence and opposition to the reigning party in the last. George I. was 54 years old when he ascended the British throne. His mature age, his sagacity and experience, his nu- merous alliances, and the general tranquillity of Eu- rope, all contributed to establish his interests, and pro- mote him a peaceable and happy reign. His virtues, though not shining, were solid; and he was of a very different disposition from the Stuart family whom he succeeded. These were known to a proverb for leaving their friends in extremity; George, on the contrary, soon after his arrival in England, was heard to say, "My maxim is, never to abandon my friends, to do justice to all the world, and to fear no man." To these qualities of resolution and perseverance, he joined great application to business. One fault, however, with re- gard to England, remained behind: he studied the in- terests of the kingdom he had left more than of those he came to govern.

The new king soon discovered his inclination to sup- port those who had raised him to the throne, that is, the whig party. When he retired to his bed-chamber, after his first landing, he sent for such of the nobility as had distinguished themselves by their zeal for his succession. He expressed the greatest regard for the duke of Marlborough just then arrived from the conti- nent, whither he had been driven by the violence of the tories. The same friendship he professed for the other leaders of the whigs; but the tories found them- selves excluded from the royal favour. The king did not seem sensible that the monarch of a faction rules but one half of his subjects. It was his misfortune, and consequently that of the nation, that he was hem- med round by men who foisted him with all their own interests and prejudices. The whigs, while they pre- tended to secure the crown for the king, were using all their art to confirm their own interests, extend their connections, and give laws to their sovereign. An in- stantaneous change was made in all the offices of trust, honour, or advantage. The names of the contending parties were changed into those of Hanoverians and Jacobites. The former governed the senate and court, oppressed whom they would, bound the lower orders of people by severe laws, and kept them at a distance by vile distinctions; and then taught them to call this liberty.

In consequence of these partialities, the highest dis- contents were raised throughout the whole kingdom. The tories or Jacobites raised the most terrible outrages; and had the pretender been a man of any judgment or abili- ties, a fair opportunity was now offered him of striking a decisive blow. Instead of this, he continued a calm spectator on the continent, and only sent over his emi- grants to disperse ineffectual manifestoes and delude the unwary. In these papers he observed, that the late queen had intentions of calling him to the crown. He expostulated with his people upon the injustice they had done themselves in proclaiming a foreign prince for their sovereign, contrary to the laws of the country, that gave him alone the real claim. Copies of a printed address were sent to the dukes of Shrewsbury, Marlbo- rough, Argyle, and other noblemen of the first distinc- tion; vindicating his right to the crown, and complain- ing of the injustice of his people. Yet, though he still complained of their conduct, he never took any step to correct his own, or remove that obstacle by which his father had lost his throne. He still continued to profess the truest regard to the Catholic religion; and, instead of concealing his sentiments on that head, gloried in his principles.

But, however much the Popish religion was at that time hated in England, the principles of the dissenters were not in the least more agreeable to the generality. The tories affirmed, that, under a whig administration, heresy and impiety were daily gaining ground. The lower orders of the clergy joined in these complaints, and pointed out several tracts published in favour of Arianism and Socinianism. The ministry not only re- fused to punish the delinquents, but silenced the clergy themselves, and forbade their future disputations on these topics.—The parliament was now dissolved, and Parliament, another called by a very extraordinary proclamation, dissolved. In this the king complained of the evil designs of men disaffected to his succession; and of their having misrepresented his conduct and principles. He expres- sed his hopes, that his subjects would send up to parli- ament the fittest persons to redress the present disor- ders. He intreated that they would elect such in particu- lar as had expressed a firm attachment to the Pro- testant succession when it was in danger. In the elec- tion of this important parliament, uncommon vigour was exerted on both sides; but by dint of the moneyed interest that prevailed in corporations, and the activity of the ministry, a great majority of whigs was returned both in England and Scotland.

Upon the first meeting of this new parliament, the violent most violent measures were resolved upon against the proceedings late ministry. Part of them kept away from business, of the new parliament. A committee was appointed to inspect all the papers relative to the late treaty, and to pick out such of them as might serve for grounds of accusation against the late ministry. The earl of Oxford was impeached of high treason, and sent to the Tower. The violence of the commons was answered with equal violence without doors. Tumults became every day more frequent, and every tumult served only to increase the severity of the legislature. They now passed an act, declaring, that if any persons to the number of 12, unlawfully assembled, should continue together one hour after being required to disperse by a justice of peace or other officer, and after hearing the act against riots read in public, they should be deemed guilty of felony without benefit of clergy. This is a very severe act, and one of the greatest restrictions on the liberty of the subject that has passed during this century; as, by it, all meetings of the people, either for the purposes of amusement or redress, are rendered criminal, if it shall please any magistrate to consider them as such.

These vindictive proceedings excited the indignation of the people, who perceived that the avenues of royal favour were closed to all but a faction. A rebellion commenced in Scotland, where to their other grievances they joined that of the union, which they were taught to consider as an oppression. The malcontents of this country had all along maintained a correspondence with their friends in England, who were now driven by resentment and apprehension into a system of politics they would not otherwise have dreamed of. Some of the tory party, who were men attached to the Protestant religion, and of moderate principles in government, began to associate with the Jacobites, and to wish in earnest for a revolution. Scotland first showed them the example. The earl of Mar, assembling 300 of his vassals in the Highlands, proclaimed the pretender at Castrleton; and setting up his standard at Braemar, assumed the title of lieutenant-general of his majesty's forces. To second these attempts, two vessels arrived from France, with arms, ammunition, and a number of officers, together with assurances to the earl, that the pretender himself would shortly come over to head his own forces. In consequence of this promise, the earl soon found himself at the head of 10,000 men well armed and provided. He secured the pass of Tay at Perth, where his head-quarters were established; and made himself master of the whole province of Fife, and all the sea-coast on that side of the frith of Forth. He marched from thence to Dumblain, as if he had intended to cross the Forth at Stirling-bridge; but there he was informed that the duke of Argyle, who on this occasion was appointed commander in chief of all the forces in North Britain, was advancing against him from Stirling with all his own clans, assisted by some troops from Ireland. Upon this, he thought proper at first to retreat; but being soon after joined by some of the clans under the earl of Seaforth, and others under general Gordon, an experienced officer, who had signalized himself in the Russian service, he resolved to face the enemy, and directed his march towards the south.

The duke of Argyle, apprised of his intentions, and at any rate willing to prove his attachment to the present government, resolved to give him battle in the neighbourhood of Dumblain, though his forces did not amount to half the number of the enemy. In the morning, therefore, he drew up his army, which did not exceed 3500 men, in order of battle; but he soon found himself greatly outflanked by the insurgents. The duke, therefore, perceiving the earl make attempts to surround him, was obliged to alter his disposition, which, on account of the scarcity of general officers, was not done so expeditiously as to be finished before the rebels began the attack. The left wing of the duke's army received the centre of the enemy, and supported the first charge without shrinking. It seemed even for a while victorious, and the earl of Clanronald was killed. But Glengary, who was second in command, undertook to inspire his intimidated forces with courage; and, waving his bonnet, cried out several times, Revenge! This animated the rebel troops to such a degree, that they followed him close to the points of the enemies bayonets, and got within their guard. A total rout began to ensue of that wing of the royal army; and general Wetham, their commander, flying full speed to Stirling, gave out that the rebels were completely victorious. In the mean time, the duke of Argyle, who commanded in person on the right, attacked the left of the enemy; and drove them before him two miles, though they often faced about and attempted to rally. Having thus entirely broken that wing, and driven them over the river Allan, he returned back to the field of battle; where, to his great mortification, he found the enemy victorious, and patiently waiting for the assault. However, instead of renewing the engagement, both armies continued to gaze at each other, neither caring to begin the attack. In the evening, both parties drew off, and both claimed the victory. All the advantages of a victory, however, belonged to Argyle. He had interrupted the progress of the enemy; and, in their circumstances, delay was defeat. In fact, the earl of Mar soon found his losses and disappointments increase. The castle of Inverness, of which he was in possession, was delivered up by lord Lovat, who had hitherto professed to act in the interest of the pretender. The marquis of Tullibardine forsook the earl, in order to defend his own part of the country; and many of the clans seeing no likelihood of coming to a second engagement, returned quietly home.

In the mean time, the rebellion was still more unsuccessfully prosecuted in England. From the time the pretender had undertaken this wild project at Paris, in which the duke of Ormond and lord Bolingbroke were engaged, lord Stair, the English ambassador there, had penetrated all his designs, and sent faithful accounts of all his measures and of all his adherents to the ministry at home. Upon the first rumour, therefore, of an insurrection, they imprisoned several lords and gentlemen, of whom they had a suspicion. But these precautions were not able to stop the insurrection in the western counties, where it was already begun. All their preparations, however, were weak and ill conducted; every measure was betrayed to government as soon as projected, and many revolts were repressed in the very outset. The university of Oxford was treated with great severity on this occasion. Major-general Pepper, with a strong detachment of dragoons, took possession of the city at day-break, declaring that he would instantly shoot any of the students who should presume to appear without the limits of their respective colleges.

The insurrection in the northern counties came to greater greater maturity. In the month of October 1715, the earl of Derwentwater, and Mr Forster, took the field with a body of horse, and, being joined by some gentlemen from the borders of Scotland, proclaimed the pretender. Their first attempt was to seize upon Newcastle, in which they had many friends; but finding the gates shut against them, they retired to Hexham. To oppose these, general Carpenter was detached by government with a body of 900 men, and an engagement was hourly expected. The rebels had two methods by which they might have conducted themselves with prudence and safety. The one was to march directly into the western parts of Scotland, and there join general Gordon, who commanded a strong body of Highlanders. The other was to cross the Tweed, and boldly attack General Carpenter, whose forces did not exceed their own. From the infatuation attendant on the measures of that party, neither of these counsels was pursued. They took the rout to Jedburgh, where they hoped to leave Carpenter on one side, and penetrate into England by the western border. This was the effectual means to cut themselves off either from retreat or assistance. A party of Highlanders, who had joined them by this time, at first refused to accompany them in such a desperate incursion, and one half of them actually returned to their own country. At Brampton, Mr Forster opened his commission of general, which had been sent him by the earl of Mar, and there he proclaimed the pretender. They continued their march to Penrith, where the body of the militia that was assembled to oppose them fled at their appearance. From Penrith they proceeded by the way of Kendal and Lancaster to Preston, of which place they took possession without any resistance. But this was the last stage of their ill-advised excursion: for general Wills, at the head of 7000 men, came up to attack them; and from his activity there was no escaping. They now, therefore, began to raise barricades about the town, and to put the place in a posture of defence, repulsing the first attacks of the royal army with success. Next day, however, Wills was reinforced by Carpenter, and the town was invested on all sides. In this deplorable situation, to which they were reduced by their own rashness, Forster hoped to capitulate with the general; and accordingly sent colonel Oxburgh, who had been taken prisoner, with a trumpeter to propose a capitulation. This, however, Wills refused; alleging that he would not treat with rebels, and that the only favour they had to expect was to be spared from immediate slaughter. These were hard terms, but no better could be obtained. They accordingly laid down their arms, and were put under a strong guard. All the noblemen and leaders were secured, and a few of their officers tried for deserting from the royal army, and shot by order of a court-martial. The common men were imprisoned at Chester and Liverpool; the noblemen and considerable officers were sent to London, and led through the streets pinioned and bound together, to intimidate their party.

Though the schemes of the pretender appear to have been foolishly enough conducted in Britain, yet they were much more so in France. Bolingbroke had been made his secretary at Paris, and Ormond his prime minister. But these statesmen quickly found that nothing could be done in favour of his cause. The king of France, who had ever espoused the interest of the abdicated family, was just dead; and the duke of Orleans, who succeeded in the government of the kingdom, was averse to lending the pretender any assistance. His party, however, which was composed of the lowest and the most ignorant exiles from the British dominions, affected the utmost confidence, and boasted of a certainty of success. The deepest secrets of his cabinet, and all his intended measures, were bandied about in coffee-houses by persons of the lowest rank both in fortune and abilities. Subaltern officers resolved to be his generals; and even prostitutes were entrusted to manage his negotiations. Little therefore could be expected from such assistants and such councils.

Though, by this time, the pretender might easily have seen that his affairs were desperate; yet, with his lands in usual infatuation, he resolved to hazard his person among his friends in Scotland, at a time when such a measure was too late for success. Passing, therefore, through France in disguise, and embarking in a small vessel at Dunkirk, he arrived, after a voyage of a few days, on the coasts of Scotland, with only six gentlemen in his train. He passed unknown through Aberdeen to Fetteresso, where he was met by the earl of Mar, and about 30 noblemen and gentlemen of the first quality. There he was solemnly proclaimed; and his declaration, dated at Comeray, was printed and dispersed. He went from thence to Dundee, where he made a public entry; and in two days more he arrived at Scoon, where he intended to have the ceremony of his coronation performed. He ordered thanksgivings to be made for his safe arrival; he enjoined the ministers to pray for him in their churches; and without the smallest fluke of power, went through the ceremonies of royalty, which threw an air of ridicule on all his conduct. Having thus spent some time in unimportant parade, he resolved to abandon the enterprise with the same levity with which it was undertaken. Having made a speech to his grand council, he informed them of his want of money, arms, and ammunition, for undertaking a campaign, and therefore deplored that he was obliged to leave them. He once more embarked on board a small French ship that lay in the harbour of Montrose, accompanied with several lords, his adherents; and in five days arrived at Graveline.

General Gordon, who was left commander in chief of the forces, with the assistance of earl Marechal, proceeded at their head to Aberdeen, where he secured three vessels to sail northward, which took on board such persons as intended to make their escape to the continent. He then continued his march through the Highlands, and quietly dismissed his forces as he went forward. This retreat was made with such expedition, that the duke of Argyle, with all his activity, could never overtake his rear, which consisted of 1000 horse.

The rebellion being ended, the law was put in force with all its terrors; and the prisons of London were crowded with those deluded persons, whom the ministry seemed resolved not to pardon. The commons, in their addresses to the crown, declared they would prosecute, in the most rigorous manner, the authors of the late rebellion; and their measures were as vindictive as their resolutions were speedy. The earls of Derwentwater, Nithsdale, Carnwath, and Wintown, the lords Widrington, Kenmuir, and Nairne, were impeached; and, upon pleading guilty, all but lord Wintown, received sentence of death. No intreates could prevail upon the ministry to spare these unhappy men. The house of lords even presented an address to the throne for mercy, but without effect; the king only answered, that on this, as on all other occasions, he would act as he thought most consistent with the dignity of the crown and the safety of the people. Orders were accordingly dispatched for executing the lords Derwentwater, Nithsdale, and Kenmuir, immediately; the rest were reprieved to a farther time. Nithsdale, however, had the good fortune to escape in woman's clothes that were brought him by his mother the night before his execution. Derwentwater and Kenmuir were brought to the scaffold on Tower-hill at the time appointed. Both underwent their sentence with calm intrepidity, and seemingly less moved than those who beheld them.

An act of parliament was next made for trying the private prisoners in London, and not in Lancashire where they were taken in arms. This was considered, by some of the best lawyers, as an alteration of the ancient constitution of the kingdom, by which it was supposed, that every prisoner should be tried in the place where the offence was committed, as a jury of neighbours would be best qualified to enter into the nature of the offence. In the beginning of April, commissioners for trying the rebels met in the court of common pleas, when the bills were found against Mr Forster, Mr Macintosh, and 20 of their confederates. Forster escaped from Newgate, and reached the continent in safety; the rest pleaded not guilty. Pitts, the keeper of Newgate, being suspected of having connived at Forster's escape, was tried for his life, but acquitted. After this, Macintosh, and several other prisoners, broke from Newgate, after having mastered the keeper and turnkey, and disarmed the sentinel. The court proceeded to the trial of those that remained; four or five were hanged, drawn, and quartered, at Tyburn. The judges appointed to try the rebels at Liverpool found a considerable number of them guilty of high treason. Two-and-twenty were executed at Manchester and Preston; about 1000 experienced the king's mercy, if such it may be called, to be transported to North America.

The rebellion being thus extinguished, the danger of the state was made a pretence for continuing the parliament beyond the term fixed for its dissolution. An act, therefore, was made by their own authority, repealing that by which they were to be dissolved every third year, and the term of their duration was extended to seven years. This attempt in any delegated body of people to increase their own power by extending it, is contrary to the first principles of justice. If it was right to extend their duration to seven years, they might also perpetuate their authority; and thus cut off even the shadow of a nomination. The bill, however, passed both houses, and all objections to it were considered as dissatisfaction. The people might murmur at this encroachment, but it was too late for redress.

Domestic concerns being thus adjusted, the king resolved upon a voyage to the continent. He foresaw a storm gathering from Sweden. Charles XII., was highly provoked against him for having entered into a confederacy with the Russians and Danes during his absence at Bender, and for having purchased from the king of Denmark the towns of Bremen and Verden, which constituted a part of his dominions. In consequence of this, Charles maintained a close correspondence with the dissatisfied subjects of Great Britain; and a scheme was formed for landing a considerable body of Swedish forces, with the king at their head, in some part of the island, where it was expected they would be joined by all the malcontents in the kingdom. Count Gyllenborg, the Swedish minister in London, was peculiarly active in the conspiracy; but being seized, with all his papers, by order of the king, the confederacy was broke for that time. A bill, however, was passed by the commons, forbidding all commerce with Sweden; the trade with which country was at that time of the utmost consequence to the English merchants. George having passed through Holland to Hanover, in order to secure his German dominions, entered into a new treaty with the Dutch and the regent of France, by which they agreed mutually to assist each other in case of an invasion; and for his further security, the commons granted him £50,000. But the death of the Swedish monarch, who was soon after killed at the siege of Frederichshall in Norway, put an end to all disquietude from that quarter.

Among the many treaties for which this reign was remarkable, one had been concluded, which was called the quadruple alliance. It was agreed between the emperor, France, Holland, and Britain, that the emperor should renounce all pretensions to the crown of Spain, and exchange Sardinia for Sicily with the duke of Savoy; that the succession to the duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, should be settled on the queen of Spain's eldest son, in case the present possessors should die without male issue. This treaty, however, was by no means agreeable to the king of Spain; and consequently it became prejudicial to the English, as it interrupted the commerce with that kingdom. A Spanish war soon after commenced between Spain and the emperor, who was considered as the principal contriver of the treaty; and a numerous body of Spanish forces were sent into Italy to support Philip's pretensions in that quarter. The regent of France attempted in vain to dissuade him, and the king of Britain offered his mediation with the like bad success; their interposition was considered as partial and unjust. A Spanish war was then resolved on. A squadron of 22 ships was equipped with all expedition, the command of which was given to Sir George Byng, and ordered to sail for Naples, at that time threatened with a Spanish army. He was received with the greatest joy by the Neapolitans; who informed him that the Spaniards, to the amount of 30,000, were then actually landed in Sicily. In this exigence, as no assistance could be given by land, he resolved to sail thither, fully determined to pursue the Spanish fleet on which the army was embarked. Upon coming round Cape Faro, he perceived two small Spanish vessels; and pursuing them closely, they led him to their main fleet, which, before noon, he discovered in line of battle, amounting in all to 27 sail. The Spaniards, however, notwithstanding of their superiority in number, attempted to sail away; but finding it impossible to make their escape, they kept up. up a running fight, and the commanders behaved with great courage and activity; in spite of which they were all taken except three, which were preserved by the conduct of one Cammock, their vice-admiral, a native of Ireland. Sir George Byng behaved on this occasion with great prudence and resolution; and the king wrote him a letter with his own hand, approving his conduct.

The rupture with Spain was thought to be favourable to the interests of the pretender; and it was hoped that by the assistance of cardinal Alberoni the Spanish ministers, a new insurrection might be excited in England. The duke of Ormond was the person fixed upon to conduct this expedition; and he obtained from the Spanish court a fleet of ten ships of war and transports, having on board 6000 regular troops, with arms for 12,000 more. But fortune was still as unfavourable as ever. Having set sail, and proceeded as far as Cape Finisterre, he was encountered by a violent storm, which disabled his fleet, and frustrated the expedition. This misfortune, together with the bad success of the Spanish arms in Sicily and other parts of Europe, induced Philip to wish for a cessation of arms; and he at last consented to sign the quadruple alliance, by which means peace was again restored to Europe.

Tranquillity being thus established, the ministry proceeded to secure the dependency of the Irish parliament on that of England. One Maurice Annesley had appealed to the house of peers of England from a decree made by the Irish peers, and their decree was reversed. The British peers ordered the barons of exchequer in Ireland to put Mr Annesley in possession of the lands he had lost by the decree of the lords in that kingdom. The barons obeyed this order; and the Irish peers passed a vote against them, as having attempted to diminish the just privileges of the parliament of Ireland; and at the same time ordered the barons to be taken under the custody of the black rod. On the other hand, the house of lords in England resolved, that the barons of the exchequer in Ireland had acted with courage and fidelity; and addressed the king to signify his approbation of their conduct, by some marks of his favour. To complete their intention, a bill was prepared, by which the Irish house of lords was deprived of all right of final jurisdiction. This bill was opposed in both houses, but particularly by the commons. It was there asserted by Mr Pitt, that it would only increase the power of the English peers, who were already but too formidable. Mr Hungerford demonstrated, that the Irish lords had always exerted their power of finally deciding causes. Notwithstanding all opposition, the bill was carried by a great majority, and soon after received the royal assent.

This blow was severely felt by the Irish; but was by no means so great as that which the English about this time felt from the South-sea scheme, which commenced in the year 1712. To explain this as concisely as possible, it must be observed, that ever since the revolution under king William, the government not having sufficient supplies granted by parliament, or what was granted requiring time to be collected, they were obliged to borrow money from several different companies of merchants; and among the rest from that company which traded to the South-sea. In the year 1716, the government was indebted to this company about nine millions and an half of money; for which they granted at the rate of 6 per cent. interest. As this company was not the only one to which government was indebted, Sir Robert Walpole formed a design of lessening the national debts, giving the several companies an alternative either of accepting a lower interest, namely 5 per cent. or of being paid the principal. The different companies chose rather to accept of the diminished interest than to be paid the principal. The South-sea company, in particular, having augmented their loan to ten millions, were contented to receive 500,000l. annually as interest, instead of 600,000l. which they usually received. In the same manner, the governors and company of the bank, and other companies, were contented to receive a diminished annual interest for their respective loans; all which greatly lessened the debts of the nation.

In this situation of things, one Blount a scrivener proposed to the ministry, in the name of the South-sea company, to buy up all the debts of the different companies, and thus for the South-sea company to become the sole creditors of the state. The terms he offered to government were extremely advantageous. The South-sea company was to redeem the debts of the nation out of the hands of the private proprietors who were creditors to the government, upon whatever terms they could agree on; and for the interest of this money which they had thus redeemed and taken into their own hands, they would be contented to be allowed by government 5 per cent. for six years; after which the interest should be reduced to 4 per cent. and should at any time be redeemable by parliament. For these purposes a bill passed both houses. But now came the part of the scheme big with fraud and ruin. As the directors of the South-sea company could not of themselves be supposed to possess so much money as was sufficient to buy up the debts of the nation, they were empowered to raise it by opening a subscription to an imaginary scheme for trading in the South seas; from which commerce immense advantages were promised, and still greater expected by the rapacious credulity of the people. All the creditors of government, therefore, were invited to come in, and exchange their securities, viz. the security of government, for that of the South-sea company. The directors books were no sooner opened for the first subscription, than crowds came to make the exchange of government stock for South-sea stock. The delusion was artfully continued and spread. Subscriptions in a few days sold for double the price they had been bought at. The scheme succeeded beyond even the projector's hopes, and the whole nation was infected with a spirit of avaricious enterprise. The infatuation prevailed; the stock increased to a surprising degree, even to near ten times the value of what it was first bought for.

After a few months, however, the people waked from their dream of riches; and found that all the advantages they expected were merely imaginary, while thousands of families were involved in one common ruin. Many of the directors, by whose arts the people were taught to expect such great benefits from a traffic to the South seas, had amassed considerable fortunes by the credulity of the public. It was some consolation, however, to the people to find the parliament sharing in the general indignation, and resolving to strip those unjust. unjust plunderers of their possessions. Orders were first given to remove all the directors of the South-sea company from their seats in parliament, and the places they possessed under government. The principal delinquents were punished by a forfeiture of all such possessions and estates as they had acquired during the continuance of this popular frenzy. The next care was to redress the sufferers. Several just and useful resolutions were taken by parliament, and a bill was speedily prepared for repairing the late sufferings as far as the inspection of the legislature could extend. Of the profit arising from the South-sea scheme, the sum of seven millions were given back to the original proprietors; several additions were also made to their dividends out of what was possessed by the company in their own right; and the remaining capital stock was also divided among the old proprietors at the rate of 33 per cent. In the mean time, petitions from all parts of the kingdom were presented to the house demanding justice; and the whole nation seemed exasperated to the highest degree. Public credit sustained a terrible shock. Some principal members of the ministry were deeply concerned in these fraudulent transactions. The bank was drawn upon faster than it could supply; and nothing was heard but the ravings of disappointment, and the cries of despair.

By degrees, however, the effects of this terrible calamity wore off, and matters returned to their former tranquillity. A new war with Spain commenced. Admiral Hosier was sent to South America to intercept the Spanish galleons; but the Spaniards, being apprised of his design, relented their treasure. The greatest part of the British fleet sent on that expedition was rendered entirely unfit for service. The seamen were cut off in great numbers by the malignity of the climate and the length of the voyage, while the admiral himself is said to have died of a broken heart. In order to retaliate these hostilities, the Spaniards undertook the siege of Gibraltar; but with as little success on their side. In this dispute France offered her mediation; and such a reconciliation as treaties could procure was the consequence: a temporary peace ensued; both sides only watching an opportunity to renew hostilities with advantage.

Soon after the breaking up of the parliament in the year 1727, the king resolved to visit his electoral dominions of Hanover. Having appointed a regency in his absence, he embarked for Holland, and lay, upon his landing, at a little town called Voot. Next day he proceeded on his journey; and in two days more, between ten and eleven at night, arrived at Delden, to all appearance in perfect health. He supped there very heartily, and continued his journey early the next morning; but between eight and nine ordered his coach to stop. It being perceived that one of his hands lay motionless, monsieur Fabrice, who had formerly been fervent to the king of Sweden, and who now attended king George, attempted to quicken the circulation, by chafing it between his own. As this had no effect, the surgeon who followed on horseback was called, and he rubbed it with spirits. Soon after, the king's tongue began to fweel, and he had just strength enough to bid them haffen to Osnaburgh. Then, falling insensible into Fabrice's arms, he never recovered; but expired about 11 o'clock the next morning, in the 68th year of his age, and 13th of his reign. His body was conveyed to Hanover, and interred among his ancestors.

On the accession of George II, the two great parties into which the nation had so long been divided, again succeeded, changed their names, and were now called the court and country parties. Throughout the greatest part of Conti's reign, there seem to have been too objects of controversy, which rose up in debate at every session, and court and country tried the strength of the opponents; these were the national debt, and the number of forces to be kept in pay. The government on the present king's accession owed more than 35,000,000 of money; and tho' there was a long continuance of profound peace, yet this sum was found constantly increasing. It was much wondered at by the country party how this could happen, and it was constantly the business of the court to give plausible reasons for the increase. Thus, demands for new supplies were made every session of parliament, either for the purposes of securing friends upon the continent, or guarding the kingdom from internal conspiracies, or of enabling the ministry to act vigorously in conjunction with the powers in alliance abroad. It was vainly alleged that those expenses were incurred without prudence or necessity; and that the increase of the national debt, by multiplying and increasing taxes, would at last become an intolerable burden to the poor. These arguments were offered, canvassed, and rejected; the court party was constantly victorious, and every demand was granted with cheerfulness and profusion.

The next thing worthy of notice in the reign of Account of George II. is the charitable corporation. A society of the charitables had united themselves into a company by this name, and their professed intention was to lend money at legal interest to the poor upon small pledges, and to persons of higher rank upon proper security. Their capital was at first limited to L. 30,000, but they afterwards increased it to L. 600,000. This money was supplied by subscription, and the care of conducting the capital was intrusted to a proper number of directors. This company having continued for more than 20 years, the cashier, George Robinson, member for Marlow, and the warehouse keeper, John Thomson, disappeared in one day. Five hundred thousand pounds of capital were found to be sunk or embezzled by means which the proprietors could not discover. They therefore, in a petition, represented to the house the manner in which they had been defrauded, and the distresses to which many of the petitioners were reduced. A secret committee being appointed to examine into this grievance, a most iniquitous scene of fraud was soon discovered, which had been carried on by Thomson and Robinson, in concert with some of the directors, for embezzling the capital and cheating the proprietors. Many persons of rank and quality were concerned in this infamous conspiracy; and even some of the first characters in the nation did not escape censure. No less than six members of parliament were expelled for the most forlorn acts of knavery. Sir Robert Sutton, Sir Archibald Grant, and George Robinson, for their frauds in the management of the charitable corporation scheme; Dennis Bond, and sergeant Burch, for a fraudulent sale of the late unfortunate earl of Derwentwater's estate; and lastly, John Ward, of Hackney, for forgery. It was at this time asserted in the house of Lords, that not one shilling of the forfeited estates was ever applied to the service of the public, but became the reward of fraudulence and venality.

This happened in the year 1731; and in 1732, a scheme was formed by Sir Robert Walpole of fixing a general excise. He introduced it by recounting the frauds practised by the factors in London that were employed in selling the American tobacco. To prevent these frauds, he proposed, that instead of having the customs levied in the usual manner upon tobacco, all hereafter to be imported should be lodged in warehouses appointed for that purpose by the officers of the crown; and should from thence be sold, upon paying the duty of 4d. per pound, when the proprietor found a purchaser. This proposal raised a violent ferment, both within doors and without. At last, the fury of the people was worked up to such a pitch, that the parliament-house was surrounded by multitudes, who intimidated the ministry, and compelled them to drop the design. The miscarriage of the bill was celebrated with public rejoicings in London and Westminster, and the minister was burned in effigy by the populace at London.

On this occasion an attempt was made to repeal the septennial bill, and bring back triennial parliaments, as settled at the Revolution. But notwithstanding the warmth of the opposition, the ministry, exerting all their strength, were victorious, and the motion was suppressed by the majority. However, as on this occasion the country party seemed to have gained strength, it was thought proper to dissolve the parliament; and another was called by the same proclamation.

The same disputes were carried on in this parliament as in the former. New subjects of controversy offered every day, and both sides were eager to seize them. A convention agreed on by the ministry, at the Prado, with Spain, became an object of warm altercation. By this the court of Spain agreed to pay £5,000l. to the English, as a satisfaction for all demands; and to discharge the whole in four months from the day of ratification. This, however, was considered as not equivalent to the damages that had been sustained, which were said to amount to £40,000l. On this occasion the minister was provoked into unusual vehemence, and branded the opposite party with the appellation of traitors. The ministry, as usual, were victorious; and the country party finding themselves out-numbered and out-voted in every debate, resolved to withdraw for ever: Walpole, being thus left without opposition, took the opportunity of passing several useful laws in their absence, in order to render the opposite party odious or contemptible.

In 1739, a new war commenced with Spain. Ever since the treaty of Utrecht, the Spaniards in America had insulted and disturbed the commerce of Great Britain; and the British merchants had endeavoured to carry on an illicit trade in their dominions. As a right of cutting logwood in the bay of Campeachy, claimed by the British, gave them frequent opportunities of pushing in contraband commodities upon the continent, the Spaniards resolved to put a stop to the evil by refusing liberty to cut logwood in that place.

The Spanish guardacostas continued their ferocities upon the British, and many British subjects were sent to dig in the mines of Potosi. One remonstrance followed another to the court of Madrid; but the only answers given were promises of inquiry, which produced no reformation. In 1739, war was declared with all proper solemnity; and soon after, admiral Vernon, with six ships only, destroyed all the fortifications of Porto Bello, and came away victorious, with scarce the loss of a man.

As the war was thus successfully begun, supplies were cheerfully granted to prosecute it with all imaginable vigour. Commodore Anson was sent with a squadron of ships to distress the enemy in the South seas, and to cooperate occasionally with admiral Vernon across the isthmus of Darien. This squadron was designed to act a subordinate part to a formidable armament that was to be sent against New Spain; but through the mismanagement of the ministry both these schemes were frustrated. Anson was detained till too late in the season; he then set out with five ships of the line, a frigate, and two flore-ships, with about 1,400 men. Coming into the stormy South seas at a very wrong season of the year, he encountered the most terrible storms; his fleet was dispersed, and his crew deplorably afflicted with the fever; so that with much difficulty he gained the delightful island of Juan Fernandez. Here he was joined by one ship and a frigate of seven guns. From thence failing along the coast of Chili, he plundered and burnt the town of Paita. He next traversed the great Pacific ocean, in hopes of meeting with one of the immensely rich galleons that trade from the Philippine islands to Mexico. Having refreshed his men at the island of Tinian, he set forward for China; and returning the same way he came, at last discovered the galleon. Her he engaged, and took; and with this prize, valued at £13,000l. together with other captures to the value of about as much more, he returned home after a voyage of three years. By this expedition the public sustained the loss of a fine squadron of ships, but a few individuals became possessed of immense fortunes.

The other expedition ended still more unfortunately. The armament consisted of 29 ships of the line, and all attempted to equal number of frigates, furnished with all kinds of warlike stores, near 15,000 seamen, and as many land forces. The most sanguine hopes of success were entertained; but the ministry detained the fleet without any visible reason, till the season for action in America was almost over. At last, however, they arrived before the wealthy city of Carthagena. They soon became masters of the strong forts which defended the harbour. But though by this means they advanced a good deal nearer the town, they found great difficulties still before them. It was asserted, that the fleet could not lie near enough to batter the town, and therefore the remaining forts must be attempted by scalade. This dangerous experiment was tried; the guides were slain by the enemy's fire, and then the forces mistook their way. Instead of attempting the weakest place of the fort, they attacked the strongest, and where they were exposed to the fire of the whole town. Their scaling ladders were too short; and, at last, after bearing a dreadful fire with great resolution for some hours, they retreated, leaving 600 men dead on the spot. The terrors of the climate now began to be more dreadful than those of war. The rainy season commenced with such violence, that it was impossible for the troops to continue their encampment. To these calamities was added... added the diffusion between the sea and land commanders, who blamed each other, and at last could be only brought to agree in one mortifying measure, viz. to re-imburse the troops, and withdraw them as quick as possible.

The miscarriage of this enterprise produced the greatest discontent; especially as other causes of complaint were now joined with it. Sir John Norris had twice failed to the coast of Spain at the head of a very powerful squadron, without doing anything to the purpose. The commerce of Britain was greatly annoyed by the Spanish privateers, who had taken 407 ships since the commencement of the war; while the British fleets seemed to be quite inactive, and to suffer one loss after another, without endeavouring in the least to make proper reprisals. These discontented burst all at once upon Sir Robert Walpole; a majority in the house of commons was formed against him; he was created earl of Orford, the parliament being adjourned for a few days for that purpose; and he resigned all his employments.

The removal of this minister gave universal satisfaction. His antagonists entertained great hopes of seeing him punished; but he had laid his schemes too well to be under any apprehensions on that account; and what was worse, the new ministry were no sooner got in, than they trod in the footsteps of those they had so much exclaimed against. The nation had now become disgusted with naval operations. The people wished for a renewal of their victories in Flanders, and the king ardently joined in the same wish. An army of 16,000 men was therefore shipped over into Flanders, to take part in the quarrels that were then beginning on the continent. Immense triumphs were expected from this undertaking; but they forgot that the army was not now commanded by the duke of Marlborough.

In order to give some notion of the origin of these continental quarrels, it is necessary to go back for some years. After the duke of Orleans, who had been regent of France, died, cardinal Fleury undertook to settle the confusion in which the kingdom was then involved. Under him France repaired her losses, and enriched herself by commerce. During the long interval of peace which this minister's councils had procured for Europe, two powers, till now unregarded, began to attract the notice and jealousy of the neighbouring nations. These were Russia and Prussia. The other states were but little prepared to renew war. The empire remained under the government of Charles VI., who had been placed on the throne by the treaty of Utrecht. Sweden continued to languish from the destructive projects of Charles XII. Denmark was powerful enough, but inclined to peace; and part of Italy still remained subject to those princes who had been imposed upon it by foreign treaties.

All these states, however, continued to enjoy a profound peace, until the death of Augustus king of Poland, by which a general flame was once more kindled in Europe. The emperor, assisted by the arms of Russia, declared for the elector of Saxony, son to the defeated king. On the other hand, France declared for Stanislaus, who had long since been nominated king of the Poles by Charles of Sweden, and whose daughter the king of France had since married. Stanislaus was gladly received at Dantzig, and acknowledged king of Poland; but here he was besieged by 10,000 Russians, the city taken, and he himself with difficulty made his escape. France, however, still resolved to assist him, as this, it was thought, would be the most effectual method of distressing the house of Austria. These views of France were seconded by Spain and Sardinia, both of which hoped to grow rich by the spoils of Austria. A French army, therefore, overran the empire, under the conduct of the old marshal Villars; while the duke of Montemar, the Spanish general, was equally victorious in the kingdom of Naples. The emperor was soon obliged to sue for peace; which was granted, but Stanislaus was neglected in the treaty. It was stipulated that he should renounce all claim to the kingdom of Poland; for which the emperor gratified France with the duchy of Lorraine, and some other valuable territories.

The emperor dying in the year 1740, the French began to think this a favourable opportunity for exerting their ambition. Regardless of treaties, therefore, particularly that called the Pragmatic Sanction, by which the late emperor's dominions were settled upon his daughter, they caused the elector of Bavaria to be crowned emperor. Thus the queen of Hungary, daughter of Charles VI., was at once stripped of her inheritance, and was left for a whole year deserted by all Europe, and without any hopes of succour. At the same time she lost the province of Silesia by an irruption of the young king of Prussia, who took the opportunity of her defenceless state to renew his pretensions to that province, of which his ancestors had been unjustly deprived. France, Saxony, and Bavaria, attacked the rest of her dominions; Britain was the only ally that seemed willing to assist her; in which, however, Sardinia, Holland, and Russia, soon after concurred.

It must be owned that Britain had no other reason for interfering in these disputes, than that the security of the electorate depended upon nicely balancing the different interests of the empire; and the ministry were willing to gratify the king. His majesty informed the parliament, that he had sent a body of British forces into the Netherlands, which he had augmented by 16,000 Hanoverians, to make a diversion upon the dominions of France, in favour of the queen of Hungary. When the supplies came to be considered by which this additional number of Hanoverian troops was to receive pay from Britain for defending their own cause, most violent parliamentary debates ensued; but the ministry carried their point by the strength of numbers.

But, however prejudicial these continental measures might be to the true interests of Great Britain, they effectually retrieved the queen of Hungary's desperate forces, affairs, and soon began to turn the scale of victory on her side. The French were driven out of Bohemia. Her general, prince Charles, at the head of a large army, invaded the dominions of Bavaria. Her rival, the nominal emperor, was obliged to fly before her; and being abandoned by his allies, and stripped even of his hereditary dominions, retired to Frankfort, where he lived in obscurity.

In the mean time, the British and Hanoverian army advanced, in order to effect a junction with that of Dertingen-prince Charles of Lorraine, in which case they would have outnumbered their enemies. To prevent this, the French opposed an army of 60,000 men, under the command of the marshal de Noailles, who posted his troops on the east side of that river. The British army was commanded by the earl of Stair, who had learned the art of war under the great prince Eugene; nevertheless, he suffered himself to be inclosed by the enemy on every side, near a village called Dettingen. In this situation, the whole army, with the king himself, who had by this time arrived in the camp, must have been taken, had the French behaved with prudence. Their impetuosity, however, saved the whole army. They passed a defile, which they ought to have contented themselves with guarding; and, under the conduct of the duke of Gramont, their horse charged the British foot with great fury. They were received with great resolution; and at last obliged to repulse the Mayne with precipitation, and the loss of about 5000 men.

Though the British were victorious in this engagement, the French were very little disconcerted by it. They opposed prince Charles, and interrupted his attempts to pass the Rhine. In Italy they also gained some advantages; but their chief hopes were placed on an intended invasion of England. From the violence of parliamentary disputes in England, France had been persuaded that the country was ripe for a revolution, and only wanted the presence of the pretender to bring about a change. An invasion was therefore actually projected. The troops destined for the expedition amounted to 15,000; and preparations were made for embarking them at Dunkirk, and some of the ports nearest to England, under the eye of the young pretender. The duke de Roquefeuille, with 20 ships of the line, was to see them safely landed on the opposite shore, and the famous count Saxe was to command them when landed. But the whole project was disconcerted by the appearance of Sir John Norris, who with a superior fleet made up to attack them. The French fleet was obliged to put back; a very hard gale of wind damaged their transports beyond repair; and the French, now frustrated in their scheme of a sudden descent, thought fit openly to declare war.

The national joy for Sir John Norris's success, however, was soon damped by the miscarriage of admirals Matthews and Lestock; who, thro' a misunderstanding between themselves, suffered a French fleet of 34 sail to escape them near Toulon. In the Netherlands the British arms were attended with still worse success. The French had there assembled an army of 120,000 men, commanded by count Saxe, natural son to the late king of Poland, an officer of great experience. The English were headed by the duke of Cumberland, who had an inferior army, and was much inferior in the knowledge of war to the French general. Count Saxe, therefore, carried all before him. In 1743, he besieged Fribourg; and in the beginning of the campaign 1744, invested the strong city of Tournay. To save this place, if possible, the allies resolved to hazard an engagement; and on this ensued the bloody battle of Fontenoy, in which the allies lost on the field of battle near 12,000 men, and the French almost an equal number. In consequence of this victory, Tournay was soon after taken by the French. To balance the bad success, however, admirals Rowley and Warren had retrieved the honour of the British flag, and made several rich captures at sea. The fortress of Louisburg, a place of great consequence to the British commerce, surrendered to general Pepperell; while, a short time after, two French East-India ships, and a Spanish ship from Peru laden with treasure, put into the harbour, supposing it still their own, and were taken.

During this gleam of returning success, Charles Edward Young pretender, the son of the old pretender to the British crown, tenderly resolved to make an attempt to recover what he called in Scotland, his right. Being furnished with some money from France, he embarked for Scotland aboard a small frigate, accompanied by the marquis of Tullibardine, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and some others; and for the conquest of the whole British empire only brought with them seven officers, and arms for 2000 men.

Fortune, however, seemed no way more favourable to this attempt than to others similar to it. His convoy, a ship of 60 guns, was so disabled in an engagement with an English man of war, that it was obliged to return to Brest, while he continued his course to the western parts of Scotland. On the 27th of July 1745, he landed on the coast of Lochaber, and was in a little time joined by the highlanders, to the number of 1500; the ministry at first could scarcely be induced to credit his arrival; but when they could no longer doubt of it, they sent Sir John Cope with a small body of forces to oppose his progress.

By this time the young adventurer was arrived at Perth, where he performed the ceremony of proclaiming his father king of Great Britain. From thence, Preston advancing towards Edinburgh, and his forces continually increasing, he entered the capital without opposition; but was unable, for want of cannon, to reduce the castle. Here he again proclaimed his father; and promised to dissolve the union, which was considered as one of the national grievances. In the mean time, Sir John Cope, being reinforced by two regiments of dragoons, resolved to give the enemy battle. The rebels attacked him near Prestonpans, and in a few minutes put him and his troops to flight, with the loss of 500 men.

This victory gave the rebels great influence; and had the pretender marched directly to England, the consequence might have been fatal to freedom. But he was amused by the promise of succours which never came; and thus induced to remain in Edinburgh till the season for action was lost. He was joined, however, by the earl of Kilmarnock, lord Balmerino, lords Cromarty, Elcho, Ogilvy, Pittiglo, and the eldest son of lord Lovat, who with their vassals considerably increased his army. Lord Lovat himself, so remarkable for his treachery, was an enthusiast in favour of the pretender, but was unwilling to act openly for fear of the ministry. But while Charles was thus trifling away his time at Edinburgh, the British ministry were taking effectual methods to oppose him. Six thousand Dutch troops, that had come over to the affluence of the crown, were dispatched northward under the command of general Wade; but, as it was then said, these could lend no assistance, being prisoners of France upon their parole, and under engagements not to oppose that power for a year. But however this be, the duke of Cumberland soon after arrived from Flanders, and was followed by another detachment of dragoons and infantry, well disciplined and inured to action; and besides these, volunteers offered themselves in every part of the kingdom.

At last, Charles resolved upon an irruption into England. He entered that country by the western border, and took the town of Carlisle; after which he continued his march southwards, having received assurances that a considerable body of forces would be landed on the southern coasts to make a diversion in his favour. He established his head-quarters at Manchester, where he was joined by about 200 English formed into a regiment, under the command of Colonel Townley. From thence he pursued his march to Derby, intending to go by the way of Chester into Wales, where he hoped to be joined by a great number of malecontents; but in this he was prevented by the factions among his followers.

Being now advanced within 100 miles of London, that capital was in the utmost consternation; and had he proceeded with the same expedition he had hitherto used, perhaps he might have made himself master of it. But he was rendered incapable of pursuing this, or any other rational plan, by the discontented which began to prevail in his army. In fact, the young pretender was but the nominal leader of his forces; his generals, the Highland chiefs, being adverse to subordination, and ignorant of command. They were now unanimous in their resolution to return to their own country, and Charles was forced to comply. They retreated to Carlisle without any loss; and from thence crossing the rivers Eden and Solway, entered Scotland. They next marched to Glasgow, which was laid under severe contributions. From thence advancing to Stirling, they were joined by Lord Lewis Gordon at the head of some forces which had been assembled in his absence. Other clans likewise came in; and from some supplies of money received from Spain, and some skirmishes with the royalists, in which he was victorious, the pretender's affairs began to wear a more promising aspect. Being joined by Lord Drummond, he invested the castle of Stirling, in the siege of which much time was consumed to no purpose. General Hawley, who commanded a considerable body of forces near Edinburgh, undertook to raise this siege, and advanced towards the rebel army as far as Falkirk. After two days spent in mutually examining each other's strength, an engagement ensued, in which the king's forces were entirely defeated, with the loss of their tents and artillery.

This was the end of all the triumphs of the rebel army. The duke of Cumberland having arrived, was put at the head of the troops at Edinburgh, which amounted to about 14,000 men. With these he advanced to Aberdeen, where he was joined by several of the nobility attached to the house of Hanover; the enemy in the mean time retreating before him. He next advanced to the banks of the Spey, a deep and rapid river, where the rebels might have disputed his passage; but their contentions with one another were now risen to such a height, that they could scarce agree in anything. At last they resolved to wait their pursuers. An engagement ensued at Culloden*, near Inverness; in which the rebels were defeated with great slaughter, and a final period was put to all the hopes of the young adventurer. The conquerors behaved with the greatest cruelty; refusing quarter to the wounded, the unarmed, and the defenceless; some were slain who had only been spectators of the combat, and soldiers were seen to anticipate the base employment of the executioner. The duke, immediately after the action, ordered 36 deserters to be executed; the conquerors spread terror wherever they came; and after a short space, the whole country round was one dreadful scene of plunder, slaughter, and defoliation.

Immediately after the engagement, the young pretender fled away with a captain of Fitzjames's cavalry; and when their horses were fatigued, they both alighted, the young and separately fought for safety. There is a striking resemblance between the adventures of Charles II. after the battle of Worcester, and those of the young pretender after the battle of Culloden. For some days he wandered in the country. Sometimes he found refuge in caves and cottages, without any attendants at all. Sometimes he lay in forests with one or two companions of his distress, continually pursued by the troops of the conqueror, there being a reward of 30,000l. offered for taking him either dead or alive. In the course of his adventures, he had occasion to trust his life to the fidelity of above 50 individuals; not one of whom could be prevailed upon by so great a reward as was offered, to betray him whom they looked upon to be their king's son.

For six months the unfortunate Charles continued to wander in the frightful wilds of Glengarry, often hemmed round by his pursuers, but still refused by some providential accident from the impending danger. At length, a privateer of St Malo, hired by his adherents, arrived in Lochranach, in which he embarked in the most wretched attire. He was clad in a short coat of black frize, threadbare; over which was a common Highland plaid, girt round him by a belt, from which hung a pistol and dagger. He had not been shifted for many weeks; his eyes were hollow, his visage wan, and his constitution greatly impaired by famine and fatigue. He was accompanied by Sullivan and Sheridan, two Irish adherents who had shared all his calamities; together with Cameron of Lochiel, his brother, and a few other exiles. They set sail for France; and, after having been chased by two Englishmen of war, arrived in safety at a place called Roque near Morlaix in Bretagne.

While the pretender was thus pursued, the scaffolds and gibbets were preparing for his adherents. Seventeen officers were hanged, drawn, and quartered, at Kennington-common in the neighbourhood of London; nine were executed in the same manner at Carlisle, and eleven at York. A few obtained pardons, and a considerable number of the common men were transported to America. The earls of Kilmarnock and Cromarty, and Lord Balmerino, were tried and found guilty of high treason. Cromarty was pardoned; but Kilmarnock and Balmerino were executed; as was also Mr Radcliffe, brother to the late earl of Derwentwater, who was sentenced upon a former conviction. Lord Lovat was tried, and suffered some time after.

Immediately after the suppression of the rebellion, New regulations were undertaken to establish several regulations in Scotland, which were equally conducive to the happiness of the people and the tranquillity of the united kingdoms. The Highlanders had till that time continued to wear the military dress of their ancestors, and never went without arms. In consequence of this, they considered themselves as a body of people distinct from the rest of the nation, and were ready, upon the shortest notice, notice, to second the insurrections of their chiefs. Their habits were now reformed by an act of legislature, and they were compelled to wear clothes of the common fashion. But what contributed still more to their real felicity was the abolition of that hereditary jurisdiction which their chieftains exerted over them. The power of their chieftains was totally destroyed, and every subject in that part of the kingdom was granted a participation in the common liberty.

Soon after the battle of Culloden, the duke of Cumberland returned to Flanders, where he resumed the command of an army to which he was by no means equal. The French carried everything before them; and they reduced under their dominion all those strong towns which had been taken by the duke of Marlborough, and formed a barrier to the United Provinces. They gained a considerable victory at Roucourt; which, however, cost them as many men as they destroyed of the enemy; but these they could more easily spare, as they were much more numerous. Another victory which they obtained at La Feldt, served to depress the allied army still lower. But the taking of Bergen-op-Zoom, the strongest fortification of Brabant, reduced the Dutch to a state of desperation.

These victories and successes in Flanders were, however, counterbalanced by almost equal disappointments. In Italy, the marshal Belleisle's brother, attempting to penetrate, at the head of 34,000 men, into Piedmont, was defeated and killed. A fleet was fitted out for the recovery of Cape Breton, but without success. Two others were fitted out, the one to make a descent upon the British colonies in America, and the other to carry on the operations in the East Indies; but these were attacked by Anson and Warren, and nine of their ships taken. Soon after this, commodore Fox, with six ships of war, took above 40 French ships richly laden, from St Domingo; and soon after this the French fleet was defeated by admiral Hawke, who took seven ships of the line and several frigates.

For a long time Louis had been desirous of a general tranquillity; and this desire he had even expressed to Sir John Ligonier, who was taken prisoner at the battle of La Feldt. But now the bad success of his admirals at sea, his armies in Italy, the frequent bankruptcies of his merchants at home, and the election of a stadtholder in Holland who gave spirit to the opposition; all these contributed to make him weary of the war, and to propose terms of accommodation. This was what the allies had long wished for, but had been ashamed to demand. A congress, therefore, was held at Aix-la-Chapelle, where a treaty was concluded on the following terms. 1. That all prisoners on each side should be mutually given up, and all conquests restored. 2. That the duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, should be ceded to Don Philip, heir apparent to the Spanish crown; after whom these dominions should return to the house of Austria. 3. That the fortifications of Dunkirk towards the sea should be demolished; and that the British ship annually sent with slaves to the coast of New Spain, should have this privilege continued for four years. 4. That the king of Prussia should be confirmed in the possession of Silesia, and that the queen of Hungary should be secured in the possession of her patrimonial dominions. But the most mortifying clause was, that the king of Great Britain should immediately, after the ratification of this treaty, send two persons of rank to France as hostages, until restitution should be made of Cape Breton and all other British conquests made during the war. No mention was made of the receding British vessels in the American seas, though this was the original cause of the quarrel. The limits of their respective possessions in North America were not ascertained; nor did they receive any equivalent for those forts which they restored to the enemy.

In the year 1751, died Frederic prince of Wales, of a pleurisy thought at first to be no way dangerous. He was greatly regretted; for his good-nature had rendered him popular, and those who opposed the present administration had grounded all their hopes of redress upon his accession to the throne.

Some time before this, viz. in the year 1749, a scheme was entered upon, which the nation in general imagined would be very advantageous. This was the encouraging those who had been discharged the army or navy to become settlers in Nova Scotia. This country is cold, barren, and almost incapable of cultivation. Nevertheless, on account of this barren spot, the English and French renewed the war, which soon after renewed, spread with such terrible devastation over every part of the globe. The possession of this country was reckoned necessary to defend the English colonies to the north, and to preserve their superiority in the fisheries in that part of the world. The French, however, who had been long settled in the back parts, resolved to use every method to dispossess the new comers, and spirited up the Indians to begin hostilities. Another source of dispute also sprung up soon after in the same part of the world. The French, pretending to have first discovered the mouth of the river Mississippi, claimed the whole adjacent country towards New Mexico on the east, quite to the Appalachian mountains on the west. In order to assert their claims, as they found several English who had settled beyond these mountains, they dispossessed them of their new settlements, and built such forts as would command the whole country round about.

Negociations, mutual accusations, and hostilities, first took place between the two powers; at length, in 1756, four operations were undertaken by the British in America at once. Colonel Monkton had orders to drive the French from their encroachments upon the province of Nova Scotia. General Johnson was sent against Crown Point; General Shirley against Niagara, to secure the forts on the river; and General Braddock against Fort du Queeque. In these expeditions, Monkton was successful; Johnson also was victorious, though he failed in taking the fort against which he was sent; Shirley was thought to have lost the season of operation by delay; and Braddock was defeated and killed.

In return for this bad success, the British made reprisals at sea; and in this they were so successful, that the French navy was unable to recover itself during the continuance of the war that was shortly after declared on both sides. The first step of the French was to threaten an invasion. Several bodies of their troops were sent down to the coasts that lay opposite to the British shores; these were instructed in the manner of embarking and landing from flat-bottomed boats, which were made in great numbers for that expedition. The number of men amounted to 50,000; but all discovered the utmost reluctance to the undertaking. The ministry were greatly alarmed. They applied to the Dutch for 6000 men, which they were by treaty obliged to furnish in case of an invasion. This supply was refused; the Dutch alleging, that their treaty was to send the troops in case of an actual, and not a threatened, invasion. The king, therefore, finding he could not have the Dutch forces till their affiance would be too late, desisted entirely from his demand; and the Dutch with great amity returned him thanks for withdrawing his request. Upon this, 10,000 Hessians and Hanoverians were brought over. But this occasioned great discontent. The ministry were reviled for such disgraceful condescension, as if the nation was unable to defend itself. The people only demanded a vigorous exertion of their own internal strength, and then feared no force that could be led to invade them.

The British invasion, however, never took place; but a French army landed in Minorca, and invested the citadel of St Philip's, which was reckoned the strongest in Europe; but the garrison was weak, and no way fitted to stand a vigorous siege. To raise this siege, admiral Byng was dispatched with a squadron of ten men of war, with orders to relieve Minorca, or at any rate to throw a body of troops into the garrison. This last he reckoned too hazardous an undertaking; nor did he even attempt it. Soon after, a French fleet appeared nearly equal in force to his own; but the admiral resolved to act only upon the defensive. The French advanced; a slight engagement ensued with part of the English fleet; after which, the French slowly sailed away, and another opportunity never occurred of coming to a closer engagement. After this, it was resolved in a council of war to return to Gibraltar to rest, and that the relief of Minorca was impracticable. For this conduct Byng was brought home under arrest, tried, and sentenced to death. His sentence was to be shot; and he suffered with the greatest resolution, after delivering a paper filled with protestations of his innocence as to any treacherous intention.

After the conquest of Minorca, the French declared that they would revenge all injuries they should sustain in their colonies on the king of Britain's dominions in Germany. Upon this, the court of London, eager to preserve Hanover, entered into a treaty with the court of Russia, by which it was stipulated, that a body of 50,000 Russians should be ready to act in the British service, in case Hanover should be invaded by the French. For this the czarina was to receive 100,000l. annually, to be paid in advance. This treaty was opposed by the king of Prussia. He had long considered himself as guardian of the interests of Germany, and was therefore alarmed at a treaty which threatened to deluge the empire with an army of barbarians. Besides, he was already apprized of an agreement between the Austrians and Russians, by which the latter were to enter the empire and strip him of his late conquests of Silesia. He therefore declared, that he would not suffer any foreign forces to enter the empire, either as auxiliaries or principals. The king of Britain now found himself obliged to drop his Russian connection, and conclude a treaty with the king of Prussia. As both monarchs wished only to prevent the invasion of Germany, they soon came to an agreement to assist each other mutually. From this alliance a new combination took place among the European powers, opposite to the former; and their forces were drawn out in the following manner. Britain opposed France the Europe in America, Asia, and on the ocean. France attacked Hanover; which the king of Prussia undertook to protect, while Britain promised him troops and money to assist his operations. Austria had their aims on the dominions of Prussia, and drew the elector of Saxony into the same designs. In these views the Austrians were seconded by France, Sweden, and Russia, who had hopes of acquiring a settlement in the west of Europe.

Thus the king of Prussia launched into the tumult of war, having only the king of Britain for his ally, while the most potent states of Europe were his antagonists. He now performed exploits perhaps unequalled in the annals of modern ages; for a particular account of which, see the article Prussia. The British Unsuccessful ministry, in order to procure a diversion in his favour, planned an enterprise against the coast of France. The definition of the fleet equipped for this purpose was kept a profound secret. At last it appeared before Rochford; where the commanders, having trifled away their time in deliberating how to proceed, secured the little island of Aix, an easy and useless conquest; soon after which, they returned home, without attempting anything else. By this miscarriage the ministry were so discouraged, that they had thoughts of abandoning the king of Prussia to his fate; and the king was actually meditating a negotiation of this nature, when he was prevented by the expostulations of his distressed ally. From motives of generosity, therefore, more than of interest, it was resolved to continue to fulfill him; and success, which had long fled from the British arms, once more began to return with double splendour.

It was in the East Indies where this returning succour first began to appear (for an account of which see the article Indostan); and their conquests in the west, Eastern part of the world were about this time still more splendid than those in the east. But these successes must, partly at least, be ascribed to the vigorous administration of Mr William Pitt, who about this time came into power. An expedition was set on foot to come into gainst Cape Breton, under general Amherst and admir.ial Boscawen; another, under general Abercrombie, against Crown Point and Ticonderago; and a third, under brigadier-general Forbes, against Fort du Quefne. The fortres of Louisburg, which defended the island of Cape Breton, was very strong both by nature and art; the garrison was numerous, the commander vigilant, and every precaution had been taken to prevent a landing. But the activity of the British surmounted every obstacle; the place was surrendered by capitulation, and its fortifications were demolished. The expedition against Fort du Quefne was equally successful; but that against Crown Point once more miscarried. General Abercrombie attacked the French in their entrenchments, was repulsed with great slaughter, and obliged to retire to his camp at Lake George. But though in this respect the British arms were unsuccessful, yet, upon the whole, the campaign of 1758 was greatly in their favour. The taking of Fort du Quefne Quebec served to remove from their colonies the terror of the incursions of the Indians, while it interrupted the correspondence along a chain of forts with which the French had environed the British settlements in America, so that the succeeding campaign promised great success.

In 1759, it was resolved to attack the French in several parts of their empire at once. General Amherst with a body of 12,000 men was commanded to attack Crown Point; General Wolfe was to undertake the siege of Quebec; while general Prideaux and Sir William Johnson were to attempt a French fort near the cataracts of Niagara. This last expedition was the first that succeeded. The siege was begun with vigour, and promised an easy conquest; but general Prideaux was killed in the trenches by the bursting of a mortar, so that the whole command devolved on general Johnson. A body of French troops, sensible of the importance of the place, attempted to relieve it; but were utterly defeated and dispersed; soon after which, the garrison surrendered prisoners of war. On his arrival at the forts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, general Amherst found them deserted and destroyed. There now remained, therefore, but one decisive blow to reduce all North America under the British dominion; and this was by the taking of Quebec* the capital of Canada. This expedition was commanded by admiral Saunders and general Wolfe. The enterprise was attended with difficulties which appeared unsurmountable; but all these difficulties were got over by the conduct of general Wolfe, and the bravery of his men. He engaged and put to flight the French under Montcalm; but, to the great regret of the British, their general was killed in the action. The surrender of Quebec was the consequence of this victory, which was soon followed by the cession of all Canada. The following season, indeed, the French made a vigorous effort to recover the city; but by the resolution of governor Murray, and the appearance of a British fleet under the command of lord Colvile, they were obliged to abandon the enterprise. The whole province was soon after reduced by the prudence and activity of general Amherst, who obliged the French army to capitulate, and it has since remained annexed to the British empire. About the same time also the island of Guadaloupe was reduced by commodore More and general Hopson.

The British affairs in Germany had at the beginning of the war worn a very unfavourable aspect. The Hanoverians were commanded by the duke of Cumberland, who was greatly outnumbered by the enemy. He was driven beyond the Weser, the passage of which might have been disputed with some appearance of success; but the French were suffered to pass it un molested. The Hanoverians were driven from one part of the country to another, till at length they made a stand near a village called Hafenbeck, where it was hoped the numbers of the enemy would have the least opportunity of coming to a general engagement. The Hanoverians, however, left the field of battle to the French, after a faint resistance. Their enemies pursued, and the duke retired towards Stade; by which means he marched into a country from whence he could neither procure provisions, nor attack the enemy with any hopes of success. Here, being unable either to escape or advance, he was compelled to sign a capitulation by which the whole army laid down their arms, and were dispersed into different quarters of cantonment. By this remarkable capitulation, which was called the capitulation of Closter Seven, Hanover was obliged to submit quietly to the French, who were now determined to turn their arms against the king of Prussia.

Soon after this capitulation, both sides began to complain that the treaty was not strictly observed. The Hanoverians exclaimed against the rapacity of the French general, and the brutality of his soldiers. The French retorted the charge against them; accused them of insolence and insurrection; and, being sensible of their own superiority, resolved to bind them strictly to their terms of agreement. The Hanoverians only wished for a pretence to take arms, and a general to head them. Neither were long wanting. The oppressions of the tax-gatherers whom the French had appointed, were considered as so severe, that the army rose to vindicate the freedom of their country, while Ferdinand, prince of Brunswick, put himself at their head. As soon as this was known in Britain, large supplies were granted both for the service of the king of Prussia, and to enable the Hanoverian army to act vigorously in conjunction with him. A small body of British forces was sent over to join prince Ferdinand under the duke of Marlborough. After some inconsiderable successes at Creveld, the duke of Marlborough dying, the command of the British forces devolved on lord George Sackville. A misunderstanding arose between him and prince Ferdinand, which appeared at the battle of Minden that was fought shortly after. Lord George pretended that he did not understand the orders sent him by the prince, and of consequence did not obey them. The allies gained the victory, which would have been more decisive had the British commander obeyed his orders. He was soon after recalled, tried by a court-martial, found guilty of disobedience, and declared incapable of serving in any military command for the future.

After this victory it was imagined, that one reinforcement more of British troops would terminate the war conti- war in favour of the allies; and that reinforcement was quickly sent. The British army in Germany was augmented to upwards of 30,000 men, and fatiguing hopes of conquest were generally entertained. These hopes, however, were soon found to be ill founded. The allies were defeated at Corbach; but retrieved their honour at Exdorf. A victory at Warbourg followed shortly after, and another at Zierenberg; but then they suffered a defeat at Compen; after which, both sides retired into winter-quarters.

On the 25th of October 1760, happened the death of king George II. He had risen at his usual hour, and observed to his attendants, that as the weather was fine, he would take a walk into the gardens of Kensington, where he then resided. In a few minutes after his return, being left alone, he was heard to fall down upon the floor. The noise of this bringing his attendants into the room, they lifted him into bed; where he desired with a faint voice, that the princess Amelia might be sent for; but before she could reach the apartment, he expired, in the 77th year of his age, and 33d of his reign. An attempt was made to bleed him, him, but without effect; and afterwards the surgeons, upon opening him, discovered that the right ventricle of the heart was ruptured, and a great quantity of blood discharged through the aperture.

King George III. ascended the throne amidst the greatest successes both by sea and land. At this time, indeed, the efforts of Britain in every quarter of the globe were truly astonishing. The king of Prussia received a subsidy; a large body of English forces commanded the extensive peninsula of India; another army of 20,000 men confirmed their conquests in North America; 30,000 men were employed in Germany; and a great many more were dispersed in the different garrisons in different parts of the world; but all this was surpassed by the astonishing naval force, which carried command wherever it came, and had totally annihilated the French maritime power. The courage and conduct of the English admirals excelled everything that had been heard of before; neither superior force nor number, nor even the terrors of the tempest, could intimidate them. Admiral Hawke gained a complete victory over an equal number of French ships, in Quiberon bay on the coast of Bretagne, in the midst of a tempest, during the darkness of night, and, what a seaman fears still more, in the neighbourhood of a rocky shore.

As soon as his present majesty had met with his parliament, which was on November 18th 1760, he confirmed the hopes of his allies, and gave assurances of his intentions to prosecute the war with vigour. By this time, however, the people were in some measure weary with conquests; especially with those in Germany, from which they could never hope for any solid advantage, and which were gained at an immense expense to the nation. Disputes concerning the propriety of the German war were carried on, and the general run of popular opinion seemed to be rather against than for it. For some time, however, no change took place in the method of carrying on the war. In 1761, proposals of peace were made between the belligerent powers of Europe; and for this purpose Mr Stanley was sent to Paris, and Mr Bally to London; but the French, desiring to draw Spain into a confederacy with them, seem not to have been sincere in their intentions; and thus the treaty came to nothing. An enterprise was projected against the island of Belleisle, near the coast of France, which was conducted by Commodore Keppel and general Hodgson. The place was conquered, with the loss of 1800 men killed and wounded on the part of the British; and however unimportant this conquest might be, the rejoicings on account of it were great. In Germany, the campaign was unsuccessful on the part of the allies. At first, indeed, they drove the French quite out of the territory of Hesse, and laid siege to the city of Caffel; but being defeated at Stangerode, they were forced to raise the siege, retire behind the Dymel, and again abandon Hesse to their enemies. Here they were followed and attacked by the French; who, tho' defeated in that attempt, were with difficulty prevented from making themselves masters of Munster and Brunswick.

All this time an appearance of negociation had been carried on; but at last the French having brought their designs with the court of Spain to a bearing, Mr Bally delivered to Mr Pitt a private memorial, signifying, that, in order to establish the peace on a lasting foundation, the king of Spain might be induced to guarantee the treaty; and to prevent the differences which then subsisted between Britain and Spain from producing a fresh war in Europe, he proposed, that in this negociation, the three points which had been disputed between the crowns of England and Spain might be finally settled. First, the restitution of some captures made upon the Spanish flag. Secondly, the privilege of the Spanish nation to fish upon the banks of Newfoundland. Thirdly, the demolition of the English settlements made in the bay of Honduras. This memorial was returned as wholly inadmissible. Mr Pitt declared, that it would be looked upon as an affront to the dignity of his matter, and incompatible with the sincerity of the negociation, to make any further mention of such a circumstance.

Mr Pitt being now thoroughly convinced of the Spanish designs of Spain, proposed immediately to declare war against that kingdom. But this proposal being rejected, he resigned his employment of secretary of state; after which, he was created earl of Chatham, and had a pension of 3000l. per annum settled upon him for three lives.

Soon after this, however, the new administration found that Mr Pitt was in the right, and war was declared between Great Britain and Spain. As Portugal was an useful ally of Britain, it was resolved by the French and Spaniards to attack that kingdom, which was then in no capacity of defending itself. The Portuguese monarch was by the most haughty memorials commanded to accede to the confederacy against Britain, and threatened with the vengeance of France and Spain in case of refusal. It was in vain that he promised to observe a strict neutrality, and urged the obligations he was under to the king of Britain; this moderate and reasonable reply only drew on more haughty and insulting answers. His Portuguese majesty, however, continued to reject their proposals in the most resolute manner; and concluded his last declaration with these words, that "it would affect him less, though reduced to the last extremity of which the great Judge is the sole arbiter, to let the last tide of his palace fall, and to see his faithful subjects spill the last drop of their blood, than to sacrifice, together with the honour of his crown, all that Portugal holds most dear; and to submit, by such extraordinary means, to become an unheard of example to all pacific powers, who will no longer be able to enjoy the benefit of neutrality, whenever a war shall be kindled between other powers with which the former are connected by defensive treaties." This declaration was made on the 27th of April 1762; and soon after, France and Spain jointly declared war against Portugal.

As the design of the courts of France and Spain in making war with Portugal, was professedly to prevent Great Britain from the military and commercial use of the ports of that kingdom, their principal endeavours were aimed at the two great ports where the British used to reside, viz. Oporto and Lisbon. With this view, three inroads were to be made; one to the north; another more to the south; while the third was made in the middle provinces, in order to sustain these two bodies, and preserve a communication between them. The first body of troops was commanded by the marquis of Savria; and entered the north east angle of Portugal, marching towards Miranda. This town might possibly have retarded their progress, had not a powder-magazine been blown up by accident; and the Spaniards entered on the 9th of May by the breaches made by this explosion. From thence they marched to Braganza, which surrendered five days after Miranda. Moncorvo was taken in like manner; every thing was clear before them to the banks of the Douro; and they became masters of almost the whole extensive province of Trakos Montes. Oporto was given up for lost, and the admiralty prepared transports to carry off the effects of the British merchants. On the banks of the Douro, however, the career of this body was stopped. The peasants, animated, and guided by some British officers, feigned a difficult pass, and drove the enemy back to Moncorvo.

The second body of Spaniards entered the province of Beira, at the villages called Val de Mula and Val de Coelha. They were joined by strong detachments amounting to almost the whole army in Tralos Montes; and immediately laid siege to Almeida, the strongest and best provided place on the frontiers of Portugal. This place was defended with sufficient resolution; but, like the rest, was obliged to surrender on the 25th of August. The Spaniards then over-ran the whole territory of Castle Branco, a principal district of the province of Beira, making their way southward until they approached the banks of the Tagus. During the whole of their progress, and indeed during the whole of the campaign, the allied troops of Great Britain and Portugal had nothing that could be called an army in the field, and they could not think of opposing the enemy in a pitched battle. All that could be done was by the defence of passes, skirmish, and surprise.

By this time the count of La Lippe Buckeburg had arrived in Portugal, to the inexplicable joy of the whole nation. The third Spanish army had assembled on the frontiers of Estremadura, with a design to invade the province of Alentejo; and had this body of troops been joined to the others, they would probably, in spite of all opposition, have forced their way to Lisbon itself; had it acted separately, it might have greatly distracted the defenders, so as to enable some other body of forces to penetrate to that city. The count, therefore, resolved to prevent their entrance into the kingdom; and with this view dispatched brigadier-general Burgoyne to attack an advanced body of Spaniards which lay on their frontiers, in a town called Valentia de Alcantara. On the 27th of August, the town was surprised; the general was taken who intended to have commanded in the invasion, together with one colonel, two captains, and 17 subaltern officers. One of the best regiments in the Spanish service was also entirely destroyed; and thus the enemy were in all probability prevented from entering Alentejo.

That part of the Spanish army which acted in the territory of Castle Branco had made themselves masters of several important passes, which they obliged some bodies of Portuguese to abandon. The combined army of British and Portuguese pretended to retire before them, in order to draw them into the mountainous tracts. They attacked the rear of the allies, but were repulsed with loss. Still, however, they continued masters of the country, and nothing remained but the passage of the Tagus to enable them to take up their quarters in the province of Alentejo. This the count designed to prevent; and in this service general Burgoyne was employed, who formed a design of surprising them. The execution was committed to colonel Lee, who, in the night of October 6th, fell upon their rear, dispersed the whole body with considerable slaughter, destroyed their magazines, and returned with scarcely any loss. The season was now far advanced; immense quantities of rain fell; the roads were destroyed; and the Spaniards, having seized no advanced posts where they could maintain themselves, and being unprovided with magazines for the support of their horse, everywhere fell back to the frontiers of Spain.

No less successful were the British arms in America Havana, and the East Indies. From the French were taken the &c. taken islands of Martinico, St Lucia, St Vincent, and Granada; from the Spaniards, the strong fortress called Havana, in the island of Cuba. By the acquisition of the first mentioned islands, the British became the sole and undisturbed possessors of all the Caribbees, and held that chain of innumerable islands which forms an immense bow, extending from the eastern point of Hispaniola almost to the continent of South America. The conquest of the Havana cost a number of brave men; more of whom were destroyed by the climate than the enemy*. It was in this place that the fleets from the several parts of the Spanish West Indies, called galleons and flota, assembled, before they finally set out on their voyage for Europe. The acquisition of this place, therefore, united in itself all the advantages which can be acquired in war. It was a military advantage of the highest class: it was equal to plunder the greatest naval victory, by its effect on the enemy's found in marine; and in the plunder it equalled the produce of a national subsidy. Nine of the enemy's men of war, with four frigates, were taken; three of their capital ships had been sunk in the harbour at the beginning of the siege; two more were on the stocks in great forwardness, and these were destroyed. In money and valuable merchandises, the plunder did not fall short of 3,000,000 sterling. To this success in the western Capture of part of the world may be added the capture of the Spanish flagship called the Hermione, by the Active mine, and Favourite King's ships. This happened on the 21st of May 1762, just as she was entering one of the ports of Old Spain, and the prize was little short of 1,000,000 sterling.

In the East Indies an expedition was undertaken against the Philippine islands, which was committed to colonel Draper, who arrived for this purpose at Madras in the latter end of June 1762. The 79th regiment was the only regular corps that could be spared for this service. Everything was conducted with the greatest celerity and judgment. The British forces landed on Manila on the 24th of September; on the 6th of October the governor was obliged to surrender at discretion; and soon after, the galleon bound from Manila to Acapulco, laden with rich merchandises, to the value of more than half a million, was taken by two frigates called the Argo and Panther. By the conquest of of Manilla, 14 considerable islands fell into the hands of the British; which from their extent, fertility, and convenience of commerce, furnished the materials of a great kingdom. By this acquisition, joined to our former successes, we secured all the avenues of the Spanish trade, and interrupted all communications between the parts of their vast but unconnected empire. The conquest of the Havannah had cut off, in a great measure, the intercourse of their wealthy continental colonies with Europe; the reduction of the Philippines excluded them from Asia; and the plunder taken was far more than sufficient to indemnify the charges of the expedition; a circumstance not very common in modern wars. It amounted to upwards of a million and a half; of which the East India company, on whom the charge of the enterprise in a great measure lay, were by contract to have a third part.

All this time the war in Germany had continued with the utmost violence; the allies under prince Ferdinand had continued to give the highest proofs of their valour, but no decisive advantage could be obtained against the French. It was, however, no longer the interest of Britain to continue a destructive war. There never had been a period so fortunate or glorious to this island. In the course of this war she had conquered a tract of continent of immense extent. Her American territory approached to the borders of Asia, and came near to the frontiers of the Russian and Chinese dominions. She had conquered 25 islands, all of them distinguishable for their magnitude, their riches, or the importance of their situation. By sea or land she had gained 12 battles, had reduced nine fortified cities, and near 40 castles and forts. She had taken or destroyed above 100 ships of war from her enemies, and acquired at least £10,000,000 in plunder.

By such unexampled and wide extended conquests, it is no wonder that the French and Spaniards were desirous of a peace; which was at length concluded at Paris on the 10th of February 1763. The terms granted them were by many thought too favourable. The principal articles of the peace in them were, That the French king should relinquish all claims to Nova Scotia; that he should likewise give up all the country of Canada; and that for the future the boundary betwixt the British and French dominions in America should be fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence drawn by a line along the middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea. The islands of St Pierre, Miquelon, Martinico, Guadaloupe, Marigalante, Desirade, St Lucia, and Belleisle, were restored to France; Minorca, Granada, and the Grenadines, St Vincent, Dominica, and Tobago, were ceded to Britain. In Africa, the island of Goree was restored to France; and the river Senegal, with all its forts and dependencies, ceded to Great Britain. In the East Indies, all the forts and factories taken from the French were restored. In Europe, the fortifications of Dunkirk were to be destroyed; and all the countries, fortresses, &c. belonging to the electorate of Hanover, the duke of Brunswick, and the count of La Lippe Buckeburg, restored. With regard to Spain, the British fortifications on the bay of Honduras were to be demolished; and the Spaniards were to desist from their claim of a right to fish on the Newfoundland bank. The Havannah was restored; in consequence of which, Florida, St Augustine, and the bay of Pensacola, were ceded to Britain, and the Spaniards were to make peace with Portugal; all other countries not particularly mentioned were to be restored to their respective owners at the beginning of the war.

The conclusion of the war did not by any means tend to heal those divisions which had arisen on the reign-increase of Mr Pitt; on the contrary, it furnished abundant matter of complaint for the discontented party, whose views seem at that time only to have been the embarrassment and disturbance of an administration which they were not able to subvert. At the time the treaty was under consideration, however, only some faint attempts were made to oppose it; but it soon appeared, that though this opposition had proved so feeble, the spirit of the party was far from being exhausted. The state of affairs at that time indeed greatly favoured the views of those who delighted in turbulence and faction. A long and expensive war had drained the national treasure, and greatly increased the public debt. Heavy taxes had already been imposed, and it was still as necessary to keep up these, and even to impose new ones, as though the war had not ceased. Thus the bulk of the nation, who imagined that conquest and riches ought to go hand in hand, were easily induced to believe that administration arbitrary and oppressive, which continued to load them with fresh taxes after such great successes as had attended the British arms for some years past.

It must indeed be owned, that the new administration appear not to have been sufficiently wary in this matter of respect. Among other methods of raising the supplies for 1763, they had thought proper to lay a duty of four shillings per hogshead upon cider, payable by the maker, and to be collected in the same manner as other excises. The other articles of supply furnished also matter of declamation for the members in opposition; but this inflamed the popular fury to a great degree, and made them readily imbibe as truth whatever was thrown out by the minority in their parliamentary debates. Besides the usual declamations that it was oppressive, unconstitutional, and injurious to the landholder and farmer, the smallness of the sum to be raised by it was now urged. This was said to indicate that the supplying the wants of government could not be the sole motive for imposing such a duty. It was farther urged, with much show of lamentation, that now the houses of all orders of people, noblemen of the first rank not excepted, were liable to be entered and searched at the pleasure of excisemen, a proceeding which they denominated in express terms "a badge of slavery." Thus it was spoken of throughout all the cider counties, by the city of London, and by most of the incorporations throughout the kingdom. The city had been displeased by the late changes in administration, and had not yet recovered their good humour. They instructed their representatives to oppose the passing of the bill with all possible vigour, and gave in petitions against it to every branch of the legislature; a measure till that time totally unprecedented; two protests were also entered against it in the house of lords; and in short the kingdom of England was thrown into an almost universal ferment. It is not to be doubted that the friends of administration were able to bring arguments sufficiently plausible in favour of their scheme; but the utmost force of reason will go but a very little way in quieting popular clamour; and, while opposition was railing against ministry within doors, every method was taken to excite the fury of the people without. Virulent libels, the audacity of which far exceeded anything known in former times, now made their appearance; and such was the general intemperance in this respect, that it would be difficult to determine which side paid least regard to any kind of decency or decorum.

In the midst of this general ferment the earl of Bute unexpectedly resigned his place of first lord of the treasury. His resignation quickly became an object of general speculation; by some he was highly censured for leaving his friends at the time when a little perseverance might have defeated all the designs of his enemies, and established his own power on the most solid foundation. Such conduct, they said, must discourage the friends of government, and at the same time give proportionate encouragement to its adversaries to insult it, as they perceived ministry unable to resist the first gust of popular fury. Others contended, that the earl was, perhaps, the least influenced by popular opinion of any man in the world. He had demonstrated his firmness by taking a lead in the dangerous but necessary affair of concluding peace; and, this being accomplished, he had fully obtained his end, and performed the service to his country which was desired. He now resolved that the factious party should not have even the pretence of objecting his personal ambition as the cause of disturbances which they themselves had excited; and thus his resignation would tend to put an end to these troubles, at the same time that it showed the authors of them in their proper colours.

The event, however, showed that the former reasoning was, in the present case, nearest the truth. The popular resentment was not in the least abated by the resignation. His lordship, though now withdrawn from the ostensible administration of affairs, was still considered as principal director of the cabinet; and this opinion gained the more ground that none of the popular leaders were yet taken in, nor any apparent change made in the conduct of the new administration.

No reasonable objection could now be made to those who filled the great offices of state. Mr Grenville, who succeeded the earl of Bute in the treasury, was a man of approved integrity, understanding, and experience. Lord Holland was universally considered as a very able man in office, and had already filled many high employments with a great degree of reputation. The other secretary lord Egremont, though he had not been long in office, was in every respect of an unexceptionable character. The other departments were filled in a similar manner, yet the discontented and public clamours were not diminished. It was now said that the new ministers were not chosen on account of any superior gifts of nature or fortune, but merely because they had the art of infusing themselves into favour at court in such a manner that any inconvenience would be submitted to rather than part with them. The sole reason of their appointment therefore was, that they might act as the passive instruments of the late minister, who, though, from considerations of his own personal safety, he had thought proper to retire from business, yet had not abandoned his ambitious projects, but continued to direct everything as though he had still full fill to be present. Opposition to the new ministers was at the head therefore opposition to him; and it became those who understood the true interest of their country, and had a real regard for it, not to suffer such a scheme of clandestine administration.

Whether the party who made these assertions really believed them or not cannot be known; but the political principles of both parties most probably was power; but parties' different situations required that they should profess different political principles. The friends of lord Bute and of the succeeding administration were for preserving to the crown the full exercise of a power which could not be disputed, viz. that of choosing its own servants. Their opponents, without denying this power, contended, that according to the spirit of the constitution, the crown should be directed to the exercise of this public duty only by motives of national utility, and not by private friendship. In appointing the officers of state, therefore, they insisted, that respect should be paid to those possessed of great talents, who had done eminent services to the nation, enjoyed the confidence of the nobility, and had influence amongst the landed and mercantile interests. The observance of this rule, they contended, was the only proper balance which could be had against the enormous influence of the crown arising from the disposal of so many places; nor could the nation be reconciled to this power by any other means than a very popular use of it. Men might indeed be appointed according to the strict letter of the law; but unless they were men in whom the majority of the nation already put confidence, they never would be satisfied, nor think themselves secure against attempts on the constitution of the kingdom. When ministers also found themselves recommended to the royal favour, and as it were presented to their places by the esteem of the people, they would be studious to deserve, and secure themselves in it; and upon these (which they called the principles of whigs) they said that the government had been honourably conducted since the revolution, and the nation would never be at peace till they were again established on the same basis.

In the meantime the disposition to libel and in-vective seemed to have gone beyond all bounds. The apprehension of peace, the Scots, and Scottified administration, afforded such subjects of abuse to the pretended patriots, that ministry resolved at last to make an example of one of them by way of deterring the rest from such licentiousness. For this purpose the paper called the North Briton was made choice of, which, in language much superior to any other political work of the time, had abused the king, the ministry, and the Scots in an extravagant manner. One particular paper (No XLV.) was deemed by those in power to be actionable, and Mr Wilkes, member of parliament for Aylesbury, was supposed to be the author. A warrant was therefore granted for apprehending the author, publishers, &c. of this performance, but without mentioning Wilkes's name. In consequence of this, however, three messengers messengers entered his house on the night between the 29th and 30th of April 1763, with an intention to seize him. He objected, however, to the legality of the warrant, because his name was not mentioned in it, and likewise to the lateness of the hour; and, on threatening the messengers with violence, they thought proper to retire for that night. Next morning he was apprehended without making any resistance, though some violence was necessary to get him into an hackney coach, which carried him before the secretaries of state for examination.

On the first intimation of Mr Wilkes being in custody, application was made for an habeas corpus; but as this could not be sued out till four in the afternoon, several of his friends desired admittance to him, which was peremptorily refused on pretence of an order from the secretaries of state. This order, however, though repeatedly demanded, could not be produced, or at least was not so; on which account the gentlemen, conceiving that they were not obliged to pay any regard to messengers acting only by a verbal commission, entered the place where he was without farther question.

This illegal step was quickly followed by several others. Mr Wilkes's house was searched, and his papers seized in his absence; and though it was certain that an habeas corpus was now obtained, he was nevertheless committed to the Tower. Here not only his friends, but even several noblemen and gentlemen of the first distinction, were denied access, nor was his own brother allowed to see him more than others. On the third day of May he was brought before the court of common pleas, where he made a most patriotic speech, setting forth the love he had for his majesty, the bad conduct of ministry, not forgetting his own particular grievances, and that he had been treated "worse than a Scotch rebel." His case being learnedly argued by several eminent lawyers, he was remanded to the Tower for three days; after which he was ordered to be brought up, that the affair might be finally settled.

Next day lord Temple received a letter from secretary Egremont, informing him, that the king judged it improper that Mr Wilkes should continue any longer a colonel of the Buckinghamshire militia; and, soon after, Temple himself was removed from being lord lieutenant of that county. Mr Wilkes then being brought to Westminster Hall at the time appointed, made another flaming speech; after which the judges took his case into consideration. Their opinion was, that the warrant of a secretary of state was in no respect superior to that of a common justice of peace; and, on the whole, that Mr Wilkes's commitment was illegal. It was likewise determined that his privilege as member of parliament was infringed: this could not be forfeited but by treason, felony, or breach of the peace; none of which was imputed to him; for a libel, even though it had been proved, had only a tendency to disturb the peace, without any actual breach of it. Thus it was resolved to discharge him; but, before he quitted the court, a gentleman of eminence in the profession of the law stood up and acquainted the judges, that he had just received a note from the attorney and solicitor general, intreating his lordship not to give Mr Wilkes leave to depart till they came, which would be instantly, as they had something to offer against his plea of privilege. This motion, however, being rejected, the prisoner was set at liberty.

Mr Wilkes had no sooner regained his freedom than Endeavours he showed himself resolved to make all the advantage to raise he could of the errors committed by the ministry, generally and to excite as general a ferment as possible. For gainst ad this purpose he wrote a very impudent letter to the ministr-earls of Egremont and Halifax, informing them, that his house had been robbed, and that the stolen goods were in the possession of one or both of their lordships, insisting upon immediate restitution. This letter was printed, and many thousand copies of it dispersed; soon after which an answer by the two noblemen was published in the newspapers, in which they informed him of the true cause of the seizure of his papers, that his majesty had ordered him to be prosecuted by the attorney general, and that such of his papers as did not lead to a proof of his guilt should be restored. This was quickly succeeded by a reply, but the correspondence ceased on the part of their lordships.

Mr Wilkes, however, erected a printing press in his own house, where he advertised the proceedings of the administration with all the original papers, at the price of a guinea. The North Briton now again made its appearance; the popular party were elated beyond measure with their success; those who had suffered by general warrants fought redress at law, and commonly obtained damages far beyond not only their real sufferings, but even beyond their most sanguine expectations. During the whole summer, the minds of the people were kept in continual agitation by political pamphlets and libels of various kinds, while the affair of general warrants so engrossed the general attention, that by the time the parliament sat down, November 15th 1763, scarce any other subject of conversation could be started in company.

On the meeting of parliament his majesty mentioned in his speech the attempts that had been made to divide the people; and before the addresses could be made in return, a message was sent to the commons, informing them of the supposed offence of Mr Wilkes, and of the proceedings against him, the exceptionable paper being also laid before the house. After warm debates, the North Briton was deemed a false, scandalous, and seditious libel, tending to excite traitorous insurrections, &c. This was followed by another, that the privilege of parliament does not extend to the writing and publishing of seditious libels, nor ought to obstruct the ordinary course of the laws in the speedy and effectual prosecution of so heinous and dangerous an offence. It did not, however, pass the house of commons without a vigorous opposition, and seventeen members of the upper house protested against it.

The North Briton No XLV., being condemned as already mentioned, was ordered to be burnt by the hangman; but this could not be done without great oppo- sition from the mob. The executioner, constables, North Brit officers, and even the chief persons concerned, were pelted with filth and dirt, and some of them insulted in the grossest manner. Mr Harley, one of the high sheriffs and member of parliament for London, was wounded by a billet taken from the fire; the staves of the constables were broken; and the whole officers and executioner driven off the field, while the remains of the the paper were carried off in triumph from the flames, and in return, a large jack-boot was burnt at Temple-bar, while the half-burnt North Briton was displayed amidst the acclamations of the populace.

Mr Wilkes, in the mean time, determined to make the best use of the victory he had already gained, and therefore commenced a prosecution in the court of common pleas against Robert Wood, Esq; the under secretary of state, for seizing his papers. The cause was determined in his favour, and Wood condemned in £1000 damages, with full costs of suit.

The prosecution with which Mr Wilkes had been threatened was now carried on with great vigour; but in the mean time, having grossly affronted Samuel Martin, Esq; member for Camelford, by his abusive language in the North Briton, he was by that gentleman challenged, and dangerously wounded in the belly with a pistol bullet.—While he lay ill of his wound, the house of commons put off his trial from time to time; but beginning at last to suspect that there was some collusion between him and his physician, they enjoined Dr Heberden, and Mr Hawkins an eminent surgeon, to attend him, and report his case. Mr Wilkes, however, did not think proper to admit a visit from these gentlemen; but soon after took a journey to France to visit his daughter, who, as he gave out, lay dangerously ill at Paris.

The commons having now lost all patience, and being certified that he had refused to admit the physician and surgeon sent by them, proceeded against him in his absence. The evidence appearing quite satisfactory, he was expelled the house, and a prosecution afterwards commenced against him before the house of lords, on account of an obscene and blasphemous pamphlet, in which he had mentioned a reverend and learned bishop in a most shameful manner. The event of all was, that, failing to appear to answer the charges against him, he was outlawed, which, it was then supposed, would for ever confine his patriotism to oblivion.

The extreme severity shown to Mr Wilkes did not at all extinguish the spirit of the party. A general infatuation in favour of licentious and abusive writings seemed to have taken place; and to publish libels of this kind without the least regard to truth or justice was called liberty. At the very time that Mr Wilkes was found guilty of publishing the infamous pamphlet above mentioned, the common council of London presented their thanks to the city representatives for their zealous and spirited endeavours to assert the rights and liberties of the subject, "by their laudable attempt to obtain a favourable and parliamentary declaration, That a general warrant for apprehending and seizing the authors, printers, and publishers of a seditious libel, together with their papers, is not warranted by law." Their gratitude they showed to lord chief justice Pratt, for his decision in Wilkes's affair, by presenting him with the freedom of the city, and desiring him to fit for his picture to be placed in Guildhall. These extravagant proceedings, however, did not pass without strong opposition, and were considered by the sober part as highly unjust and improper, as well as indecent.

The violent clamours which had been excited and still continued, though in a less violent degree, did not prevent administration from paying that attention to the exigencies of the nation which its present situation undoubtedly required. The practice of franking blank covers to go free per post to any part of Great Britain or Ireland, had arisen to an incredible height, franking and greatly prejudiced the revenue. The handsletters of members of parliament were not only counterfeited, but the covers publicly sold without the least scruple; and, besides this, the clerks of the post office claimed a privilege of franking, which extended even farther than that of the members of the house; the latter being restricted to a certain weight, but the former denying that they were subject to any restriction of this kind. The matter, however, was attended with considerable difficulty when it came to be examined in the house of commons. It was found, that though the vast increase of franks was detrimental to one branch of the revenue, it was serviceable to another by the immense consumption of stamps it occasioned; but at last the following act was passed as an effectual remedy, viz. That from the 1st of May 1764, no letters or packets should be exempted from postage, except such as were sent to or from the king; or such as, not exceeding two ounces in weight, should be signed by a member of either house, the whole of the superscription being in his own handwriting; or such as should be directed to members of parliament, or other persons specified in the act. It was likewise enacted, that printed votes and proceedings in parliament, sent without covers, or in covers open at the sides, and only signed on the outside by a member, should go free, though such packets were liable to be searched; and to give the greater force to these regulations, it was made felony and transportation for seven years to forge a frank. At this time it was proved, that the annual postage of letters sent free would amount to £70,000, and that the profits accruing to the clerks of the post office amounted to between 800 and 1700l. each.

Other plans for augmenting the revenue were that plan for settling the island of St John, and for the sale of the lately acquired American islands. The former was proposed by the earl of Egremont, who presented a memorial to his majesty on the subject. In this he de- fended a grant of the whole island of St John's, in the gulf of St Lawrence, to hold the same in fee of the crown for ever; specifying particularly the various divisions, government, &c.; but, for reasons unknown, the plan was never put into execution. The sale of the conquered lands took place in March 1764. These were particularly the islands of Grenada, the Grenadines, Dominica, St Vincent, and Tobago. Sixpence an acre was to be paid as a quit-rent for cleared lands, and a penny a foot for ground-rent of tenements in towns, and sixpence an acre for fields; but no person was to purchase more than 300 acres in Dominica, or 500 in the other islands.

One of the most remarkable transactions of this year was the renewal of the charter of the bank, for which the latter paid the sum of £1,000,000l. into the exchequer as a present to the public, besides the advancing a million to government upon exchequer bills. Anot- Taxation of ther, and, by its consequences, still more momentous America affair, however, was the consideration of methods to raise a revenue upon the American colonies. This had been formerly proposed to Sir Robert Walpole; but that prudent minister wisely declined to enter into such such a dangerous affair, saying, that he would leave the taxation of the colonies to those who came after him in office. The reason given for such a proceeding was the defraying the necessary charges of defending them, which, though extremely reasonable in itself, was done in such a manner as excited a flame not to be extinguished but by a total loss of the authority of the parent state. Before this time, indeed, hints had been thrown out, that it was not impossible for the colonists to withdraw their dependence on Britain; and some disputes had taken place betwixt the different provinces, which were quieted only by the fear of the French, and seemed to prognosticate no good. It was thought proper therefore now, when the colonies were not only secured but extended, to make the experiment whether they would be obedient or not. They contained more than two millions of people, and it was evidently necessary to raise a revenue from such a numerous body. Some thought it might be dangerous to provoke them; but to this it was replied by administration, that the danger must increase by forbearance; and as taxation was indispensable, the sooner the experiment was made, the better. The fatal trial being thus determined, an act was passed for preventing smuggling, so that the duties laid on the American trade might come into the hands of government. At this time an illicit trade was carried on betwixt the British and Spanish colonies, which seemed to bid defiance to all law and regulation; and was no less disagreeable to the Spaniard than to the British court. In some respects, however, the suppression of this was very inconvenient, and even intolerable, to the colonists; for as the balance of trade with Britain was against them, it was impossible they could procure any species, except by trading with the Spaniards, from whom they were paid for their goods in gold and silver. This, and another act requiring them to pay certain duties in cash, was probably the reason of that excessive resentment shown by the Americans to government, and their absolute refusal to submit to the stamp-act which was also passed this year.

The augmentation of the revenue being the principal object of administration at this time, the suppression of smuggling at home, as well as in America, was taken into consideration. Though the great number of cutters and other vessels fitted out by government for this purpose had produced very salutary effects, the isle of Man, which belonged to the duke of Athol, and was not subject to the custom-house laws, lay convenient for the purposes of smuggling, that the utmost vigilance of government was not sufficient to suppress it. The event was a treaty betwixt government and the duke, by which the latter, for a sum of money, ceded all the sovereignty in the island he could claim, and cutters were placed on the coasts and in the harbours of the island as in other places of the kingdom.

This disposition to augment the revenue by all possible methods, seems to have served to keep up the general opinion of the oppressive and arbitrary measures about to be pursued by government. The ill humour of the British patriots still continued; and the stamp bills were received in America with the utmost indignation. The arguments for and against American taxation are now of no importance; and the particulars of their opposition are related under the article United States of America. Here we shall only take notice, that the opposition of the colonists proved very distressing to the mother country, on account of the vast sums they owed. At this time they were indebted to the merchants of London four millions Sterling; and so ready were the latter to give them credit, that some of the American legislatures passed acts against incurring such credit for the future. A petition on the subject was presented to the house of commons; but, as it denied the parliamentary right of taxation, it was not allowed to be read. It was then proposed, on the part of administration, that the agents should join in a petition to the house for their being heard by counsel in behalf of their respective colonies against the tax. The agents, however, not thinking themselves empowered to grant such a petition, the negociation was broken off, and matters went on in America as we have elsewhere related.

In other respects, the ministry took such steps as vigorous were undeniably proper for supporting the honour and dignity of the nation. Some encroachments having been made by the French and Spaniards, such remonstrances were made to their respective courts, that satisfaction was quickly made; and though every trifle was sufficient to open the mouths of the popular party, it was impossible as yet to find any just cause of complaint. The disposition to tumult and insurrection, however, seems to have been now very general. The silk-weavers residing in Spitalfields being disturbed for want of employment, which they supposed to proceed from the clandestine importation of French silks, laid their case before his majesty in the year 1764, who graciously promised them relief. The sufferers were relieved by the bounty of the public; but this seemed to render the matter worse, by confirming them in habits of indolence and idleness. At the same time, a bill, which was supposed to tend to their relief, being thrown out, they began to assemble in vast numbers, which, gradually increasing, are said to have amounted at last to 50,000; several disorders were committed, and it was not without the assistance of the soldiery, and the utmost vigilance of the magistrates, that the riot could be suppressed.

During this insurrection the ferment betwixt the court and popular parties continued with unabated vigour. The ministers were still attacked in numberless publications, and accused as being merely dependents and flatteries to the earl of Bute; nor could the utmost care on the part either of that nobleman or the ministers blunt the shafts of calumny and misrepresentation. An accident, however, now produced a considerable revolution at court, though it had very little the king effect in calming the minds of the people. This was an illness with which the king was seized in the beginning of the year, which filled the public with apprehensions, and produced a bill for settling the affairs of the kingdom in case of the crown falling into the hands of a minor. In settling this bill, ministers were said to have behaved with very little respect to the princess-dowager of Wales, and industriously to have excluded her from a share of the government. These proceedings were thought in a great measure to have ministry alienated the affection of his majesty from the ministry, who had hitherto been in great favour: Nor did their subsequent conduct show them to be at all desirous of regaining what they had lost. They now contrived to have have the earl of Bute's brother turned out of a very lucrative post which he enjoyed in Scotland, and in which he had never given the least cause of complaint. A step of this kind could not be agreeable to his majesty, nor could it recommend them to the popular party in England, who always manifested a perfect indifference as to what passed in Scotland. On this occasion lord Chatham is said to have been solicited again to accept the office which he had formerly filled so much to the satisfaction of the nation, and to have declined it.

A new ministry, however, was soon formed, at the recommendation of the duke of Cumberland. The duke of Grafton and the honourable Mr Conway, brother to the earl of Hertford, were appointed secretaries of state, the marquis of Rockingham first lord of the exchequer, and Mr Dowdellwell chancellor and under-treasurer of the exchequer. The office of lord privy seal was conferred on the duke of Newcastle, and all other places were filled with men not only of known integrity, but such as were agreeable to the people. These changes, however, were not yet able to give satisfaction. The opinion that affairs were still managed by the earl of Bute continued to prevail, and was industriously kept up by the political writers of the time. The city of London expressed their discontent on the occasion of addressing his majesty on the birth of a third son. They now took the opportunity of assuring him of "their faithful attachment to his royal house, and the true honour of his crown, whenever a happy establishment of public measures should present a favourable occasion; and that they would be ready to exert their utmost abilities in support of such wise councils as apparently tended to render his majesty's reign happy and glorious."

These expressions showed such an evident disapprobation of his majesty's choice, that it could not fail to offend both king and ministry; but before the latter could show any token of resentment, they lost their great friend and patron the duke of Cumberland. His death happened on the 31st of October 1765. He had been that evening assailing at one of those councils frequently held in order to put matters in a way of being more speedily dispatched by the privy council; where being seized with a sudden disorder of which he had some symptoms the evening before, he fell senseless in the arms of the earl of Albemarle, and expired almost instantaneously. His death was greatly lamented, not only by their majesties, but by the whole nation, being universally esteemed not only as a brave commander, but an excellent member of society, an encourager of industry, and an active promoter of the arts of peace.

In the mean time, the discontent which inflamed the American colonies continued also to agitate the minds of the people of Great Britain; nor indeed was it reasonable to expect that they could be satisfied in their present condition; commerce being almost entirely destroyed, manufactures at a stand, and provisions extravagantly dear. The vast sums owing to the British merchants by the Americans also severely affected the trading and manufacturing part of the country. These, amounting to several millions, the colonists absolutely refused to pay, unless the obnoxious laws should be repealed. Administration were therefore under the necessity of instantly enforcing the stamp act by fire and sword, or of procuring its immediate repeal in parliament. The loss of the duke of Cumberland was now severely felt, as he had been accustomed to assist administration with his advice, and was highly respected by the nation for his good sense. At this period, however, it is doubtful if human wisdom could have prevented the consequences which ensued. Administration endeavoured, as much as perhaps was possible, to avoid the two extremes, either of rushing instantly into a civil war, or of sacrificing the dignity of the crown or nation by irresolution or weakness. They suspended their opinion until they should receive certain intelligence from the American governors how affairs stood in that country; and their letters on that occasion still do them honour. The opposite party animadverted severely on this conduct. They insisted on having the most coercive methods immediately put in execution for enforcing the laws in which they themselves had so great a share; and it is probable that they wished matters to come to extremities before the sitting down of parliament. Pacific measures, however, at this time prevailed; the stamp act was repealed; but at the same time another was made, declaring the right of parliament not only to tax the colonies, but to bind them in all cases whatever.

The repeal of the stamp act occasioned universal tranquillity both in Britain and America, though, as parliament is not removed upon their right of taxation, which the opposite party denied, matters were still as far from any real accommodation as ever. This ill humour of the Americans was soon after augmented by the duties laid upon glas, painters colours, and tea, imported into their country, while at home the dearth of provisions, and some improper steps taken by ministry to remedy the evil, kept up the general outcry against them. A general disposition to tumult and riot still continued; and unhappily the civil power now seemed to lose its force, and a general anarchy, under the name of liberty, to be approaching.

In this state of affairs administration were once more disturbed by the appearance of Mr Wilkes, who Mr Wilkes had returned from his exile, and, on the dissolution of his election, parliament in 1768, though an outlaw, stood candidate for the city of London. He was received by the populace with loud acclamations, and several merchants and people of large property espoused his cause, and a subscription was entered into for the payment of his debts. He failed, however, in his design of representing the city of London, but instantly declared himself a candidate for Middlesex. The tumults and riots which now took place were innumerable; and such was the animosity betwixt the two parties, that a civil war seemed to be threatened. Our limits will not allow of any particular detail of these transactions. It will be sufficient to take notice, that on a legal trial the outlawry of Mr Wilkes was reversed, and he was condemned for his offences to pay a fine of £1,000, and to be imprisoned for twelve months. Being idolized by the people, however, and powerfully supported, he was repeatedly chosen member for Middlesex, and as often rejected by the house of commons. The tumults on this occasion were not always ended without bloodshed; and the interposition of the military was construed by the patriots as an indication of a design to establish ministerial authority by the most barbarous methods. In short, the behaviour of the people of England and America was at this time so very much alike, that both both seemed to be actuated by one spirit; and the rage of the English patriots undoubtedly contributed to confirm the colonists in their disobedience.

The difficulties which had so long prevailed in the kingdom did not pass unnoticed by the other European powers, particularly the French and Spaniards. Both had applied themselves with assiduity to the increase of their marine; and many began to prognosticate an attack from one or other of these nations. The Spaniards first showed an inclination to come to a rupture with Britain. The subject in dispute was a settlement formed on Falkland's islands*, near the southern extremity of the American continent. A scheme of this kind had been thought of as early as the reign of Charles II., but it was not till after lord Anson's voyage that much attention had been paid to it. In the printed account of it, his lordship showed the danger incurred by our navigators through the treachery of the Portuguese in Brazil; and that it was a matter of the greatest importance to discover some place more to the southward, where ships might be supplied with necessaries for their voyage round Cape Horn; and, among others, he pointed out Falkland's islands as eligible for this purpose. When at the head of the admiralty, his lordship also forwarded the scheme as much as possible; and some preparations were made for putting it in execution; but as it met with opposition at home, and gave offence to the court of Madrid, it was laid aside till the year 1764, when it was revived by lord Egmont. Commodore Byron being then sent out with proper necessaries, took possession of them in the name of his majesty, and represented them in a favourable light; while his successor, captain McBrine, affirmed, that the soil was utterly incapable of cultivation, and the climate intolerable.

Be this as it will, the islands in question had attracted also the notice of the French. So low, however, had the nation been reduced by the late war, that no project of the kind could yet be put in execution at the public expense. M. Bougainville, therefore, with the assistance of his friends, undertook to form a settlement on Falkland's islands at their own risk. The scheme was put in execution in the beginning of the year 1764; and a settlement formed on the eastern part of the same island where commodore Byron had established an English colony on the western side. His account of the country was still more favourable than that of the English commander; but as the project had been undertaken with a view to other discoveries and advantages, which probably did not turn out according to expectation, the French adventurers soon became weary of their new colony; to which also the displeasure of the Spaniards, who were greatly offended, did not a little contribute. M. Bougainville, therefore, being reimbursed in his expenses, and the French having given up every claim of discovery or right of possession, the Spaniards landed some troops in 1766, took possession of the fort built by the French, and changed the name of the harbour from Port Louis to Port Solidad.

In the year 1769, captain Hunt of the Tamar frigate, happening to be on a cruise off Falkland's islands, fell in with a Spanish schooner which had been at Port Solidad. During all this time, it is uncertain whether the British and Spanish settlers knew of one another or not. From the behaviour of captain Hunt we should suppose that they did not; as he charged the commander of the schooner to depart from that coast, being the property of his Britannic majesty. The schooner, however, soon returned, bringing an officer from the governor of Buenos Ayres, who gave the like warning to captain Hunt to depart from the coast, as belonging to the king of Spain. Some altercation ensued; but captain Hunt, not choosing to carry matters to extremities, set sail for England, where he arrived in June 1770.

At the departure of captain Hunt, two frigates were left at Falkland's islands. One of these was lost shortly afterwards; and on the fourth of June 1770, a Spanish frigate arrived at the English settlement, named Fort Egmont, with a number of guns and other warlike utensils for carrying on a regular siege. In three days, four other frigates arrived, laden in the same manner; so that the English commander, captain Farmer, finding all resistance vain, was obliged to capitulate. The English were ordered to depart within a limited time, carrying with them what stores they could; and the Spanish commander declared himself answerable for what they should leave on the island. The time allowed them to remain at Port Egmont was to be determined by the governor; and for the greater security, the rudder was taken off from captain Farmer's ship, and kept on shore till the appointed period; after which the frigate was permitted to depart, and in 70 days arrived at Portsmouth.

An insult to the British flag, so audacious, seemed likely to render war inevitable unless proper reparation was very speedily made. It was accordingly mentioned in the speech from the throne, November 13th 1770; this affair, and an immediate demand of satisfaction for the injury was promised, and that the necessary preparations for war, which had been begun, should not be discontinued. The affairs of America were also taken notice of, where grounds of complaint still existed, notwithstanding the cessation of those combinations which had threatened the commerce of this country. These promises, with regard to the affair of Falkland's islands, however, were far from giving general satisfaction. The speech, as the work of ministry, was most violently attacked by opposition; and an address in answer to it, it was said, would be an eulogium on ministers who did not deserve it. News had arrived, they said, from Falkland's islands in June, which sufficiently demonstrated the designs of Spain; and Gibraltar and Minorca were left open to the attacks of that power, without any preparation being made on our part to resist them. The whole conduct of the ministry was said to be pusillanimous; and the love of peace, which was given out as the reason of their unwillingness to resent the injury, was treated with contempt.

A motion was now made in both houses for an inquiry into the conduct of the Spaniards on this occasion, and that all the papers and letters relative to it should be laid before parliament. The demand, however, was opposed by ministry, who insisted that the laws of negociation precluded the idea of exposing any letters or papers sent in confidence while the negociation was depending; and they asserted that the king of Spain had disavowed the conduct of his officer, and promised satisfaction. It would have been rash, they said, said, to proceed to extremities betwixt the two crowns, when perhaps the officer only was to blame; but if, after remonstrance, the court of Spain refused satisfaction, we were then authorized to force that justice which was refused in an amicable manner.

Some time before this, Mr Harris, the English minister at the court of Madrid, dispatched a letter to the Spanish lord Weymouth, informing him that a ship had arrived from Buenos Ayres with an account of the intended expedition against Port Egmont, the number of men to be employed, and the time fixed for its departure; at the same time that it was asserted by prince Maferans, the Spanish ambassador, that he had every reason to believe that the governor of Buenos Ayres had employed force at Port Egmont without any orders; and hoped that, by disavowing this proceeding, he might prevent any misunderstanding betwixt the two kingdoms. To this his lordship replied in a spirited manner, asking, among other things, Whether the prince had any orders to disavow the proceedings of the governor? And, on his reply in the negative, a formal disavowal was demanded. After some time, his lordship was informed that the prince had orders to disavow any particular orders given to Mr Bucarelli, the governor of Buenos Ayres, and at the same time to say, that he had acted agreeably to his general instructions and oath as governor; that the island should be restored; and that it was expected the king of Britain would, on his part, disavow the conduct of captain Hunt, whose menace had induced the governor to act as he did.

This reply did not by any means prove agreeable; and soon after the conduct of the court of Spain became so suspicious, that Mr Harris was ordered to quit the court of Madrid; and the correspondence between prince Maferans and the court of England was no longer continued. About this time lord Weymouth resigned his office, and was succeeded by the earl of Rochford; and the affair of Falkland's islands was no longer openly spoken of. On the sitting down of the parliament, January 22d 1771, however, it was again brought before the house, and the declaration of the Spanish ambassador, with Rochford's acceptance, were announced. Prince Maferans then disavowed, in the name of his master, the violence used at Port Egmont; to the restitution of which he agreed, and hoped that this restitution would be looked upon as ample satisfaction, and at the same time as not affecting the question concerning the prior sovereignty of the islands. This produced a new demand for copies of all papers, letters, and declarations of every kind relative to Falkland's islands; but though it was now seemingly complied with, the opposite party affirmed that it was still only in part; for besides a chasm of near two months, during which time there was no account whatever, none of the copies of the claims or representations made by the court of Spain, since the first settlement of the islands, were given up. Thus a suspicion was produced, that the concealment of these papers, and the deficiencies in the order of their dates, might proceed from some misconduct during the periods in question; and which administration was willing to conceal from the world. To these objections it was replied, that every paper which could be found in the several offices had been presented; and that if there had been any correspondence between the two courts, of which no notice was taken in them, it must have been verbal; but, at any rate, there were papers sufficient to enable the house to determine the propriety or impropriety of their conduct throughout the whole transaction; for every thing decisive or explicit was in writing, and every writing was laid before them.

All these excuses, however, could not yet satisfy opposition. It was reported, and generally believed, that France had interfered in the affair; in consequence of which, a motion was made to address his majesty for information whether any such interference had taken place, and of what nature it was, or in what manner it had been conducted. The minister denied that there had been any such interference; but it was insisted that this was insufficient; that the word of the king was requisite, as that of the minister could not be satisfactory, even supposing him to be upright. It did not, however, appear that any correspondence in writing had taken place betwixt the two courts; and when the minister was asked, whether France had ever interfered as mediator? he answered, that "England had not employed France in that capacity; but that the word interfered was of a meaning too vague for direct explanation; and it was unusual to demand verbal negotiations, while papers were laid before them: That as all Europe had an eye to the compromising of differences betwixt states, it was not to be supposed that France would be altogether silent; but nothing (says he) dishonourable has ever passed." Opposition still insisted that they had a right to have an account of verbal negotiations as well as others; and that if this right was given up, a minister had no more to do, when he wished to promote an insidious measure, than to conduct it by verbal correspondence. The motion, however, was lost by a great majority in both houses.

This manner of deciding the question was so far from a general allaying the general ferment, that it rendered it much worse. The transaction was considered as entirely disgraceful to the British nation; nor were all the arguments that could be used by the ministerial party in any degree sufficient to overthrow the general opinion. The restitution of the island was thought to be an inadequate recompense for the affront that had been offered; and the objections to it were urged on a motion for an address to return thanks for the communication of the Spanish declaration, and to testify their satisfaction with the redress that had been obtained. This address was not carried without considerable difficulty, and produced a protest from 19 peers. On the part of Spain, however, every part of the agreement was ostensibly fulfilled; Port Egmont was restored, and the British once more took possession of it, though it was abandoned in a short time after evacuated, according to a private agreement, as was suspected, between ministry and the court of Spain; but of this no evidence ever appeared to the public.

In other respects, the greatest discontent raged throughout the kingdom. A fire which happened at Portsmouth in the year 1770 excited numberless jealousies, and was by some imputed to our enemies on the continent. The affair of the Middlesex election was never forgotten; and, notwithstanding many repulses, the city of London still ventured to present new petitions to the throne. In one presented this year by Mr Beckford, the lord mayor at that time, they lamented... the heavy displeasure under which they seemed to have fallen with his majesty, and renewed a petition, frequently presented before, concerning a dissolution of parliament. This, however, met with a very unfavourable answer: his majesty informed the lord mayor, that his sentiments on that subject continued unchanged; and that "he should ill deserve the title of Father of his people, should he suffer himself to be prevailed on to make such use of his prerogative as he could not but think inconsistent with the interest, and dangerous to the constitution, of the kingdom." Mr Beckford was so far from being disheartened by this answer, that he demanded leave to speak to the king; which being obtained, he made a speech of considerable length, and concluded with telling his majesty, that "whoever had already dared, or should hereafter endeavour, by false insinuations and suggestions, to alienate his majesty's affections from his loyal subjects in general, and the city of London in particular, was an enemy to his majesty's person and family, a violator of the public peace, and a betrayer of our happy constitution as it was established at the glorious revolution." To this no answer was made, though it gave great offence: and when Mr Beckford went afterwards to St James's with an address on the queen's safe delivery of a princess, he was told, that "as his lordship had thought fit to speak to his majesty after his answer to the late remonstrance; as it was unusual, his majesty desired that nothing of the kind might happen for the future."

This behaviour of Mr Beckford was by many of the court party censured in an extreme degree, as indecent, unprecedented, impudent, and little short of high treason; while, on the other hand, he was on the same account raised to the highest pinnacle of popular favour. He did not long, however, enjoy the applause of the people, dying within a short time after he made the celebrated speech above mentioned, and his death was reckoned an irreparable loss to the whole party. Several other petitions were presented on the subject of popular grievances; but the perpetual neglect with which they were treated at last brought that mode of application into disuse. A new subject of contention, however, now offered itself. The navy was in a bad condition, and the sailors everywhere avoided the service. Towards the end of August 16 ships of the line were ready to put to sea; but the legality of press warrants being questioned, the manning of them became a matter of great difficulty. The new lord Mayor, Brails Croft, refused to back the warrants; which proved a vexatious matter to the ministry. They were further provoked by the unbounded liberty to which the press had been carried, and the mode of proceeding against some libellers had produced many complaints regarding the powers of the attorney general. He had filed informations and carried on prosecutions ex officio, without going through the forms observed in all other cases.—"This (it was said by the patriotic party) was inconsistent with the nature of a free government. No power can be more dangerous to private liberty, nor to the virtue or principles of him who enjoys it. The attorney acts under a minister, and his sense of duty must be very strong, or his independence very thoroughly secured by contentment, if he is at no time tempted to swerve from the laws of conscience and equity. It is in his power to give what name he pleases to a paper, and call it seditious or treasonable; then, without the interference of a jury, he proceeds to try the offender; who, though he may be acquitted, may nevertheless be ruined by the expenses attending his justification." Examples were cited on this occasion of very flagrant oppression and injustice from this very power: the laws, it was said, were become changeable at the pleasure of a judge; and the liberty of the subject was taken from him, whenever he became obnoxious to his superiors. As these proceedings had therefore been the cause of very general complaint, a motion was made in the house of commons to bring in a bill for explaining and amending an act of the 4th and 5th of William and Mary to prevent invidious informations, and for the more easy reversion of outlawries in the court of king's bench. This motion was rejected by a great majority; the ministerial party urging, that the power of the attorney general was the same that ever it had been, and founded on common law. The abuse of power was no argument against the legal exercise of it; it was dangerous to overthrow established customs; the actions of the attorney-general were cognizable by parliament, which control must for ever prevent a licentious exertion of his power, &c.

These arguments, however, even with the rejection of the motion, did not put an end to the disputes concerning this head. The courts of justice themselves were at this time held up in a very despicable light, on account of some late decisions which had been deemed contrary to law and usual practice. By these the judges had assumed a power of determining whether a paper was a libel or not; and the business of the jury was confined to the determination of the fact regarding its publication; and thus it was said to have appeared, that the judges had it in their power to punish a man who had been found guilty of publishing a paper, whether seditious or not. Lord Chatham, in a speech on the Middlesex election, took occasion to mention these abuses; and was answered by lord Mansfield, who looked upon himself to be particularly pointed at. The former, however, was so little convinced by his answer, that he drew from it an additional confirmation of his own arguments; and moved that a day should be appointed for taking into consideration the conduct of the judges; in which he was ably seconded by the late lord chancellor. A committee was accordingly moved for on December 6th 1770, to inquire into the matter; but, after much debate, was rejected by 184 to 76. The affair, however, did not yet seem to be terminated. Lord Mansfield gave notice next day, that on Monday he would communicate to the house of lords a matter of the utmost importance; but, when that day came, he produced nothing but a paper containing the case of Woodfall the printer as tried in the court of king's bench, that whoever pleased might read or take copies of it. This was looked upon as exceedingly frivolous, and greatly disappointed the expectations of the whole house. His lordship was asked, whether he meant that the paper should be entered on the journals of the house or not? To which he answered, that he had no such intention, but only that it should be left in the hands of the clerk; on which the affair would probably have been overlooked altogether, had not the late lord chancellor, who all along strongly supported the motion, stood up to accuse lord Mansfield, from the very paper to which he appealed, of a practice repugnant to the law of England. Hence he took occasion to propose some queries relative to the power of juries, and challenged his antagonist to a debate either at that time or soon after. But this method of proceeding was complained of as too precipitate, and an excuse was likewise made for not affixing a day for the debate at any other time; so that the matter soon sunk into oblivion. It was, however, loudly talked of without doors; and the judges, who had already fallen much in the estimation of the people, now became much more obnoxious. Pamphlets were printed containing the most severe accusations; comparisons were made between some of the law-lords and their predecessors, and even the print-shops were filled with ridiculous and satirical pictures.

An accident which took place soon after contributed also greatly to lessen the character not only of the ministerial party, but even that of both houses of parliament taken collectively, in the eyes of the vulgar, to an extreme degree; and indeed it must be owned that nothing could be more derogatory to the honour of the first assembly of the nation, or to that of the individuals who composed it. A motion was made on the 10th of December 1770 by the duke of Manchester, that an address be presented to his majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give orders for quickening our preparations for defence in the West Indies and in the Mediterranean; and particularly for securing the posts of Gibraltar and Minorca. But while his grace was descanting on the negligence of ministry in leaving posts of such importance in a defenceless state, he was suddenly interrupted by lord Gower, who insisted on having the house immediately cleared of all but those who had a right to sit there.

"When motions (said he) are thus brought in by surprise, and without the knowledge of the house as to their contents, it is impossible but such things may be spoken as are improper for the general ear; especially as the enemy may have spies in the house, in order to convey secret intelligence, and expose the nakedness of our positions." His lordship was answered by the duke of Richmond, who complained of the interruption given to the duke of Manchester as a proceeding both irregular and injudicious. This produced a considerable degree of altercation, and the cry of "Clear the house!" resounded from all quarters. Several members attempted to speak, but finding it impossible, and piqued at this shameful behaviour, 18 or 19 of them left the house in a body.

The members of the house of commons then present of the house were not only commanded to depart, but some of the lords went personally to the bar, and insisted on their leaving the house immediately. These unfortunate members alleged in excuse, that they attended with a misunderstanding-bill, and were there in the discharge of their duty; but this availed nothing, they were promptly ordered to withdraw till their message should be delivered; and, after going through the usual forms, were turned out of doors amidst the greatest tumult and uproar. In the meantime the lords, who had just left the house of peers, had gone to the lower house, where they were listening to the debates, when the commoners, who had been turned out of the house of lords, arrived full of indignation, and making loud complaints of the affront they had received. This was resented by turning out indiscriminately all the spectators; among whom were the 18 peers just mentioned, who were thus shut out from both houses. The affair terminated in a misunderstanding betwixt the two houses, which continued during the whole session.

Sixteen lords joined in a protest, and in the warmest terms censured the treatment they had met with, as well as the unprecedented behaviour of administration, who had thus attempted to suppress the freedom of argument, and render the conduct of the house an object of censure and ridicule to the whole world.

After the discussion of the affair of Falkland's islands monstrous in the manner already related, a most unheard of instance of corruption was laid before parliament in the borough of New Shoreham in Sussex. The contest at Shoreham was occasioned by the returning officer, Mr Roberts, having returned a candidate with only 37 votes, when the other had 87; and, on bringing him to trial for this strange proceeding, the following scene of villany was laid open. A great number of the freemen of the borough had formed themselves into a society called the Christian Society or Club; but, instead of keeping up the character indicated by this title, it was clearly proved by the returning officer, who formerly belonged to it, that it was employed only for the purposes of venality. A select committee of the members were appointed to sell the borough to the highest bidder. The committee men never appeared at elections themselves, but gave orders to the rest, and directed them how to vote; and, after the election was over, shared the profits among themselves. Though all this was clearly proved, the returning officer was dismissed with only a reprimand from the speaker of the house of commons, for having trespassed upon the forms to be sacredly observed by a returning officer. A more severe punishment, however, was reserved for the borough, and those wretches who had assumed the name of the Christian Club. A motion for an inquiry being carried unanimously, a bill was brought in to incapacitate 81 freemen of this borough, whose names were mentioned, from ever voting at parliamentary elections; and, for the more effectually preventing bribery and corruption, the attorney general was ordered to prosecute the committee belonging to the Christian club; the members were allowed counsel, and many different opinions were offered regarding the mode of punishment. Some were mercifully inclined only to reprimand them, while others proposed to disfranchise the borough; however, the bill for incapacitation was passed at length, though it did not receive the royal assent till the last day of the session.

The unbounded licentiousness of the press now called the attention of parliament, though the evil appeared in a manner incapable of being checked. At present, this time neither rank nor character were any security against the voice of calumny from one party or other; and indeed it was hard to say on what side the most intemperate violence appeared. The ministry, however, ever provoked by a long course of opposition, made the loudest complaints of the freedoms taken with their names; while it was retorted by opposition, that the abuse from one quarter was as great as from the other. Some members of the house of commons complained that their speeches had been misrepresented in the papers, and endeavoured to put a stop to the practice of printing them. It was now considered as a matter contrary to the standing order of the house to print the speeches of the members of parliament at all; and a motion for calling two of the principal printers to account was carried by a considerable majority. The printers, however, did not attend the summons of the messenger; and a final order for their appearance was directed to be left at their houses, and declared to be sufficient notice when left at their houses. The disobedience of the printers on this occasion was undoubtedly heightened by the favour they hoped to obtain from the popular party; and indeed it was not without the most severe animadversions that the ministry were able to carry their motions against them. This opposition increased by its being farther moved that they should be taken into custody by the sergeant at arms for contempt of the orders of the house. The temper and disposition of the people towards the house was now objected, and the great impropriety of adding to their alarms by any unnecessary stretch of the executive power; but the majority urged the necessity of preserving the dignity of the house, and putting an end to those offensive freedoms which had been taken with its members. The sergeant at arms next complained, that not being able to meet with the printers at their houses, he had been treated with indignity by their servants; on which a royal proclamation was issued for apprehending Wheble and Thomson, the two obnoxious printers, with a reward of £50 annexed. But in the meantime fix other printers, who had rendered themselves equally obnoxious on a similar account, were ordered to attend the house, though the motion was not carried without great opposition, during which time the house divided between 20 and 30 times. Some of the delinquents were reprimanded at the bar, and one who did not attend was ordered to be taken into custody for contempt. Wheble being apprehended in consequence of the proclamation, was carried before Mr Alderman Wilkes, by whom he was discharged. To this magistrate it appeared that Mr Wheble had been apprehended in direct violation of his rights as an Englishman, as well as of the chartered privileges of a citizen of London; which opinion he declared in a letter to the earl of Halifax, one of the secretaries of state. Thomson was discharged in the same manner; but the captors received certificates from the magistrates, in order to obtain the promised rewards. J. Miller, one of the fix who had refused to attend, was taken into custody from his own house by the messenger of the house of commons. On this he sent for a constable, and was carried along with the messenger before the lord mayor, and aldermen Wilkes and Oliver at the manor house. The lord mayor refused to deliver up the printer and messenger at the request of the sergeant at arms; and after some disputes the messenger was committed to prison, as he had been accused by Miller of assault and false imprisonment, and the sergeant had refused to find bail; however, he was immediately released upon the bail being given.

By this affront, not only the majority, but many of the popular party also were greatly irritated; however, the members in opposition took care to lay all the blame on the absurd conduct of administration with regard to the Middlesex election; in consequence of which they had incurred such a general odium, that the people thwarted every measure proposed by them, and eluded and despised their power on every occasion.

The lord mayor was ordered to attend the house next Proceed-day; at which time he pleaded that he had acted in no manner of way inconsistent with the duties of his office; as, by an oath which he took when entering upon it, he was bound to preserve the franchises of the city, and his conduct was farther to be vindicated from the terms of the city charters, as recognized by act of parliament. It was then moved that he should be allowed counsel; the question appearing to belong to the lawyers, as his lordship did not pretend to deny the privileges of the house, though he contended for an exemption from that privilege by virtue of charters and an act of parliament. This motion, however, was overruled, it being insisted that no counsel could ever be permitted against the privileges of the house. This refusal of counsel took its rise from a transaction in the reign of Henry VIII. and was now pleaded as the custom of parliament. Some proposed that the lord mayor should be heard by counsel, provided the privilege of the house was not affected; but it was considered as absurd to the last degree that his lordship should be heard by counsel on every point except the very one in question. At the same time a motion was carried, that the lord mayor's clerk should attend with the book of minutes; and notwithstanding all opposition, he was obliged to expunge out of it the recognition of Whittam the messenger. This was followed by a resolution that there should be no more proceedings at law in the case; a great altercation ensued, and several of the minority at last left the house in the utmost rage.

Though it was now one o'clock in the morning, the ministerial party were so ardent in the prosecution of their victory, that they refused to adjourn; proceeding now to the trial of Mr Oliver, who, as well as Andagard the lord mayor, was far from expressing any sorrow alderman for what he had done. Some proposed to censure his Oliver conduct, others were for expulsion; but when it was proposed to send him to the Tower, the utmost confusion and mutual reproach took place; some members declared that they would accompany him to the place of his confinement; others left the house, while ministry used their utmost endeavours to persuade him into some kind of apology or concession for what he had done; but finding that to no purpose, they at last carried the motion for his imprisonment, and he was committed accordingly. Ample amends, however, were made for this punishment by the unbounded attention popular applause heaped on both the lord mayor and the tower alderman on this occasion, and which indeed threatened very serious consequences. Some days after the commitment of Mr Oliver, when the lord mayor attended at the house of commons, several very alarming insults were offered to many of the members, particularly... lately lord North; who, on this occasion, lost his hat, and narrowly escaped with his life. Some of the members of the minority interposed, and expostulated with the mob on the impropriety of their conduct, by which means all further disturbance was prevented; and had it not been for this timely interference, it is supposed that the fray would not have ended without much bloodshed.

After the confusion was in some measure dispelled, the debates concerning the lord mayor again took place. Many arguments were brought against proceeding farther in the matter; but being disregarded, the minority members left the house. His lordship refused the favour offered him of being committed to the custody of the sergeant at arms, upon which it was resolved to commit him to the Tower; the motion for this purpose being carried by 200 against 39. Mr Wilkes, on being ordered to attend, wrote a letter addressed to the speaker of the house, in which he observed, that no mention had been made of his being a member; and that if his seat in parliament, to which he had been duly elected, was to be granted him, he would attend and justify his conduct. Administration, however, were too wise now to encounter this hero, and at the same time were under no little embarrassment how to get off; so at last they were reduced to the miserable shift of ordering him to attend on the 8th of April 1771, at the same time that they adjourned the house to the 9th.

The many affronts and indignities which administration had of late been obliged to put up with now rendered it absolutely necessary to fall upon some method to show that their authority was not altogether lost. For this purpose a committee was appointed by ballot to inquire into the reason why there had been so many obstructions to the authority of the house of commons. This committee having sat from the 28th of March to the 30th of April, at last gave in the following report:

"Your committee beg leave to observe, that in the diligent search they have made in the journals, they have not been able to find an instance that any court or magistrate has presumed to commit, during the sitting of parliament, an officer of the house for executing the orders of the house. They further beg leave to observe, that they have not been able to find, that there ever has been an instance wherein this house has suffered any person, committed by order of this house, to be discharged, during the same sittings, by any authority whatever, without again committing such persons. As therefore, with regard to J. Millar, who was delivered from the custody of the messenger by the lord mayor, who, for the said offence, is now under the censure of the house, it appears to your committee, that it highly concerns the dignity and power of the house to maintain its authority in this instance, by retaking the said J. Millar, the committee recommend to the consideration of the house, whether it may not be expedient, that the house should order that the said J. Millar should be again taken into custody of the sergeant at arms; and that his deputy or deputies be strictly enjoined to call upon the magistrates, officers of the peace, and other persons, who by the speaker's warrant are required to be aiding and assisting to him in the execution thereof, for such assistance as the said sergeant, his deputy or deputies, shall find necessary, to enable him or them to take into custody the said J. Millar."

Nothing could have been more imprudent than the urging with such violence a contest against such contemptible adversaries; and in which they were finally left baffled. What they intended for punishment really afforded the criminals matter of triumph and exultation. Every honour that the city of London could bestow was conferred upon the magistrates, while the complaints and execrations of the people at large became louder than ever. Every step taken about this time by administration seemed calculated to add to the public ill humour. Towards the end of the session a bill was brought in "for enabling certain persons to Diffatiate, inclose and embank part of the river Thames, adjoining count of Durham yard, Salisbury-street, Cecil-street, and the Beaufort buildings, in the county of Middlesex." This bankment bill was opposed, as appearing contrary to the ancient bill rights and privileges of the city of London; but was easily carried through both houses, though it produced a protest in the upper house; and a few days before the rising of the session, the city of London petitioned against it. In this petition it was complained of as a violent and unjust transaction, totally unprecedented, being an invasion of the property which the city claimed in the soil or bed of the river. It was afterwards complained of in a remonstrance, as an infringement of the rights of the people, and urged as a reason for the dissolution of parliament.

The only other transaction of moment during this East India session related to the East India company. It was now proposed to raise 2000 men in England for the service of the company, the officers to be appointed by the king, and to be paid by the company. But after much speculation, it was rejected as unconstitutional and dangerous to keep an armed force in the kingdom which was not paid by government; and that, however inconsiderable the number proposed was at present, it might soon be increased on any frivolous pretence. It was likewise urged, that it would prove an obstruction to the recruiting service for our own army, on account of the superior advantages of enlisting in the company's service. The advocates for the bill urged the inconvenience of fencing out a sufficient number of men annually to recruit the Indian forces; and that, unless parliament should adhere to the promise they formerly made of afflicting the company in recruiting, they would be daily exposed to vast loss and expense from the tricks of recruiting parties. The session rose on the 8th of May. In the speech from the throne, it was observed, that the satisfaction obtained from his Catholic majesty for the injury done to this kingdom, and the proofs of the pacific disposition which the courts of France and Spain had given by laying aside their armaments, enabled us to reduce our forces by sea and land. The zeal manifested by parliament could not fail to convince the world of its affectionate attachment to the crown and regard to the interests of the country. His majesty's endeavours were promised to put an end to the troubles which still prevailed in some parts of the continent; thanks were given to the commons for the unanimity, cheerfulness, and public spirit with which they had granted the supplies; and an apology was made for the extraordinary demands which had been made. The speech concluded with advising advising the members to use their best endeavours, in their respective stations and counties, to render the national happiness complete, by discouraging needless suspicions and domestic disturbances. His majesty had no other object, and could have no other interest, than to reign in the hearts of a free and happy people; and it was his earnest wish that his subjects might not be prevented, by mistakes or animosities among themselves, from enjoying the happiness they had in their power.

The many defeats that had been received by opposition during this and the foregoing sessions, now began to discourage them from proceeding such lengths in the cause of patriotism as they had formerly done. Many of them had also lost much of their popularity by taking an active part against the printers; and as every motion had been carried in favour of administration by nearly two to one, a general discouragement and languor began to take place among the popular party. The only gains indeed by the late contentions were the city magistrates and printers who had been punished by the house of commons. On the rising of the parliament, when the lord mayor and aldermen were released from the tower, they were welcomed by every mark of congratulation. The city was illuminated; and the mob, as usual, took vengeance on the refractory by breaking their windows. A committee was even appointed to carry on a prosecution against the speaker of the house of commons; but as this did not seem likely to afford any redress, they determined once more to have recourse to the throne. Accordingly, on the 10th of July 1771, another petition and remonstrance was presented, the subjects of which were the embankments on the Thames, the proceedings against the magistrates, and a speedy dissolution of parliament was requested. But this met with as unfavourable an answer as before. His majesty replied, that he was ready to put an end to the real grievances of his faithful subjects; but was sorry to find that a part of them still renewed requests which he had repeatedly refused to comply with.

In the speech from the throne, when the parliament met, January 21st 1772, his majesty observed, that the performance of the king of Spain's engagements, and the behaviour of the other European powers, promised a continuance of peace; and though the necessity of keeping up a respectable naval force was evident, yet no extraordinary aid for that purpose would be necessary; and he concluded with recommending the most vigilant and active attention to the concerns of the country, with an assurance of the interposition of the crown to remedy abuses or supply defects. Little dispute was made about the addresses in answer to this speech, though an ample subject of altercation very soon occurred. This was a motion made by administration, intimating the necessity of raising 25,000 seamen for the service of the current year; it being always necessary, they said, for us to preserve a superiority to the French in the East Indies, which had not been the case since they sent a considerable fleet thither. "It was equally necessary (they added) to preserve the present strength of the West Indies unimpaired; as the Spaniards knew the importance of our settlements there too well not to make an attack upon them first if ever a rupture should take place. Twenty of the best ships in the navy were also now employed as guardships, and wanted nothing but men to fit them for actual service."

A declaration of this kind, coming immediately after the assurances of peace that had been given from the throne, was said to be a contradiction; that the peace-establishment would thus be augmented till we were overburdened by it; 500,000l. would thus be added to the national expenses; and as the same augmentation might every year be made on similar pretences, we should thus be obliged to submit to the hardships of war in time of a profound peace. If the assurances of peace from the throne were well founded, the force in the East Indies was already too great; if, on the contrary, a war was at hand, it would be too small notwithstanding the proposed augmentation; and the fame way Jamaica was likely to suffer from the inferiority.

These remonstrances were by no means sufficient to put a stop to any measure which had at this time been suggested by administration. The question for the augmentation was carried without a division; after which the subject of religion came to be discussed. This was occasioned by the general tendency to Aria-Petitionanism or Socinianism, which had for some time prevailed against us to a great degree, and had at last infected the established church in such a manner, that the subscription XXXIX. to her standards was reckoned intolerable by many of the clergy. Meetings had been frequently held by the discontented members, in order to consider of some mode of relief; and in the beginning of February 1772, about 250 of them, with several professors of law and physic, joined in a petition to the house of commons, expressing their dissatisfaction with subscription to any human forms, and praying for relief. In this petition they asserted, that they held certain rights and privileges from God alone, without being subject to any other authority; such as the exercise of their own reason and judgment, by which they were instructed and confirmed in their belief of the Christian religion, as contained in the holy scriptures. They accounted it a blessing to live under a government which maintained the sufficiency of the scriptures to instruct in all things necessary to salvation. Hence they concluded, that they had a right from nature, as well as from the principles of the reformed religion, to judge for themselves what was or was not contained in the scriptures. From this invaluable privilege, however, they found themselves in a great measure precluded by the laws relative to subscription; by which they were enjoined to acknowledge certain articles and confessions of faith framed by fallible men as entirely agreeable to scripture. They prayed therefore to be relieved from such an imposition, and to be restored to their undoubted right of interpreting scripture for themselves, without being bound by any human explanation of it, or being required to acknowledge by subscription or declaration the truth of any formulary of religious faith and doctrine whatever excepting the holy scripture itself.

The affair of subscription they looked upon to be not only a grievance to themselves, but an encroachment on their rights as men and members of a Protestant establishment, as well as a great hindrance to the spreading of the Christian religion, tending to discourage further inquiry into the true sense of scripture, to divide communions, and to cause a mutual dislike. dislike betwixt fellow Protestants; giving occasion for unbelievers to reproach and vilify the clergy, by representing them as guilty of prevarication, and of accommodating their faith to lucrative views and political considerations. It afforded also to Papists and others disaffected to the religious establishment of the church of England, an occasion of reflecting upon it as inconsistent, and authorising doubtful and precarious doctrines, at the same time that the scripture alone was acknowledged to be certain and sufficient for salvation. It had likewise a tendency to divide the clergy among themselves; subjecting one part, who asserted their privilege as Protestants, to be reviled, both from the pulpit and the press, by another who seemed to judge the articles they had subscribed to be of equal authority with the scripture itself; and lastly, it occasioned scruples and embarrassments of conscience to those who were about to enter into the ministry, or prevented the cheerful exercise of it to those who were already entered. By reason of these embarrassments the clerical part of the petitioners found themselves under great difficulties, being obliged in some sense to join with the adversaries of revelation, in supposing the one true sense of scripture to be expressed in the present established system of faith; or else to incur the reproach of having deserted their subscription, &c., while such of the petitioners as had been educated with a view to the professions of civil law and physic could not but think it a great hardship to be obliged, as they all were in one of the universities, even at their first matriculation and admission, though at an age very improper for such important dispositions, to subscribe their assent to a variety of theological tenets, concerning which their private opinions could be of no consequence to the public, in order to entitle them to academical degrees in those faculties; more especially as the course of their studies and attention to their practice did not afford them leisure sufficient to examine how far these tenets were consonant to the word of God.

This petition was presented by Sir William Meredith, who, along with the other members who favoured the cause, enforced it by many arguments drawn from the principles of toleration. They maintained also that nothing but hypocrisy and prevarication could arise from obliging men to subscribe what they did not believe; that the repeal of the laws for subscription would prevent the increase of dissenters, so very conspicuous at this time, and incline many of them to return to the church. The articles themselves were said to have been compiled in a hurry; that they contained doctrines highly controvertible; and that this restraint on the consciences of men was of all others the greatest hardship. The majority of parliament, however, were found inimical to the petition, though some, who opposed it at present, wished for time to consider it more deliberately, or to refer it to a committee of the clergy. By the rest it was urged, that the matter of the petition was a violent infraction of the laws of the English religion; and that, if this was granted, another would soon follow against the liturgy. The conduct of many of the petitioners, instead of being founded in any regard for religion, had its origin in hypocrisy and dissoluteness, and certainly proceeded in many instances from a disbelief of the Trinity, and of the divinity of our Saviour. The complaints of men were to be disregarded when they wished to profit by the emoluments of the church without subscribing to its laws; besides, the king was bound by his coronation oath to continue the church-government without alteration. It was likewise urged, that if people were to be restrained by no other article than an affront to the truth of the scriptures, the church would soon be overrun with impiety. Many had already founded blasphemous tenets on the right of private opinion; and though it could not be denied that every man has this right for himself, yet none has a right to obtrude his singularities upon others; and if any of the clergy found the delicacy of their consciences affected after they had accepted of benefices, they were welcome to leave them.

Some of the more moderate opposers of the petition endeavoured to vindicate the character of the clergy from the imputations laid upon them, and contended that the legislature had a controlling power over the articles of the union, and confirmed their assertion by mentioning the act against occasional conformity, as well as another against elective patronages, both of them passed since the union; and it seemed to be the general wish of the house that the professors of law and physic might be relieved from subscription, though they did not consider their share in the matter as of any great importance to the public. It was at last thrown out by a majority of near 150.

The rejection of the subscription bill was followed by that of a bill for quieting the possessions of his majesty's subjects from dormant claims of the church; after which the attention of parliament was called to one of the utmost importance, and which was introduced by a message from the king. This was the famous royal marriage bill, occasioned by the marriage of the duke of Cumberland with Mrs Horton, a widow lady, daughter of lord Irnham and sister to colonel Luttrell, and that of the duke of Gloucester with the countess-dowager of Waldegrave. By the message it was recommended to both houses to take it into their consideration, whether it might not be expedient to supply the defects of the laws then in being, and by some new regulations more effectually to prevent the descendants of his late majesty (excepting the issue of the princesses who had married, or might hereafter marry into foreign families) from marrying without the consent of his majesty, his heirs, and successors. In consequence of this bill was brought in, declaring all such marriages, without the consent above mentioned, to be null and void. The descendants of his majesty, however, if above the age of 25 years, might marry without the royal consent, provided they gave intimation, a twelve-month before hand, to the privy-council, and no opposition to the match was made by parliament during that interval.

This bill met with the most violent and powerful opposition. The principal arguments against it were gained, expressed in two protests from the upper house, and were to the following purpose: 1. The doctrine that marriages in the royal family are of the highest importance to the state, and that therefore the kings of this realm have ever been trusted with the care thereof, is both absurd and unconstitutional; though it would from that period have the force of a parliamentary declaration. The immediate tendency of this was to create as many prerogatives to the crown as there are matters of importance in the state; and to extend them in a manner as vague and exceptionable as had ever been done in the most despotic periods. 2. The enacting part of the bill had an inconvenient and impolitic extent; namely, to all the descendants of Geo. II. In process of time, that description might become very general, and comprehend a great number of people; and it was apprehended that it would be an intolerable grievance for the marriages of so many subjects, perhaps dispersed among the various ranks of civil life, to be subject to the restrictions of this act, especially as the abettors of this doctrine had also maintained, that the care and approbation of the marriage also included the education and custody of the person.

This extensive power might in time make many of the first families of the kingdom entirely dependent on the crown; and it was regretted that all endeavours to limit, in some degree, the generality of that description, had proved ineffectual. 3. The time of nonage for the royal family appeared to be improperly extended beyond the limit of 21 years; a period which the wisdom of the constitution seems, with great wisdom, to have assigned to minority. 4. The deferring their marriage to the age of 26 might also be attended with other bad consequences, by driving them into a disorderly course of life, which ought to be particularly guarded against in those of such an exalted station. 5. The power given by this bill to a prince to marry after the age of 26, is totally defeated by the proviso which declares the consent of parliament to be ultimately necessary. Thus great difficulties must be laid on future parliaments, as their silence, in such a case, must imply a disapprobation of the king's refusal; and their concurrence with it might prove a perpetual prohibition from marriage to the party concerned. 6. The right of conferring a discretionary power of prohibiting all marriages, appears to be above the reach of any legislature whatever, as being contrary to the inherent rights of human nature; which, as they are not derived from, or held under, the sanction of any civil laws, cannot be taken away by them in any case whatever. The legislature no doubt has a right to prescribe rules to marriage as well as to every other kind of contract; but there is an essential difference between regulating the mode by which a right may be enjoyed, and establishing a principle which may tend entirely to annihilate that right. To disable a man during life from contracting marriage, or, which is the same thing, to make his power of contracting such marriage dependent neither on his own choice nor on any fixed rule of law, but on the arbitrary pleasure of any man, or set of men, is exceeding the power permitted by divine providence to human legislature, and directly contrary not only to the divine command, but also to the rights of domestic society and comfort, &c. 7. This bill has a natural tendency to produce a disputed title to the crown. If those who are affected by it are in power, they will easily procure a repeal of this act, and the confirmation of a marriage made contrary to it; and if they are not, it will at least be the source of the most dangerous faction that can exist in any country, viz. one attached to the pretender to the crown; whose claim, he may assert, has been set aside by no other authority than that of an act to which the legislature was not competent, as being contrary to the common rights of mankind. 8. The bill provides no security against the improper marriages of princesses married into foreign families, and those of their issue; which may fall as materially affect the interest of this nation as the marriages of princes residing in the dominions of Great Britain. It provides no remedy against the improper marriage of the king reigning, though evidently the most important of all others to the public. It provides nothing against the indiscreet marriage of a prince of the blood, being regent at the age of 21; nor furnishes any remedy against his permitting such marriages to others of the blood-royal, being fully invested with the regal power for this purpose, without the assistance of council.

The answer to all these arguments was, that the inconveniences so much talked of were merely imaginary; and if the king should make any improper use of his authority, parliament had it either in their power to prevent the effect, or to punish the minister who advised it. The crown, it was said, was dishonoured by improper connections, and many of the greatest national calamities have proceeded from improper alliances between the royal family and subjects; and that if, from after experience, we should find any material grievances ensue from this act, it could as easily be repealed at that time as thrown out now, and on better grounds. It was very rapidly carried through both houses; in the upper house by 90 to 26; and in the lower by 165 to 115.

Though the late decision concerning subscription to the 39 articles did not seem to promise much success relief of any innovations in religious matters, yet the case of dissenters dissenting ministers was introduced soon after the diffusion of the royal marriage act; the advocates for it being encouraged to bring it forward chiefly on account of some favourable hints thrown out in the debates on the subscription-bill. A petition was now presented by a great body of these people, praying to be relieved from the hardship of subscribing to the articles of a church to which they did not belong. This, however, was most violently opposed by the opponents of the former bill, though with very little success in the house of commons, where it was carried through by a prodigious majority. Here it was maintained that nothing can advance the true interest of religion so much as toleration; and if articles of subscription are necessary, it must only be for men destitute of principle, and who would, in compliance with ambition or avarice, as readily subscribe to one set of articles as another. If thus any of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity are impugned, there are abundance of laws in existence to correct the impiety. The dissenters have indeed altered some of their original forms and doctrines, but that only in matters of indifference. It is the effect of learning, leisure, and refinement, to give men many opportunities of altering established forms. This has been the case formerly, and always will be. The dissenters have long been virtually exempted from this subscription; and yet the piety and decency of many of them, particularly in Scotland and Ireland, where no such laws are in being, sufficiently show, that men, whose minds are freed from the purity of religion, will not be confined nor influenced by laws. laws of human invention. But though the dissenters enjoy full liberty by connivance at present, where is their security against the sudden attacks of malice and envy, which may be backed by the sanction of law? Every neglect of a law by connivance is an additional proof of the necessity of abrogating that law; and liberty is but an empty name, where it is enjoyed by an oversight only, as it were, of our superiors. In the house of lords, however, the bill was rejected by a majority of 70. Here the doctrine of universal toleration was strenuously opposed, as well as the great danger set forth, to which the church of England would be exposed by departing from the laws which guarded its privileges. The dissenters, it was said, had great cause to be satisfied with the favour they enjoyed by connivance; and the laws were only kept on record as a necessary curb, lest in the degeneracy of a declining kingdom, religion should be destitute of protection against heresy and blasphemy.

The only other affairs of this session were some attempts at an inquiry into the affairs of the East India company, which were now in a very critical situation. These, however, did not come under consideration till the next session which took place November 26th 1772, when his majesty gave this situation of the affairs of the company as a reason why he had called them together sooner than usual. The continuance of the pacific disposition of other powers was mentioned, and satisfaction expressed that the continuance of peace had afforded an opportunity of reducing the naval establishment, though a great force must always be necessary for the defence of these kingdoms. Economy was promised with regard to the supplies, and it was recommended to take every method that could be devised to remedy the dearth of provisions.

The affairs of the East India company took up the greatest part of the present session. It had been projected, as far back as the year 1767, when they were in a very flourishing condition, to bring them under the inspection of government, that the nation might share the immense wealth supposed to be enjoyed by the company. The design, however, did not succeed at that time, nor would it probably have been easily brought to bear, had not the affairs of the company been embarrassed by the bad conduct of their servants. During the last session a bill had been brought in for restraining the governor and council from all kind of trade, as well as for enlarging the power of the company over its servants. The bill, however, was rejected after the second reading, and indeed was thought to have been proposed only to introduce the succeeding business. The debates on the subject procured in a great measure the general belief of two points of much importance to the success of the scheme, viz., that the affairs of the East India company were in a very bad situation, owing to the behaviour of its servants; and that the company was at any rate insufficient for the government of such extensive possessions; of consequence that there was an evident necessity of giving up the management of it to the crown. A motion was now made in parliament, by a gentleman unconnected with administration, for a select committee to inquire into the affairs of the company; but many reasons were urged against this appointment, particularly that the season was too far advanced for a business of such importance; that the committee, being a secret one, was not accountable for its conduct; and that, as the minister would have it in his power to nominate the members of the committee, considerable partiality might on that account take place. The motion, however, was carried without a division; and the members were chosen by ballot.

The affairs of the East India company proceeded from bad to worse during the recess. The treasury at home was quite exhausted; while bills to a vast amount, drawn on Bengal, were nearly due; which, with their debt to the bank and other public offices, along with the sum to be paid to government, reduced them almost to the brink of bankruptcy. They were therefore reduced to the expedient of borrowing a sum of money from administration; but their application was received with great indifference. The minister desired them to apply to parliament. The reports of the select committee, in the mean time, contrary to the promise of secrecy, were published, and gave the public no favourable opinion of the behaviour of the company's servants. On the meeting of parliament, the minister moved for another committee, under the title of the committee of secrecy, to consist of 13 persons, for taking into consideration the state of the company's affairs; which might thus undergo a full investigation, without anything being known to the world, which had excited such indignation in the former case. The members of this new committee were also to be chosen by ballot; so that no objection could militate against them; that did not militate, with equal strength, against the whole house. It was objected, that this mode of secret inquiry, by a small number, was unprecedented and unconstitutional; that the members would in effect be nominated by the minister, and act under his direction; and that a free investigation by the whole parliament was essentially different from that by a secret committee. In the latter case, every information that the minister thought proper to conceal would be withheld; at any rate, a committee of secrecy is an evident absurdity; a committee can be no longer a secret than during the time it takes up for inquiry. Its proceedings must be laid before the public; and in case of unjust accounts, the parliament had no means of being undeceived. These reasons, however, were of no avail at present. The committee of secrecy was carried, as the other had been, without a division; and, as had been predicted, the members, though chosen by ballot, were almost all of them devoted to administration. The select committee was likewise revived, that they might be, as it was said, checks upon one another; so that between them the nation would have every requisite degree of information on the whole affair.

In a very short time after the appointment of the refraining secret committee, a report was given in, stating that the bill proposed by the company were in great distress for want of money; and as this was the case, a bill ought to be brought in for restraining them from sending out supervisors to India, a scheme which they had meditated at this time. The minister and his adherents enlarged greatly on the utility of this bill; which, they said, was highly expedient. It was the sincere wish of parliament to render them a great and glorious company; it was absolutely necessary for this purpose not to allow them to engage in an expensive commission, at a time when their affairs were so much... much embarrassed that they were obliged to apply to government for a loan. It was even doubted whether the company, without the sanction of parliamentary authority, had power to appoint a commission of this kind. On the other hand, the minister's proposal was said by opposition to be unconstitutional and injurious.

The want of cash at present experienced by the East India company was not of such great importance, their credit being then as fully established as ever. They had made choice of a set of men in whom they could confide; the many losses occasioned by their servants rendered the commission indispensably necessary; and the expense would be paid from the savings which must undoubtedly arise from so prudent a step. It was unreasonable, because the East India company, or any other, are distressed, to allow them no opportunities of extricating themselves. The company could not be said to want respect for parliament; they had showed this already by delaying the departure of the commission till the inquiry begun by the house was finished: nor could they be wanting in respect to their own interest, charter, and constitution; which they seemed to show by every possible mark of opposition to this bill.

Administration boasted of their intentions and their wishes to render this company great and glorious; but how could we expect greatness or glory to proceed from a quarter where it did not exist? The dignity of parliament was lessened, and its glory effaced, by the conduct of ministers, and the many wanton acts of authority lately committed. It was a curious method of rendering a company great and glorious to plunder the proprietors of immense sums of money by exorbitant grants, or by taking away their charters; for, after this act, it was plain that charters could no longer be depended upon. Two gentlemen belonging to the company, and then present in the house, offered to pledge themselves, that the commission of supervision should not be allowed to depart until, from further reports, a full knowledge of the company's affairs should be acquired. This, however, was instantly rejected, it being said to be defective in security; that the East India company would not scruple to make an agreement of this kind today, and break it tomorrow; which could only be prevented by an act of parliament, especially as the ministry had no motives for promoting this measure, but a regard for the welfare of the company, and a desire to restore its affairs to a better state.

Notwithstanding all the arguments used by administration in favour of this bill, however, the company were so far from thinking it to their advantage, that they used every endeavour to prevent its passing into a law. They petitioned; and some of their servants were examined in the house of commons in order to show the necessity of supervisors being sent out, who might be qualified to reduce their affairs to some order by being on the spot, and enabled to curb the excesses of which the company's servants had too frequently been guilty. During this examination it appeared, that from the year 1765 to 1773 the expenses of the company had increased from 700,000l. to 1,700,000l. annually, and that government had received near two millions from the company every year; that they had immense profits in extraordinary, while the proprietors lost considerably of the dividend which the profits of their trade alone would have produced.

In spite of all opposition, however, the bill for restraining the company from sending out any commission of supervision was carried by a majority of 153 to 28. In the house of lords it met with similar success, being carried by 26 to 6, though the minority thought proper to enter a protest. The reasons given against it in this protest were, that it took away from a great body gainst it incorporate, and from several free subjects of this realm, the house of lords, the exercise of a legal franchise, without any legal cause of forfeiture assigned. The persons appointing the commissioners had by law a right to elect, and the persons chosen had a legal capacity of being elected. The supervisors had a full right vested in them agreeable to the powers and conditions of their appointment; but though no abuse was suggested nor any delinquency charged upon them, these legal rights and capacities were taken away by a mere arbitrary act of power, the precedent for which leaves no sort of security to the subject for his liberties. The bill seemed likewise a manifest violation of the public faith. The charter of the East India company was granted by the crown, authorised by act of parliament, and purchased for valuable considerations of money lent and paid. By this the company were allowed to manage their own affairs as they thought proper, and by persons of their own appointment; but by this bill the exercise of the power just mentioned was suspended for a time, and by grounding the supervision upon the actual interference of parliament with the affairs of the company, established a principle which might be used for perpetuating the restraint to an indefinite length of time. It is indeed difficult to settle the legal boundary of legislative power, but it is evident, that parliament is as much bound as any individual to observe its own compacts; otherwise it is impossible to understand what is meant by public faith, or how public credit can subsist. It appeared by evidence upon oath at the bar of the house of lords, that the company had received assurances from their chairman and deputy chairman, that the appointment of a commission for superintending and regulating their affairs would be approved by administration; and it was extremely hard that they should be able to find no security for their charter privileges against those very ministers, under whose sanction they had reason to believe they were all along acting. It was also the more incumbent on the company at present to give the most strict attention to their affairs, to enable them to answer the exorbitant demands of government, as it appeared, from the witnesses at the bar, that its exactions amounted to more than the whole profits of the late acquisitions, and the trade ensuing from them; while the proprietors, who had spent so much, and so often risked their all for obtaining these acquisitions, had not been permitted even to divide so much as the profits of their former trade would have afforded.

The secret committee now gave in their second report, containing a statement of the debt, credit, and effects of the company in England; beginning with an account of the cash in the company's treasury on the 1st day of December 1772, and containing a statement of all their debts and claims against them in every part of the world. Thus it appeared that the cash, credit, credit, and effects of the company amounted to L. 6,397,299 : 10 : 6, and their debts to L. 2,032,306, which being deducted from the above account of their effects, left a balance in favour of the company of L. 4,364,993 : 10 : 6, without any violation of the fortifications and buildings of the company abroad. The statement, however, was complained of as unfair; and it was said, that impartiality was not to be expected from a set of men who had it in their power to make what report they pleased for the interest of government measures: but the members protested their innocence; and administration insisted, that, until proof could be brought that the statement was unfair, the house was bound to adhere to it as just.

The business was revived after the holidays by an application from the company to government for a loan of L. 1,500,000 for four years, at 4 per cent. interest, with liberty of repaying the same according to the abilities of the company, in payments of not less than L. 300,000; and that the company should not make a dividend of more than 6 per cent. until the loan should be reduced to L. 750,000; that then they might raise their dividend to 8 per cent. and after the whole loan was discharged, that the surplus of the net profits arising in England, above the said dividend, should be appropriated to the payment of the company's bond debt, until it was reduced to L. 1,500,000, when the surplus profits should be equally divided between the public and the company. It was also requested, that the company (should be released from the heavy penal interest incurred by the non-payment of money owing in consequence of the late act for the indemnity on teas; and that they should be discharged from the annual payment of the L. 400,000 to the public for the remainder of the five years specified in the agreement. They farther requested, that the accounts of the Du-annee revenues, of the charges of collection, expenses of Bengal, company's accounts of sales, &c. should be delivered annually to parliament, and that leave might be given to export teas free of all duty to America, and to foreign parts. This request was judged expedient to be granted, and the following resolutions were agreed to, "That the affairs of the East-India company are in such a state as to require the affluence of parliament; that a loan is necessary to reinitiate the company's affairs; that the supply be granted; and that care be taken that the company be prevented from experiencing the like exigencies for the future. The two following motions were also founded upon the report of the secret committee, viz. That, supposing the public should advance a loan to the East-India company, it was the opinion of the committee that the dividend should be restrained to 6 per cent. until the payment of the sum advanced; and that the company be allowed to divide no more than 7 per cent. until their bond-debt be reduced to L. 1,500,000.

These severe restrictions were judged proper by administration for the security of the public, and were such, they said, as every creditor has a right to make before hand with a person who wishes to borrow money from him. The company, however, replied, that these restrictions were contrary to the proposals they had made, and void of foundation, as being built on the erroneous reports of the secret committee. The chairman of the company declared at a general court that the government had agreed, or would agree, to the proposed increase of dividend, before the participation of profits took place betwixt the government and company; the first lord of the treasury had told him so, and now wished to deny what he had said by using these expressions in private conversation, and when he did not consider the chairman as acting officially. But if this was the case, to what purpose did public men hold conversations, since they were afterwards to deny or forget what passed? Some time was also demanded to consider of these motions; but that being denied, the question was put and carried as ministry wished.

The next step was to deprive the company of their territorial right to the countries they possessed in the right of the East Indies. This had been allowed them in the most explicit manner, as appears by some of the papers which fell during the negotiations for the treaty of Paris; from one of which papers the following is an extract: "Respecting those territorial acquisitions which the English East India company have made in Asia, every dispute relative thereto must be settled by that company itself, the crown of England having no right to interfere in what is allowed to be the legal and exclusive property of a body corporate belonging to the English nation." This territorial right, however, was now denied. After reading the company's petition, lord North told the house that it was the opinion of several great lawyers, that such territorial possessions as the subjects of any state shall acquire by conquest, are virtually the property of the state, and not of those individuals who acquire them. It was his opinion, however, that it would be more beneficial to the public and to the East India company, to let the territorial acquisitions remain in the possession of the company for a limited time not exceeding six years, to commence from the agreement betwixt the public and the company. At the same time it was moved, that no participation of profits should take place betwixt the public and the company until after the repayment of L. 1,400,000 advanced to the company; and the reduction of the company's bond debt to L. 1,500,000. That after the payment of the loan advanced to the company, and the reduction of their bond-debts to the sum specified, three fourths of the net surplus profits of the company at home, above the sum of 8 per cent. upon their capital stock, should be paid into the exchequer, for the use of the public, and the remaining fourth be set apart either for reducing the company's bond-debt, or for composing a fund for the discharging of any contingent exigencies the company might labour under.

These proceedings were exceedingly disagreeable to the company. They now presented a petition complaining of the injustice of demanding any further terms on account of a loan, after that loan was discharged; the limitations of the company's dividend to 7 per cent. after the discharge of the loan, until their bond-debt should be reduced to L. 1,500,000, seemed not to be founded upon any just calculation of their commercial profits; nor could it with reason be alleged that it was necessary either to their credit or that of the public to refrain them in such a manner. The additional dividend of 1 per cent. was an object of some consequence to the proprietors, but very little to the discharge of their debt to the public; and the hardships of being limited in this manner were exceedingly aggravated. aggravated by the losses sustained, and the expenses they had incurred in acquiring and securing the territorial revenues in India, at the risk of their whole capital, while the public reaped such great advantages. The limitation of the company to a term not exceeding six years for the possession of their Indian territories they looked upon to be entirely arbitrary, as it might be construed into a final decision against the company respecting those territories to which they inflicted that they had an undoubted right. Neither could they acquiesce in the resolutions by which three-fourths of the surplus net profits of the company at home, above the sum of 8 per cent. per annum upon their capital stock, should be paid into the exchequer for the use of the public, and the remainder be employed either in further reducing the company's bond debt, or for composing a fund to be set apart for the use of the company in case of extraordinary emergencies; such unheard-of disposal of their property without their consent not being warranted by the largest pretensions ever made against them. It was likewise subversive of all their rights and privileges, by denying them the disposal of their own property after their creditors were properly secured by law. Their petition concluded with afflicting ministers, that, rather than submit to these conditions, they declared that any claims against the possessions of the company might receive a legal decision; from which, whatever might be the event, they would at least have the satisfaction to know what they could call their own.

No regard being shown to this petition, the motions were carried in favour of administration. To make some kind of recompense, however, it was agreed on their part, that as the company had a stock of teas amounting to about 17 millions of pounds in their warehouses, they should be allowed to export as much of it as they thought proper free of duty, and employ the money thence arising for the behoof of their own affairs.

This concession in favour of the East India company proved in the event the loss of the American colonies; nor indeed could these arbitrary proceedings with such a considerable body tend to impress the minds of any part of the nation with ideas favourable to the views of administration. In other respects the minister abated nothing of the disposition he had from first to last shown with regard to the company. On the 3d of May 1773 the following resolutions were laid down by him as the foundation of a bill for the establishing certain regulations for the better management of the East India company, as well in India as in Europe. These were, 1. That the court of directors should in future be elected for four years; fix members annually, but not to hold their seats longer than four years. 2. That no person should vote at the election of the directors who had not possessed their stock twelve months. 3. That the stock of qualification should for the future be L.1000, instead of L.500. 4. The mayor's court of Calcutta should for the future be confined to small mercantile causes, to which its jurisdiction only extended before the territorial acquisitions. 5. That, instead of this court, thus taken away, a new one should be established, consisting of a chief justice and three puisne judges. 6. These judges to be appointed by the crown. 7. That a superiority be given to the presidency of Bengal over the other presidencies in India. Each of these resolutions was carried by a great majority. The salaries of the judges were fixed at L.600 each, and that of the chief justice at L.800. The governor of the council was to have L.25,000 annually, and the members of the council L.10,000 each. By the friends of the company, however, the bill was supposed to have a tendency to able to effect a total alteration in the company's constitution in England, as well as the administration of all its presidencies in Asia, in order to subject all their affairs, both at home and abroad, to the immediate power of the crown. No delinquency was charged, nor any specific ground of forfeiture assigned, yet by this bill more than 1500 freemen were to be disfranchised and deprived of any voice in the management of their property. By cutting off the L.500 stockholders, the proprietary would become more manageable by the crown; nor was there any security that the directors would be faithful to the interests of the company when they were no longer responsible to them for their actions. By the establishment of a general presidency over all the affairs of the company, and by the nomination of judges for India, government would in effect transfer the whole management of the affairs of the company to the crown, and the company would have no farther share in the benefits than to pay what salaries the crown thought fit to assign them. The proprietors of L.500 stock presented a petition, setting forth, that, by king William's charter granted to the sons of cool company, and repeatedly confirmed since that time, in consideration of many large sums repeatedly advanced by the company to the public, they were legally possessed of a right of voting at the election of directors, making of by-laws, or in any other matter relating to the affairs and government of the company; but by a clause in this regulating bill they were deprived of this right, and that under a pretence of preventing the pernicious practice of splitting stock by collusive transfers; but so far were the proprietors from giving way to such practices, that in the year 1767 they petitioned parliament for an act, by which the several proprietors entitled to vote should be obliged to hold this qualification six months at least before the exercise of their right, afterwards extending the time to twelve months, rather than the act should fail of its intended effect. This proposed increase of the qualification of the voters, however, could not in any degree answer the end desired; for the splitting of stock being confined to such proprietors as held large quantities, they would find it an easy matter to place their stocks in the hands of half the number of persons, and thus extend their influence in a great and undue proportion; but if ever government conceived designs against the company, they would find it much easier to execute them while the proprietors were few and opulent, than when they were numerous, and at the same time independent and possessed of moderate fortunes. This petition produced a motion in the house of commons, "That it does not appear that the proprietors of L.500 stock in the East India company their favour have been guilty of any delinquency in the exercise of rejected in their charter-rights according to the several acts of parliament made in their behalf." This, however, being rejected, the regulating bill passed in the house of commons. commons by a majority of more than six to one. In the house of lords it passed by 74 to 17. The duke of Richmond moved for a conference with the house of commons; but this was refused. He then moved that copies of all the papers which had been laid before the commons should be laid before the lords also; but this being likewise refused, he joined five other members in a protest, the substance of which was, that the whole was a scheme of government to get the power and wealth of the company into their hands; pointing out at the same time the many particular infringements on public and private rights by passing the bill.

All this time inquiries went on by the select and secret committees; the affairs of the company were investigated from the year 1756, and many witnesses examined concerning them. A report was presented by general Burgoyne, containing many charges of cruelty and rapacity in the conduct of several gentlemen concerned in the management of the affairs of the company; particularly with regard to the deposition of Surajah Dowlah in 1756. This was said to have been the origin of all the evils that had happened since that time. He insisted much on the treachery used in bringing about that revolution, and particularly the fictitious treaty with Omichund; exposing the conduct of lord Clive, who had caused admiral Watson's name to be affixed to that treaty, which the admiral had refused to sign in person*. He concluded with moving for the restitution of all the money received in presents or otherwise in India, while the receivers acted in a public capacity; and at last stated the following resolutions: "That all acquisitions made under the influence of a military force, or by treaty with foreign powers, do of right belong to the state; that to appropriate acquisitions obtained by such means is illegal; and that great sums of money had been obtained by such means from the sovereign princes in India." The general belief that many of the company's servants had acted in a most infamous manner, was at this time so strong, that the above resolutions were carried almost unanimously. Lord Clive defended himself by general protestations of innocence; which, however, gained but little credit, till he entered into a particular refutation of the charges against him. His friends were not of opinion that these were of an atrocious nature, and wished to excuse him by policy, necessity, &c., rather than load him with any great degree of guilt. The treaty with Omichund was justified by necessity. Some said, indeed, that as Omichund had the character of the most accomplished villain in Asia, an Englishman only wished to have a trial of skill with him. This severe farce, however, was a mere piece of wit, without any solid foundation; for the crime, if any there was in that transaction, undoubtedly lay in the dethroning of a sovereign prince by means of traitors, not the cheating of these traitors of their reward. Indeed, if once we admit treachery into our dealings at all, it is in vain to pretend any subjection to the rules of justice; for we are already beyond its jurisdiction.

General Burgoyne now moved, "That Lord Clive, in consequence of the powers vested in him in India, had received at various times presents to the amount of £234,000 Sterling, to the dishonour and detriment of the state;" but this being rejected after violent debates, the following was substituted: "That Lord Clive did, in so doing, abuse the power with which he was entrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the public." This also being rejected, another was added, "That lord Clive, when he received the sum above mentioned, did at the same time render quit rent great and meritorious services to his country." Thus the matter was concluded, and the affairs of the company delivered into the hands of administration, who declared that their regard for its welfare was the sole motive for bringing about this revolution.

The affairs of the East India company were succeeded by those of America. The ill humour occasioned by the taxes laid on that country has been already taken notice of. The flampact had excited among them a spirit of industry, economy, and a desire of serving themselves with their own manufactures, which had never been forgotten. This was at that time, as well as afterwards, imputed to wilfulness, or the discontent of a few, which would afterwards subside of itself, or be suppressed by the voice of the majority; when things would of course revert to their old channel. The trifling tax on tea, however, which had not been repealed, and the allowance given to the company to export what quantities they pleased, now threw matters into a ferment not to be quelled by any means whatever. The various proceedings in America, the tumults, and subsequent war, are fully taken notice of under the article United States of America. Here it only remains to give an account of the manner in which the legislature and people of Great Britain were affected by these events. It has already been remarked, that ever since the conclusion of the peace in 1763 the disposition shown by government to augment the revenue, for which indeed there was at that time an evident necessity, had produced in the popular party of Great Britain a spirit very similar to that manifested by the Americans, though in an inferior degree; so that the patriots of Britain affected to consider the Americans as oppressed by government, and suffering in the same cause with themselves. The destruction of the tea at Boston and other places in America, however, considerably diminished the number of their friends, and made many of those who still adhered much less sanguine in their cause. The matter was announced to parliament by a special message from the throne. Lord North and the other ministers set forth the conduct of the colonists, particularly of the town of Boston, in a most atrocious light, and concluded that now government was perfectly justifiable in any measures they might think proper to redress the wrong, and inflict such punishment on the town as the enormity of the crime seemed to deserve. Opposition did not pretend to exculpate, though it was still attempted to excuse them by deriving all the disturbances in that country from the arbitrary and absurd measures pursued and obstinately adhered to at home. This heavy charge the ministry evaded by drawing the attention of the house to the more important consideration, whether the Americans were now to be dependent, or independent, on Great Britain? The Boston port-bill being then brought in, was carried, but not without considerable opposition, both within and without doors. A petition was first presented by Mr Bollan, agent for the council of Massachusetts Bay, urging an act of queen Elizabeth for the security of the liberty of the colonies. This was presented before the bill had actually made its appearance; but so little regard was paid to it, that, during the very time it lay on the table, the bill was brought in by lord North. After it had passed two readings, that gentleman presented another, desiring to be heard in behalf of the town of Boston, for the council of Massachusetts Bay. This was absolutely refused; because, though Mr Bollan was agent for the colony, he was not for the corporation of the town of Boston. Neither could he be so for the council of Massachusetts Bay; for as that was necessarily fluctuating, the body which had appointed him was now no longer existing. This appeared very inconsistent to many of the members, and produced a greater opposition in the house than would otherwise in all probability have ensued. A new petition quickly followed from the lord mayor, in the name of the natives and inhabitants of North America residing at that time in London. This was written in a more spirited style, and boldly insisted that the bill was illegal, unprecedented, unjust; and that, under such a precedent, no man or body of men in America could have a moment's security; the charge being brought by the enemies of the town, and the punishment inflicted without hearing them in their own defence, or even making them acquainted with the charge; and they concluded with these remarkable words, that "the attachment of America would not survive the justice of Britain." As little regard being paid to this as to the former petitions, and all proposals for a delay rejected, the bill passed both houses without a division; the minority, notwithstanding their opposition, not choosing to dissent publicly from the first step taken by government to reduce the disobedient colonies. That this obnoxious bill might not be sent to America without some mitigation, however, they proposed the repeal of the duty on tea laid on in 1767; but this was also rejected, probably from a vain expectation that the opposition of the Americans was that of a mere tumultuous mob, and that by showing a proper spirit and perseverance the ministry could not fail to come off victorious at last.

The extreme obstinacy shown by ministers, in this first instance, undoubtedly proved very prejudicial to their cause, not only by exasperating the Americans, but by rousing the indignation of minority, and making their opposition so violent and determined, that the Americans could not but conclude that they had a very strong party in their favour on this side of the Atlantic. This appeared in every subsequent transaction relating to the colonies. The bill for regulating the government of Massachusetts Bay did not pass without a protest, from which we shall only extract the following sentence: "This act, unexampled in the records of parliament, has been entered on the journals of this house as voted nomine dissentente, and has been stated in the debate of this day to have been sent to the colonies as passed without a division in either house, and therefore as conveying the uncontroverted universal sense of the nation. The despair of making effectual opposition to an unjust measure has been construed into an approbation of it."

The like consequences ensued on passing the act for the impartial administration of justice. In the protest on this occasion the lords used the following expressions: "The bill amounts to a declaration, that the house knows no means of retaining the colonies in due obedience but by an army rendered independent of the ordinary course of law in the place where they are employed. A military force sufficient for governing up on this plan cannot be maintained without the inevitable ruin of the nation. This bill seems to be one of the many experiments towards the introduction of effeminate innovations into the government of this empire. The virtual indemnity provided by this bill for those who shall be indicted for murders committed under colour of office, can answer no other purpose. We consider that to be an indemnity which renders trial, and consequently punishment, impracticable. And trial is impracticable, when the very governor, under whose authority acts of violence may be committed, is empowered to send the instruments of that violence to 3000 miles distance from the scene of their offence, beyond the reach of their prosecutor, and the local evidence which may tend to their conviction. The authority given by this bill to compel the transportation from America to Great Britain of any number of witnesses at the pleasure of the parties prosecuting and prosecuted, without any regard to their age, sex, health, circumstances, business, or duties, seems to us so extravagant in its principles, and so impracticable in its execution, as to confirm us further in our opinion of the spirit which animates the whole system of the present American regulations."

A still greater opposition was made to the Quebec Act, inasmuch that, before it could be carried, the ministers were obliged to drop much of that high and aspiring tone to which they had accustomed themselves in talking of American affairs. The minority contended, that here, without any necessity pleaded, or even suggested, an arbitrary influence was extended by act of parliament to that province, furnishing a dangerous precedent, and an additional instance of the aversion which ministry bore to the rights of the people. They argued likewise in favour of the mode of trial by juries, and thought that the establishment of the Roman catholic religion there gave it a preference over the Protestant, which was now only to be exercised by toleration. The people at large also were alarmed at the religious part of the bill, and it is not impossible that the suspicions conceived at this time might contribute in some measure to the dangerous insurrections of 1779 and 1780.

At the conclusion of the session his majesty expressed the greatest satisfaction at what had been done, and hopes of the good effects that would attend the new regulations. The reception they met with in America is related in its proper place; in Britain the people seemed to wait the event with indifference, but their bad success with the colonists furnished the minority with new matter of reproach to cast on administration. The parliament in the mean time was dissolved by proclamation, and a very short time allowed for the election of new members; so that if opposition at that time had any strength, they had not now time to exert it. The new parliament met on the 30th of November 1774; when his majesty acquainted the houses that a tarrying spirit of resistance still prevailed in America. ca, notwithstanding the most proper means had been taken to prevent the mischiefs thence arising, and assured them that they might depend on a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this legislature over all the dominions of the crown. In answer to this speech the minority demanded a communication of all the letters, orders, and instructions relating to American affairs; but this being overruled, and the address carried as a matter of form, American affairs were delayed, in spite of all opposition, till after the holidays. In the question on the address, the strength of administration was to that of their adversaries as 264 to 73.

In the beginning of 1775 the minority received a considerable accession of strength by the return of lord Chatham, who, after long absence, again made his appearance in parliament. He now testified his disapprobation of the measures which had been pursued with regard to America in the warmest terms; moved for addressing the king to recall the troops from Boston; predicted, that if ministers went on in the way they had done for some time, they would make the crown not worth the king's wearing; that the kingdom was undone, &c. All his eloquence, however, proved at this time ineffectual; administration was determined upon forcing the Americans into submission, and his motion was rejected by 68 to 18.

Lord North now presented the papers which had been called for by the minority; but, lest the publication of particular names should prove detrimental to individuals, only such parts as administration thought proper for public inspection were laid before the house. This was complained of, but to no purpose; and the papers, in their mutilated state, were laid before a committee of the whole house. In the meantime petitions against coercive measures with America had been received from most of the trading companies of the kingdom; which, though highly displeasing to administration, could not be absolutely rejected, though it was fully determined not to yield to their requests in the smallest degree. A committee was therefore appointed to take them into consideration, which was not to take place until the American affairs were also considered. The reason given for this method of proceeding was, that the consideration of commercial matters ought not to interfere with those of the political kind; each of them being sufficiently embarrassing without any other. This delay of hearing these petitions was supposed to be an absolute rejection of them in effect; and so indeed it proved to be, the committee to which they were assigned being humorously called the committee of oblivion. The merchants of London, however, were determined not to give up the point until they had exerted themselves to the utmost. They drew up a paper in which they denied the distinction established by ministry. They affirmed that the connection between Great Britain and America was chiefly of a commercial nature, and that the manifold regulations adopted for the mutual prosperity of the colonies and of the mother-country formed the great political chain which united them to one another. Questions of commerce and policy, therefore, with regard to them, ought never to be divided, but examined jointly, and could never be thoroughly understood if considered in any other way.

This remonstrance was seconded by all the powers of opposition; but the truth was, that administration had already determined what line of conduct they were to follow, and therefore wished to hear as little as possible on the subject. "War (says Dr Andrews) was now the word; and notwithstanding no weightier reason could be given for not attending to what the merchants had to say, than this very determination, yet that was the very motive that impelled ministers to refuse them a hearing, lest they should make it appear how unwise it was to precipitate the nation into such a measure."

But though there is not the least reason to doubt that administration were now fully determined upon a war, and therefore wished to be troubled with as few objections as possible, they were by no means deficient in arguments for the defence of their own conduct. They alleged that the petitions so much recommended to the attention of the house were principally the work of a factious party. The advantages accruing from the diminution of American trade were owing to the dependent situation of the colonies, who now aimed at a superiority over Great Britain, or at least at shaking off entirely the superiority which the mother country had till now exercised over them without the smallest complaint. It was the advantage of the merchants themselves that was consulted by maintaining that superiority; and the merchants themselves would be the first to feel the bad consequences of its being lost. War and its consequences are no doubt very terrible, but sometimes are necessary, to prevent greater evils. The greatest evil that can befall a trading nation is the loss of its commerce; and were the Americans to persist in their course at that time for a few years longer, this consequence must inevitably ensue.

It was besides insisted, that though administration were to yield the present contest, the warmest advocates for America could not pretend to say what would be the last of its demands. The Americans aimed in reality at the repeal of whatever appeared obnoxious to their immediate interest; but that, and their real interest, differed very much. The greatest political evil that could befall them was to be deprived of the political and commercial support they received from Great Britain; and to this they must ultimately submit, if they should ever succeed in the pursuit of that delusive phantom of independence which they now accounted their happiest situation. In short, administration insisted, not without a great show of reason, that the Americans were not to be reclaimed by concessions. Mercantile people indeed might imagine so, from the facility with which concessions would be made, and the speed with which tranquillity would be restored. But tranquillity procured in this manner would last no longer than till the colonies, unfettered by any regulations, perceived, or imagined they perceived, the benefit of dealing with other countries, and carried their own commodities wherever they thought proper. This was the point at which they incontestably aimed, whatever they might pretend to the contrary; for notwithstanding the boasts they made of the vast business transacted with Britain, it was well known to arise from the immense credit they were indulged with there, and which they could not expect elsewhere.

The honour and character of the nation were now also also said to be at stake. The British had often taken up arms for matters of less consequence; why then should they now hesitate in a case like the present, where honour and interest both called upon them for the most vigorous and speedy exertions? Formerly it was the custom of the merchants to second the wishes of ministry in this respect, instead of opposing them. The inconvenience of suspending their profits for a time must be submitted to, and their enemies would experience as many if not more of the same kind; and it would be unworthy of the character they had so long sustained to yield to indignities for the sake of profit. The losses above mentioned, however, would be but trifling in comparison of those that would follow in time to come, should Britain from want of spirit give up the assertion of her just rights. This was a policy hitherto unknown in Britain, which had heretofore been noted for the ardour and celerity with which they were maintained.

The end of all this altercation was, that the motion in favour of the merchants' petitions was rejected by 250 to 89. This point, however, was no sooner discussed, than a violent debate arose about the petition of congress to the king, which had been delivered, and by him referred to parliament. It was argued by administration, that no petition could be received from the continental congress, which was no legal body, and it would be admitting their legality to receive a petition from them; the general assemblies and their agents were the only lawful representatives of the colonies, and none else would be admitted. Opposition replied and argued as much as possible, but to no purpose; and, after an ineffectual struggle, they had the mortification to find that the petition was finally rejected by 218 to 68.

In the mean time a conciliatory plan was prepared by the earl of Chatham, which was presented on the 1st of February 1775. The intent of his bill, he said, was to settle the troubles in America, and to assert at the same time the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over her colonies. This was to be done by their acknowledging on their part the supremacy of the British legislature and the superintending power of parliament. No taxes were to be levied in America, but with the free consent of their assemblies. It asserted a right in the crown to keep and station a military force established by law in any part of its dominions; but declared, that it could not be legally employed to enforce implicit and unlawful submission. A congress might also be held, in order to recognize the supreme sovereignty of Great Britain over the colonies, and to settle, at the same time, an annual revenue upon the crown, disposable by parliament, and applicable to the exigencies of the nation. On complying with these conditions, the acts complained of by congress were to be suspended, with every other measure pointed out as a grievance, and the constitution of their governments to remain as settled by their charters. This bill was, however, deemed at once totally inadmissible, on account of its alleged partiality to America, by the various concessions it enacted, and particularly by empowering the colonies to assemble in congress; a measure which, of all others, was at that time the most offensive, and supposed to be the most injurious to the British interests.

Lord Chatham was by no means deficient in arguments in support of his favourite plan; but these, though supported by all the powers of eloquence, proved unsuccessful; the proposal was ultimately rejected by 61 to 32. So determined were the majority in giving this an entire rejection, that it was not even permitted to lie upon the table; which, however, may be considered as a piece of indignity offered to that great man, proceeding rather from the indifference with which he had been received at court for some time, than from any real and thorough conviction of the inutility of the plan he proposed.

A new petition was next presented to the house of commons by the proprietors of estates in the West India islands; representing their alarm at the association of the Americans, and their intended stoppage of trade with the British islands; the situation of which, they said, would be very calamitous, if the acts in question were not immediately repealed. The trade of these islands was at that time of the most extensive nature. All quarters of the globe were concerned in it; the returns centered in Britain, and were an immense addition to its opulence, insomuch that the British property there amounted to no less than 30 millions sterling. But the West Indies, however wealthy, did not produce the necessaries of life in sufficient abundance for their inhabitants. Large importations were continually wanted, which could only be supplied from North America; and were they to be cut off from a communication with that continent, they would shortly be reduced to the utmost distress. Such was the substance of this petition; to which no more attention was paid than had been to the rest. To administration all petitions now appeared to be the contrivance of faction; and it was said, that however inconvenient the coercive measures might be, they ought not to be retarded by the consideration of any temporary losses. As it was necessary, however, to let the nation know the ultimate resolves of administration respecting America, it was at last done by lord North in a long speech, in which the most remarkable circumstances relating to the dispute were enumerated. It was asserted, that universal fermentation then prevailing in America, proceeded from the unwarrantable arts and practices used to disperse them against the ruling powers in Britain; and asserted, that notwithstanding all their complaints, the public charges borne by individuals in America were, on the strictest computation, not more than 1 to 50, when compared with what was paid by individuals in England. Nothing, therefore, but a settled determination to quarrel with the parent state could induce the Americans to persist in their disobedience to the lawful injunctions laid upon them, which were neither injudicious nor oppressive; but, on the contrary, framed with all possible lenity, and counterbalanced by advantages which were not possessed by Britain. It was therefore a spirit of resistance which animated America, and not a discontent at oppressions which plainly had no existence. For this reason it was proposed to the house to send a greater force to America; and to pass a temporary act, suspending all the foreign trade of the different colonies of New England, and particularly the Newfoundland fishery, until they consented to acknowledge the supreme authority of the British legislature, &c., upon which these restrictions should be taken off, and their real grievances, if any such there were, redressed upon making proper application. New England, they said, was justly singled out upon this occasion, as being the most guilty of the whole. The others, as less faulty, it was hoped, would yield with less compulsion; but the question now was simply, Whether we would at once abandon all claims on the colonies, and instantly give up the advantages arising from our sovereignty, and the commerce dependent on it? or, Whether we should resort to the measures indispensably necessary to ensure both?

An address was now carried, which, in the ideas of opposition, amounted to an absolute declaration of war. The consequences, therefore, were painted out with the utmost freedom, and some even denied the charge of rebellion fixed on the province of Massachusetts Bay. The people there, they said, had done nothing but what the constitution allowed; they had resisted arbitrary measures; and the examples so frequently set them at home were sufficient to justify their conduct. The appellation of rebels, they said, was dangerous, and might better be spared; it would only serve to render them desperate, and inspire them with a determination to resist to the last, from an apprehension that their lives and properties were forfeited. This last consideration, however, was made very light of by administration. Great fires, they said, was laid upon the union of the colonies, but a very little time would show with how much impropriety. The principles on which they were associated were too self-denying to be supported by human nature, and were too inimical to the interest and feelings of individuals to bind them long together. In other respects this union of the colonies might be viewed with indifference, and even contempt. The natives of America, it was said, were no soldiers; they were averse to military discipline, and incapable of subordination; they were of a slothful and spiritless disposition; uncleanly, liable to sickness, and easily overcome by fatigue. Such people as these would never face a British army; and a very small force would be necessary to put an end to all their projects of independence.

These were the principal arguments for and against this address, which was carried by 206 to 106; but so important was the subject of it deemed by the minority, that a motion was made for recommitting it on account of the consequences that would probably result from the prosecution of the measures recommended. A very long and violent debate ensued, the event of which was, that administration contended as usual for the necessity of enforcing obedience with fire and sword. The Americans, they said, were become incorrigible through forbearance; lenity was a subject of derision among them, and was imputed to imbecility and fear; they imagined themselves able to abolish the sovereignty of Britain in that country, and were now resolved to do it. It was therefore incumbent on every native of Britain, in such a case, to stand forth, and vindicate the interest and glory of his country; and it was the duty of parliament and ministry to call forth the whole spirit of the nation to a contest in which everything dear to them both in their public and private capacities was so deeply concerned.

In this, and some former debates, the danger of being involved in foreign wars on account of the colonies had been insisted on; but this was looked upon by administration to be improbable. It was hardly to be imagined, they said, that foreign powers would behave in a manner so very impolitic as to encourage rebellions in other colonies, which might, in a very short time, become precedents for imitation in their own. The number of friends to government in America was likewise very much relied upon. A proper reinforcement to the troops already there would encourage those to declare themselves who were at present too timid to avow their sentiments: These, if duly supported, would be found to be no inconsiderable number; and, when added to the forces stationed among them, would undoubtedly counterbalance the power of the malcontents. This project of arming the Americans against one another was reprobed by opposition more than all the rest. The address itself was a measure replete with barbarity as well as imprudence; tending to put arms in the hands of every man throughout the continent who suspected the designs of the British administration, and to expose to ill usage and ruin every person who was known, or imagined, to be a friend to Great Britain. The Americans were said to aspire at independence; but if anything could bring this about, it would be the conduct of ministry. The most obedient and loyal subjects cannot have patience for ever with a tyrannical government. They will undoubtedly rise at last, and assert their rights; and those who style them rebels on that account ought to remember, that oppression not only produces but justifies resistance. It had always been believed by the Americans, without any contradiction from Britain, that internal taxation in America belonged to the assemblies of the colonies, and to them only. There were opinions in all nations, which the legislature would respect, while they produced no bad consequences. This opinion ought not therefore to have been attacked at such an improper season, after having been virtually recognized by the repeal of several acts, and approved by some of the most learned and intelligent people in the kingdom. It was the greatest misfortune that could befall a state, when its rulers endeavoured, without any apparent necessity, to alter the system and maxims of governing long adopted, and the utility of which had been confirmed by experience. This was, however, the case with Britain. The mildness and benignity which was wont to direct the measures of former ministers was now laid aside for severity and imperiousness; while implicit obedience was imposed upon the colonists, as the only condition by which they could purchase peace.

The aspersions of cowardice, so largely thrown upon the Americans by the ministerial party, did not pass unnoticed. It was observed, however, that were these ever so just, the very nature of their country would fight for them. By this alone our military enterprises would be retarded and impeded in a considerable degree; while the finesse of war would undoubtedly be greatly relaxed, as the suspension of such a considerable commerce as that of our colonies could not fail to be severely felt.

Besides... Besides all this, the views and principles of ministers were attacked in the most violent manner. They were said to be reviving the old exploded doctrines of hereditary right and passive obedience.—They required the Americans to submit unconditionally to the will of Great Britain, for no other reason but because she was the parent state; but if no better reason could be produced, they could not be justly blamed for their disobedience. The ties between Great Britain and her colonies, however, were of a far more noble as well as more binding nature than even origin and consanguinity. These ties were the constitution transmitted from Britain, and the brotherly assistance hitherto afforded them by Englishmen; and which ought to render the name dear to them. While these ties remained unviolated, there was no room to complain of their behaviour; but they would never submit to despotic authority in Englishmen more than in any others. Such unwarrantable principles rendered it no longer a question, whether the measures of administration should be considered, but whether the ministers themselves ought not to be deprived of the power they exercised so unconstitutionally? And the question was not now between Great Britain and America, but, whether we should give up our colonies or our ministers?

Language of this kind excited the indignation of the ministerial party to a very high degree. They now charged ministry, in very plain terms, with the guilt of all that had happened. A factious republican spirit, they said, was gone forth; by which every person who wrote or spoke on the American cause was actuated; and which had not only induced the Americans to commence a rebellion against the parent state, but had filled the house with incendiaries. The final issue of the dispute was, that the recommitment of the address was lost by 288 to 109. The debates were the most violent that had ever been known in the British parliament; and so important was the subject reckoned, that not only the natives of Britain, but even the foreign ministers in London, watched the motions of administration with the utmost anxiety, as considering it a point which might probably give a new face to the affairs of all Europe.

All these victories of administration were not sufficient to prevent new enemies from starting up. Petitions had been preparing by the London merchants trading to America, and from those concerned in the West-India trade, to be presented to the house of lords. This task was undertaken by the marquis of Rockingham, but he was prevented by a previous motion in favour of the address. A long and violent debate, however, ensued concerning the necessity and propriety of receiving them. The papers on which the address had been founded were said to be partial and mutilated, for which reason the house ought to pay the greatest regard to the representation of the merchants; whose testimony, as persons deeply and essentially interested in bringing truth to light, might be depended on with much greater safety. It was urged, that they earnestly desired to be heard before the house took any final determination with regard to America; a refusal would amount to a public declaration, that parliament was resolved to oppose the sense of the petition, right or wrong; and such treatment was in every respect unwarrantable, and no less contrary to sound policy than to equity and good manners.

All these representations, however, had no weight with administration: they affected great sorrow at being obliged to declare that the petition could not be received consistently with the interest of the kingdom; they put the merchants in mind that the American proceedings threatened fatally to diminish the commercial greatness of this kingdom, in which case none would suffer so much as themselves; and they insisted that confidence ought to be put in the wisdom of parliament, as it was not doubted that by properly asserting the supremacy of the British legislature in the manner proposed, all those advantages about which they were so anxious would be secured. They were therefore exhorted to submit to temporary inconveniences, which could not be avoided in the present posture of affairs, though probably they would not be of long duration.

In the mean time matters went on from bad to worse in New England; so that it was soon perceived either that the friends of government in that colony did not exert themselves, or that they were far from being so numerous as had been imagined. In order to make their coercive plan the more effectual, therefore, it was now judged necessary to extend it so that every individual of the colony should become sensible of the punishment. This, it was supposed, would be done by a bill for restraining the four provinces of New England from commerce with Great Britain, Ireland, or the British West India Islands; and prohibiting them from carrying on the fishery at Newfoundland. The reasons given for this were in substance the same with those for the others; and indeed both parties had now so much exhausted their arguments, that very little new matter was left for either. Every step taken by ministry, and every proposal made by them, however, produced a violent debate; and though they constantly gained the victory, it was not without the mortification of hearing their principles and conduct reprobed in the most opprobrious manner. In the present instance the bill was carried by 261 against 85; but a petition against it was quickly offered by the London merchants concerned in the American trade, setting forth the danger that would accrue to the fisheries of Great Britain from such a prohibition.

From the evidence brought in support of this petition it appeared, that ten years before the American coast of the fisheries had been in such a flourishing state, that the four provinces of New England alone employed near 46,000 tons of shipping and 6000 seamen; and that the produce of their fisheries in the foreign markets amounted, in the year 1764, to upwards of £320,000. Since that time they had greatly increased; and what rendered the fisheries particularly valuable was, that all the materials used in them, excepting only the timber for building the vessels, and the salt for curing the fish, were purchased in Britain, and the net proceeds of the trade were also remitted thither. It appeared also, that it would not be practicable to transfer these fisheries to Halifax or Quebec, though ever so much encouragement were given to either of these places, as they had neither vessels nor people to man them, and would never be able to procure supplies of seamen. seamen from New England on account of the aversion of the inhabitants to the government of these two provinces.

Some other circumstances were likewise urged as strong reasons against this bill; particularly the commercial concerns of the city of London with New England (to which alone the colony stood indebted for near a million), and the bad consequences of it to the people of Nantucket. This is a barren island, lying off the coast of New England, about 15 miles long, and three broad, containing about 6000 inhabitants, almost all Quakers. The natural produce of this island, it was alleged, could not maintain 20 families; but the industry of the inhabitants was such, that they kept 130 vessels constantly employed in the whale-fishery, which they carried on in the north seas, to the coasts of Africa and Brazil, and even as far as the Falkland islands and the shores of Terra Magellanica. These people, it was said, ought undoubtedly to have been exempted from the common calamity, were it only from the applause due to so much industry and resolution.

The instance of Nantucket was so strong, that administration, with all their obstinacy, were obliged to relax a little; and, of their own accord, afforded them the relief they had such just reason to expect. That the petition in the main might prove unsuccessful, however, another was presented by the inhabitants of Poole, the tenor of which was directly opposite to that of the city of London. In this it was set forth, that the restrictions proposed by the bill would not prove detrimental to the trade of England, which was fully able, with proper exertions, to supply the demands of foreign markets. The advantage of the Newfoundland fishery more than that of New England to this country was, that it bred a great number of hardy seamen peculiarly fit for the service of the navy, while the New England seamen were, by act of parliament, exempt from being pressed. It appeared also from the examination of witnesses taken in support of this petition, that the fishery from Britain to Newfoundland employed about 400 ships, amounting to 360,000 tons, and 2000 shallops carrying 20,000 tons and navigated by as many seamen. Each season produced 600,000 quintals of fish, and the returns at a moderate rate were valued at L500,000.

This bill was debated with great animosity in the house of peers, and produced a remarkable protest, in which the measures of government were spoken of with great severity. "That government (said they) which attempts to preserve its authority by destroying the trade of its subjects, and by involving the innocent and guilty in a common ruin, if it acts from a choice of such means, confesses itself unworthy; if from inability to find any other, admits itself wholly incompetent to the end of its institution." They also reproached in fervent terms the assertion already mentioned, that the Americans wanted spirit to resist, and that Britain would find them an easy conquest. Such language was represented as altogether void of foundation, and the mere effect of party spirit and resentment. It was also the more imprudent and unadvised, as tending, in case of coercive measures, to slacken the care and solicitude with which they ought to be pursued, and to occasion remissness in those to whom they might be entrusted, from a persuasion that the enemy to be encountered was not to be feared, and could easily be overcome.

The final resolution of reducing the colonies by force being now taken, it became necessary to make proper preparations for the purpose; and in this the conduct of administration was little less censured than in other respects. As the abovementioned opinion, that the Americans were timid and incapable of becoming soldiers, prevailed greatly at that time, a force of 10,000 men was judged sufficient to reduce the province of New England to obedience. This was vehemently opposed by the minority. They insisted that the force was totally inadequate, and only calculated to produce expense to no purpose. The first impression, they very justly observed, ought to be decisive, if possible; and in order to render it so, it was necessary to send such a fleet and army as might ensure the confidence of the public, and be certainly capable of surmounting all obstacles. Many of the friends of administration were of the same sentiments in this respect; and the only reason assigned for acting otherwise was an hope that the Americans would, upon more mature consideration, desist from their opposition. That they might the more readily be induced to this submission, lord North's conciliatory proposition was formed. By Lord this it was enacted, that when the governor, council, and North's assembly of any of the colonies should propose to make conciliatory a provision for the common defence, &c. and if such provision should be approved of by the king in parliament, the levying or imposing of taxes on that colony should then be forbidden, those duties excepted which it might be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of which should be carried to the account of the colony where it was raised. But this proposal, though highly extolled by the friends of administration, was no less reprobated by minority than the others had been. It was said to be infidious, and calculated for the purpose of raising a revenue, which was now said to be the object of ministers. There was no essential difference between the present and former modes of taxation. The colonies were as effectually taxed without their consent by requiring them to pay a fixed sum, as by laying a number of duties upon them to the same amount. There was besides a capital deficiency in the proposal, viz. that no sum was specified; so that the Americans were left totally ignorant of what the demands of Britain might be. After a long debate, however, the question was carried in favour of administration by 274 to 88.

The like fate attended a petition to the throne from the island of Jamaica. Instead of relaxing anything of their severity, the ministry now included the southern colonies in the restrictions laid on New England. Still, however, the petitioners were indefatigable in their endeavours to be heard. The West India merchants and planters seconded their last petition by a large detail of circumstances relating to the British islands in that part of the world. This affair was conducted by Mr Glover, a gentleman equally celebrated for his literary talents and commercial knowledge. From his investigations it appeared, that, exclusive of the intrinsic worth of the islands themselves, their stock in trade and other property amounted to no less than 60 millions; the exportation to Britain had of late been near 200,000 hogsheads and puncheons of sugar and rum, amounting to no less than four millions in value; the direct revenue arising from which was 700,000 pounds, besides that which accrued from the collateral branches depending upon it. All this, however, was urged in vain. Conciliatory proposals were made by Mr Burke and Mr Hartly, but they were rejected by great majorities. These proposals, indeed, instead of serving the cause they were meant to promote, did the very reverse. A dread was entertained of the consequences which might ensue from the republican opinions now so prevalent in the colonies, and all partiality towards them was looked upon in such a criminal light, that their opponents became deaf, on many occasions, to the voice of reason and humanity when urged in their behalf. On the other hand, the favourers of America, urged on by a furious zeal, and even resentment against those whom they looked upon to be promoters of arbitrary measures, erred equally in their opposition to ministry. This violent party spirit appeared not only among the people at large, but broke forth with the utmost fury in parliament, where the debates often resembled the railings of Billingsgate rather than the deliberations of the first assembly in a great and powerful nation.

In this temper of mind it is no wonder that the state of affairs was scarce ever truly represented by either party. Government continued to enact new laws, now in vain, against the Americans; their antagonists opposed these in a manner so little different from what has been already related, that any farther account of the debates would be as unentertaining as tedious. Other petitions were presented and treated with neglect. The increase of union and preparations for war among the colonists were by the ministerial party treated as the mere commotions of an headstrong mob; and by the other as an association of an injured and virtuous people, who were about to found a mighty empire in the west, while Britain was to sink in utter disgrace and contempt by their mere secession, without making any account of their exploits in the field, which could not fail to equal those of the heroes of antiquity. On the same principles the event of the skirmish at Lexington was magnified by the one into a "disgraceful defeat" on the part of the British; and by the other treated with absolute unconcern, as if no regard whatever was to be paid to it, nor any inference drawn from thence concerning the fate of the war in general. Thus also the battle at Bunkers Hill, and all the transactions of the year 1775, were unfairly stated by both parties; and the only consequence ensuing from these misrepresentations was the inflaming to a violent degree the resentment betwixt the two parties; one of which depressed the Americans to the rank of consummate poltroons, while the other exalted them almost to that of demi-gods.

While these altercations continued to agitate the minds of the superior classes of people in Britain, the middle and lower ranks remained in a kind of indifference, or rather were against the proceedings of ministry. This opposition could not indeed influence the councils of the nation, but in other respects it proved very troublesome. The levies were obstructed, and the recruiting service was never known to go on so heavily; numbers of people of that description not only refusing the usual profiter, but even reproving the cause in which they were solicited to engage. Besides this, several officers of high rank showed a great aversion of lord Effingham, who had distinguished himself by his opposition to ministerial measures, and other officers resigned the command of his regiment rather than fight against the cause he had espoused so warmly. His example was followed by that of several other officers; and it is not to be doubted that, while this step conferred upon them a very considerable share of popularity, it excited in the minds of ministry an equal degree of resentment. Lord Effingham, in particular, received the public thanks of the city of London and Dublin; both of which showed an extreme aversion to the commencement of hostilities with America. The former, indeed, could scarce refrain themselves within any bounds of moderation. After the affair at Lexington they framed a remonstrance and petition, animadverting in the most severe manner on the ministry and parliament; and it was not without the greatest difficulty that the more moderate party procured one to be drawn up, under the name of an "humble petition," couched in less reprehensible terms.

In the mean time several inconveniences began to be felt in different parts of the nation. The suspension of the sale and purchase of negro slaves in the West Indies and in North America, and the prohibition to export arms and gunpowder, had greatly impeded the African trade from Bristol and Liverpool. In consequence of this, a great number of ships which formerly sailed from these ports had been laid up, and near 3000 sailors belonging to Liverpool dismissed from service. Their situation soon rendered them riotous; and it was not without the affluence of the military that they were quelled. These distresses, however, made no impression on administration; who having once laid it down as a maxim, that the subjection of America was the greatest political good that could happen to Britain, were, in a confidence with their own principles, obliged to overlook every disaster that might happen in the mean time as a temporal inconvenience, which ought not to be regarded in the prosecution of a great and magnificent plan.

But whatever might be the views of administration in this respect, it was far otherwise with the generality of the nation. They felt the present inconveniences feverishly, while the subjugation of America presented them with no solid foundation to hope for an equivalent. It was with the utmost satisfaction, therefore, that they received the news of Mr Penn's arrival in on of con-1775, with a new petition from the congress to be presented to the king; after which he was to give it to the public. Their expectation, however, was soon disappointed. The petition was delivered to lord Dartmouth on the first of September; and in three days it was replied, that no answer would be given to it. This laconic procedure excited no small surprise, as it was universally allowed that the language of the petition was respectful, and that it expressed the highest desire of peace and reconciliation. Lord Dartmouth's answer, therefore, could not but be considered as a final renunciation. renunciation of all friendly intercourse with the colonies, and which would drive them into a connection with foreign powers; a resource at which they themselves had hinted when they first took up arms. It was also thought not only to be injudicious in itself, but very ill-timed, and not at all consistent with the situation of the affairs of Britain at that time. On the other hand, the friends of administration insisted, that the petition offered nothing that could in a constituency with the dignity of the British empire be taken any notice of. Instead of professing any repentance for their own conduct, they had offered stipulations, and even required concessions on the part of Britain. It was likewise said on the part of administration, that fear had a share in framing the proposals now held out. The Americans were very sensible, that though the first steps taken by Britain had not answered the purpose, much greater efforts would quickly follow; and that, without being allowed some time, it was impossible they could bring their matters to bear. The petition, therefore, might be considered as written with a view to procrastinate matters, which was by no means admissible on the part of Britain. The colonies were already well apprized of the conditions on which they would be restored to favour; and had it at any time in their power to put a stop to the operations of war by accepting these conditions: but it would be imprudent to stop the military preparations upon such an uncertain expectation as the petition from congress held out. It was also plain, that a great majority of the nation approved of the measures of government; for addresses were received from all quarters, recommending, in the most explicit manner, a vigorous exertion against America.

The rejection of this petition inflamed the minds of both parties more than ever against each other. The obsolete distinction of Whig and Tory was now revived, and that with such animosity, that Britain itself, as well as America, now seemed in danger of becoming a seat of war and bloodshed. The tories were accused as the promoters of those sanguinary addresses already mentioned. They were said to be the great misinformers of government; and the false representations they industriously procured from all quarters had contributed more than any thing else to inflame the animosity and produce the civil war. They were upbraided with their attachment to the Stuart family. England, it was said, had, through their machinations, been made a scene of blood in the last century; and had been perpetually tottering on the brink of ruin from the restoration to the revolution. At that time indeed the more sensible part of the nation, wearied out with perpetual attempts to enslave them, took the resolution of expelling an ill advised monarch, whom nothing could prevent from pursuing their pernicious plans to his own ruin. But the tories were an incorrigible race, who could not be cured even by experience; for though they had seen repeated instances of the mischief attending their plans, they adhered to them with as great obstinacy as if the greatest benefits had on all occasions accrued from them. Difficulties at home and disgrace abroad had been the constant attendants of their councils; while the only objects they ever had in view were the establishment and propagation of their own tenets; for these alone they laboured, the honour and interest of the nation being entirely out of the question. These they would willingly sacrifice to the points above mentioned; and as an instance of the effects of their councils, the treaty of Utrecht was mentioned. Here, said their antagonists, the fruits of a triumphant war, carried on for twelve years, were lost at once by those feuds which the tories occasioned through their restless endeavours to compass their iniquitous projects.

On the other hand, the tories said that the whigs were the genuine descendants and representatives of those republican incendiaries who had in the last century overthrown the constitution and desolated the kingdom. They pretended indeed to assert the liberty of Britain; but under this pretence they wished to engross all the authority to themselves, as might easily be proved by an impartial examination of their conduct in the unhappy times alluded to. In the present dispute the principal question was, Whether the king and parliament, when united, were to be obeyed or refused? The tories insisted, that they were to be obeyed; the whigs, that they were to be refused. The truth was, therefore, that there were two parties in Britain; the one of which was of opinion that the colonies owed obedience to Great Britain in all cases whatever, and that in case of refusal they ought to be compelled to obey; but the other, though it acknowledged the same obligation on the colonies, thought it was undesirable to force it. The only constitutional method of deciding this question was by an appeal to parliament. That appeal had already been made, and parliament had determined on compulsion. The decision ought therefore to be considered as that of the voice of the nation; and were a parliamentary majority to be viewed in any other light, all things would fall into confusion, and no rule of government remain. The doctrines of the whigs were also said to be inadmissible in sound policy. Authority, sovereign and uncontrollable, must reside somewhere; and allowing every charge of bribery and corruption (which were brought by the other party most liberally) to be true, it were still better to be governed in some instances by such means, than to have no government at all. This must at least be the case were continual appeals to be made to the people; as they would undoubtedly be followed by perpetual broils at home as well as disasters abroad.

To these violent bickerings at home, some very serious commercial misfortunes were now added. It had been represented as very probable, during the last session of parliament, that the bill for depriving the people of New England of the benefits of the Newfoundland fishery, would redound greatly to the interest of Great Britain, by throwing into her hands alone the profits which were formerly divided with the colonies. This expectation, however, proved totally void of foundation. The number of ships fitted out that year was scarcely greater than usual. The congress had also prohibited them from being supplied with provisions; so that not only those on board the ships, but even the inhabitants on the island of Newfoundland itself, were in danger of perishing. Many of the ships were therefore obliged to go in quest of provisions, instead of prosecuting the business on which they came. On the whole, therefore, instead of any increase, the profits of the fishery suffered this year a diminution of near 500,000l. Along with this, some natural causes co-operated, which, by the more superstitious, were considered as the effects of divine wrath. A most violent and uncommon storm took place in these latitudes during the fishing season. The sea rose full 30 feet above its ordinary level; and that with such rapidity, that no time was allowed for avoiding its fury. Upwards of 700 fishing boats perished, with all the people in them; and some ships foundered, with their whole crews. Nor was the devastation much less on shore, as the waters broke in upon the land, occasioning vast loss and destruction.

By these misfortunes, the general stagnation of commerce, and the little success that had hitherto attended the British arms, the mercantile part of the nation were thrown into despair. Petitions were poured in from all quarters, the contents of which were similar to those already mentioned, and their reception exactly the same. Ministers had determined on their plan; and the only difficulty was, how to put it in execution as quickly as they desired. For this purpose, application was made to the petty states of Germany, who were wont to hire out their forces, and who had frequently sent auxiliaries to Britain in former cases of exigency. At present, however, the scheme met with considerable difficulties, occasioned by the distance, as well as the danger, of the defection of the mercenaries. The princes were likewise alarmed at the appearance of losing so many subjects for ever; while the latter were no less startled at the proposal of being transported across the ocean into a new world, there to be exposed to all the miseries of war, with very little hope of ever seeing their native country again. Other resources, however, were devised, by calling in the affluence of the Hessians, and obtaining from Holland that body of Scots troops which had been so long in their service. But in both these views administration were disappointed. All the states of Europe looked upon Britain with an invidious eye, and though none so much as Holland and France; these being the two powers who had most reason to hope for advantage from the quarrel. A very strong party in Holland contended for the American interest. Pamphlets were daily published at Amsterdam in justification of the colonies; their case was compared with that of the Netherlands in former times; and they were exhorted to persevere in their claims against the pretensions of Britain. Her they represented as infatuated, covetous of wealth and power, and delirious of seizing every thing she could. She was also taxed with being of a domineering disposition; and that, since her successes in the war of 1755, she had become intolerable, not only to her neighbours, but to the whole world; nay, that even during the war she had exercised an absolute sovereignty at sea, and did not scruple to avow a right and title to rule over that element.

But though these powers thus early expressed their hostile disposition towards Britain, it was otherwise with the princes of Hesse and Brunswick; by whom, and some other German princes of inferior note, a considerable number of troops were supplied. At the same time, that as many British forces as possible might be employed, large draughts were made from the garrisons of Gibraltar and Minorca, who were supplied in return with an equal number of men from the electorate of Hanover. In justice to the ministers, indeed, it must be owned, that they prosecuted the scheme they had undertaken with all possible vigour; inasmuch that the expenses already began to occasion considerable alarm. This was owing, in the first instance, to the bad success of the British arms, which occasioned a demand on this country altogether unlooked for. It had always been supposed, that the British army would be completely victorious; or at least would remain so far masters of the field, that they could easily command what supplies of fresh provisions were necessary. Instead of this, they were now cooped up in such a manner as to be actually in danger of perishing for want. The supplies, therefore, of necessity, were sent from Britain; and indeed the exertions for their relief were such as must give high ideas of the opulence and spirit of the British nation. For these troops there were shipped no fewer than 5000 live oxen, 14,000 sheep, with a proportionable number of hogs, immense quantities of vegetables, prepared with all possible care; 10,000 butts of small beer, and 5000 butts of strong beer. Some idea of the expenses of these articles may be obtained from an account of what was paid for articles trifling in comparison of the above. For a regiment of light horse in Boston, L. 20,000 were paid for oats, hay, and beans. The articles of vinegar, vegetables, and calks, at no less; and every thing else in proportion. The contingencies occasioned by military operations amounted to near L. 500,000. The prodigious expenses, therefore, of maintaining an inconsiderable armament at such a distance, could not fail to give a very unfavourable opinion of the war at large, and justly raise suspicions, that even the treasures of Britain would not be able to defray the expense. One advantage, however, was derived from such immense profusion; the price of every thing was augmented; that of shipping particularly rose one fourth in the ton; and though the profits made by contractors and their numerous friends were complained of, the benefits which accrued to multitudes employed in the various branches of public business seemed in some measure to make amends for every thing.

Misfortune, however, seemed now to attend every scheme in which Britain engaged herself. Some part the Boston of it, indeed, in the present case, might be derived stores from mismanagement. The failing of the transports taken, was delayed so long that their voyages were lost. They remained for a long time wind-bound; and, after leaving port, met with such stormy weather, that they were tossed to and fro in the channel till most of the live stock they had on board perished. After clearing the coast of England, their progress was retarded by a continuance of bad weather. They were forced by the periodical winds from the coast of America into the ocean. Some were driven to the West Indies, others were captured by American privateers, and only a very few reached the harbour of Boston, with their cargoes quite damaged, so that they could be of little or no use. Notwithstanding the immense supplies above mentioned, therefore, a subscription was set on foot for the relief of the soldiers, as well as of the families of those who died in the service. This was liberal on the whole, though many refused to contribute, bute, from their disapprobation of the cause; and bitter complaints were made of want of economy throughout the whole American department.

All this time the violent animosities between the parties continued; the desire of peace was gradually extinguished on both sides; and the foundation laid of an enemy scarce ever to be extinguished. Each seemed to be seriously of opinion that the other would willingly ruin the nation if possible; a remarkable instance of which was the commitment of Mr Sayre, an ensign in London, to the tower for high treason. The accusation laid against him was no less than that of having formed a design to seize his majesty as he went to the house of lords; but the scheme itself, and the method in which it was to be executed, appeared both so ridiculous, that the prisoner was very soon discharged; after which he commenced a process against lord Rochfort for false imprisonment.

With respect to the parliamentary proceedings during this period, very little can be said, further than that every measure of administration, whether right or wrong, was violently opposed. The employment of foreign troops, and admitting them into the fortresses of Gibraltar and Minorca, were most fervently censured, as being contrary to the bill of rights. Administration contended that this bill only forbade the introduction of a foreign military power into the kingdom during peace; but the times were not peaceable, and the introduction of the troops was evidently with a view to quell a rebellion. The force designed for the conquest of America was then declared to be inadequate to the purpose; but it was replied on the part of ministry, that the design was to conciliate, not to conquer. The force (25,000 men) was sufficient to strike terror; and though this should not instantly be produced, conciliatory offers would still be held out after every blow that was struck.

In the mean time the Americans, sensible of the dangers of the situation in which they stood, exerted themselves to the utmost to dislodge the British troops from Boston. This being at length accomplished in March 1776, they proceeded to put their towns in the most formidable state of defence; in such a manner that they seem, if properly defended, to have been almost impregnable. This was evident from the repulse of Sir Peter Parker at Charlestown: But they did not exert equal spirit in the defence of New York; where, besides losing the town, they received such a defeat as seemed to threaten their affairs with total ruin. See AMERICA.

In this view it appeared to the generality of the people in Britain. The successful campaign of 1776 was looked upon as so decisive, that little room was left to suppose the Americans capable of ever retrieving their affairs. Opposition were much embarrassed, and now almost reduced to the single argument of the interference of foreign powers, which they had often unsuccessfully used before. Besides this, indeed, the obstinacy of the Americans in refusing the offers of lord Howe, even at the moment of their greatest depression, seemed to be a very bad omen. The strength of ministry, however, now became so decisive, that whatever they proposed was immediately carried. The number of seamen for 1777 was augmented to 45,000, and upwards of five millions voted for the expense of the navy, and to discharge its debt. The expenses of the land-service amounted to near three millions, besides the extraordinary of the former year, which amounted to more than L.1,200,000; and though this vast profusion became the subject of much complaint and animadversion, the power of ministry silenced every thing the war-opposer.

But however administration might now triumph, perplexity their exultation was but of short continuance. The misfortune of general Burgoyne at Saratoga threw the whole nation into a kind of despair, and reduced the administration to the greatest perplexity. The great difficulty now was to contrive means for raising a sufficient number of forces to carry on the war; but from this they extricated themselves by what must be allowed a masterly contrivance. This was the encouraging levieselves with government service by cities and private persons; and as the design was kept a profound secret before the city Christmas recess, they were not disturbed by the dangerous clamours of opposition. The recess was purposely extended in order to give time for the scheme to take effect; and before parliament met again it was actually accomplished, so that ministers could once more face their opponents without any fear.

Another and more weighty consideration, however, now occurred. The European states in general had long beheld the grandeur of Britain with an envious eye. The news of the disaster at Saratoga was therefore received among them as that of the defeat of Charles XII. at Pultowa was among the powers whom he had so long commanded. Of all these the French, for obvious reasons, were the most active in supporting the Americans. Numbers of the young nobility were eager to signalize themselves in the American cause; and among the rest the marquis de la Fayette, a young nobleman of the first rank and fortune. Impelled by an enthusiastic ardour in favour of the American cause, he purchased a vessel, loaded her with military stores, and sailed in her with several of his friends to America, where he presented his services to congress. From them he met with a most gracious reception, and was invested with a command, in which he lost no opportunity of distinguishing himself. Besides this nobleman, several other officers from France and Germany actually entered the American service, and by their military talents greatly contributed to the exertions which the colonies were afterwards enabled to make.

This assistance, however, would have been but trifling, had not the French court also interested itself in their behalf; for by the time, or very soon after, the news of general Burgoyne's disaster arrived in Britain, a treaty was on foot between the French court and the United States of America.

Even before this time France had showed such an extreme partiality towards the Americans, as might have plainly indicated their design of ultimately afflicting them in their national capacity. The encouragement given to the American privateers in all the ports of France had produced strong remonstrances on the part of Britain; and an order was at last demanded, that all these privateers with their prizes should depart the kingdom. With this they found it necessary to comply at that time, lest reprisals should be made by capturing their whole Newfoundland fleet then out on the fishery. So many delays, however, were made on various occasions, that the privateers continued to operate with impunity. various pretences, that not a single vessel was dismissed from any of their ports. So far indeed were the French court from any design of this kind, that in the month of July 1777 the whole body of merchants throughout the kingdom were assured from government that they might depend on protection in their trade with America.

All this time the greatest preparations were made throughout the whole kingdom of France for war; so that the most judicious politicians were of opinion that a rupture with that power should have immediately followed the commencement of hostilities with America, and for which the behaviour of the former furnished abundant reasons of justification. Whatever might have been the motives of the British ministry, however, it is certain, that in defiance of probability, even when joined by the most acrimonious censures of opposition, they continued to pretend ignorance of any hostile intentions in the court of France, until that court of its own accord thought proper to announce them. This was done by a formal notification to the court of Britain in the month of March 1778, and that in the most mortifying terms. In this declaration it was announced, not only that a treaty of friendship and commerce was concluded betwixt France and America, but Britain was insulted with being told that America was actually in possession of independency, as if the former had already exerted her utmost efforts without being able to reduce them. A merit was also made of having entered into no commercial stipulations in favour of France exclusive of Britain. Nothing, therefore, could be more offensive; and though it could not decently be said on the part of the French monarch that he wished for war, yet his pacific intentions were conveyed in such haughty terms, that the whole could only be considered as a declaration of those hostilities which he pretended to avoid.

Both parties now united in their opinion that a war with France was unavoidable; but they were not for that reason any farther advanced towards a reconciliation. It must be owned, indeed, that the minority had now, according to their own account, received very great provocation. They had from the beginning reprobated the American war, and prognosticated its bad success. In this they had been overruled, and the character of the Americans represented in such a manner as almost to preclude the idea of their being able to resist. They had resisted, however; and by destroying or taking prisoners a whole army, verified those predictions which had been so often treated with ridicule. The popular party had, times without number, insisted in the most earnest manner for some kind of concession towards America; but this had constantly been refused with an unparalleled and inveterate obstinacy. They now saw these very concessions offered to America after the defeat of Burgoyne, which, had they been granted in time, would have prevented all the mischief. Added to all this, the expenses for the ensuing year had been hurried through the house before the Christmas vacation; the levies had been raised by subscription without consent of parliament at all; yet both these proceedings had been determined to be strictly legal and constitutional. Every inquiry into the measures of government had been frustrated; and one into the state of the nation in general, which could not be absolutely rejected, was rendered ineffectual by delays and evasion. Lastly, they now saw their country involved in a foreign war with a nation well provided for all emergencies, while we had hitherto suffered them to go on, without making the least effort to put ourselves in a proper state of defence.

For these reasons opposition insisted that the present Remove ministry ought no longer to be trusted with the management of public affairs. An acknowledgment of the independence of America was now by many supposed to be the only rational step that could be taken, which might now be done with a good grace, and which we would unavoidably be obliged to take at last whether we would or not. By acknowledging this independence before they had time to enter into exclusive engagements with France, their trade would be open to all the world. This of course would lessen their correspondence with France, and leave them at liberty to form such connections as they thought most proper. The ministerial party, however, still insisted on vigorous measures, representing it as a spiritless and disgraceful measure to bend beneath the power of France, and setting forth the resources of Great Britain as sufficient to resist the efforts of all her enemies. The dishonour of leaving the American loyalists exposed to the resentment of their countrymen was also set forth in the strongest manner. These, by very intelligent people, were said to be by far the greater number. Were it not more eligible, on the very strength of such an affirmation, to make trial of its veracity, and to put arms into their hands? Whatever the danger of the experiment might be, we could not abandon them without exposing our reputation, and losing that character of fidelity to our engagements for which we had hitherto been so justly respected. Unanimity in the present case was strongly, and indeed very justly, insisted upon; but when opposition complained of some occult irresistible influence by which the councils of the nation were directed, in despite of every suggestion of reason and argument, the charge was denied in the strongest manner, and ministers disclaimed every motive of their conduct, excepting that of an internal conviction of its own rectitude.

Notwithstanding the violence of these altercations, however, the greatest courage and steadiness was manifested by the cool and deliberate part of the nation. The French resolved in the first place to excite a general terror by threatening an invasion. This was threatened evidently impracticable, without their procuring first by the superiority at sea; yet as multitudes in the country were apt to be terrified by the very mention of a French invasion, orders were issued to draw out and embody the militia, which was then composed of men in every respect as well exercised and disciplined as any regular troops. It was complained, however, that a French squadron of 12 ships of the line had D'Estaing failed from Toulon, without any obstruction, under full command of the count d'Estaing. The most grievous apprehensions were entertained from the great inferiority of lord Howe's naval force, which might expose him to a total defeat, and the whole fleet of transports to be taken or destroyed by the enemy. But whatever might have been the probabilities in this case, it is certain that either the fortune or conduct of of this commander were such, that no exploit of any great consequence was ever performed by him. That matters, however, might be put in the best situation possible, addresses were moved for the recalling of the fleets and armies from America, in order to station them in places where they might contribute more effectually to the defence of the kingdom. This was opposed not only by administration, but even by some of the most popular members of opposition themselves. Of this opinion were lord Chatham and the earl of Shelburne; the former of whom resented it with a vehemence of speech peculiar on this occasion.

The operations of the French in America, with the various successes of the war, are related under the article United States of America. Here we have only to take notice, that d'Estaing, having failed in his attempt on the British fleet at New York, and in afflicting his allies in their attempt on Rhode Island, as well as having by other parts of his conduct greatly disgusted them, failed for the West Indies, where he unsuccessfully attacked the island of St Lucia*. Being repulsed in this attempt, he failed to the island of Grenada, which he reduced, treating the vanquished in a very cruel manner†; while a body of troops dispatched by him also reduced the island of St Vincent.

By this time the French admiral was powerfully reinforced; so that his fleet consisted of 26 sail of the line and twelve frigates. During the time he was employed at Grenada, Admiral Byron with the British squadron was accompanying the homeward bound West India fleet till out of danger; after which he failed with a body of troops, under general Grant, for the recovery of St Vincent; but before they could reach that island, certain intelligence was received of the descent at Grenada. On this they steered directly for that island, where they encountered the French fleet without hesitation, notwithstanding the great superiority of the latter. At this time the French squadron amounted to 27 sail of the line and seven frigates; while that of Britain consisted only of 21 line of battle ships and one frigate. The British admirals, Byron and Barrington, endeavoured to bring the enemy to a close engagement, but this was as fruitlessly avoided by d'Estaing; and such was the dexterity and circumspection with which the latter conducted matters, that it was only by seizing the transient opportunities of the different movements occasioned by the wind and weather, that some of the British ships could close in with their antagonists. Even when this was the case, the engagement was carried on upon such unequal terms, that the British ships were terribly shattered. For some time captains Collingwood, Edwards, and Cornwallis, stood the fire of the whole French fleet. Captain Fanshaw of the Monmouth, a 64 gun ship, singly threw himself in the way of the enemy's van to stop them. Several of the British ships forced their way to the very mouth of St George's harbour on the island of Grenada: but finding it in the hands of the French, an end was put to the engagement; nor did the French care to renew it, though the British ships had suffered very much.

D'Estaing now having received fresh reinforcements, set sail for the continent of America, after convoying the homeward bound fleet of French merchantmen in their return from the West India islands. His disastrous attempt on the town of Savannah, with the subsequent discord between him and the colonists, are related under the article United States of America. Here we have only to take notice, that thus the fears of success which had been excited by the superiority of the French in the West Indian seas were effectually dispelled. The islands of Dominica, St Vincent, and war, Grenada, were indeed lost; the first being taken by the marquis de Bouille, governor of Martinique, and the two last by d'Estaing as already related*; but these successes were balanced by the failure of the French commander in every other enterprise; by his terrible disaster at the Savannah; and by the acquisition of St Lucia, which was taken in the year 1778 by admiral Barrington and generals Prefont and Meadows†. In other parts of the West Indian seas also‡, the honour of the British arms was very effectually supported by the bravery and vigilance of the commanders on that station. Here admiral Hyde Parker, assisted by admiral Rowley, kept the enemy in continual alarm, and intercepted the trade of the French islands in such a manner as greatly distressed them. Three large frigates dispatched by count d'Estaing after his failure in America were taken, and a great part of a convoy seized or destroyed in sight of M. de la Motte Fiquet's squadron in the harbour of Port Royal at Martinique, the admiral himself having narrowly escaped. He had failed out of that harbour, in order to favour the escape of the convoy already mentioned; which having partly effected, he withdrew; but was pursued so closely, that he had scarcely time to shelter himself under the batteries on shore.

These successes, which happened in the years 1778, 1779, and beginning of 1780, kept the event of the war pretty much in an equilibrium on the western seas and continent; but in the mean time the most unhappy dissensions prevailed through every department of the British government in Europe, which threatened at last to involve the whole nation in confusion and bloodshed.

Among other charges brought by the members in opposition against the ministry, that of neglecting the navy had been one of the most considerable; nor indeed does it appear that the charge was altogether without foundation. Without a fleet, however, it was now impossible to avoid the danger of an invasion. At this time, indeed, the fleet was in a very weak condition, but the valour and experience of the officers seemed in some measure to compensate that defect. The chief command was given to admiral Keppel, who had served with uncommon reputation during the last war. Admirals Keppel and Sir Robert Harland and Sir Hugh Palliser served under him, both of them officers of undoubted courage and capacity. Arriving at Portsmouth towards the fleet, end of March 1778, admiral Keppel exerted himself with so much industry and diligence, that exclusive of those ships which it was found necessary to dispatch to the coast of North America under admiral Byron, a fleet of 20 sail of the line was got in complete readiness by the beginning of June, and ten more in a forward state of preparation.

At the head of this fleet, admiral Keppel sailed from Portsmouth on the 13th of June, in order to protect the vast number of commercial shipping expected from all directions. all parts of the world, and at the same time to watch the motion of the French fleet at Brest.

On the arrival of the British fleet off the coast of France, two French frigates approached it, in order to make their observations. These were the Licorne of 32 guns and the Belle Poule of 26. In consequence of a signal to give chase, the Milford frigate overtook the Licorne towards the close of the day, and requested the French captain to come under the British admiral's tern; upon his refusal, a ship of the line came up, and compelled him to come into the fleet. Next morning, the Licorne seeming by her motions to be altering her course, a shot was fired across her way as a signal for keeping it. Hereupon she discharged a broadside and a volley of small arms into the America of 64 guns that lay close to her, and immediately struck. The behaviour of the French captain was the more astonishing, as lord Longford, captain of the America, was at that instant engaged in conversation with him in terms of civility; but though such beha- viour certainly merited severe chastisement, no hostile return was made.

The Arethusa of 26 guns, commanded by captain Marshal, with the Alert cutter, was meanwhile in pur- suit of the Belle Poule, that was also accompanied by a schooner, and the chase was continued till they were both out of sight of the fleet. On his coming up, he informed the French captain of his orders to bring him to the admiral, and requested his compliance. This being refused, the Arethusa fired a shot across the Belle Poule, which she returned with a discharge of her broadside. The engagement thus begun, continued more than two hours with uncommon warmth and fury.

The Belle Poule was greatly superior not only in number, but in the weight of her metal: her guns were all 12 pounders; those of the Arethusa only 6. Not- withstanding this inferiority, she maintained so depre- cated a fight, that the French frigate suffered a much greater loss of men than the British. The slain and wounded on board the former, amounted, by their own account, to near 100; on board the latter, they were not half that proportion.

Captain Fairfax in the Alert, during the engage- ment between the two frigates, attacked the French schooner, which being of much the same force, the dispute continued two hours with great bravery on both sides, when she struck to the English cutter.

The Arethusa received so much damage, that she became almost unmanageable: the captain endeavoured to put her into such a position, as to continue the en- gagement; but was unable to do it. Being at the same time upon the enemy's coast, and close on the shore, the danger of grounding in such a situation obliged him to act with the more caution, as it was midnight. The Belle Poule, in the mean time, flood into a small bay, surrounded with rocks, where she was protected from all attacks: she had suffered so much, that the captain, apprehending that she could not stand another engagement, had resolved, in case he found himself in danger of one, to run her aground; but her situation prevented any such attempt; and as soon as it was day-light, a number of boats came out from shore, and towed her into a place of safety. Notwith- standing the evident and great superiority on the side of the French, this action was extolled by them as a proof of singular bravery, and the account of it receiv- ed with as much triumph as if it had been a victory.

On the 18th of June, the day following the engage- ment with the Belle Poule, another frigate fell in with the British fleet; and was captured by the admiral's orders, on account of the behaviour of the Licorne.

The capture of these French frigates produced such intelligence to the admiral, as proved of the utmost importance, at the same time that it was highly alarm- ing. He was informed that the fleet at Brest consist- ed of 32 ships of the line and 12 frigates. This was in every respect a most fortunate discovery, as he had no more with him than 20 ships of the line and three frigates. The superiority of the enemy being such as neither skill nor courage could oppose in his present circumstances; and as the consequences of a defeat must have been fatal to this country, he thought him- self bound in prudence to return to Portsmouth for a reinforcement. Here he arrived on the 27th of June, and remained there till the ships from the Mediterrane- an, and the Spanish and Portuguese trade, and the summer fleet from the West Indies coming home, brought him a supply of seamen, and enabled him to put to sea again, with an addition of ten ships of the line. But still there was a great deficiency of frigates, owing to the great numbers that were on the Ameri- can station, and the necessity of manning the ships of the line preferably to all others.

In the meantime, the preparations at Brest being fully completed, the French fleet put to sea on the 8th of July. It consisted of 32 sail of the line, besides a large number of frigates. Count D'Orvilliers com- manded in chief. The other principal officers in this fleet were counts Duchaffault, de Guichen, and de Grafie; monsieur de Rochechort and monsieur de la Motte Piquet. A prince of the blood royal had also been sent to serve on board of this fleet; this was the duke of Chartres, son and heir to the duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood-royal of France in the collat- eral line. He commanded one of the divisions in qua- lity of admiral.

On the 9th day of July, the British fleet sailed out of Portsmouth in three divisions; the first commanded by Sir Robert Harland, the third by Sir Hugh Palli- fer, and the centre by Admiral Keppel, accompanied by Admiral Campbell, an officer of great courage and merit. The French had been informed that the Brit- ish fleet was greatly inferior to their own; which was but too true at the time when they received this infor- mation. Being yet unapprised of the reinforcement it was returned with, the admiral failed at first in quest of it, intending to attack it while in the weak condi- tion it had been represented to him.

As the British admiral was equally intent on coming to action as soon as possible, they were not long before they met. On the 23rd of July they came in sight. But the appearance of the British ships soon convinced the French admiral of his mistake, and he immediate- ly determined to avoid an engagement no less cautiously than he had eagerly fought it before.

Herein he was favoured by the approach of night: All that could be done on the part of the British was to form the line of battle in expectation that the enemy would do the same. During the night the wind changed so favourably for the French, as to give them the weather gage. This putting the choice of coming to action, or of declining it, entirely in their own power, deprived the British admiral of the opportunity of forcing them to engage as he had proposed.

During the space of four days, the French had the option of coming to action; but constantly exerted their utmost care and industry to avoid it. The British fleet continued the whole time beating up against the wind, evidently with a resolution to attack them. But notwithstanding the vigour and skill manifested in this pursuit, the British admiral had the mortification to see his endeavours continually eluded by the vigilance and precaution of the enemy not to lose the least advantage that wind and weather could afford.

The chase lasted till the 27th of July. Between ten and eleven in the morning, an alteration of wind and weather occasioned several motions in both fleets that brought them, unintentionally on the part of the French, and chiefly through the dexterous management of the British admiral, so near each other, that it was no longer in their power to decline an engagement. Both fleets were now on the same tack; had they so remained, the British fleet on coming up with the French would have had an opportunity of a fair engagement, ship to ship; which would hardly have failed of proving very decisive; but this was a manner of combating quite contrary to the wishes of the French admiral. Instead of receiving the British fleet in this position, as soon as he found that an action must ensue, he put his ships on the contrary tack, that, failing in opposite directions, they might only fire at each other as they passed by. By this means a close and fidelong action would be effectually evaded. As soon as the van of the British fleet, consisting of Sir Robert Harland's division, came up, they directed their fire upon it; but at too great a distance to make any impression: the fire was not returned by the British ships till they came close up to the enemy, and were sure of doing execution. In this manner they all passed close alongside each other in opposite directions, making a very heavy and destructive fire.

The centre division of the British line having passed the rearmost ships of the enemy, the first care of the admiral was to effect a renewal of the engagement, as soon as the ships of the different fleets, yet in action, had got clear of each other respectively. Sir Robert Harland, with some ships of his division, had already tacked, and stood towards the French; but the remaining part of the fleet had not yet tacked, and some were dropped to leeward, and repairing the damages they had received in the action. His own ship the Victory had suffered too much to tack about instantly; and had he done it, he would have thrown the ships astern of him into disorder. As soon as it was practicable, however, the Victory wore, and steered again upon the enemy before any other ship of the centre division; of which not above three or four were able to do the same. The other ships not having recovered their stations near enough to support each other on a renewal of action, in order to collect them more readily for that purpose, he made the signal for the line of battle ahead. It was now three in the afternoon; but the ships of the British fleet had not sufficiently regained their stations to engage. The Victory lay nearest the enemy, with the four ships above mentioned, and seven more of Sir Robert Harland's division. These twelve were the only ships in any condition for immediate service; of the others belonging to the centre and to Sir Robert Harland's division, three were a great way astern, and five at a considerable distance to leeward, much disabled in their rigging.

Sir Hugh Palliser who commanded the rear division during the time of action, in which he behaved with signal bravery, came of course the last out of it; and in consequence of the admiral's signal for the line, was to have led the van on renewing the fight; but his division was upon a contrary tack, and was entirely out of the line. The French, on the other hand, expecting directly to be re-attacked, had closed together in tackling, and were now spreading themselves into a line of battle. On discovering the position of the British ships that were fallen to leeward, they immediately stood towards them, in order to cut them off. This obliged the admiral to wear and to steer athwart the enemy's foremost division, in order to secure them; directing, at the same time, Sir Robert Harland to form his division in a line astern, in order to face the enemy till Sir Hugh Palliser could come up, and enable him to act more effectually.

The admiral, in moving to the protection of the leeward ships, was now drawing near the enemy. As Sir Hugh Palliser still continued to windward, he made a signal for all the ships in that position to come into his wake; Sir Hugh Palliser repeated this signal; but it was unluckily mistaken by the ships of his division as an order to come into his own wake, which they did accordingly; and as he still remained in his position, they retained theirs of course.

Sir Robert Harland was now directed to take his station ahead, and the signal repeated for Sir Hugh Palliser's division to come into his wake; but this signal was not complied with, any more than a verbal message to that purpose, and other subsequent signals for that division's coming into its station in the line, before it was too late to recommence any operations against the enemy.

In the night, the French took the determination to put it wholly out of the power of the British fleet to attack them a second time. For this purpose, three of their swiftest sailing vessels were fixed in the stations occupied during the day by the three admiral ships of the respective divisions, with lights at the mast-heads, to deceive the British fleet into the belief that the French fleet kept its position with an intent to fight next morning. Protected by this stratagem, the remainder of the French fleet drew off unperceived and unsuspected during the night, and retired with all speed towards Brest: they continued this retreat the whole course of the following day, and entered that port in the evening. Their departure was not discovered till break of day; but it was too late to pursue them, as they were only discernible from the mast-heads of the largest ships in the British fleet. The three ships that had remained with the lights were pursued; but the vessels that chased them were unable to overtake them from the damages they had received in the preceding day's engagement, that they were quickly recalled; called; and the admiral made the best of his way to Plymouth, as being the nearest port, in order to put his fleet into a proper condition to return in quest of the enemy.

The killed and wounded on board the British fleet amounted to somewhat more than 500; but the French, it has been asserted on grounds of great credibility, lost 3000. This appears less improbable, from the consideration that the French, in all their naval engagements, aim principally at the mast and rigging, and the British chiefly at the body of the ships.

This action, whatever might have been the merit of the commanders, proved a source of the most fatal animosities. The bulk of the nation had so long been accustomed to hear of great and glorious victories at sea, that it was supposed a kind of impossibility for a French and British fleet to encounter without the total ruin of the former. The event of the last engagement, therefore, became an object of very severe criticism; and complaints were made, that, through the bad conduct of the blue division, an opportunity had been lost of gaining a complete victory over the French fleet. These complaints were quickly introduced into the public papers; and were carried on with a warmth and vehemence that set the whole nation into a ferment of the most violent and outrageous nature. The friends of Sir Hugh Palliser, the vice admiral of the blue, were no less violent in the defence of his conduct than his opponents were in its condemnation; while those who espoused the cause of the admiral, manifested no less determination in accusing him of being the real cause of the escape of the French fleet, through his disobedience of the signals and orders of his commander, and by remaining at a distance with his division, instead of coming to the assistance of the rest of the fleet.

An accusation of so weighty a nature very much alarmed Sir Hugh Palliser. He therefore applied to admiral Keppel for a justification of his conduct; and required of him to sign and publish a paper relative to the engagement of the 27th of July; therein specifying as a fact, that he did not intend by his signals on the evening of that day to renew the battle then, but to be in readiness for it the next morning.

On the rejection of this demand, Sir Hugh Palliser published in one of the daily papers a variety of circumstances concerning that engagement; reflecting severely on the conduct of the admiral, and prefacing the whole by a letter signed with his name.

An attack so public, and so detrimental to his character, induced admiral Keppel to declare to the admiralty, that unless Sir Hugh Palliser should explain this matter to his satisfaction, he could not, consistently with his reputation, ever act conjointly with him.

This altercation happening before the meeting of parliament, was of course taken notice of when it met. In the house of peers an inquiry was demanded into the conduct of the commanders of the fleet on the 27th of July, on account of the declaration of admiral Keppel, that he would not resume the command until such an inquiry had taken place.

In the house of commons also it was urged, that as admiral Keppel had expressed a public refusal to serve in conjunction with Sir Hugh Palliser, the cause of such a declaration ought to be investigated. Admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser, who were both present in the house on this occasion, spoke severally to the point in question in support of their respective conduct.

The issue of the contest between them was, that a motion was made for an address to the Crown to bring Sir Hugh Palliser to a trial for his behaviour in the late engagement with the French fleet. In answer to this motion, Sir Hugh Palliser replied, in a speech of great warmth and vehemence, that he had already demanded and obtained a court-martial to sit on admiral Keppel, whom he charged with having through his misconduct caused the failure of success in that engagement.

This intelligence was received with great astonishment in the house. It had been, and still continued to be, the general desire of individuals of all parties, to heal this breach between the two officers at a time when the services of both were so much needed. It was therefore with universal concern the house was informed of the determination that had been taken to bring admiral Keppel to a trial. The admiral, however, conducted himself on this occasion with remarkable temper and coolness of expression. He acquiesced without reluctance in the orders that had been laid upon him to prepare for a trial of his conduct; which he hoped would not, upon inquiry, appear to have been dishonourable or injurious to his country, any more than disgraceful to himself.

The conduct of the board of admiralty in admitting the charges against admiral Keppel, and appointing a trial, was greatly condemned in the house. It was said to have been their duty to have laboured with the utmost earnestness, and exerted their whole official influence, to stifle this unhappy disagreement between two brave and valuable men; the consequences of which they well knew, and ought to have obviated, by interposing as reconciliators, instead of promoting the dispute, by consenting to bring it to a judicial and public hearing. On the other hand, it was answered, that they could not, consistently with the impartiality which they owed to every officer of the navy, refuse to receive all matters of complaint relating to subjects of their department. They had no right to decide on the merits of any case laid before them, but were bound to refer it to a court composed of naval officers, who were the only proper and competent judges of each others conduct in professional matters. In conformity with these principles, which were founded upon the clearest equity, they left the decision of the present altercation to the gentlemen of the navy; whose honour and integrity in all instances of this kind had never been called in question, and by whose verdict alone it was but just and reasonable that every officer in that line of service should wish to stand or fall.

The arguments upon this subject were urged with great heat and violence on both sides. They produced uncommon animosity and rancour, and gave rise to a spirit of contention that diffused itself through all classes of society. Such was the height of passion that prevailed everywhere, that the critical circumstances of the nation were wholly forgotten, and the attention of the public entirely absorbed in this fatal dispute. Individuals of all ranks and all professions engaged in it with as much zeal as if they had been personally concerned in the issue. The dissatisfaction that was excited upon this occasion among the upper classes in the navy, appeared in a memorial presented to the king by... by twelve of the oldest and most distinguished admirals, at the head of whom was the name of lord Hawke. The conduct of Sir Hugh Palliser was therein con- demned without reserve; that of the admiralty itself was severely censured, as having established a precedent pregnant with the most ruinous consequences to the naval service of the kingdom. By the measure it had now adopted, that board had submitted to become the instrument of any individual who might be prompted by iniquitous motives to deprive the navy of its best and highest officers. It was a destructive violation, they said, of all order and discipline in the navy, to permit and countenance long concealed, and after- wards precipitately adopted charges, and recriminatory accusations of subordinate officers against their com- manders in chief. It was no less improper and scan- dalous, to suffer men at once in high civil office, and in subordinate command, previous to their making such accusations, to attempt to corrupt the judgment of the public, by publishing libels on their officers in a common newspaper, which tended at once to excite dissensions in the navy, and to prejudice the minds of those who were to try the merits of the accusation a- gainst the superior officer.

It was remarkable in this memorial, that the major- ity of those who subscribed it were not only officers of the first rank and importance in the navy, but un- connected with the opposition, and attached by various motives to the court and ministry. This evinced their conduct in the present instance to have been uninflu- enced by considerations of party.

No business of any consequence was agitated in either of the houses of parliament while the trial continued. It began upon the 7th of January 1779, and lasted more than a month, not ending till the 11th day of February ensuing. After a long and accurate investi- gation of every species of evidence that could be pro- duced, the court-martial acquitted admiral Keppel of all the charges that had been brought against him in the most complete and honourable manner. He was declared to have acted the part of a judicious, brave, and experienced officer; and the accusation was con- demned in the most severe manner.

Both houses of parliament voted him their thanks for the eminent services he had performed, and the whole nation rejoiced with his applause. The city of London bestowed every honour and mark of respect in its power upon admiral Keppel; while the resent- ment against his accuser was so strong, that it con- strained him to retire wholly from public life, and to resign all his employments.

But notwithstanding the high degree of national favour and esteem in which admiral Keppel now stood, he thought it prudent to withdraw from a situation wherein he found himself not acceptable to those in power, by resigning his command.

The conduct of those who presided at the admiralty board now became an object of severe censure; and a number of facts were cited to prove that its conduct for many years past had been highly reprehensible. The debates were uncommonly violent; and the reso- lution to condemn the conduct of the admiralty was lost only by a majority of 34. Administration, how- ever, still kept their ground; for though a second at- tempt was made to show that the state of the navy was inadequate to the vast sums bestowed upon it, the point was again lost by much the same majority. The argument used by the ministry in defence of their con- duct in this case was, that the ships now constructed were of a much larger size, and consequently much more expensive than formerly. But however they might be victorious in argument, it is certain that the conduct of the admiralty was very far from giving ge- neral satisfaction at present. Not only admiral Keppel, but lord Howe, declared his resolution to relinquish the admiralty service while it continued under the direction of its managers at that time. Their resignation was followed by that of Sir Robert Harland, Sir John Lindsay, and others; several others; nay, so general was the dislike to the service now become, that no fewer than 20 captains of the first distinction had proposed to go in a body to re- sign their commissions at once; and were prevented from doing so only by the great occasion they saw there was at that time for their services.

This extreme aversion to the service produced a di- rect attack upon lord Sandwich, at that time first lord of the admiralty. But though in this as well as other cases the ministry were still victorious, they could not prevent an inquiry into the cause of our want of suc- cess in the American war. This was inflicted upon by lord and general Howe, whose conduct had been so much reflected upon, that a vindication was become absolutely necessary. The inquiry was indeed very disagreeable to administration, and therefore evaded as long as possible. From the evidence of lord Cornwallis and other officers of high rank, however, it appeared that the forces sent to America were not at any time sufficient to reduce it; that the Americans were almost universally unfriendly to the British cause; and that the nature of the country was such, that the conquest of it must be excessively difficult. It appeared also, that the camp of the Americans on Long Island was so strong, that it could not have been attacked with any probability of success, after their defeat in 1776, without artillery and other necessary preparations. In every instance, therefore, the general's conduct was shown to have been the most eligible and judicious pos- sible. These facts, however, being directly opposite to what the ministry wished to appear, counter evidence was brought in, with a view to invalidate the testimony of the very respectable witnesses above mentioned. In this business only two were examined, viz. major-ge- neral Robertson, and Mr Joseph Galloway an Ameri- can gentleman. From the evidence of Mr Galloway especially, it appeared, that the conduct of general Howe had not been unexceptionable; that the greater part of the Americans were friendly to the cause of Britain; that the country was not so full of obstruc- tions as had been represented; woods and forests being no obstructions to the marching of armies in as many columns as they pleased; that soldiers might carry provisions for 10 days on their backs, &c.

Though no treachery could be laid upon such extra- vagant assertions proceeding undoubtedly from ignorance, yet they fully answered the purpose of ministry at this time, viz. procrastination, and preventing the disagree- able truths abovementioned from striking the minds of the public too forcibly. The event of this inquiry, however, encouraged general Burgoyne to insist for an examination of his conduct; which indeed had been so unmercifully censured, that even the ministers began to think he had suffered too much, and that he ought to be allowed to vindicate himself. He was accordingly permitted to bring witnesses in his own behalf; and from the most respectable evidence it appeared that he had acted the part, as occasion required, both of a general and soldier; so that the attachment of his army to him was so great, that no dangers or difficulties could shake it; and that, even when all their patience and courage were found to be ineffectual, they were still ready to obey his commands, and die with arms in their hands. A great number of other particulars relating to his expedition were also cleared up entirely to the honour of the general, and several charges against him were totally refuted. It appeared, however, that the Americans, far from being the contemptible enemy they had been called, were intrepid and resolute.

On the whole, it was remarked by a great number of the most judicious people in the nation, that the spirit of defamation, which for some time had been so prevalent, must at last produce the most fatal effects; by depriving the nation of its best officers, through the aversion that would be produced in them, both in the sea and land departments, to enter into a service where they were certain of being calumniated.

After the resignation of admiral Keppel, the command of the Channel fleet was bestowed, though not without violent debates, on Sir Charles Hardy, a brave and experienced officer, but now advanced in years, and who had retired from the service with a design of never returning to it, being at that time governor of Greenwich hospital. The choice of an admiral to command this fleet was now of the greatest importance on account of the accession of Spain to the general confederacy which took place this year*. The quarrel, like that with France, was formally intimated by the Spanish minister on the 17th of June 1779; and like that also was attended with new but ineffectual proposals of an accommodation with America, and removals of the ministry. The imminent danger, however, to which the nation was now exposed, required a vigorous exertion, and various projects for its internal defence were laid before the parliament. The principal of these were the raising of volunteer companies to be added to the regiments of militia belonging to the counties where they were raised, and the augmenting the number of militia. The latter was judged unavoidable, on account of the necessity there would be to send a great number of regular forces out of the kingdom, which would require new supplies of recruits; and the increase of the militia might prove detrimental to the recruiting service. The spirit and magnanimity displayed on this occasion, however, did the highest honour to the national character, and fully justified the opinion generally entertained of its opulence and valour. All parts of the kingdom seemed actuated by a laudable zeal to concur in every measure necessary for its defence; large sums were subscribed by people of rank and influence; and companies were raised, and regiments formed, with such alacrity as quickly banished all apprehensions for the safety of the kingdom.

On the other hand, the French, now thinking themselves secure of victory by the accession of the whole strength of Spain to their cause, began to extend their plans of conquest. A squadron was fitted out under the command of the marquis de Vaudreuil, destined to reinforce the fleet commanded by D'E斯塔ing. But before its proceeding thither, an attack was made on the British settlements on the rivers Senegal and Gambia in Africa. These were easily conquered; and on this occasion the French quitted their own island of Goree, which was very soon after taken possession of by Sir Edward Hughes in his way to the East Indies. These unimportant and distant conquests, however, being insufficient to produce any great effect, it was resolved to strike a blow nearer home, by the conquest of Jersey and Guernsey. An attempt was accordingly made; but with so little success, that not a single man could be disembarked on the island they intended to conquer. The enterprise, however, proved indirectly of great service to the cause of America. A fleet of 400 merchantmen and transports were at that time on the point of sailing for New York, under the conduct of admiral Arbuthnot; but that officer, being informed of the attack on Jersey, thought it his duty to come to the assistance of the island rather than proceed on his voyage. This delay was followed by another, occasioned by bad weather; so that the fleet, which was laden with warlike stores and necessaries, did not arrive till the end of August, and several important enterprises projected by Sir Henry Clinton were of course laid aside.

The French, in the mean time, determined to make a second attempt on Jersey; but their squadron, being attacked by another under Sir James Wallace, was driven ashore in a small bay on the coast of Normandy, Sir James under cover of a battery. Thither they were pursued by the British commander, who silenced the battery, took a large frigate of 34 guns, with two rich prizes, and burned two other frigates and several other vessels.

Thus disappointed in their attempt on Jersey, a project was formed of invading Great Britain itself; and the preparations for it, whether serious or not, were so formidable, that they very justly excited a considerable alarm in this country. Not only were the best troops in the French service marched down to the coasts of the British channel, but transports were provided in great numbers, and many general officers promoted; the commanders also who were to have the charge of this important expedition were named by government. A junction was formed betwixt the French and Spanish fleets, in spite of the endeavours used on the part of the British to prevent it; and then the allies made their appearance in the British seas with upwards of 60 ships of the line, besides a vast number of frigates and other armed vessels.

All this formidable apparatus, however, ended in nothing more than the taking of a single ship, the Ardent, of 64 guns. They had passed the British fleet ship under Sir Charles Hardy in the mouth of the channel without observing him. Sailing then along the coast of England, they came in sight of Plymouth, where they took the Ardent, as has been already mentioned; after which they returned, without making the least attempt to land anywhere. The British admiral made good his entrance, without opposition, into the channel, on their quitting it, which a strong easterly wind obliged them to do. He endeavoured to entice them up the channel in pursuit of him; but the great sickness and mortality on board their ships, as they gave out, obliged them to retire, in order to repair their ships, and recruit the health of their people. Thus ended the first, and indeed the greatest, exploit performed by the combined fleets in the British seas. An annual parade of a similar kind was afterwards kept up, which was as formally opposed on the part of the British; but not the least act of hostility was ever committed by either of the channel fleets against each other.

Though this ill success, or rather pusillanimity, manifest in the conduct of the combined fleets, was such that the French themselves were ashamed of it, the appearance of them in the channel furnished opposition with abundance of matter for declamation. All ranks of men, indeed, now began to be wearied of the American war; and even those who had formerly been the most sanguine in defence of coercive measures, now began to be convinced of their inutility. The calamitous effects produced by the continuation of these measures, indeed, had by this time rendered the far greater part of the people exceedingly adverse to them; and the almost universal wish was, that the oppressive burden of the American war should be cast off, and the whole national strength exerted against those whom, on account of our frequent contests with them, we had been accustomed to call our natural enemies. For this purpose the national spirit continued to be exerted with unabated vigour. Large sums were subscribed in the several counties, and employed in raising volunteers, and forming them into independent companies; associations were also formed in the towns, where the inhabitants bestowed a considerable portion of their time in training themselves to the use of arms. The East India company now forgot their quarrel with ministry, and not only presented government with a sum sufficient for levying 6000 seamen, but at its own cost added three 74 gun ships to the navy. Administration were not yet, however, weary of the plans they had laid down, and which they seemed inclined to prosecute, and indeed did prosecute, as long as the nation would support them. The virulence of opposition, therefore, still continued; and what was worse, every part of the kingdom seemed to imbibe their sentiments. Among other charges now brought against them was that of misapplying the national force. An hundred thousand men were employed for the internal defence of the kingdom; which being much more than sufficient for the purpose, ought therefore to have been distributed into places where it might have acted to advantage. The army of Great Britain, it was said, now amounted to 300,000 men; the navy to 300 sail, including frigates and armed vessels; twenty millions had been expended on the service of the year 1779; and yet, with all this force and treasure, the utmost boast that ministers could make was, that the enemy had been hitherto kept at bay, and not allowed to invade Great Britain. Nor were the charges less heavy in other respects. Veteran officers had been passed by to make room for those of inferior merit. The discontented and miserable state of Ireland†, the losses of the West India islands, &c. were all put to the account of ministers; and it was said that the universal cry of the nation was for their dismission. Their incapacity was now visible to every body; and it was a matter of universal surprise how they durst retain their places in opposition to the general desire of the nation.

To all this ministry replied in a resolute and determined manner, denying or refuting every circumstance; and at last, after violent debates, gained their point of an address without any amendment proposing their removal, in the upper house by 82 to 41, and in the lower by 253 to 134. The enormous expenses already incurred, however, and hereafter to be incurred, for the carrying on of the war, occasioned such a general alarm, that it was no longer possible to refuse compliance with some scheme of economy, or at least giving it a patient hearing. The duke of Richmond proposed that the crown should set the example, and moved schemes for an address to this purpose; but the motion was rejected by 77 to 36. The earl of Shelburne next undertook the discussion of the subject; and having, in a most elaborate speech, compared the expenses of former times with the present, and shown the immense disparity, he proceeded to show the reasons. These were, that ministers formerly employed fewer persons, and obliged them to be content with smaller profits. One contractor supplied all the troops in America during the last war, and his agreement was to furnish a ration of provisions at sixpence; but so different was the management now, that the ration of provisions, instead of sixpence, cost two shillings. One person only had enjoyed contracts to the amount of £1,300,000; £3,700,000 had passed through the hands of another contractor to be transmitted to America; but no voucher had been given for the expenditure of this immense sum; the accounts being contained in a few lines, accounting for £20,000. In one line, £30,000. In another, &c. Thus, he said, the ministry acquired a most unbounded and unconstitutional influence; and having the dangerous power of expending the national treasure without any check, corruption and venality everywhere abounded. He moved, therefore, that the expenditure of those vast sums annually sunk in extraordinary should be brought under some control; and that to extend the public expenses beyond the funds granted by parliament, was an invasion of its peculiar and exclusive rights.

Though this motion of the earl of Shelburne's, and some others of a similar tendency, were rejected on solid principles according to the ministry, the minds of the people were far from being conciliated to their views. Instead of this, the opinion began to be so General, that ministers exercised an unconstitutional influence over the representatives, and that such influence was very much augmented within these few years, it was now supposed by numbers of people, once that nothing short of a change in the constitution of parliament could remedy the evil complained of. To produce this purpose a petition was framed in the city of York, on the 30th of December 1779, where a number of the most respectable people in the county had assembled, and delegated 61 gentlemen as a committee to manage the correspondence necessary for carrying on the design, and forming an association to support and promote it. In the present petition it was set forth, that, in consequence of the war in which the nation was involved, the public debt was greatly augmented, taxes increased, and trade and manufactures much affected. The profusion attending the war was complained of; and parliament was requested, previous to the raising of any new taxes, to inquire into, and correct the abuse of expenditure in the public money; to reduce exorbitant emoluments, abolish sinecure places and unmerited pensions, and apply the produce to the exigencies of the state. This petition was followed by others of a similar kind from 27 of the principal counties, and most of the large towns in England. The most severe and opprobrious language was used in the county-meetings with regard to the ministry and parliament. The latter were represented as void of all principle, ready to sacrifice both conscience and reputation to the will of those in power; and, in short, bound by no ties but those of the most selfish interest; ready on all occasions to enrich themselves by the spoils of their country; and persons to whom the honour or interest of the kingdom were matters of no consideration. The court, on the other hand, was looked upon as the receptacle of every one who harboured ill designs against the people of Britain, and where no body stood any chance of advancing himself but by adulation and extreme flattery.

The emissaries of America and the other enemies of Great Britain are said to have been active in fomenting these discords, which at this period arose to an height unknown for a century past. The ministry, however, continued firm and undaunted. Previous to the taking any of the petitions into consideration, they insisted on going through the business of the supply, by determining the ways and means; nor did either the number of English petitions, or an additional one from the island of Jamaica setting forth the extreme danger that island was in, make them alter their resolution in the least.

At last, in the beginning of February 1780, a plan of par was brought forward by Mr Burke, for securing the independence of parliament, and introducing economy into the various departments of government. This plan, among other things, proposed the abolition of the offices of treasurer, comptroller, and cofferer of the household; treasurer of the chamber, master of the household, the board of green cloth, with several other places under the steward of the household; the great and removing wardrobe, the jewel office, the robes, board of works, and the civil branch of the board of ordnance. Other reformation were also proposed; but though the temper of the times obliged the minister to admit the bills, and even to pretend an approbation of the plan, he meant nothing less than to admit it in its full extent, or indeed in any part, if it could possibly be prevented. When the plan, therefore, which he had approved in general, came to be particularly considered, he was found to be determined against every part of it. The general temper of the people, without doors, however, seemed now to have affected many of the members of parliament, and made them desert their old standard. An economical plan proposed in the house of lords by the earl of Shelburne was rejected only by a majority of 101 to 55. This was the strongest opposition that had appeared in that house for many years; but in the lower house matters still went worse. The first proposition in Mr Burke's plan was to abolish the office of secretary of state for the colonies; and the utmost efforts of administration could preserve this office only by a majority of 208 to 201. The board of trade was abolished by 207 to 198; but this was the only defeat sustained by ministry at present; all the rest of the plan being rejected excepting only one clause, by which it was determined that the offices of lieutenant and ensign, &c. belonging to the yeomen of the guards, should not any longer be sold, but given to officers in the army and navy on half pay, and of 15 years standing in their respective lines of service.

This ill success was very mortifying to Mr Burke, who had expected to save more than a million annually to the nation. Administration, however, had still a greater defeat to meet with than what they had experienced in the abolition of the board of trade. The 6th of April was the day appointed for taking into consideration the numerous petitions, from half the ablest kingdom of England, already mentioned. They were introduced by Mr Dunning; who, in a very elaborate speech, set forth the many attempts that had been made to introduce reformation and economy into the plans of government. These had been defeated by ministerial artifice, or overthrown by mere dint of numbers: he concluded therefore, and moved as a resolution of the house, That the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished. This motion being carried after a long and violent debate, he next moved, that the house of commons was as competent to examine into and correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil list as in any other branch of the public revenue. To this another was added by Mr Thomas Pitt, that it was the duty of the house to provide an immediate and effectual redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions. The ministry now requested that nothing farther might be done that night: but such was the temper of the house, that both these motions were carried without a division; after which they were read a first and second time, and agreed to without a division.

Ministry had never received such a complete defeat, nor ever been treated with so much alacrity of language. The news of the proceedings of this day were received by the people at large with as much joy as if the most complete victory over a foreign enemy had been announced. Opposition, however, though masters of the field at present, did not imagine they had obtained any permanent victory, and therefore resolved to make the most of the advantages they had gained. It was moved by Mr Dunning, at the next meeting, that to ascertain the independence of parliament, and remove all suspicions of its being under undue influence, there should, every session, seven days after the meeting of parliament, be laid before that house an account of all the sums issued out of the civil list, or any other branch of the revenue, since the last receipt, in favour of any of its members. This passed with little difficulty; but when he moved that the treasurers of the chamber and household, the cofferer, comptroller, and master of the household, with the clerks of the green cloth, and their deputies, should be excluded from having seats in the house, a warm debate ensued; and the motion was carried only by 215 against 213. This was the last triumph of the popular party; their next motion, for the exclusion of revenue officers, being thrown out by 224 against 195. A last joint effort was made by Mr Dunning's proposal of an ad- drefs to the throne against proroguing or dissolving the parliament, until measures had been taken to prevent the improper influence complained of in the petitions. On this occasion the debates were long and violent; but the motion was lost by 254 against 203. Ministry would gladly have screened their friends from the vengeance of opposition; alleging the lateness of the hour, it being then past midnight. The speaker of the house, however, perceiving Mr Fox about to rise, insisted that the house should remain sitting; and thus the defectors from the popular party were condemned to hear their conduct set forth in such terms as perhaps were never applied on any other occasion to members of the British senate.

This last victory of administration confirmed the dissatisfaction and ill opinion which the people had conceived of the majority of their representatives. It was in the height of that ill temper which the conduct of parliament had created in the multitude, that those discontented broke out which were so near involving the kingdom in universal desolation. The hardships under which individuals professing the Roman Catholic persuasion had laboured for many years in England, had lately awakened the consideration of the liberal minded. The inutility and impropriety of persecuting people from whom no danger was apprehended, and who were not suspected of disaffection to the civil constitution of this country, induced several persons of rank and influence to undertake the procuring them relief.

The calamities of the times had afforded the English Roman Catholics a very proper occasion to manifest their attachment to government. They presented a most loyal and dutiful address to the king, containing the strongest assurances of affection and fidelity to his person and the civil government of this country.

"Our exclusion (said they) from many of the benefits of that constitution, has not diminished our reverence for it. We behold with satisfaction the felicity of our fellow-subjects; and we partake of the general prosperity which results from an institution so full of wisdom. We have patiently submitted to such restrictions and discouragements as the legislature thought expedient. We have thankfully received such relaxations of the rigour of the laws, as the mildness of an enlightened age, and the benignity of the British government have gradually produced; and we submitively wait, without presuming to suggest either time or measure, for such other indulgence as those happy causes cannot fail in their own season to effect.

"We beg leave to assure your majesty, that our dissent from the legal establishment in matters of religion is purely conscientious; that we hold no opinions adverse to your majesty's government, or repugnant to the duties of good citizens; and we trust that this has been shown more decisively by our irreproachable conduct for many years past, under circumstances of public disfavour and displeasure, than it can be manifested by any declaration whatever.

"In a time of public danger, when your majesty's subjects can have but one interest, and ought to have but one wish and one sentiment, we think it our duty to assure your majesty of our unreserved affection to your government, of our unalterable attachment to the cause and welfare of this our common country, and our utter detestation of the designs and views of any foreign power against the dignity of your crown, and the safety and tranquillity of your subjects.

"The delicacy of our situation is such, that we do not presume to point out the particular means by which we may be allowed to testify our zeal to your majesty, and our wishes to serve our country; but we entreat leave faithfully to assure your majesty, that we shall be perfectly ready, on every occasion, to give such proofs of our fidelity, and the purity of our intentions, as your majesty's wisdom and the sense of the nation shall at any time deem expedient."

This address was presented to the king on the first day of May 1778, and was signed by the duke of Norfolk, the earls of Surrey and Shrewsbury, the lords Stourton, Petre, Arundel, Dormer, Teynham, Clifford, and Linton; and by 163 commoners of rank and fortune.

The only obstacle that stood in the way of their wishes was, the difficulty of overcoming the prejudices of the lower classes, who would probably disapprove and condemn the indulgence shown to the people of a persuasion which they had been taught to look upon with horror and detestation. But notwithstanding the propensities of the vulgar, it was determined by several individuals of generous and liberal sentiments, to espouse their cause as far as it could be done consistently with the principles of the constitution and the general temper of the times. Their being patronized by some of the principal leaders in opposition, was a circumstance greatly in their favour; as it showed that those who professed to be the most strenuous friends to the freedom and constitution of this country, did not imagine they would be endangered by treating the Roman Catholics with more lenity than they had hitherto experienced.

About the middle of May, Sir George Savile made a motion for the repeal of some penalties enacted against them. He grounded his motion on the necessity of vindicating the honour and asserting the true principles of the Protestant religion, of which the peculiar merit was to admit of no persecution. It ill became the professors of such a religion to be guilty of that intolerance with which they reproached others. The statutes he meant to repeal were such as gave occasion to deeds that debased and were a disgrace to human nature, by inciting relations to divest themselves of the feelings of humanity, and by encouraging the rapacity of informers.

He represented the address above quoted as a full proof of the loyal disposition of the Roman Catholics, and as an unfeigned testimony of the soundness of their political principles. In order, however, to silence the objections of those who might suspect them of duplicity, a test was proposed of so binding and solemn a nature, that no man could be supposed to imagine that any authority could annul its efficacy.

The pains and penalties of the statutes to be repealed were laid before the house by Mr Dunning. By these statutes it was made felony in a foreign clergyman of the Roman communion, and high treason in one that was a native of this kingdom, to teach the doctrines or perform divine service according to the rites of that church; the estates of persons educated abroad in that persuasion were forfeited to the next Protestant heir; a son or any other nearest relation, ing a Protestant, was empowered to take possession of his own father's, or nearest of kin's estate, during their lives; a Roman Catholic was disabled from acquiring any legal property by purchase.

The mildness of the British government did not indeed countenance the practice of the severities enacted by these statutes: but still the prospect of gain subjected every man of the Roman persuasion to the ill usage of informers; as on their evidence the magistrates were bound, however unwilling, to carry these cruel laws into execution.

In consequence of these representations, the motion made in favour of the Roman Catholics was received without one dissenting voice; and a bill in pursuance to its intent was brought in and passed both houses. The test or oath by which they were bound, was conceived in the strongest and most expressive terms. They were enjoined to swear allegiance to the king's person and family, and to abjure especially the pretensions to the crown assumed by the person called Charles III. They were to declare their disbelief and detestation of the following positions: That it is lawful to put individuals to death on pretence of their being heretics; that no faith is to be kept with heretics; that princes excommunicated by the pope and council, or by the see of Rome, or any other authority, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects or by any others; that the pope of Rome, or any other foreign prelate or sovereign, is intitled to any temporal or civil jurisdiction or pre-eminence, either directly or indirectly, in this kingdom. They were solemnly to profess, that they made the aforesaid declarations with the utmost sincerity, and in the strictest and plainest meaning of the words and language of the test, without harbouring any secret persuasion that any dispensation from Rome, or any other authority, could acquit or absolve them from the obligations contracted by this oath, or declare it null and void.

The indulgence shown to the Roman Catholics in England, encouraged those of the same persuasion in Scotland to hope for a similar relief. Several gentlemen of that nation of great rank and character, and who were members of parliament, expressed their warmest wishes that it should be extended to their country; and declared their intention to bring in a bill for that purpose the following session. The design was approved by the general assembly of the church of Scotland; who rejected, by a majority of no less than 100, a remonstrance that had been proposed against it. In consequence of these flattering appearances, a petition was prepared for parliament on behalf of the Roman Catholics in Scotland. But these expectations were soon damped. A pamphlet was published against the doctrine and professors of the popish religion, which represented them as the common foes to mankind and the disturbers of all states; and this being circulated among all classes, raised a number of enemies to the intended petition.

The opposition was at first chiefly conducted by some persons at Edinburgh, who assumed the title of Committee for the Protestant Interest; and under that denomination carried on a correspondence with all those who coincided with their opinions, and who formed a very large proportion of the common people in Scot-

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land. As the committee at Edinburgh, from its residence in the capital of the kingdom, was deemed to consist of persons of the first importance, it directed in a manner the motions of all the others.

The persons who made up this committee, however, acted from no mean or mercenary views: they aimed only at the preservation of the Protestant religion, and the liberties of their country; both which they conceived were in danger, from the indulgence of government to individuals of the Roman Catholic persuasion.

Actuated by these ideas, they exerted themselves with so much activity, that the principal gentlemen of the Catholic persuasion thought it requisite for their safety to convey an intimation to the British ministry, that they were desirous to drop the application they had proposed to make for an indulgence similar to that which had been granted to their fellow-subjects in England of the same communion.

They published also in the newspapers the representation they had made to ministry; hoping thereby to convince the public, that they were sincerely desirous to remove any cause of dissatisfaction on their own account, and to submit to any inconvenience sooner than occasion disturbance. But matters were now gone too far to be conciliated by any means.

On the 2d day of February 1779, the populace met according to appointment, in order to carry into execution the various projects they had in contemplation. They began by an attack upon a house inhabited by a Roman Catholic bishop, with others of his persuasion, and which contained a place of worship. They committed it to the flames. They destroyed in the same manner another house that had also a chapel; after which they proceeded to vent their resentment on several individuals of that persuasion by burning their effects.

The next objects of their vengeance were those who had patronized the Roman Catholics. They beset the houses of Dr Robertson and Mr Crosby; but, on hearing of the intentions of the rioters, the friends of both came to their assistance in such numbers, and so well prepared to repel the fury of the populace, that they did not dare to exercise the violence they had premeditated.

This disappointment, which was accompanied by further precautions against their malevolent designs, put an end to the attempts of the mob at Edinburgh. But the spirit of dissatisfaction at the indulgence intended to the Roman Catholics still remained in full force. Ministry was held out as harbouring a secret determination to undermine the Protestant religion, and to introduce popery; and loaded in consequence with the most outrageous invectives.

By degrees the same ungovernable spirit was communicated to part of the English nation. The cry against popery became daily more loud among the inferior classes; and that inveteracy which had subsided during so many years, began to revive in as powerful a degree, as if the nation were actually under the impending terrors of persecution. To this were added the secret fears of others; who still imagined it was not inconsistent with good policy to discourage a religion, from the professors of which so much danger had accrued to the constitution of this country in former times. These, tho' averse to all acts of violence, thought it necessary to keep alive the antipathy to it, and by no means to show the least willingness to grant any further indulgence than it had hitherto experienced.

From this motive they were of opinion, that a suspension of the laws enacted against it, though tacit and unauthorized, was sufficient to remove all complaints of harshness and oppression on the part of the Roman Catholics; and they looked upon the penal statutes as a requisite bar to confine them within the bounds of submission, and fear of offending.

Thus a society was formed in London, which took the title of the Protestant Association, of which lord George Gordon, who had rendered himself conspicuous in Scotland by his opposition to the repeal, was elected president; and it now prepared to act in a decisive manner against the resolutions of the legislature.

On the 29th of May 1780, the associators held a meeting in order to settle in what manner they should present a petition to the house of commons against the repeal of the penal statutes. A long speech was made on this occasion by their president, who represented the Roman persuasion as gaining ground rapidly in this country; that the only method of stopping its progress, was to go up with a spirited remonstrance to their representatives, and to tell them in plain and resolute terms that they were determined to preserve their religious freedom with their lives, &c.

This harangue being received with the loudest applause, he moved, that the whole body of the association should meet on the 2d day of June in St George's Fields, at ten in the morning, to accompany him to the house of commons on the delivery of the petition. This being unanimously assented to, he informed them, that if he found himself attended by fewer than 20,000, he would not present the petition. He then directed they should form themselves into four divisions; the first, second, and third, to consist of those who belonged to the City, Westminster, and Southwark; the fourth of the Scotch residents in London. They were, by way of distinction, to wear blue cockades in their hats.

Three days previous to the presentation of the petition, he gave notice of it to the house, and acquainted it with the manner in which it was to be presented; but this was received with as much indifference and unconcern as all his former intimations.

On the 2d day of June, according to appointment, about 50 or 60,000 men assembled in St George's Fields. They drew up in four separate divisions, as had been agreed, and proceeded to the parliament house, with lord George Gordon at their head. An immense roll of parchment was carried before them, containing the names of those who had signed the petition.

On their way to the house, they behaved with great peaceableness and decency; but as soon as they were arrived, great disturbances took place. The rioters began by compelling all the members of both houses they met with, to put blue cockades in their hats, and call out, "No Popery." They forced some to take an oath that they would vote for the repeal of the popery act, as they styled it. They treated others with great indignity, posting themselves in all the avenues to both houses; the doors of which they twice endeavoured to break open.

Their rage was chiefly directed against the members of the house of lords; several of whom narrowly escaped with their lives.

During these disturbances, lord George Gordon moved for leave to bring up the petition. This was readily granted; but when he proposed it should be taken into immediate consideration, it was strenuously opposed by almost the whole house. Enraged at this opposition, he came out several times to the people during the debates, acquainting them how adverse the house appeared to grant their petition, and naming particularly those who had spoken against it.

Several members of the house expostulated with him in the warmest terms on the unjustifiableness of his conduct; and one of his relations, colonel Gordon, threatened to run him through the moment any of the rioters should force their entrance into the house. It was some hours before the house could carry on its deliberations with any regularity, which was not done till the members were relieved by the arrival of a party of the guards. Order being restored, the business of the petition was resumed; when lord George Gordon told them it had been signed by near 120,000 British Protestant subjects. He therefore insisted that the petition should be considered without delay. But notwithstanding the dangers with which they were menaced, and the proof which the mover of the petition had given that no means should be left unemployed to compel them to grant it, the commons continued immovable in their determination. Of 200 members, then present in the house, six only voted for it.

In the mean time the mob had dispersed itself into various parts of the metropolis, where they demolished two Romanish chapels belonging to foreign ministers; and openly vented the most terrible menaces against all people of that persuasion.

On the 4th of June they assembled in great numbers in the eastern parts of London; and attacked the chapels and houses of the Roman Catholics in that quarter, stripping them of their contents, which they threw into the street, and committed to the flames.

They renewed their outrages on the following day, destroying several Romanish chapels, and demolishing the house of Sir George Savile in resentment of his having brought into parliament the bill in favour of the Roman Catholics.

Next day both houses met as usual; but finding that no business could be done, they adjourned to the 19th.

During this day and the following, which were the 6th and 7th of June, the rioters were absolute masters of the metropolis and its environs.

Some of those who had been concerned in the demolition of the chapels belonging to foreign ministers, having been seized and sent to Newgate, the mob collected before that prison, and demanded their immediate release. On being refused, they proceeded to throw firebrands and all manner of combustibles into the keeper's house; which unhappily communicated the fire to the whole building; so that this immense pile was soon in flames. In this scene of confusion, the prisoners were all released. They amounted to about 300; among whom several were under sentence of death. They set fire, in the same manner, to the King's-bench and Fleet prisons, and to a number of houses belonging to Roman Catholics. The terror occasioned by these incendiaries was such, that most people hung out of their windows pieces of blue silk, which was the colour affixed by the rioters; and chalked on their doors and shutters the words, "No Popery," by way of signifying they were friendly to their cause.

The night of the 7th of June concluded these horrors. No less than 36 different conflagrations were counted at the same time. The bank had been threatened, and was twice assailed; but happily was too well guarded for their attempts. In the evening, large bodies of troops arrived from all parts, and came in time to put a stop to the progress of the rioters. They fell upon them everywhere, and multitudes were slain and wounded, besides the numbers that perished thro' intoxication. It was not until the afternoon of the 8th, that people began to recover from their confusion. During great part of the day, the disorders of the preceding night had created so terrible an alarm, that the shops were almost universally shut up over all London. The melancholy effects of misguided zeal were not, however, confined solely to London. The outrageous disposition of the populace was preparing to act the like horrid scenes in other parts of England. The mob rose in Hull, Bristol, and Bath; but through the timely interposition of the magistracy, these places were saved from their fury.

On the subsiding of this violent and unexpected commotion, it was thought proper to secure lord George Gordon. He was arrested, and committed close prisoner to the Tower, after having undergone a long examination before the principal lords of the council.

On the 19th of June, both houses met again according to adjournment. A speech was made on this occasion from the throne, acquainting them with the measures that had been taken in consequence of the disturbances, and assuring them of the utmost readiness to concur in whatever could contribute to the safety and maintenance of the laws and liberties of the people. The speech was highly approved; but the conduct of administration was severely censured, and charged with unpardonable neglect for not calling forth the civil power, and employing the military in due time to obviate the mischiefs that had been committed. Ministry excused itself, from the want of sufficient strength to answer all the demands of assistance that were made during the riots, and the absolute impossibility of suppressing them till the arrival of troops from the country. The various petitions were now taken into consideration that had been presented for the repeal of the act which had occasioned the riots; but the house continued in the same mind. Nevertheless it was thought proper to yield somewhat to the prejudices of the people, by passing a bill for preventing persons of the Popish persuasion from teaching or educating the children of Protestants; but this was afterwards thrown out by the lords.

Nothing could have happened more opportunely for the present ministry than the riots just now related; for such were the alarm and terror occasioned by them, that the ardour which had appeared for promoting popular meetings and associations, and for opposing the measures of government, was in a great degree suppressed. The county meetings were represented as having a tendency like the Protestant Association, to bring on insurrections and rebellions. Many began to consider all popular meetings as extremely dangerous; and among the commercial and monied people, there was not an inconsiderable number, who were so panic-struck by the late riots, that all attention to the principles of the constitution was over-ruled by their extreme anxiety about the preservation of their property. Had it not been for these events, though the minister was again at the head of a majority in parliament, it is probable that the spirit of opposition which prevailed in the different counties would have compelled administration to make some concessions to the people. But these transactions extremely strengthened the hands of administration, and rendered the exertions of the popular leaders less formidable. The popular party were also somewhat weakened, by the divisions which took place among them in the county meetings, and assemblies of that kind, relative to annual parliaments and other political regulations which were proposed to be adopted.

In the suppression of these riots, however, the interference of the military without the command of the civil magistrate became a matter of suspicion to the people at large. In the house of lords the duke of Richmond expressed an expectation that some of his majesty's ministers would rise, and give their lordships assurances, that the measures taken in order to suppress the riots, which were defensible only upon the ground of necessity, would be so stated; and that what was illegally done, on the ground of necessity, would be cured by an act of indemnity.

Various other observations were thrown out relative to the king's prerogative and military law: upon which lord Mansfield observed, that neither the king's prerogative nor military law had any thing to do with the conduct of government in their endeavours to quell the late outrages. All men, of all ranks, descriptions, and denominations, were bound, by their oath of allegiance, to interpose for the prevention of acts of high treason, or felony, wherever any attempts to perpetrate such crimes were made in their presence; and were criminal, if they did not do it. In the whole of these proceedings, therefore, the military had not acted in their technical capacity as military, but had merely exercised their duty as civil men, which they, in common with other civil men, had both a right and an obligation to exercise. When a body of men were convened, without proceeding to the actual perpetration of treasonable or felonious acts; then, by a clause in the riot-act, the presence of the civil magistrate was necessary, before the military could interpose at all; and for this reason, that as no acts of felony were committed, they could have no plea in the civil character for meddling at all. But by the statute-law of the country, it became felonious in any combination of men to persevere in that combination, after the riot-act had been read by a justice of the peace; and this being done, then, and not till then, they had a constitutional reason for their interposition; namely, the privilege and duty of hindering the commission of felony, whenever they had it in their power. This being, therefore, the plain voice of the law, his lordship did not see how any prerogative of the king had been exercised, nor how military law had been established. established. Nothing had been done out of the regular course of the law; and no power had been assumed by the soldiery, which they did not possess as civil individuals, and not in their technical capacity as members of the military.

This doctrine was far from being agreeable to the nation in general, and was very freely censured both in newspapers and pamphlets. It was admitted, that if soldiers came accidentally, as individuals, to any place where felonies were committing, they might interfere, as well as others of the king's subjects, in the prevention of them. But this was a different case from that of bodies of armed troops being sent under officers commissioned by the king, and with orders to act against riotous and disorderly persons without any authority from the civil magistrate. It was maintained, that the constitution of England knew no such character as a mercenary soldier, at the sole will of the executive power. Soldiers were held to their duty by laws which affected no other part of the community; and no soldier, as such, could be employed in the service of the constitution, without a particular act of parliament in his favour. The idea that a military man was convertible into a soldier, or a citizen, as royalty might move its sceptre, was a novel idea, and only made for the present occasion. Mercenary armies were understood to consist of men, who had either detached themselves or been forced from civil societies. Laws were made on these suppositions, regarding their liberties and lives, such as no members of civil society could submit to. Soldiers were only tolerated by annual bills, and under repeated pretences; and the very idea of blending them with the common subjects of the state, and giving persons of their description a right of judging on its most important occurrences, would have filled our ancestors with horror. The laws tolerated an army for certain periods, and under certain restrictions; but there was no law which admitted the interference of the military in any of the operations of civil government.

It was acknowledged, that the late atrocious riots had rendered an extraordinary exertion of power absolutely necessary; but it was at the same time contended, that the interposition of the army in those outrages, without any authority from the civil magistrate, was an act of prerogative unconstitutional and illegal, though perfectly reasonable and beneficial. The public safety and benefit might sometimes excuse exertions of power, which would be injurious and tyrannical on ordinary occasions: but the utmost care should be taken, that such extraordinary exertions should not be established as precedents, which might operate very fatally to the constitution. An act of indemnity to the ministry, therefore, on account of the necessity of the case, should be immediately passed. But if a large standing army was kept up, and the king was understood to be invested with a power of ordering the troops to act discretionally, whenever he should judge proper, without any authority from the civil magistrate, the people could have no possible security for their liberties. In vain might be their appeals to the courts of justice: for the efficacy of appeals of that kind, in such cases, would depend on the pleasure of the prince.

Many were filled with similar apprehensions, and alarmed at the dangerous precedent which the late exertions of the military afforded, however necessary they might be from the very singular circumstances of the case. Among others, Sir George Saville, in an address to his constituents some time afterwards, declared, that he considered them as "fully, effectually, and absolutely under the discretion and power of a military force, which was to act without waiting for the authority of the civil magistrates."

A letter written by lord Amherst to lieutenant-colonel Twifletton, who commanded the troops employed in London for the suppression of the riots, and which was understood to be an order for disarming the citizens, was much canvassed in both houses of parliament. The letter, however, was denied to have such a meaning, and was said to be levelled only at disorderly persons who were found in arms. It excited, nevertheless, no considerable alarm; and was an inducement, added to the consideration of the late riots, to lead a great number of citizens to provide themselves with arms, and to join in plans of military association, that they might be enabled to protect themselves and the city from violence and outrage, without any future interposition of the military.

We must now proceed to a detail of the operations various ends of the war, which, notwithstanding the powerful confederacy against Great Britain, seemed rather to be in her favour than otherwise. The Spaniards had begun their military operations by the siege of Gibraltar, but with very little success; and the close of the year 1779, and beginning of 1780, were attended with some considerable naval advantages to Great Britain. On the 18th of December 1779, the fleet under the command of Sir Hyde Parker in the West Indies captured nine sail of French merchant ships, which, with several others, were under the convoy of some ships of war. Two days after he detached rear admiral Rowly in pursuit of three large French ships, of which he had received intelligence, and which were supposed to be part of Monf. la Mothe Picquet's squadron returning from Grenada. His success there has been already mentioned; and about the same time several other vessels were taken by the same squadron commanded by Sir Hyde Parker.

On the 8th of January 1780, Sir George Brydges Rodney, who had been intrusted with the command of a fleet, one object of the destination of which was the relief of Gibraltar, fell in with 22 sail of Spanish ships, and in a few hours the whole fleet was taken.

In little more than a week after, the same fortunate admiral met with still more signal success. On the 16th of the month he engaged, near Cape St Vincent, a Spanish fleet, consisting of 11 ships of the line and two frigates, under Don Juan de Langara. The Spaniards made a gallant defence; but four of their largest ships were taken, and carried into Gibraltar. These were, the Phoenix of 80 guns and 700 men, on board which was the admiral, Don Juan de Langara; the Monarca, of 70 guns and 600 men, Don Antonio Oyarvide commander; the Princesa, of 70 guns and 600 men, Don Manuel de Leon commander; and the Diligente, of 70 guns and 600 men, Don Antonio Abornoz commander. Two other 70 guns ships were also taken; but one of them was driven on shore on the breakers and lost, and the other was likewise driven on shore, but afterwards recovered. Four ships of the line escaped, and the two frigates; but two of the former were much damaged in the action; in the course of which one Spanish ship, the San Domingo, of 70 guns and 600 men, was blown up. The five men of war taken were remarkably fine ships; and were afterwards completely refitted, manned, and put into the English line of battle. The Spanish admiral and his officers applied to Sir George Rodney to obtain the liberty of returning to Spain upon their parole of honour; but this he declined for some time, because he was informed that a great number of British seamen were then prisoners in Spain, who ought to have been released. However, afterwards receiving assurances that these should be immediately set at liberty, he released the Spanish admiral and officers upon their parole; and the prisoners in general were treated with such generosity and humanity, as appeared to make a great impression upon the court of Madrid and the Spanish nation. When admiral Rodney had supplied the garrison of Gibraltar with provisions, ammunition, and money, he proceeded on his voyage to the West Indies; having sent home part of his fleet, with his Spanish prizes, under the command of rear-admiral Digby; who took a French man of war on his return, the Prothée, of 64 guns and 700 men.

On the 20th of March there was an action in the West Indies, between some French and English men of war, the former under the command of Mons. de la Mothe Piquet, and the latter, being part of Sir Peter Parker's squadron, under that of commodore Cornwallis. The engagement was maintained on both sides with great spirit; but the French at length gave up the contest, and made the best of their way for Cape François.

Admiral Rodney having arrived in the West Indies, and taken upon him the command of his majesty's ships at the Leeward islands, an action happened between him and the French fleet under the command of count de Guichen, on the 17th of April. The British squadron consisted of 30 ships of the line, besides frigates; and the French fleet of 23 ships of the line, and several frigates. The action began a little before one, and continued till about a quarter after four in the afternoon. Admiral Rodney was on board the Sandwich, a 90 gun ship, which beat three of the French ships out of their line of battle, and entirely broke it. But such was at length the crippled condition of the Sandwich, and of several other ships, that it was impossible to pursue the French that night without the greatest disadvantage. The victory was, indeed, claimed on both sides; but no ship was taken on either; and the French retired to Guadaloupe. Admiral Rodney's ship, the Sandwich, had suffered so much, that for 24 hours she was with difficulty kept above water. Of the British there were killed in this engagement 120, and 353 were wounded.

On the 15th of May, another action happened between the same commanders. It did not commence till near seven in the evening, only, a few ships having engaged, which were soon separated; and the whole ended in nothing decisive. Of the British 21 were killed, and 100 wounded. The fleets met again on the 19th of the same month, when another action ensued; but this also terminated without any material advantage on either side. In the last engagement 47 of the British were killed and 193 wounded. According to the French accounts, the total of their loss, in these three actions, amounted to 158 killed, and 820 wounded.

It was a very unfavourable circumstance for Great Britain, that the French should have so formidable a fleet in the West Indies; and this great force of the enemy was augmented in June, by being joined with a Spanish squadron near the island of Dominica. The French and Spanish fleets, when united, amounted to 36 sail of the line. They did not, however, attack any of the British islands, or even reconnoitre the fleet under the command of Sir George Brydges Rodney, which then lay at anchor in Gros Îlet bay. Such, indeed, were the vigilance and good conduct of that admiral, and so friendly were the inhabitants of these islands of his services, that the houses of assembly of St Christopher's and Nevis presented addresses to him, testifying their gratitude for the security they enjoyed in consequence of his spirited and zealous exertions.

In the month of June, admiral Geary, who commanded the grand fleet, took twelve valuable merchant ships bound from Port au Prince to Bordeaux and other ports of France: But in the month of July a very important and unexpected capture was made by the Spaniards, which could not but excite much alarm in Great Britain. On the 8th of August, captain Moutray, who had under his command the Ramilies of 74 guns and two frigates, with the trade bound for the East and West Indies under convoy, had the misfortune to fall in with the combined fleets of France and Spain, which had sailed from Cadiz the preceding day. The Ramilies and the two frigates escaped; but the rest were so completely surrounded, that five East Indiamen were taken, and 50 merchant ships bound for the West Indies. Their cargoes were extremely valuable: it was one of the most complete naval captures ever made; and was a heavy stroke to the commerce of Great Britain. The Spaniards on this occasion behaved to their prisoners with great attention and humanity; and appeared disposed to make an adequate return for the generous treatment which their countrymen had experienced from admiral Rodney. This loss, however, great as it was, was scarce sufficient to compensate the capture of Fort Omoa from the Spaniards, where upwards of three millions of dollars were gained by the victors, and, among other valuable commodities, 25 quintals of quicksilver, without which the Spaniards could not extract the precious metals from their ores; the loss of which consequently rendered their mines useless.

But while the British were making the most vigorous efforts, and even in the main getting the better of the powers who opposed them fairly in the field, enemies were raised up throughout all Europe, who, by reason of their acting indirectly, could neither be opposed nor resisted. The power which most openly manifested its hostile intentions was Holland; but her armed forces this, a most formidable confederacy, under the title of the armed neutrality, was formed, evidently with a design to crush the power of Great Britain. Of this confederacy the empress of Russia declared herself the head; and her plan was intimated on the 26th of February 1780, in a declaration addressed to the courts of London, Versailles, and Madrid. In this piece it was observed, that though from the conduct of her Imperial majesty it might have been hoped that her subjects would have been allowed peaceably to enjoy the fruits of their industry, and of the advantages belonging to all neutral nations, experience had proved the contrary; her imperial majesty's subjects had been often molested in their navigation, and retarded in their operations, by the ships and privateers of the belligerent powers. Her Imperial majesty therefore declared, that she found herself under the necessity of removing those vexations which were offered to the commerce of Russia, as well as to the liberty of commerce in general, by all the means compatible with her dignity and the welfare of her subjects; but before she came to any serious measures, and in order to prevent all new misunderstandings, she thought it just and equitable to expose to the eyes of all Europe the principles which she had adopted for her conduct, and which were contained in the following propositions:

1. That neutral ships should enjoy a free navigation, even from port to port, and on the coasts of the belligerent powers.

2. That all effects belonging to the subjects of the belligerent powers should be looked upon as free on board such neutral ships, excepting only such goods as were stipulated contraband.

3. Her imperial majesty, for the proper understanding of this, refers to the articles 10. and 11. of her treaty of commerce with Great Britain, extending her obligations to all the other belligerent powers.

In the treaty made between Great Britain and Russia in 1734 it is said, "The subjects of either party may freely pass, repass, and trade in all countries which now are or hereafter shall be at enmity with the other of the said parties, places actually blockaded up or besieged only excepted, provided they do not carry any warlike stores or ammunition to the enemy: as for all other effects, their ships, passengers, and goods, shall be free and unmolested. Cannons, mortars, or other warlike utensils, in any quantity beyond what may be necessary for the ship's provision, and may properly appertain to and be judged necessary for every man of the ship's crew, or for each passenger, shall be deemed ammunition of war; and if any such be found, they may seize and confiscate the same according to law: but neither the vessels, passengers, or the rest of the goods, shall be detained for that reason, or hindered from pursuing their voyage." The same enumeration of the goods, stipulated as contraband, was given in the treaty concluded between Great Britain and Russia in 1766.

4. That in order to determine what characterizes a port blocked up, that denomination should not be granted but to such places before which there were actually a number of enemy's ships stationed near enough so as to make its entry dangerous.

5. That these principles should serve as rules in the judicial proceedings and sentences upon the legality of prizes.

Her imperial majesty declared, that she was firmly resolved to maintain these principles; and that, in order to protect the honour of her flag and the security of the commerce and navigation of her subjects, she had given an order to fit out a considerable part of her naval forces. She added, that this measure would have no influence on the strict and rigorous neutrality which she was resolved to observe, so long as she should not be provoked and forced to depart from her principles of moderation and impartiality. It was only in that extremity that her fleet would be ordered to act wherever her honour, interest, and necessity should require. This declaration was also communicated to the States-general by prince Galitzin, envoy extraordinary from the empress of Russia; and she invited them to make a common cause with her, so far as such an union might serve to protect commerce and navigation. Similar communications and invitations were also made to the courts of Copenhagen, of Stockholm, and of Lisbon, in order, it was said, that, by the united care of all the neutral maritime powers, the navigation of all the neutral trading nations might be established and legalized, and a system adopted founded upon justice, and which, by its real advantages, might serve for rules as future ages.

The memorial of the empress of Russia, though very unfavourable to the views of Great Britain, received a civil answer from that court; but by other powers it was received, as it might naturally be expected, with much more cordiality. In the answer of the king of France it was said, that, "what her Imperial majesty claimed from the belligerent powers was nothing else than the rules prescribed to the French navy; the execution whereof was maintained with an exactness known and applauded by all Europe." He expressed his approbation of the principles and views of her Imperial majesty; and declared, that from the measures she had now adopted, "solid advantages would undoubtedly result, not only to her subjects, but also to all nations." The kings of Sweden and Denmark also formally acceded to the armed neutrality proposed by the empress of Russia, and declared their perfect approbation of her sentiments. The States-general did the same; but on account of that slowness of deliberation which prevails in the councils of the republic, it was not till towards the close of the year that their concurrence was notified to the court of Russia. It was resolved by the powers engaged in this armed neutrality to make a common cause of it at sea against any of the belligerent powers who should violate, with respect to neutral nations, the principles which had been laid down in the memorial of the empress of Russia.

But though the British ministry could not openly engage in war with all the other powers of Europe, the war they determined to take severe vengeance on the Dutch, whose ingratitude and perfidy now became a general subject of speculation. It has already been observed, that, ever since the commencement of hostilities with the Americans, the Dutch had shown much partiality towards them. This continued to be the case, even beyond what the natural avidity of a mercantile people could be supposed to produce: frequent memorials and remonstrances had of consequence passed between the two nations, and the breach gradually grew wider and wider, until at last matters came to an extremity, by a discovery that the town of Amsterdam was about to enter into a commercial treaty with America. This happened in the beginning of September. tember 1780, by the capture of Mr Laurens, lately president of the American congress, and who had been empowered by that body to conclude a treaty with Holland. Mr Laurens himself was instantly committed prisoner to the tower of London, and a spirited remonstrance was made to the States of Holland, requiring a formal disavowal of the transaction. To this, however, no other answer could be obtained, than that they would take the matter into consideration according to the forms and usages of the country; and that a reply would be given as soon as the nature of their government would admit.

Such an equivocal answer could not by any means be satisfactory; and therefore the most vigorous measures were resolved on. On the 25th of January 1781, it was announced to the house, that his majesty had been obliged to direct letters of marque and reprisal to be issued against the States-general and their subjects. For the causes and motives of his conduct in this respect, he referred to a public manifesto against that republic, which he had ordered to be laid before the house. The charges against the republic, however, were briefly summed up by lord North in his speech on the occasion. The States, he said, in open violation of treaties, had not only refused to give Great Britain that assistance which those treaties intitled her to claim when attacked by the house of Bourbon, but had also, in direct violation of the law of nations, contributed as far as they could to furnish France with wailike stores, and had also at length thought proper to countenance the magistracy of Amsterdam in the insult which they had offered to this country, by entering into a treaty with the rebellious colonies of Great Britain, as free and independent states. By the treaty of 1678, it was stipulated, that in case Great Britain was attacked by the house of Bourbon, she had a right to take her choice of either calling upon the States-general to become parties in the war, and to attack the house of Bourbon within two months, or of requiring an aid of 6000 troops, and 20 ships of war, which the States were to furnish immediately after the claim was made. But though this country had always preferred her faith with Holland, yet that republic had refused to fulfil the terms of this treaty.

His lordship farther observed, that the States-general had suffered Paul Jones, a Scotchman, and a pirate, acting without legal authority from any acknowledged government, to bring British ships into their ports, and to rest there (a). A rebel privateer had also been saluted at the Dutch island of St Eustatius, after she had been suffered to capture two British ships within cannon-shot of their forts and castles. A memorial was presented at the Hague, in June 1779, on the breaking out of the war with Spain, to claim the aid we were intitled to require by the treaty of 1678; but of this not the least notice was taken on the part of the States. Two other notices had since been delivered, each of which met with the same reception. The British ministry had done all in their power to bring the States to a true sense of their interest; and when the necessity of the case compelled them to seize on Dutch ships carrying stores to France, they had paid the full value for the cargoes, and returned the ships; so that neither the private merchant, the private adventurer, nor the States, had suffered. France only had felt the inconvenience, by her being deprived of that assistance which she would have received from those cargoes.

With respect to an observation that had been made, that the treaty laid before the house, between the Dutch and the Americans, was nothing more than a contemplative project, his lordship remarked, that it was actually signed and sealed; the names of Van Berkel the pensionary of Amsterdam, and Mons. de Neuville, a merchant and burgess of that city, being subscribed to it on the part of the magistracy of Amsterdam, and the name of John Lee, as commissioner or agent for the congress of America. The States-general had also refused to pay the least attention to the requisition in his majesty's memorial, delivered by Sir Joseph Yorke, that proper notice should be taken of Van Berkel and his associates; so far as such a refusal could be implied by a contemptuous silence. As to the principal magistrates of Amsterdam, they were so far from disavowing the fact, or attempting to palliate it, that they gloried in the whole transaction; and expressly declared, even to the States-general, that what they had done was what their indispensible duty required.

His lordship added, that he lamented the necessity of a war with Holland; but it appeared to him to be an unavoidable measure. He confessed the situation of this country to be truly alarming; but when he considered the powerful stand that had already been made against the most alarming confederacy that had ever been formed against Great Britain, the little success that the enemies of this country had met with in all their

(a) This man, who had been formerly a servant in lord Selkirk's house, had landed in 1778 and plundered it of the plate, but without doing any farther mischief. The action, however, was very disagreeable to his own party; and, at the desire of Dr Franklin, the plate was afterwards restored. After this exploit, he attempted to set fire to the town of Whitehaven, but without success. In 1779, he made a descent on the coast of Ireland, but without committing any act of hostility. His people indeed carried off some sheep and oxen, but their captain paid liberally for what they had taken. In the month of September 1779 he appeared in the Frith of Forth with several prizes. They advanced up the Frith above the island of Inchkeith, so as to be nearly opposite to Leith. His design was supposed to have been to burn the shipping there; but he was prevented from attempting this by a strong west wind; and such measures were also taken for the defence of the harbour, by erecting batteries and otherwise, that he would probably have miscarried had any attempt been made. On leaving the coast of Scotland, he fell in with the Serapis and Scarborough, both of which he took after a most desperate engagement; by which all the vessels were reduced almost to wrecks. These were carried into a Dutch harbour; and it was this transaction to which lord North now alluded. He was called a pirate, on account of his not being at that time properly furnished with a commission either from France or America, though this was denied by the opposite party. their various attempts against it, and the spirit and resources of the nation, the public prospects appeared to him much less gloomy than some gentlemen thought proper to represent them. Our difficulties were certainly great; but he trusted that they were by no means insuperable. He was neither desirous of concealing their magnitude, nor afraid to meet them, great as they must be acknowledged; because he was convinced, that when the force of this country was fully exerted, it was equal to the contest; and that the only means of obtaining an honourable and just peace, was to show ourselves capable of carrying on the war with spirit and with vigour.

Before this national resolution, however, could possibly have been communicated officially to the naval commanders in the West Indies, the Dutch were actually attacked. The defenceless island of St Eustatius was, on the 3rd of February 1781, summoned by admiral Rodney and general Vaughan to surrender to the arms of Great Britain, and only one hour given to consider of it. The immense property on the island was confiscated, and a fate instituted, with such circumstances of apparent rapacity, as not only became the subject of a discussion in parliament, but drew upon this nation, whether justly or not we pretend not to determine, the ill will of all Europe*.

The Dutch nation seem not in the present case to have behaved with any degree of prudence. Notwithstanding their provoking conduct towards Britain, they had made no preparations for war in case of being attacked. Notwithstanding this inactivity, however, it still appeared that they retained their ancient valor, and were in fact the most formidable naval enemies Britain had to contend with. By the month of August 1781 they had equipped a considerable squadron, the command of which was given to rear-admiral Zoutman. On the 5th of that month, this squadron fell in with the British fleet commanded by admiral Hyde Parker. The force commanded by the Dutch admiral consisted, according to their own account, of one of 74, one of 68, one of 64, three of 54, and one of 44, besides frigates; but the English account represents the Dutch fleet as consisting of eight two-decked ships. No gun was fired on either side till they were within the distance of half musket-shot. The action began about eight in the morning, and continued with an unceasing fire for three hours and forty minutes. Both sides fought with equal ardour, and little advantage was gained on either. When the heat of the action was over, both squadrons lay to a considerable time near each other, when the Dutch ships of war with their convoy bore away for the Texel; and the English ships were all too much disabled to follow them. A Dutch 74 gun ship sunk soon after the action. On board the British fleet 104 were killed and 339 wounded; and the loss of the Dutch was probably greater. Admiral Zoutman, in the account of the engagement transmitted by him to the Stadtholder, said, that his men "fought like lions;" and it was said by the British admiral, in the account sent by him to the admiralty, that "his majesty's officers and men behaved with great bravery, nor did the enemy show less gallantry." The admiral of the Dutch fleet was promoted, honorary rewards were given to the principal officers, and two months pay to the men, for their behaviour in this action. When admiral Parker's fleet arrived at the Nore, his majesty, in order to testify his sense of his merit, went on board his ship, with the avowed design, as it is said, of conferring on him the honour of knighthood; but this the admiral thought proper to decline; and it was generally supposed, that this veteran officer was much disgusted, that more ships had not been sent to him, for which he had applied, and which he conceived might have been spared, and whereby he might have been enabled to obtain a complete victory.

Thus the war was still carried on in various parts of the vast efforts globe in such a manner as seemed to evince the impotence of Great Britain by any force whatever. In Europe the utmost efforts of France and Spain were able to produce nothing more than the annual parade of a mighty fleet in the channel. This was answered by the appearance of a British fleet so formidable that the allies never durst attack them. The fleets of Holland had drawn out their force; and this too was opposed by one, which, if insufficient to conquer, was at least able to prevent their effecting anything detrimental to our possessions. In the East Indies the united powers of the French and Indians had been conquered, and the Dutch settlements had suffered severely*. In the year 1781, however, the British naval power in the West Indies seemed to flourish, and some events took place which threatened a total ruin of the empire in these parts. This was owing to the vast superiority of the combined fleets of events of France and Spain, by whom that of Britain was now the year so far outnumbered, that they could not achieve anything of consequence. An ineffectual attempt on the island of St Vincent's* was made by admiral Rodney; and an indecisive engagement took place, April 28th 1781, between admiral Hood and the count de Grasse; the event of which, however, if not advantageous, was certainly honourable to Britain, as the French had a superiority of six ships of the line. The damage done to the British ships having obliged them to retire to Barbadoes to refit, the French took that opportunity to make a descent on the island of Tobago†. The governor, Mr Ferguson, made a gallant resistance; but was at last obliged to surrender, as no prospect of succours appeared. On his return to England he complained loudly that the island had been unnecessarily lost. Admiral Rodney had sent rear-admiral Drake with six sail of the line, three frigates, and some troops, to the assistance of the island; but they were sent too late, and the island had capitulated before any relief was afforded it. In a letter of admiral Rodney, which was published in the gazette, some surprisewas expressed, that the place had surrendered too soon: upon which governor Ferguson published an account of the siege, signed with his name, in all the London papers, in which he reprimanded the admiral. The governor's narrative was so perspicuous, so apparently satisfactory, and his charge against the admiral so strong, that it was thought incumbent on the latter to vindicate his conduct; but no answer to the governor's accusation ever appeared.

Besides the inconveniences which the British West India islands suffered in consequence of the war, it was also a misfortune to some of them that they were involved in domestic disputes, occasioned by their dissatisfaction. tion at the conduct of their governors. This was particularly the case with Jamaica and Barbadoes, in both which islands there were frequent contests about this time between the houses of assembly and the governors. But the remonstrances of the inhabitants on this subject did not meet with much attention from those who had it in their power to afford them relief; for it seemed, indeed, to be a kind of maxim with the British administration at this period, to pay little regard to any complaints from the subjects of the empire, respecting any abuse of authority, from whatever quarter they might come, Ireland only excepted; and, with respect to that kingdom, they were induced to relax a little from the high tone they were accustomed to assume, by the powerful and energetic arguments of the Irish volunteers. See IRELAND.

The great and decisive stroke, however, which happened this year, was the capture of lord Cornwallis with the division of the army under his command. Other events, indeed, were sufficiently mortifying. The province of West Florida had been reduced by the Spaniards; Minorca was besieged by them with an apparent impossibility of holding out; the island of St Eustatius was surprised by the French; and in short every circumstance seemed to proclaim the necessity of putting an end to a war so calamitous and destructive.

All the disasters that had yet happened, however, were not sufficient to induce the ministry to abandon their favourite scheme of war with the colonies. The parliament met on the 27th of November 1781. It has already been observed, that in the year 1780 the ministry had received such a signal defeat as seemed to prognosticate the ruin of their power. They had indeed afterwards acquired a majority, and the extreme terror produced by the riots had contributed not a little to the establishment of their authority. The remembrance of what had passed, however, most probably induced them to a dissolution of parliament; while the successes at Charlestown and other parts of America, once more gave them a decided majority in both houses. But the disasters of the year 1781 involved them in the utmost difficulty and distress. In the speech from the throne, his majesty observed, that the war was still unhappily prolonged by that restless ambition which first excited the enemies of his crown and people to commence it, and which still continued to disappoint his earnest desire and diligent exertions to restore the public tranquillity. But he should not answer the trust committed to the sovereign of a free people, nor make a suitable return to his subjects for their zealous and affectionate attachment to him, if he consented to sacrifice, either to his own desire of peace, or to their temporary ease and relief, those essential rights and permanent interests, upon the maintenance and preservation of which the future strength and security of Great Britain must depend. The events of war he said, had been very unfortunate to his arms in Virginia, having ended in the loss of his forces in that province. No endeavours, he added, had been wanting on his part to extinguish that spirit of rebellion which his enemies had found means to foment and maintain in the colonies, and to restore to his deluded subjects in America that happy and prosperous condition which they had formerly derived from a due obedience to the laws; but the late misfortune in that quarter called loudly for the firm concurrence and assistance of parliament, in order to frustrate the designs of their enemies, which were equally prejudicial to the real interests of America, and to those of Great Britain. At the close of the speech, his majesty observed, that among the many ill consequences which attended the continuation of the present war, he sincerely regretted the additional burdens which it must unavoidably bring upon his faithful subjects; but he still declared his perfect conviction of the justice of his cause; and that he had no doubt, but that, by the concurrence and support of his parliament, by the valour of his fleets and armies, and by a vigorous, animated, and united exertion of the faculties and resources of his people, he should be enabled to restore the blessing of a safe and honourable peace to all his dominions.

A motion for an address of thanks, couched in the usual style, was made in the house of commons. It was urged, that a durable and advantageous peace could result only from the firm, vigorous, and unremitting prosecution of the war. The present was not the time to relinquish hope, but to resolve upon exertion. By despair we should invite calamity to overwhelm us; and it would ill become a great and valiant people, whose resources were yet powerful and numerous, to submit where they should resist; to look with indifference upon their political importance; and to tarnish, by indolent pusillanimity, the national and dear-bought glories both of remote and recent eras, instead of opposing, with augmented force, a combination whose inextinguishable efforts to throw out of the scale of Europe the whole political existence of Great Britain, were strengthened by the late victory over lord Cornwallis in Virginia. But if a general spirit of unanimity, so requisite at one of the most alarming and important periods in the British annals, were to arise within the walls of parliament, and thence to diffuse itself throughout the body of the people, the gloom that hovered round us would rapidly disperse, and great successes would conduct the nation back to all its pristine splendour and felicity.

This was vehemently opposed by Mr Fox and Mr Burke. The latter remarked, that if there could be a greater misfortune than had already been undergone by this kingdom in the present disgraceful contest, it was hearing men rise up in the great assembly of the nation to vindicate such measures. If the ministry and the parliament were not to be taught by experience, if neither calamities could make them feel, nor the voice of God make them wise; what had this fallen and undone country to hope for? If anything could tend to deject the people of England, to make them despair of their situation, and resign themselves to their fate, it must be to receive information that their ministers, after all that had been suffered, were yet determined to go on with the American war. A battle might be lost, an enterprise might miscarried, an island might be captured, an army might be lost in the best of causes, and even under a system of vigour and foresight; because the battle, after all the wisdom and bravery of man, was in the hands of heaven; and if either or all these calamities had happened in a good cause, and under the auspices of a vigilant administration, a brave people would not despair. But it was not so in the present case. Amidst all their sufferings and their misfortunes, they saw nothing so distressing as the weaknesses or wickednesses of their ministers. They seemed still determined to go on, without plan, and without foresight, in this war of calamities; for everything that happened in it was a calamity. He considered them all alike, victories and defeats; towns taken, and towns evacuated; new generals appointed, and old generals recalled; they were all alike calamities in his eyes, for they all spurred us on to this fatal business. Victories gave us hopes, defeats made us desperate, and both instigated us to go on. They were, therefore, both calamities; and the king's speech was the greatest calamity of all; for the king's speech showed us the disposition of the ministers: and this disposition was not to retreat an inch; to go on, to plunge us deeper, to make our situation more disgraceful, and more unhappy.

In the course of the debate, it was contended on the part of administration, and particularly by lord North, that by the address, as originally proposed, the house did not pledge themselves to any continuance of the American war; but this was strongly denied by the gentlemen in opposition. However, the point was at last decided in favour of ministry by a majority of 216 to 129; and the address was then carried as originally proposed.

In the house of peers, a motion for an address similar to that of the house of commons, was made by lord Southampton, and seconded by lord Walsingham. It was vigorously opposed by the earl of Shelburne; who observed, that seven years had now elapsed since blood was first drawn in America; and from that period to the present the affairs of Great Britain had been continually growing worse. A long progress in the war had left us in a situation in which there were no advantages to console; but dangers and calamities had arisen, which were unknown to us at the commencement of hostilities. Of nearly 87,000 men sent to America, how few had returned! What treasures had been in vain expended! What enormous debts accumulated! The most liberal national supplies had been followed by nothing but calamities; and the whole proceedings of the ministry manifested a want of system and of intelligence. Among other instances of mismanagement, his lordship remarked, that, instead of blocking up the French fleets within their own harbours, or immediately intercepting them on their putting out to sea, we had suffered them to sail far upon their expeditions to our distant settlements; and when they had acquired this great advantage, we slowly followed their powerful armaments with inconsiderable squadrons, and scarcely ever reached the place of destination till the enterprizes of the enemy were totally accomplished. His lordship also declared it to be his opinion, that the capture of earl Cornwallis was owing to the preceding capture of St Eustatius. As to the farther prosecution of the war with the least prospect of success, it was totally impossible; the nation was too much exhausted both of men and money; recruits were not to be procured for the army; and as to our navy, if we had the best first lord of the admiralty, and the ablest board that ever sat, it was impossible to provide for all the distant services of so extensive a war. The reason was obvious. The fine navy that belonged to Great Britain at the conclusion of the last war had been suffered to rot and moulder away; while France and Spain had recruited and repaired their marine during the whole period of the peace.

Among other strictures on ministerial conduct, it was observed by the duke of Richmond, that at present scarcely a seventh part of the people were represented, while all the remainder had no concern whatever, either virtually or individually, in the management of their own affairs; which, their lordships well knew, the constitution of this country, as originally framed, gave them a right to have. He appealed to the house, whether many of their lordships did not name the members for several boroughs, and whether the representatives were not chosen only by the management of two or three burgesses. Were this point reformed, his grace declared, that he should still expect to see the country capable of regaining some portion of its former greatness. He also made some observations on the interior cabinet, which had, he said, been the ruin of this country. To prove its mischievous tendency, he intimated the declaration of the late earl of Chatham, who confessed to the house, that "he was duped and deceived, and that he had not been ten days in the cabinet before he felt the ground rotten under his feet." His grace likewise said, that though it was the middle of a war, he made no scruple to recommend it most strenuously to government, immediately to set about curtailing the numbers of the army, and that as much as possible. He recommended, that arms should be put into the hands of the people, for the purposes of domestic defence; and he did not doubt but that in this case, they would act with greater power and success, than even the most numerous military forces. He also advised withdrawing the troops from America, augmenting the navy as much as possible, and sending such succours to the West India islands as might enable them effectually to resist any attempts from the enemy.

Lord Stormont defended the address as originally proposed; and observed, that the language of the speech from the throne was proper to be held by any prince worthy of the crown, in a moment like the present; and the long established custom rendered such an address as had been moved the fit answer to it. The preservation of America, as a dependent part of the British empire, was too important to be relinquished; and the present crisis, so far from justifying despair, called for a redoubled ardour, and for immediate exertion.

The lord-chancellor said, that the present speech from the throne, like all others at the commencement of a session, was no more than a brief state of the nation, delivered in the ancient style of composition, and conformably to established usage, from almost the first existence of a parliament; and as to the address, its language not being specifically binding, their lordships might vote in favour of it, without pledging themselves to support any future ministerial measure whatever. The house at length divided, when lord Shelburne's amendment was rejected by a majority of 75 to 31. A short protest against the address was entered by the duke of Richmond, the marquis of Rockingham, and earl Fitzwilliam; in which they declared, that they differed, "for reasons too often urged in vain for the last seven years against the ruinous profession..." cution of the unjust war carrying on by his majesty's ministers against the people of North America, and too fatally confirmed by repeated experience, and the late disgraceful loss of a second army, to stand in need of repetition."

Though ministers thus succeeded in carrying the addresses in the usual form, they did not meet with the like success in their main plan of carrying on the war. After the debate on the number of seamen, which was fixed at 100,000 for the ensuing year, Sir James Lowther moved as a resolution of the house, "That the war carried on with America had been ineffectual for the purposes for which it was undertaken; and that all farther attempts to reduce that continent by force of arms would be in vain, and must be injurious to this country by weakening her powers to resist her ancient and confederated enemies." This was supported by a number of arguments interlarded with the most severe reflections on ministerial conduct. In the course of this debate it was observed, and indeed with evident truth, that every state of consequence in Europe withheld its succours, and left us to contend alone against a multitude of enemies; so that we should search in vain for an ally from one corner of the universe to the other. As to the American war, in which the ministry so madly persisted, it was not like a war between two rival, or two neighbouring states, about a barrier or a boundary; a contest which, however it ended, could not detract much from the importance or weight of either. It was a war in which the conclusion of every campaign was against us; in which we weakened no enemy by our efforts; in which we had suffered everything without gaining anything. The American war had been a war of delusion from the beginning to the end. Every promise had been broken, every affection had been falsified, every object had been completely given up. The ministry had said one thing one day; and the next day they had come down again, and with grave faces said what was directly contrary. But it was time to put an end to these delusions; not the least prospect of success in the war now remained; the period was therefore come, when it was indispensably necessary that the parliament should interfere, in order to avert that ruin with which this unhappy country was so immediately threatened.

The motion was opposed by lord North; who said, that if it was agreed to by the house, it must put an end to the American war in every shape, and even cripple the hands of government in other respects. It would point out to the enemies of this country what were to be the mode and operations of the war; and thus inform the enemy in what manner they might best point their operations against this country during the next campaign. Great Britain must not retain any post in the colonies; for that would be considered as one mode of attempting to reduce the Americans to obedience by force. But was it not manifest, that there might be a necessity of retaining certain posts in America, for the convenience even of carrying on the war against France and Spain?

With respect to the American war in general, his lordship acknowledged, that it had been extremely unfortunate; but he affirmed, that the misfortunes and calamities which had attended it, though of a most furious and fatal nature, were matters rather to be deplored and lamented as the events of war, in themselves perpetually uncertain, than to be ascribed to any criminality in ministers. He had always considered the American war as a war of the most cruel necessity; but at the same time as a war commenced for the support of the just rights of the crown and of the parliament of Great Britain. He would also venture to declare, that as the war was unfortunate to all his fellow-subjects, so it was particularly distressing to himself. He had always considered it as the heaviest calamity of his life; and if, at any time, a sacrifice, not only of the emoluments of his situation, but even of the whole of his private fortune, could have purchased for his country a safe and honourable peace, he would have made that sacrifice with the utmost cheerfulness, and thought the opportunity of offering it the greatest blessing which could possibly have befallen him. His lordship added, that though he totally disapproved of the motion, yet he was willing to declare it to be his opinion, that it would not be wise nor right to go on with the American war as we had hitherto done; that is, to send armies to traverse from the south to the north of the provinces in their interior parts, as had been done in a late case, and which had failed of producing the intended and the desired effect.

This new method of carrying on the war was as much disapproved of as the other; nor indeed did it seem to be generally believed that any material alteration was to take place in the ministerial system. General Burgoyne observed, that declaring a design of maintaining posts in America, of the nature of New York, was declaring a design of offensive war; and that such a maintenance of posts would prove an imprudent and a preposterous war. The great if not the only purpose of keeping places of arms upon an enemy's coast, and especially upon a continent, must be for offensive war. During the glorious administration of the earl of Chatham, a place of arms was intended to be established at St Malo's; and it was afterwards established at Belleisle upon a more extensive view than that of a mere inlet into the country. It made a powerful diversion, and drew a great military force from Germany, to protect the whole range of coast from Bayonne to Dunkirk, which was threatened by an embarkation from that place of arms. But the circumstance which rendered that menace against the French coast either practicable or formidable was, our dominion of the sea. At that resplendent era, our naval flag rode in the very bays of France as securely as if anchored at Spithead; and a few frigates would have convoyed an army of 20,000 men to any one point of the French or Spanish coast. This then could be produced as a just precedent for a place of arms. But what other precedents existed? The command of a strait, by which it was possible either to give an inlet for commerce, or to divide the ports of an enemy. Of such a nature was Calais, which, together with Dover, kept separate as often as we thought proper the great ocean and the German sea. Such also was Gibraltar; a place of arms that gave a virtual superiority to the navy of England, though with an inferior number of ships, as separating the ports of the house of Bourbon in the ocean from their ports in the Mediterranean, and preventing the junction of their fleets. But New York, as a place of arms, could answer The general added, that he had not hitherto touched upon the principle of the American war. The impracticability of it was a sufficient justification for supporting the present motion. But he was now convinced that the principle of the American war was wrong, though he had not been of that opinion when he formerly engaged in the service in America. He had been brought to this conviction, by observing the uniform conduct and behaviour of the people of America. Passion, prejudice, and interest, might operate suddenly and partially; but when we saw one principle pervading the whole continent, the Americans resolutely encountering difficulty and death for a course of years, it must be a strong vanity and presumption in our own minds, which could only lead us to imagine that they were not in the right. It was reason, and the finger of God alone, that implanted the same sentiment in three millions of people. He would assert the truth of the fact against all which either art or contrivance could produce to the contrary. He was likewise now convinced, upon comparing the conduct of the ministry, as time had developed their system, that the American war formed only a part of a general design levelled against the constitution of this country and the general rights of mankind.

After some farther debate, Sir James Lowther's motion was rejected by a majority of 220 to 179. This, however, was a majority in which the ministry had little reason to exult; as it was sufficiently apparent, from the numbers who voted against administration, that the uninfluenced sense of that house was clearly and decisively against any farther prosecution of the American war.

Other arguments to the same purpose with those of general Burgoyne, just mentioned, were used in the debate on the army estimates. On the 14th of December, the secretary at war informed the house, that the whole force of the army, including the militia of this kingdom, required for the service of the year 1782, would amount to 186,220 men, and for this force the parliament had to provide. The sum required for these troops for pay, clothing, and other articles, amounted to four millions two hundred and twenty thousand pounds. This military force exceeded that of the last year by 4074 men; and the expense was consequently greater by 29,067l. 15s. The increase was occasioned by the greater number of troops already sent, or then going, to the East Indies. But the expense of these troops was to be reimbursed by the East India company.

After some farther statements relative to the military force of the kingdom and its expense had been made by the secretary at war, colonel Barré rose, and with great vehemence declared, that the estimates of the army which were laid before that house were scandalous and evasive. There was a much greater number of non-effective men than were stated in the estimates. In fact, they amounted to a fifth part of the army. The house should also recollect, that the estimates lying on the table did not compose the whole of the expenses of the army; for extraordinary sums of several millions were yet to come. Neither were the men under the several descriptions given by the secretary at war the whole number of military force employed. Other troops were employed solely at the discretion of the minister, and paid irregularly and unconstitutionally, without the assent or knowledge of the legislature; particularly the provincial corps in America, amounting to nine thousand men in actual service, the statement of which force, though it had been called for from year to year, was never brought into the estimates.

With respect to the army estimates, the colonel proceeded to observe, that in many instances they were filled with such abandoned impositions, that there appeared an actual design to treat inquiries from the parliament with sovereign contempt. Several regiments, of which the number of men did not amount to one hundred, were set down at eight hundred; and others not having more than fifty were mentioned in the estimates as consisting of five, six, or seven hundred men. Indeed, too large a part of the armies, for which that house had been persuaded to give their votes, existed only upon paper. Amongst other regiments, the royal English fusiliers had not even a fourth of their complement. The royal Scotch fusiliers were in a worse predicament. Their number fell short of even one hundred men. The 60th regiment was stated as amounting to 3500 men, when the fact was, that it did not consist of 1500; and many others might be enumerated in the same situation. The statement of the estimates relative to garrisons, particularly those of Gibraltar and Minorca, were equally delusive and overcharged.

Lord George Germaine said, that the reason why the provincial corps had not been included in the estimates was, that some share of the public money might be spared, by avoiding to vote an establishment for these troops. They were raised and paid in a manner by much the most economical for the nation. They were solely under the management of the commander in chief; and an officer, called the inspector-general of the provincial corps, regularly took care to multer them from time to time; nor was a single man paid for, if not in actual employ. His lordship also informed the house, that the ministry were unanimously of opinion, that, considering the present situation of affairs, and the misfortunes of the war, it would not be right to continue any longer the plan on which it had hitherto been conducted; and therefore that a fresh army would not be sent to supply the place of that captured at York-town under earl Cornwallis.

Sir George Savile expressed the strongest disapprobation of any farther prosecution of the American war, or of raising any more troops for that purpose. He adverted to the intimation which had been given by the ministry, that a change was to be made in the mode of conducting the American war. This, he said, was in fact telling the house, that they were determined to prosecute the war with all the feeble efforts of which they were yet capable. Every unprejudiced and sensible observer must perceive, that so extraordinary a conduct resembled, if it did not indicate, the violence of insanity. General Conway declared, that he entirely disapproved of a continuance of the American rican war in any form, as he wished that it might totally cease. He eagerly desired the recall of our fleets and armies, and was anxious for an entire and immediate prevention of those calamities which had almost completed the destruction of the empire. He considered an avowal of the independence of America as a severe misfortune, and a debauching stroke against Great Britain; but of the two evils he would choose the least, and he would submit to the independence of America. In short, he would almost yield to any circumstance whatsoever, rather than persist a day longer in the prosecution of so pernicious a war. Ideas had been started relative to a war of ports, among which New York had been particularly mentioned. But on what military authority did the ministry presume to think that New York was tenible? What garrison would be able to maintain it? The diversity of military opinions given on this subject served rather to alarm than to convince. To secure New York, the possession of Long Island, which is a hundred miles in length, is absolutely necessary; and it was well known that Sir Henry Clinton, with all his troops, did not consider himself as secure. Notwithstanding these and other arguments, however, the question was carried in favour of ministry by a considerable majority, and the supplies were voted accordingly.

Besides the grand question for and against the continuance of the American war, several other matters of smaller moment were agitated this session; particularly the affair of St Eustatius * as already mentioned, an inquiry into the state of the navy, and into the causes of our bad success in the American war. All these questions were carried in favour of ministry, though not without a strength of opposition they had never experienced before. A motion for censuring lord Sandwich was lost only by 236 to 217; and so general did the desire of a change of administration now appear, that it excited no small degree of surprize that the present ministers should still retain their places. Nothing could set in a more striking point of view the detestation in which they were held, than the extreme aversion shown at admitting lord George Germaine to the dignity of peerage. On this occasion, the Ministry's business was not only ripped up, but after his actual investiture, and when he had taken his seat in the house, under the title of lord viscount Sackville, a second debate ensued relative to the dishonour the peers had sustained by his admission into their house. It was moved by the marquis of Caermarthen, that "it was reprehensible in any minister, and highly derogatory to the honour of that house, to advise the crown to exercise its indisputable right of creating a peer, in favour of a person labouring under the heavy censure of a court martial," which was particularly flouted in the motion, and also the public orders given out on the occasion by the late king. The marquis urged, that the house of peers being a court of honour, it behoved them most carefully to preserve that honour uncontaminated, and to endeavour to mark out, as forcibly as possible, the disapprobation which they felt at receiving into their assembly, as a brother peer, a person stigmatized in the orderly books of every regiment in the service. The earl of Abingdon observed, that he could not help conceiving, that, although there was not a right of election, there was and must be a right of exclusion vested in that house, when the admission of any peer happened to be against the sense of their lordships. His judgment of this arose not only from the idea, that that house was possessed of original rights, as independent of the crown as of the people; but from the circumstance of their being the hereditary counsellors of the crown, against the sense of whom, he held, the crown could not of right exert itself. His lordship declared, that he considered the admission of lord George Germaine to a peerage, to be no less an insufferable indignity to that house, than an outrageous insult to the people at large. It was an indignity to that house, because it was connecting them with one whom every soldier was forbidden to associate with. It was an insult to the people; for what had the person raised to the peerage done, to merit honours superior to his fellow-citizens? He had only one claim to any kind of promotion; and that was, that he had undone his country, by executing the plan of that accursed, invisible, though efficient cabinet, from whom, as he had received his orders, so he had obtained his reward.

Lord Sackville declared, that he neither knew by whose advice he had been raised to this dignity, nor thought, that, in a point of this nature, the recommendation of any minister was in the least needful. To bestow honours was the peculiar and universally admitted prerogative of the crown, provided that the parties advanced to them were competent to receive them. This he insisted was the case at present. The sentence of the court-martial was stated as the ground of the objection against his elevation to the peerage; but even such a sentence did not amount to any legal disability whatsoever. Twenty-three years had elapsed since the court-martial which sat upon him had pronounced that sentence; and he should naturally suppose, that such of their lordships, and of the public in general, as were at all acquainted with the peculiarly hard and unfair circumstances which accompanied his trial, had been long accustomed to behold this buffoon in its proper point of view. Afflicted by an excess of acrimony, at least equal to any that a British officer could have experienced from enemies at once implacable and unjust, he was condemned unheard, and punished previously to his trial. In these circumstances, it was well known, that he had challenged his accusers to come forward; that he provoked inquiry; and that he insisted upon a trial. He was assured at the time, that if the determination of the court-martial should even prove capital, it would be carried into execution; but no intimations of this kind could dissuade him from insisting that a trial should take place; and he flattered himself, that the candour and equity of their lordships would lead them to conclude, that such behaviour, under such circumstances, could only result from a consciousness of innocence. To the sentence of it he had submitted; and, as the result of such submission, he thought that he had then acquitted himself to his country and to the public. At the present moment, it was extremely singular, that although neither the charge, nor the defence, nor the evidence, nor in short any one part of the proceedings on the trial, was before their lordships, they were called upon to put the sentence a second time in force against him. He trusted, however, that their lordships would would call to mind the occurrences which had taken place, with respect to himself, subsequent to that period. In 1765, not more than four years after the trial, he was appointed to an office in administration. Previously to his acceptance of the propositions then made to him that he should bear a part in administration, it was agreed for him to become a member of the council-board. There he accordingly took his seat; and thenceforward considered such a circumstance as virtually a repeal of the sentence of the court-martial.

A revision of the proceedings of the court-martial was now unattainable; for during the space of 23 years, the period of time which had elapsed since the trial, every member who had sat upon it, except one, had been dead and buried. An attempt to investigate the motives which actuated the several members of the court was equally impracticable. He hoped, therefore, their lordships would be of opinion, that he was fully competent to receive the title which his sovereign had been graciously pleased to bestow upon him; and that it was neither expedient, necessary, nor becoming, for that house, to fly in the face of the crown, or to oppose its indisputable prerogative, because it had advanced an old and faithful servant to the dignity of a seat among their lordships.

The duke of Richmond observed, that, from the reign of Edward III. to the time of Henry VII. it was expressly stated, in every new patent of the creation of a peer, that such creation was made with the consent of parliament; nor did a single instance occur, during the whole of this period, of any title being granted without the particular acquiescence of the house of lords. After the reign of Henry VII. the crown carried with a considerably less restraining hand this exercise of the prerogative; and during the latter years, it had been generally regarded as an incontestable and established right. It appeared, however, that the ancient principles of the British constitution had set boundaries to restrain this exercise of the prerogative; and that formerly a legal infidelity was not the only circumstance which might amount to a disqualification for the peerage. Some intimations had been thrown out, respecting the decision of the court-martial, which were far from being well grounded. When the court-martial took place, for the purpose of determining the criminality or the innocence of the noble viscount, the times were not, as had been represented, remarkable for the predominance of clamour or of faction. He observed, that their lordships were not ignorant, that the noble viscount refuted a considerable part of the vindication of his behaviour at the battle of Minden, upon the supposed existence of a striking variation in the orders delivered from prince Ferdinand to the commander of the cavalry. It was understood that the first order was, that the cavalry should advance; and the second, that the British cavalry should advance. Yet, even under these supposed contradictory orders, it was evident that the noble lord should advance; and, certainly, the distance being short, he enjoyed a sufficient space of time for obedience to his instructions. Lord Southampton, who delivered one of the messages, was now present in the house; and it should seem, that he had no choice, on this occasion, but to acknowledge, either that he did not properly deliver such orders to the noble viscount, or that the latter, having properly received them, neglected to obey them. But whatever difficulties might have arisen, during the endeavours to determine exactly how much time had actually been lost, in consequence of the non-compliance of the noble viscount with the orders which he received, his grace said, that he could with much facility have solved, what all the witnesses examined as to this point were not able positively to determine. If, as he was summoned to appear upon the trial, his deposition had been called for, he could have proved, because he held all the while his watch within his hand, and seldom ceased to look at it, that the time lost when the noble viscount delayed to advance, under pretence, that, receiving such contradictory orders, it was impossible for him to discover whether he ought to advance with the whole cavalry, or only with the British cavalry, was one hour and a half. It was, therefore, extremely evident, that the noble lord had it in his power to have brought up the cavalry from the distance of a mile and a quarter; in consequence of which, by joining in the battle, they might have rendered the victory more brilliant and decisive. But, before the arrival of this cavalry, the engagement was concluded. Such was the testimony, his grace said, which, having had the honour to serve, at the battle of Minden, under prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, he must have borne, if, being summoned, the members of the court-martial had thought proper to have examined him on the trial. Under such circumstances, the noble viscount could have little reason to complain of the sentence of the court-martial, of the orders which followed, or of the loss of his commission.

The motion was powerfully supported by other arguments, both by the duke of Richmond himself and other peers; but, however, was rejected by a majority of 93 against 28. A protest was entered, signed by nine peers, in which the sentence and the public sanction of the orders were particularly stated; and in which they declared, that they "could not look upon the railing to the peerage a person so circumstanced, in any other light than as a measure fatal to the interests as well as to the glory of the crown, and to the dignity of that house; intuiting to the memory of the late sovereign, and likewise to every surviving branch of the illustrious house of Brunswick; repugnant to every principle of military discipline, and directly contrary to the maintenance of the honour of that house, and to that honour which has for ages been the glorious characteristic of the British nation, and which, as far as could depend on them, they found themselves called upon, not more by duty than inclination, to transmit pure and unfulfilled to posterity."

The ruinous tendency of the American war was now so strikingly apparent, that it became necessary for those who had a just sense of the dangerous situation of their country, who wished well to its interests, or even to prevent its destruction, to exert their most vigorous efforts to put an end to so fatal a contest. Accordingly, on the 22d of February, a motion was made by general Conway, "That an humble address should be presented, earnestly imploring his majesty, that, taking into his royal consideration the many and great calamities which had attended the present unfortunate war, and the heavy burdens thereby brought on his loyal and affectionate people, he would be graciously ciously pleased to listen to the humble prayer and advice of his faithful commons, that the war on the continent of North America might no longer be pursued for the impracticable purpose of reducing that country to obedience by force; and expressing their hope that the earnest desire and diligent exertion to restore the public tranquility, of which they had received his majesty's most gracious assurances, might, by a happy reconciliation with the revolted colonies, be forwarded and made effectual; to which great end, his majesty's faithful commons would be ready most cheerfully to give their utmost assistance." In the speech by which he introduced this motion, the general fet forth the enormities with which the British arms had so frequently been stigmatized by opposition, and the excessive animosity of the Americans. Not a single friend to the British government (he said) could be discovered amongst the inhabitants of North America, from one end of the country to the other. We had, indeed, at present no object to contend for: for if it could be admitted for a moment, even for the sake of argument, that it were possible we might conquer at the last, what benefits would repay the struggle for the victory? We should then only gain a defeat, a country depopulated by the war, which our despotism and barbarity, our avarice and ambition, our antipathy for freedom, and our passion for injustice, had kindled in her bosom. But all expectations of this kind were in the highest degree vain and absurd; though he had received intelligence (the general said) from a person lately arrived from America, in whose veracity, experience, and discernment, he could implicitly confide, that the people of that country, although in arms against us, were still anxious for the accomplishment of peace. He was also assured, that certain individuals, at no considerable distance, were empowered, on the part of the congress, to treat with the ministers of Great Britain for the attainment of so essential an object. These circumstances were not unknown to government; and a noble lord, who had lately retired from the office of secretary of state for the American department, had been particularly applied to on this interesting occasion. What reason could the ministers assign why they had neglected to improve this singular advantage, and seemed to spurn at all ideas of negotiation? Could it be possible, that a series of ignominious miscarriages and defeats had not yet operated as a cure for the inhuman and destructive love of war? Such was the situation of the nation, that it behoved the ministers to negotiate for peace almost on any terms. But as they had hitherto done nothing of this kind, it was indispensably necessary that the parliament should interfere, and put an immediate end to a war so calamitous, so fatal, and so destructive. The motion was seconded by lord John Cavendish, who remarked, that the American war had been a war of malice and resentment, without either dignity in its conduct, probability in its object, or justice in its origin. It was, however, vigorously opposed by administration, who had still sufficient strength to gain their point, though only by a single vote, the motion being rejected by 194 to 193.

The increasing strength of opposition now showed that the downfall of ministry was at hand. The decision of the last question was considered as a victory gained by the former; and Mr Fox instantly gave notice that the subject would be resumed in a few days, under another form. It was accordingly revived on the 27th of February; on which day a petition from the city of London was presented to the house, citing the house to interpose in such a manner as should prevent any farther prosecution of the American war; after which general Conway moved, that it should be resolved, "That it was the opinion of that house, that the farther prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America, for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force, would be the means of weakening the efforts of this country against her European enemies, and tend, under the present circumstances, dangerously to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of Great Britain and America; and, by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, to frustrate the earnest desire graciously expressed by his majesty to restore the blessings of public tranquility."

In the speech by which he introduced this motion, the general took notice of some objections that had been made to his former motion, under the idea that it was unconstitutional in that house to interfere with its advice in those things which especially and indisputably belonged to the executive power. It appeared, however, from the journals, that from the days of Edward III. down to the present reign, parliament had at all times given advice to the crown in matters relating to war and peace. In the reign of Richard II., it was frequently done; and also in that of Henry IV. One remarkable instance of this was in the reign of Henry VII., when that prince consulted his parliament respecting the propriety of supporting the duke of Brittany against France, and also of declaring war against the latter; and he told his parliament, that it was for no other purpose than to hear their advice on these heads that he called them together. In the reign of James I., the parliament interfered repeatedly with their advice respecting the Palatinate, the match with Spain, and a declaration of war against that power. In the time of Charles I., there were similar interferences; and in the reign of his son Charles II., the parliament made repeated remonstrances, but particularly in 1674 and 1675, on the subject of the alliance with France, which they urged ought to be renounced, and at the same time recommended a strict union with the united provinces. To some of these remonstrances, indeed, answers were returned not very satisfactory; and the parliament were informed, that they were exceeding the line of their duty, and encroaching upon the prerogative of the crown. But so little did the commons of those days relish these answers, that they addressed the king to know who it was that had advised his majesty to return such answers to their loyal and constitutional remonstrances. In the reign of king William, repeated instances were to be found in the journals of advice given by parliament relative to the Irish war and the war on the continent. The like occurred frequently in the reign of queen Anne: that princess, in an address from the parliament, was advised not to make peace with France until Spain should be secured to Austria; and also, not to consent to peace until Dunkirk should be demolished. In short, it was manifest from the whole history of... of English parliaments, that it was ever considered as constitutional for parliament to interfere, whenever it thought proper, in all matters so important as those of peace and war. The general urged other arguments in support of his motion, which was seconded by lord Aldthorpe; and petitions from the mayor, burgesses, and commonalty of the city of Bristol, and from the merchants, tradesmen, and inhabitants of that city, against the American war, were read. In order to evade coming to any immediate determination on the question, a proposition was made by Mr Wallace, the attorney-general, that a truce should be entered into with America; and that a bill should be prepared to enable his majesty's ministers to treat on this ground; and under the pretence of allowing time for this measure, he moved, "that the present debate for this measure should be adjourned for a fortnight." The house divided upon this motion, when there appeared for it 215, and against it 234; so that there was a majority of 19 against the ministry. The original motion of general Conway was then put and carried without a division. The general immediately followed up his first motion with another for an address to the king, in which the American war was spoken of precisely in the same terms made use of in the motion, and in which his majesty was solicited to put a stop to any farther prosecution of offensive war against the colonies. This motion was agreed to; and it was also resolved, that the address should be presented to his majesty by the whole house. The address was accordingly presented on the first of March; when his majesty returned an answer, in which he declared, that there were no objects nearer to his heart than the safety, happiness, and prosperity of his people; that the house of commons might be assured, that, in pursuance of their advice, he should take such measures as should appear to him to be most conducive to the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and her revolted colonies, so essential to the prosperity of both; and that his efforts should be directed, in the most effectual manner, against our European enemies, until such a peace could be obtained as should conduce with the interests and permanent welfare of his kingdoms. But though the proceedings of the house of commons, in addressing his majesty against any farther prosecution of the American war, gave general satisfaction, the royal answer, however, was not thought sufficiently explicit. It was therefore observed by general Conway, in the house of commons, on the 4th of March, that he hoped he should be supported by the house in his desire of securing the nation against the possibility of a doubt that the American war was not now completely concluded. Something, perhaps, might yet be wanting, by which ministers might be so expressly bound, that, however desirous of evasion, they would not have it in their power to evade the injunction of that house. He therefore moved, "That an humble address should be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of that house for his gracious answer to their last address; that house being convinced, that nothing could, in the present circumstances of this country, so essentially promote those great objects of his majesty's paternal care for his people as the measures which his faithful commons had most humbly but earnestly recommended to his majesty."

This motion was unanimously agreed to; after which the general made a second motion, that it should be resolved by that house, "That, after the solemn declaration of the opinion of that house, in their humble address presented to his majesty on Friday last, and his majesty's assurance of his gracious intention, that house would consider as enemies to his majesty and this country, all those who should endeavour to frustrate his majesty's paternal care for the safety and happiness of his people, by advising, or by any means attempting, the farther prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America, for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force."

After some debate, the motion was agreed to without a division; and on the 6th of the month, after a number of papers had been read in the house of peers relative to the surrender of earl Cornwallis and the army under his command, the two following motions were rejected by the duke of Chandos. First, "That it was the opinion of that house, that the immediate cause of the capture of the army under earl Cornwallis in Virginia, appeared to have been the want of a sufficient naval force to cover and protect the same." Secondly, "That the not covering and protecting the army under earl Cornwallis, in a proper manner, was highly blamable in those who advised and planned the expedition." After some debate, the motions were rejected, upon a division, by a majority of 72 to 37.

Thus the ministry still kept their ground, and with the most astonishing resolution combated the powers of military opposition, which were daily increasing. On the 8th of March several resolutions were moved by lord John Cavendish; one of which was, that "the chief cause of all the national misfortunes was the want of foresight and ability in his majesty's ministers." Another reflected the immense sum expended on the war, which was not denied to be less than 100 millions. The expenditure of this sum became an object of severe scrutiny; but still all inquiry was frustrated. Mr Burke affirmed, that all public documents relative to the finances, exhibited the mismanagement, profusion, and enormities, of an unprincipled administration; as an instance of which he adduced the presents given to the Indians for their services during the last year, amounting to no less than 100,000l. Several other particulars were pointed out; but the motions were lost by 226 to 216.

The unpopularity of lord North was now farther augmented by his proposal of some new taxes, particularly on soap, the carriage of goods, and places of entertainment. Opposition therefore still determined to force him to resign; which indeed it seemed improbable that he would voluntarily do. On the 15th of March it was moved by Sir John Rous, that "the nation could have no farther confidence in the ministers who had the conduct of public affairs." The debate was remarkable for an argument, in the affair of America, perfectly original, and unprecedented in all that had been said or written on the subject. Sir James Marriot informed the house, that though it had been frequently pretended, that the inhabitants of the colonies were not represented in the British parliament, yet the fact was otherwise; for they were actually represented. The first colonization, by national and foreign authority, he remarked, was the establishment of the the colony of Virginia. The grants and charters made of those lands, and of all the subsequent colonies, were of one tenor, and expressed in the following terms: "To have and to hold of the king or queen's majesty, as part and parcel of the manor of East Greenwich, within the county of Kent, redendum, a certain rent at our castle of East Greenwich, &c." So that the inhabitants of America were, in fact, by the nature of their tenure, represented in parliament by the knights of the shire for the county of Kent. This curious legal discovery, that the American colonies were part and parcel of the manor of East Greenwich, though delivered by the learned judge with all proper gravity and solemnity, yet excited so much merriment in the house, that it was with great difficulty, for some time, that the speaker could preserve any kind of order.

Lord North endeavoured to vindicate his own administration. He affirmed, that it could not be declared with truth, by that house, that the national calamities originated from the measures of the present administration. The repeal of the American stamp-act, and the passing of the declaratory law, took place before his entrance into office. As a private member of parliament, he gave his vote in favour of both; but, as a minister, he was not responsible for either. When he accepted his post, the times were scarcely less violent than the present. He approached the helm when others had deserted it; and, standing there, he had used his utmost efforts to assist his country. That the American war was just and requisite, and prosecuted for the purpose of supporting and maintaining the rights of the British legislature, was a position, for the truth of which he would ever contend, whilst he enjoyed the power of arguing at all upon the subject. As to peace, he not only wished most earnestly for it, but also for the formation of such a ministry as might at once prove welcome to the country, and with unanimous cordiality co-operate for the welfare and the honour of the state. It was not an attachment to the honours and emoluments of office which had kept him so long in place; and he should disdain to throw impediments in the way of any honourable and salutary coalition of parties, though for the adjustment of an administration from which he might perceive himself excluded. The house at length divided upon the question, when there appeared for it 227, and against it 236; so that there was a majority of nine in favour of administration.

Notwithstanding this seemingly favourable determination, it was so well known that the ministry could not stand their ground, that, four days after, a similar motion to that made by Sir John Rous was to have been made by the earl of Surrey; but when his lordship was about to rise for that purpose, lord North addressed himself to the speaker, and endeavoured to gain the attention of the house. This occasioned some altercation, it being contended by many members, that the earl of Surrey ought to be heard first. But lord North being at length suffered to proceed, he observed, that as he understood the motion to be made by the noble earl was similar to that made a few days before, and the object of which was the removal of the ministers, he had such information to communicate to the house, as must, he conceived, render any such motion now unnecessary. He could with authority assure the house, that his majesty had come to a full determination to change his ministers. Indeed, those persons who had for some time conducted the public affairs were no longer his majesty's ministers. They were not now to be considered as men holding the reins of government, and transacting measures of state, but merely remaining to do their official duty, till other ministers were appointed to take their places. The sooner those new ministers were appointed, his lordship declared, that, in his opinion, the better it would be for the public business, and the general interests of the nation. He returned thanks to the house for the many instances of favour and indulgence which he had received from them during the course of his administration; and he declared, that he considered himself as responsible, in all senses of the word, for every circumstance of his ministerial conduct, and that he should be ready to answer to his country whenever he should be called upon for that purpose.

The earl of Surrey informed the house, that the motion which he intended to have made was designed to declare to the nation, and to all Europe, that the ministry were not dismissed because they wanted to avoid the fatigues of office, but because the parliament had totally withdrawn from them their good opinion and their confidence, and were determined no longer to permit the perpetration of those violent abuses of their trust, to which, with impunity, and to the disgrace and detriment of the state, they had for such a length of time proceeded. His lordship, however, agreed, in consequence of the declaration of lord North, to waive his intended motion; and, after some farther debate, the house adjourned.

Thus an end was put to an administration which had for so long been obnoxious to a great part of the nation, and whose removal contributed very much to lay those dangerous fermentations by which every part of the British dominions had been so long agitated. Peace now became as much the object of ministry as war had been formerly. Before we proceed to any account of the negociations for that desirable event, however, it will be necessary to take notice of those military events which disposed the other belligerent powers to an accommodation. The bad success of Britain in America has been already taken notice of. The disaster of Cornwallis had produced a sincere desire of being at peace with America; but that could not be accomplished without making peace with France also; and that power was haughty and elated with success. Minorca had now fallen into the hands of the Spaniards; and though it is certain that the capture of a few miserable invalids, attended with such extreme difficulty as the Spaniards experienced, ought rather to have intimidated them than otherwise, they now projected the most important conquests. Nothing less than the entire reduction of the British West India islands became the object of the allies; and indeed there was too much reason to suppose that this object was within their reach. In the beginning of the year 1782, the islands of Nevis and St Christopher were obliged to surrender to M. de Grasse the French admiral, and the marquis de Bouille, who had already signalized himself by several exploits. Jamaica was marked out as the next victim; but an end of all these and aspiring hopes was fast approaching. The advantages hitherto hitherto gained by the French in their naval engagements with the British fleet, had proceeded from their keeping at a great distance during the time of action, and from their good fortune and dexterity in gaining the wind. At last, the French admiral, de Grasse, probably prompted by his natural courage, determined, after an indecisive action on the 9th of April 1782, to stand a close engagement with his formidable antagonist, admiral Rodney. This, with him, appears to have been a matter of choice, as he interfered to prevent the loss of a disabled ship, by parting with which he might have avoided the disaster that followed. This memorable engagement took place off the island of Dominica, three days after the former. The British fleet consisted of 37 ships of the line, and the French of 34. The engagement commenced at seven o'clock in the morning, and continued with unremitting fury till half past six in the evening. It is said, that no other signal was made by the admiral but the general one for action, and that for close fight. Sir George Rodney was on board the Formidable, a ship of ninety guns; and the count de Grasse was on board the Ville de Paris, a ship of 110 guns, which was a present to the French king from the city of Paris. In the course of the action, the Formidable fired nearly 80 broadsides; and for three hours the admiral's ship was involved in so thick a cloud of smoke, that it was almost invisible to the officers and men of the rest of the fleet. The van division of the British fleet was commanded by Sir Samuel Hood, and the rear division by rear-admiral Drake; and both these officers greatly distinguished themselves in this important action. But the decisive turn on this memorable day was given by a bold manoeuvre of the Formidable, which broke the French line, and threw them into confusion. The first French ship that struck was the Cesar, a 74 gun ship, the captain of which fought nobly, and fell in the action. It is said, that when she struck, she had not a foot of canvas without a shot-hole. Unfortunately, soon after she was taken possession of, she took fire by accident, and blew up, when about 200 Frenchmen perished in her, together with an English lieutenant and ten English seamen. But le Glorieux and le Hector, both 74 gun ships, were also taken by the British fleet; together with l'Ardent of 64 guns; and a French 74 gun ship was also sunk in the engagement. It was a very close and hard fought action on both sides, but the French fleet was at length totally defeated. It was almost dark when the Ville de Paris struck, on board which the count de Grasse had fought very gallantly. Five thousand five hundred troops were on board the French fleet, and the havoc among these was very great, as well as among the French seamen. The British had 230 killed and 759 wounded. Captain Blair, who commanded the Anson, and several other officers, were killed in the action; and lord Robert Manners, who commanded the Resolution, died of his wounds on his return home. On the 19th of the same month, a squadron which was detached from the main-fleet, under the command of Sir Samuel Hood, captured the Cato and the Jason, two French men of war of 64 guns each, and also l'Aimable of 32 guns, and the Ceres of 18. About the same time also the fleet under admiral Barrington took from the French, off Ushant, le Pegase of 74 guns, l'Actionnaire of 64, and ten sail of veils under their convoy.

It was universally allowed, that in this engagement the French, notwithstanding their defeat, behaved with the greatest valour. De Grasse himself did not surrender till 400 of his people were killed, and only himself and two others remained without a wound. The captain of the Caesar, after his ensign-staff was shot away, and the ship almost battered to pieces, caused his colours to be nailed to the mast, and thus continued fighting till he was killed. The vessel, when taken, was a mere wreck. Other French officers behaved in the same manner. The valour of the British requires no encomium; it was evident from their success.

This victory was a very fortunate circumstance both for the interest and reputation of the British admiral. Before this event, the new ministry had appointed admiral Pigot to supersede him in the command in the West Indies; and it was understood, that they meant to set on foot a rigid inquiry into the transactions at St Eustatius. But the splendor of his victory put an end to all thoughts of that kind; he received the thanks of both houses of parliament for his services; and was created an English peer, by the title of baron Rodney, of Rodney-Stoke, in the county of Somerset. Sir Samuel Hood was also created baron Hood of Catherington, in the kingdom of Ireland; and rear-admiral Drake, and captain Affleck, were created baronets of Great Britain. Some attempts were also made, in the house of commons, to procure a vote of censure against the new ministry, for having recalled lord Rodney; but the motions made for this purpose were rejected by the majority.

The count de Grasse, after his defeat, was received on board the Barfleur man of war, and afterwards landed on the island of Jamaica, where he was treated with great respect. After continuing there some time, he was conveyed to England, and accommodated with a suite of apartments at the Royal Hotel in Pall-mall. His sword, which he had delivered up, according to the usual custom, to admiral Rodney, was returned to him by the king. This etiquette enabled him to appear at court, where he was received by their majesties and the royal family in a manner suitable to his rank. From the time of his arrival in London to his departure, which was on the 12th of August 1782, he was visited by many persons of the first fashion and distinction, and was much employed in paying visits to the great officers of state, and some of the principal nobility of the kingdom, by whom he was entertained in a very sumptuous and hospitable style. He received, indeed, every mark of civility which the British nation could bestow; and was treated with much respect even by the common people, from the opinion that was generally entertained of his valour and merit.

Though the designs of the French against Jamaica were now effectually frustrated, the victory was not followed by those beneficial consequences which by many were expected. None of the British islands which had been taken by the French in the West Indies were afterwards recaptured; though it was hoped that this would have been the result of our naval superiority in those seas. It was also an unfortunate circumstance, that some of those ships which were taken order to facilitate such a treaty, he was willing to give immediate orders for a suspension of hostilities, if the states-general were disposed to agree to that measure.

But the states of Holland did not appear inclined to a separate peace; nor perhaps would it have been agreeable to the principles of sound policy, if they had agreed to any propositions of this kind. However, immediately after the change of ministry, negotiations for a general peace were commenced at Paris. Mr Grenville was invested with full powers to treat with all the parties at war; and was also directed to propose the independency of the United Provinces of America, in the first instance, instead of making it a condition of a general treaty. Admiral Digby and general Carleton were also directed to acquaint the American congress with the pacific views of the British court, and with the offer that was made to acknowledge the independency of the United States.

But before this work of pacification had made any considerable progress, the new ministry sustained an irreparable loss by the death of the marquis of Rockingham in July 1782. Even before this event, considerable apprehensions were entertained of their want of union; but the death of the nobleman just mentioned occasioned an absolute dissolution. The earl of Shelburne, who succeeded him as first lord of the treasury, proved so disagreeable to some of his colleagues, that Mr Fox, lord John Cavendish, Mr Burke, Mr Frederic Montagu, and two or three others, instantly resigned their places. Others, however, though little attached to the earl, kept their places; and his lordship found means to attach to his interest Mr William Pitt, son to the late earl of Chatham. Though then in an early stage of life, that gentleman had distinguished himself greatly in parliament, and was now prevailed upon to accept the office of chancellor. The preceding members of the cabinet were at great pains to explain their motives to the house for taking this step. There were in general a suspicion that matters would be managed differently from the plan they had proposed while in office, and particularly that American independence would not be allowed; but this was positively denied at the time; and with truth, as appeared by the event. There appeared indeed a duplicity in the conduct of the earl of Shelburne not easily to be accounted for. Even after it had been intimated by general Carleton and admiral Digby, that the independence of the united provinces should be granted by his majesty in the first instance, instead of making it a condition of a provisional treaty, his lordship expressed himself to the following purpose: "He had formerly been, and still was of opinion, that whenever the independence of America was acknowledged by the British parliament, the sun of England's glory was set forever. This had been the opinion of lord Chatham and other able statesmen; nevertheless, as the majority of the cabinet were of a contrary opinion, he acquiesced in the measure, though his ideas were different. He did not wish to see England's sun set forever, but looked for a spark to be left which might light us up a new day. He wished God that he had been deputed to congress, that he might plead the cause of America as well as Britain. He was convinced that the liberties of the former were gone as soon as the independence of the states was allowed: and he concluded his speech with observing, that he was not afraid of his expressions being repeated in America; there being great numbers there who were of the same opinion with him, and perceived ruin and independence linked together."

If his lordship really was of opinion that his oratorical powers were able to persuade the Americans out of a system for which they had fought so desperately for a number of years, it is much to be feared he overrated them. No obstruction, however, arose to the general pacification. As early as November 30th 1782, the articles of a provisional treaty were settled between Britain and America*. By these it was stipulated, that the people of the united states should continue to enjoy, without molestation, the right to take fish of every kind on the grand bank, and on all the other banks of Newfoundland; and that they should likewise exercise and continue the same privilege in the gulph of St Lawrence, and at every other place in the sea, where the inhabitants used heretofore to fish. The inhabitants of the united states were likewise to have the liberty to take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of Newfoundland as British seamen shall resort to; but not to cure or dry them on that island. They were also to possess the privilege of fishing on the coasts, bays, and creeks of all the other dominions of his Britannic majesty in America; and the American fishermen were permitted to cure and dry fish in any of the unfettered bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen islands, and Labrador. But it was agreed, that, after such places should be settled, this right could not be legally put in practice without the consent of the inhabitants and proprietors of the ground. It was accorded, that creditors upon either side should meet with no impediment in the prosecution of their claims. It was contracted that the congress should carefully recommend it to the legislatures of the respective states, to provide for the restitution of all estates and properties which had been confiscated, belonging to real British subjects, and of the estates and properties of persons resident in districts in the possession of his majesty's arms, and who had not borne arms against the united states. It was resolved, that persons of any other description should have free liberty to go to any part whatsoever of any of the thirteen united states, and remain in it for twelve months unmolested in their endeavours to recover such of their estates, rights, and properties as might not have been confiscated; and it was concerted that the congress should carefully recommend to the several states a revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render them perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation which, on the return of the blessings of peace, should universally prevail. It was understood that no future confiscations should be made, nor prosecutions commenced against any person, or body of men, on account of the part which he or they had taken in the present war; and that those who might be in confinement on such a charge, at the time of the ratification of the treaty in America, should be immediately set at liberty. It was concluded that there should be a firm and perpetual peace between his Britannic majesty and the united states; that all hostilities by sea and land should immediately cease; and that prisoners on both sides... by admiral Rodney were afterwards lost at sea; particularly the Ville de Paris, Glorieux, and Hector. A British man of war, the Centaur, of 74 guns, was also sunk in lat. 48 deg. 33 min. and long. 43 deg. 20 min. on the 24th of September 1782, in consequence of the disabled state to which it was reduced by some very violent storms. Before the ship sunk, the officers and crew had sustained great hardships; most of them at last went down with the ship; but the lives of captain Inglefield the commander, and ten other officers and seamen, were preserved by their getting on board a pinnace. But even this was leaky; and when they went into it they were nearly in the middle of the Western ocean, without compass, quadrant, great coat or cloak; all very thinly clothed, in a gale of wind, and with scarcely any provisions. After undergoing extreme hardships and fatigues for 16 days, they at length reached the island of Fayall, one of the Azores. They were so much reduced by want of food and incessant labour, that, after they had landed, some of the stoutest men belonging to the Centaur were obliged to be supported through the streets of Fayall. The Jamaica homeward bound fleet were also dispersed this year by a hurricane off the banks of Newfoundland, when the Ramillies of 74 guns and several merchantmen foundered.

The British navy also sustained, about this time, a considerable loss at home, by the Royal George, of 100 guns, being overset and sunk at Portsmouth. This melancholy accident, which happened on the 29th of August, was occasioned by a partial heel being given to the ship, with a view to cleanse and sweeten her; but the guns on one side being removed to the other, or at least the greater part of them, and her lower deck ports being not lashed in, and the ship thwarting on the tide with a squall from the north-west, it filled with water, and she sunk in the space of about three minutes. Admiral Kempenfelt, a very brave and meritorious officer, other officers, upwards of 400 seamen and 200 women, besides many children, perished in her.

Thus the prosecution of the war seemed to be attended with endless disasters and difficulties to all parties. The signal defeat above mentioned not only secured the island of Jamaica effectually from the attempts of the French, but prevented them from entertaining any other project than that of distressing the commerce of individuals. In the beginning of May the bay and the expedition was undertaken to the remote and inhospitable regions of Hudson's Bay; and though no force existed in that place capable of making any resistance, a 74 gun ship and two 56 gun frigates were employed on the service. All the people in that part of the world either fled or surrendered at the first summons. The loss of the Hudson's bay company, on this occasion, amounted to 500,000l. but the humanity of the French commander was conspicuous in leaving a sufficient quantity of provisions and stores of all kinds for the use of the British who had fled at his approach.

Another expedition was undertaken by the Spaniards to the Bahama islands, where a like easy conquest was obtained. The island of Providence was defended only by 360 men, who being attacked by 5000, could make no resistance. A very honourable capitulation was granted by the victors, who likewise treated the garrison with great kindness afterwards. Some settlements on the Mosquito shore were also taken by the Spaniards; but the Bay-men, assisted by their negroes, bravely retook some of them; and having formed a little army with the Indians in those parts, headed by colonel Dufour, they attacked and carried the posts on the Black River, making prisoners of about 800 Spanish troops. The great disaster which befell this Spanish power, however, was their failure before Gibraltar, an event which happened in the month of September 1782, with such circumstances of horror and destruction, as evinced the absurdity of persisting in the enterprise. Thus all parties were taught that it was high time to put an end to their contests. The affair of Cornwallis had shown that it was impossible for Britain to conquer America; the defeat of de Grasse had rendered the reduction of the British possessions in the West Indies impracticable by the French; the final repulse before Gibraltar, and its relief afterwards by the British fleet, put an end to that favourite enterprise, in which almost the whole strength of Spain was employed; while the engagement of the Dutch with admiral Parker showed them that nothing could be gained by a naval war with Britain.

We have already taken notice, as fully as the limits of this article would admit, of the events which led to the removal of lord North and the other ministers who for so long time had directed public measures in this kingdom. On this occasion it was said that his majesty expressed a considerable agitation of mind at being in a manner compelled to make such an entire change in his councils; for the members in opposition would form no coalition with any of the old ministry, the lord chancellor only excepted. On the 27th and 30th of March 1782, the marquis of Rockingham was appointed first lord of the treasury; lord John Cavendish chancellor of the exchequer; the earl of Shelburne and Mr Fox principal secretaries of state; lord Camden president of the council; the duke of Richmond master of the ordnance; the duke of Grafton lord privy-seal; admiral Keppel first lord of the admiralty; general Conway commander in chief of all the forces in Great Britain; Mr Thomas Townshend secretary at war; Mr Burke paymaster of the forces; and colonel Barre treasurer of the navy. Other offices and honours were likewise conferred on different members of the opposition; and some were raised to the peerage, particularly admiral Keppel, Sir Fletcher Norton, and Mr Dunning.

The first business in which the new ministry engaged, was the taking such measures as were proper to negotiate for effectuate a general peace. No time was lost in the pursuit of this great object, or in taking the necessary steps for its attainment. Accordingly, the empress of Russia having offered her mediation, in order to restore peace between Great Britain and Holland, Mr secretary Fox, within two days after his entrance into office, wrote a letter to Mons. Simolin, the Russian minister in London, informing him, that his majesty was ready to enter into a negociation for the purpose of setting on foot a treaty of peace, on the terms and conditions of that which was agreed to in 1674 between his majesty and the republic of Holland; and that, in order should be set at liberty. It was determined that his Britannic majesty should expeditiously, and without committing destruction of any fort, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, from every port, place, and harbour of the united states. The navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, was to remain for ever free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the united states. In fine, it was agreed in the event, that if any place or territory belonging to Great Britain, or to the united states, should be conquered by the arms of either before the arrival of the provisional articles in America, it should be restored without compensation or difficulty.

In the treaty between Great Britain and France, it was agreed that Newfoundland should remain with England, as before the commencement of the war; and, to prevent disputes about boundaries, it was accorded that the French fishery should begin from Cape St John on the eastern side, and going round by the north, should have for its boundary Cape Ray on the western side. The islands of St Pierre and Miquelon, which had been taken in September 1778, were ceded in full right to France. The French were to continue to fish in the gulph of St Lawrence, conformably to the fifth article of the treaty of Paris. The king of Great Britain was to restore to France the island of St Lucia, and to cede and guaranty to her that of Tobago. The king of France was to surrender to Great Britain the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, St Vincent, Dominica, St Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat. The river of Senegal and its dependencies, with the forts of St Louis, Podor, Galam, Arguin, and Portendic, were to be given to France; and the island of Goree was to be restored to it. Fort James and the river Gambia were guarantied to his Britannic majesty; and the gum trade was to remain in the same condition as before the commencement of hostilities. The king of Great Britain was to restore to his most Christian majesty all the establishments which belonged to him at the breaking out of the war on the coast of Orissa and in Bengal, with the liberty to surround Chandernagor with a ditch for draining the waters; and became engaged to secure to the subjects of France in that part of India, and on the coasts of Orissa, Coromandel, and Malabar, a safe, free, and independent trade, either as private traders, or under the direction of a company. Pondicherry, as well as Karikal, was to be rendered back to France; and his Britannic majesty was to give as a dependency round Pondicherry the two districts of Valanour and Bahour; and as a dependency round Karikal, the four contiguous Magans. The French were again to enter into the possession of Mahé, and of the Comptoir at Surat. The allies of France and Great Britain were to be invited to accede to the present pacification; and the term of four months was to be allowed them, for the purpose of making their decision. In the event of their aversion from peace, no alliance on either side was to be given to them. Great Britain renounced every claim with respect to Dunkirk. Commissioners were to be appointed respectively by the two nations to inquire into the state of their commerce, and to concert new arrangements of trade on the footing of mutual convenience. All conquests on either side, in any part of the world whatsoever, not mentioned nor alluded to in the present treaty, were to be restored without difficulty, and without requiring compensation. It was determined that the king of Great Britain should order the evacuation of the islands of St Pierre and Miquelon, three months after the ratification of the preliminary treaty; and that, if possible, before the expiration of the same period, he should relinquish all connection with St Lucia in the West Indies, and Goree in Africa. It was stipulated in like manner, that his Britannic majesty should, at the end of three months after the ratification of the treaty, or sooner, enter into the possession of the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, St Vincent, Dominica, St Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat. France was to be put into possession of the towns and comptoirs which were to be restored to her in the East Indies, and of the territories which were to serve as dependencies round Pondicherry and round Karikal, six months after the ratification of the definitive treaty; and at the termination of the same term she was to restore the towns and districts which her arms might have taken from the English or their allies in that quarter of the globe. The prisoners upon each side were reciprocally to be surrendered, and without ransom, upon the ratification of the treaty, and on paying the debts they might have contracted during their captivity. Each crown was respectively to reimburse the sums which had been advanced for the maintenance of their prisoners by the country where they had been detained, according to attested and authentic vouchers. With a view to prevent every dispute and complaint on account of prizes which might be made at sea after the signing of the preliminary articles, it was mutually settled and understood that the vessels and effects which might be taken in the Channel, and in the North seas, after the space of twelve days, to be computed from the ratification of the present preliminary articles, were to be restored upon each side; that the term should be one month from the Channel and the North seas, as far as the Canary islands inclusively, whether in the ocean or the Mediterranean; two months from the Canary islands as far as the equinoctial line or equator; and lastly, five months without exception in all other parts of the world.

These preliminary articles of peace were concluded at Versailles on the 20th of January 1783, between Mr Alleyne Fitzherbert, minister plenipotentiary on the part of his Britannic majesty, and Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes, the minister plenipotentiary on the part of the king of France. At the same time the preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain and Spain were also concluded at Versailles between Mr Fitzherbert and the comte d'Aranda, the minister plenipotentiary for the Spanish monarch. It was agreed that a sincere friendship should be re-established between his Britannic majesty and his Catholic majesty, their kingdoms, states, and subjects by sea and land in all parts of the world. His Catholic majesty was to keep the island of Minorca; and was to retain West Florida. East Florida was to be ceded to him by the king of Great Britain. Eighteen months from the date of the ratification of the definitive treaty were to be allowed to the subjects of the latter who had settled in the island of Minorca and in the two Floridas, to sell their estates, to recover their debts, and to transport port their persons and effects, without being restrained upon account of their religion, or on any other pretence whatsoever, except that of debts, and prosecutions for crimes. His Britannic majesty was, at the same time, to have the power to cause all the effects that might belong to him in East Florida, whether artillery or others, to be carried away. The liberty of cutting logwood in a district of which the boundaries were to be ascertained, without molestation or disturbance of any kind whatsoever, was permitted to Great Britain. The king of Spain was to restore the islands of Providence, and the Bahamas, without exception, in the condition in which they were when they were conquered by his arms. All other conquests of territories and countries upon either side, not included in the present articles, were to be mutually restored without difficulty or compensation. The epoch for the restitutions to be made, and for the evacuations to take place, the regulations for the release of prisoners, and for the cessation of captures, were exactly the same as those which have already been related, as stipulated in the preliminary articles with France.

No sooner were these articles ratified and laid before parliament, than the most vehement declamations against ministry took place. Never had the administration of lord North himself been arraigned with more asperity of language. The ministry defended themselves with great resolution; but found it impossible to avoid the censure of parliament. An address without any amendment was indeed carried in the house of lords by 72 to 59; but in the lower house it was lost by 224 to 208. On the 21st of February, some resolutions were moved in the house of commons by lord George Cavendish, of which the most remarkable were, that the concessions made by Britain were greater than its adversaries had a right to expect; and that the house would take the case of the American loyalists into consideration. The last motion indeed his lordship consented to move; but all the rest were carried against ministry by 207 to 190. These proceedings, however, could make no alteration with regard to the treaty, which had already been ratified by all the contending powers, the Dutch only excepted. The terms offered them were a renewal of the treaty of 1674; which, though the most advantageous they could possibly expect, were positively refused at that time. Afterwards they made an offer to accept the terms they had formerly refused; but the compliment was then returned by a refusal on the part of Britain. When the preliminary articles were settled with the courts of France and Spain, a suspension of arms took place with Holland also; but though the definitive arrangements with the other powers were finally concluded by the month of September, it was not till then that the preliminary articles were settled with Holland. The terms were a general restitution of all places taken on both sides during the war, excepting only the settlement of Negapatnam in the East Indies, which was to remain in the hands of Britain, unless an equivalent was given on the part of Holland. The navigation of the eastern seas was to remain free and unmolested to all the British shipping. The other articles concerned only the exchange of prisoners, and such other matters as are common to all treaties.

Thus an end was put to the most dangerous war in which Britain was ever engaged; and in which, notwithstanding the powerful combination against her, she still remained in a state of superiority to all her enemies. At that time, and ever since, it has appeared more favourable to how much the politicians were mistaken who imagined that the prosperity of Britain depended in a great measure on her colonies: Though for a number of years past she had not only been deprived of these colonies, but opposed by them with all their force; though attacked at the same time by three of the greatest powers in Europe, and looked upon with an invidious eye by all the rest; the damages done to her enemies still greatly exceeded those she had received. Their trade by sea was almost ruined; and on comparing the loss of ships on both sides, the balance in favour of Britain was 28 ships of the line and 37 frigates, carrying in all near 2000 guns. Notwithstanding this, however, the state of the nation appears to have been really such, that a much longer continuance of the war would have been impracticable. In the debates, which were kept up with the greatest violence on account of the peace, Mr Pitt set forth our situation with great energy and strength of argument. "It was in vain (he said) to boast of the strength of our navy; we had not more than 100 sail of the line; but the fleet of France and Spain amounted nearly to a loss of 140 ships of the line. A diminution of 72 ships of the peace line was to have acted against Jamaica. Admiral Pigot had only 46 sail to support it; and it was a favorite maxim of many members of the house, that defensive war must terminate in certain ruin. It was not possible that admiral Pigot could have acted offensively against the islands of the enemy; for lord Rodney, when flushed with victory, did not dare to attack them. Would admiral Pigot have recovered by arms what the ministers had regained by negotiation? With a superior fleet against him, and in its flight, is it to be conceived that he could have retaken Grenada, Dominica, St Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat? On the contrary, is it not more than probable that the campaign in the West Indies must have terminated in the loss of Jamaica?

"In the east, it was true that the services of Sir Edward Hughes had been highly extolled; but he could only be commended for a merely defensive resistance. Victory seemed to be out of the question; and he had not been able to prevent the disembarkation of a powerful European armament which had joined itself to Hyder Ally, and threatened the defalcation of the Carnatic†. At home and in our own seas the fleets of the enemy would have been nearly double to ours. We might have seized the intervals of their cruise, and paraded the channel for a few weeks; but that parade would have only served to disgrace us. It was yet the only achievement in our power; for to have hazarded an engagement would have been equivalent to a surrender of the kingdom.

"Neither, in his opinion, was the state of our army to be considered as formidable. New levies could not be raised in a depopulated country. We might fend upon an offensive scheme five or six thousand men: and what expectation could be excited by a force of this kind? To have withdrawn troops from America was a critical game. There were no transports in which they might be embarked; and if it had been possible to embark them, in what miraculous manner were they to be protected against the fleets of the enemy?

"As to our finances, they were melancholy. Let the immense extent of our debts be weighed; let our resources be considered; and let us then ask, what would have been the consequence of the protraction of the war? It would have endangered the bankruptcy of public faith; and this bankruptcy, it is obvious, if it had come upon us, might have dissolved all the ties of government, and have operated to the general ruin.

"To accept the peace on the terms already related, or to continue the war, was the only alternative in the power of ministers. Such was the ultimatum of France. At the same time, however, it ought to be remembered, that the peace obtained was better than could have been expected from the lowness of our condition. We had acknowledged the American independence; but what was that but an empty form? We had ceded Florida; but had we not obtained the islands of Providence and the Bahamas? We had granted an extent of fishery on the coast of Newfoundland; but had we not established an exclusive right to the most valuable banks? We had restored St Lucia, and given up Tobago; but had we not regained Grenada, Dominica, St Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat? And had we not refused Jamaica from inevitable danger. In Africa we had given Goree; but Goree was the grave of our countrymen; and we had secured Fort James and the river Gambia, the best and the most healthy settlement. In Europe we had relinquished Minorca; but Minorca is not tenible in war, and in peace it must be supported at a ruinous expense. We had permitted the repartition of the port of Dunkirk; but Dunkirk could only be an object when ships of a far inferior draught to the present were in use; the change in the operations of naval war had taken away its importance. In the East Indies cessions had been made; but let it be remarked that these cessions are inconsiderable in themselves, and could not be protected by us in the event of hostilities. In fine, it was objected, that we had abandoned the unhappy loyalists to their implacable enemies. What is this but to impute to congress by anticipation a violence which common decency forbids us to expect? But let it be considered, that the principle of assailing these unfortunate men would not have justified ministers to have continued the war. And let it be considered, that a continuation of the war would not have procured them any certain indemnity. The accumulation of our distresses must have added to theirs. A year or two hence, harder terms of peace might have been forced upon our acceptance. Their fate then must have been desperate indeed! But as matters were now situated, there were hopes of mercy and reconciliation."

Having thus given as full an account as our limits would allow of the great national events to the conclusion of the peace in 1783, we shall now give a detail of some others, which though of sufficient importance to deserve notice, could not without interrupting the narrative. It has repeatedly been observed, that thro' distrust and the violence of parties, a general temper of distrust and suspicion took place throughout the nation, insomuch that the most improbable stories with respect to individuals began to gain credit, of which an instance was given in the case of Mr Sayre. From certain circumstances, however, it appeared, that there undoubtedly were persons in the kingdom who wished if possible to destroy the national strength in such a manner as to render it impossible for us to make head against the attempts of our enemies. On the 8th of December 1776, a fire broke out in the ropehouse of the dockyard at Portsmouth, which totally consumed it, but without doing any very material damage. For some heightened time the affair passed as an accident; but in clearing by a fire away the rubbish, a tin-box was found with a wooden mouth, containing matches which had been lighted, and underneath was a vessel with spirit of wine; however, the fire not having been properly supplied with air, had extinguished itself before it touched the spirit of wine. Had it caught fire, all the stores in the storehouse, sufficient to rig out 50 sail of men of war, would have been destroyed. In the beginning of the year 1777, a fire happened at Bristol, which consumed six or seven warehouses; and by the finding of machines similar to those already mentioned, it was evident that the fire had not been accidental. The terror of the public was now greatly increased, and the most violent accusations against each other were thrown out by the ministerial and popular parties. On this point, however, they soon came to a right understanding, by the discovery of the author of all this mischief. This was one James Aitken, alias John the Painter, a native of Edinburgh. Having been from his early years accustomed to a vagrant life, to which indeed his profession naturally led him, he had gone through many different adventures. He had enlisted as a soldier, deserted, and when pinched by want made no scruple of betaking himself to the highway, or committing thefts. Having traveled a great part of America, he there imbibed the prejudices against Britain to such a degree, that he at last took the extraordinary resolution of singly overturning the whole power of the nation. This he was to accomplish by setting fire to the dockyards at Portsmouth and Plymouth, and afterwards the principal trading towns of the nation. With this view, he inspected with the utmost care those docks and other places on which his attempts were to be made, in order to learn with what care they were guarded. This he found in general as negligent as he could wish; and indeed had lie not been some way or other very deficient in the construction of his machines, he must certainly have done a great deal of mischief; for as his attempts were always discovered by finding his machines, it was apparent that he had met with abundance of opportunities.

For some time the affair at Portsmouth passed, as it has already been mentioned, for an accident. It was apprehended, however, that a person had been tried, and soon recollected, however, that a person had been executed, seen loitering about the rope-house, and had even been locked up one night in it; that he had worked as a painter, and taken frequent opportunities of getting into that house, &c. These circumstances exciting a suspicion that he was the incendiary, he was traced to different places, and at last found in a prison; to which he had been committed for a burglary. On his examination, however, he behaved with such assurance and apparent consciousness of innocence, as almost disconcerted those who were authorized. At last he he was deceived into a confession by another pain- ter, who was likewise an American, and pretended to compassion his case. Thus evidence was pro- cured against him, but he still maintained his character to the very last; rejecting and invalidating the testi- mony of his false friend, on account of his baseness and treachery. He received his sentence with great fortitude; but at length not only confessed his guilt, but left some directions for preventing the dock-yards and magazines from being exposed to the like danger in time to come.

Thus it appeared that the whole of this alarm of treason and American incendiaries was owing to the political enthusiasm of a wretched vagabond. Still, however, it appeared that the French court were very well acquainted with many particulars relating to the state of this kingdom, and the movements of our squa- drons, which ought by all means to have been kept secret. These treacherous proceedings were first de- tected in the month of June 1780. One Ratcliffe, master of a cutter, gave information that he had been hired by one Mr Rogere to carry packets to France, for which he was to be paid £20 each time, and to have £100 besides at a certain period. Apprehending at last, however, that he might incur some danger by continuing this employment, he gave information of what was going on to one Mr Steward, a merchant at Sandwich, by whom his last packet was carried to the secretary of state. After being opened and sealed up again, it was returned, and he was directed to carry it to France as formerly. This was the fate of several succeeding packets, though it was some time before Ratcliffe saw the principal party concern- ed. At last this was accomplished by his complain- ing to Mr Rogere that he had not been paid the £100, according to promise. A meeting being thus pro- cured, it was found that the person who gave intelli- gence to the enemy was one M. Henry de la Motte, a French gentleman then residing in London. On searching his house, no papers of any consequence were found; but on his arrival, he being absent when the messengers first arrived, he threw some out of his pocket, unperceived by any body, as he thought. The papers, however, were taken up by the messen- gers, and gave plain indications—not only of a treason- able correspondence with the enemy, but that he was connected with one Henry Lutterloh, Esq., a Ger- man, who then resided at Wickham near Portsmouth. This person being also apprehended, not only made a full discovery of the treasonable correspondence with France, but gave abundant proofs of himself being one of the most depraved and hardened of all man- kind, lost to every sensation excepting the desire of accumulating wealth. His evidence, however, and other strong circumstances, were sufficient to convict M. de la Motte, who was accordingly executed, tho' the king remitted that dreadful part of his sentence of having his heart taken out alive, &c. During his trial, and on every other occasion, he behaved in such a manner as showed him to be an accomplished gentle- man; and not only excited the compassion, but the admiration of every one who saw him.

During the whole course of the war, only one other person was detected in any act of treason; and he ap- pears to have been actuated merely by mercenary mo- tives, though La Motte and John the Painter proba- bly acted from principle. This was one David Tyrie, a native of Edinburgh. Having been bred in the sea, mercantile line, and engaged in a number of specula- tions with a view to gain money, in all of which he pre- discovered considerable abilities, he at last engaged in the dangerous one of conveying intelligence to the for- French of the ships of war fitted out in Britain, the spending time of their sailing, &c. For this he was appre- hended in February 1782. The discovery was made by means of one Mrs Askew, who passed for his wife, having delivered a bundle of papers in a hurry to a schoolmistress, and desiring her not to show them to any body. Instead of this, however, she not only in- spected them herself, but showed them to another, by whom they were sent to the secretary at war. By this, and another packet discovered by William James, who had been employed to carry it to France, Tyrie was convicted and executed in the month of August 1782. He behaved with great resolution, and at last showed rather an indignant levity and unconcern, by laughing at the place of execution. The sentence not only took place in the dreadful manner appointed by law, but the crowd behaved with the most shameful and unex- ampled barbarity. "Such (say the accounts of his barbarity execution) being the singular conduct of many who of were near the body, that happy was he who could procure a finger, or some vestige of the criminal!"—his execu- This unhappy man, while in prison, had, with his com- panions, contrived a method of effecting their escape, by working through a brick wall three feet thick, and covering the hole with a plank coloured like the bricks; but the scheme was discovered by the imprudence of Tyrie himself asking the keeper how thick the wall was.

On the whole, it appears, that notwithstanding the excessive altercation and virulence of parties, which even went to such a length as to produce duels between some members of parliament, neither the one nor the other entertained any designs against what they be- lieved to be the true interest of the nation. The one seem to have regarded its honour too much, and been inclined to sacrifice even its existence to that favourite notion; the other perhaps regarded the national ho- nour too little; as indeed no advantageous idea could have been formed of the spirit of a nation which could submit to grant its colonies independence without any struggle. The event, however, has shown that the loss of the colonies, so far from being a disadvantage, has been the very reverse. The commerce of Britain, instead of being dependent on America, has arrived at Great Bri- tain a much greater height than ever, while the consequent increase of wealth may, it is hoped, in time enable the nation to free itself from that enormous debt, great part of which has been contracted, first in defending, and then attempting to conquer the colonies.

New-Britain, a large country of North America, called also Terra Labrador, has Hudson's bay and strait, on the north and west; Canada and the river St Lawrence, on the south; and the Atlantic ocean, on the east. It is subject to Great Britain, but yields only skins and furs. The following is the best description of this country that hath yet appeared. It was drawn There is no part of the British dominions so little known as the immense country of Labrador. So few have visited the northern parts of this vast country, that almost from the straits of Belleisle until you come to the entrance to Hudson's bay, for more than ten degrees of latitude, no chart which can give any tolerable idea of the coast hath been hitherto formed. The barrenness of the country explains why it has been so seldom frequented. Here avarice has but little to feed on.

Perhaps, without an immoderate share of vanity, I may venture to presume, that, as far as I have been, which is to the latitude of 59° 10' the draught which I have been able to form is by much the best of any that has hitherto been made.

Others have gone before me blest with abilities superior to mine, and to whom I hope to be thought equal only in affluency. But I had advantages of which they were destitute: with a small vessel, and having an Indian with me, who knew every rock and shoal upon the coast, I was enabled to be accurate in my observations; and these are the reasons why I deem my own sketch preferable to all others.

As this country is one of the most barren in the whole world, so its sea-coast is the most remarkable. Bordered by innumerable islands, and many of them being a considerable distance from the main land, a ship of burden would fail a great way along the coast without being able to form any notion of its true situation.

Hence it is that all charts of it have been so extremely erroneous; and hence arose those opinions that some of the inlets extended a vast distance into the country, if not quite into the sea of Hudson's bay.

Davis's inlet, which has been so much talked of, is not 20 leagues from the entrance of it to its extremity.

The navigation here is extremely hazardous. Towards the land, the sea is covered with large bodies and broken pieces of ice; and the farther you go northward, the greater is the quantity you meet with.

Some of those masses, which the fishermen call islands of ice, are of a prodigious magnitude; and they are generally supposed to swim two thirds under water. You will frequently see them more than 100 feet above the surface; and to ships in a storm, or in thick weather, nothing can be more terrible.

Those prodigious pieces of ice come from the north, and are supposed to be formed by the freezing of cataracts upon the lands about East Greenland and the pole. As soon as the severity of the winter begins to abate, their immense weight breaks them from the shore, and they are driven to the southward. To the miserable inhabitants of Labrador their appearance upon the coast serves as a token of the approach of summer.

This vast tract of land is extremely barren, and altogether incapable of cultivation. The surface is everywhere uneven and covered with large stones, some of which are of amazing dimensions. There are few springs; yet throughout the country there are prodigious chains of lakes or ponds, which are produced by the rains and the melting of the snow. These ponds abound in trout, but they are very small.

There is no such thing as level land. It is a country formed of frightful mountains, and unfruitful valleys. The mountains are almost devoid of every sort of herbage. A blighted shrub and a little moss is sometimes to be seen upon them, but in general the bare rock is all you behold. The valleys are full of crooked low trees, such as the different pines, spruce, birch, and a species of cedar. Up some of the deep bays, and not far from the water, it is said, however, there are a few sticks of no inconsiderable size. In a word, the whole country is nothing more than a prodigious heap of barren rocks.

The climate is extremely rigorous. There is but little appearance of summer before the middle of July; and in September the approach of winter is very evident. It has been remarked, that the winters within these few years have been less severe than they have been known heretofore. The cause of such an alteration it would be difficult to discover.

All along the coast there are many rivers that empty themselves into the sea, yet there are but few of any consideration; and you must not imagine that the largest are anything like what is generally understood by a river. Custom has taught us to give them this appellation; but the greatest part of them are nothing more than broad brooks or rivulets. As they are only drains from the ponds, in dry weather they are everywhere fordable; for, running upon a solid rock, they become broad without having a bed of any depth below the surface of the banks.

The superficial appearance of this country is extremely unfavourable. What may be hidden in its bowels, we cannot pretend to suggest; probably it may produce some copper; the rocks in many places are impregnated with an ore of that resemblance. Something of a horny substance, which is extremely transparent, and which will scale out into a multitude of small sheets, is often found amidst the stones; there are both black and white of this sort, but the black is the most rare. It has been tried in fire, but seems to be nowadays affected by heat.

The species of wood here are not very various: excepting a few shrubs which have as yet received no name from the Europeans, the principal produce of the country is the different sorts of spruce and pine. Of these, even in the more southern parts, there is not abundance; and as you advance northwards they gradually diminish; and by the time you arrive at the 60th degree of latitude, the eye is not delighted with any sort of herbage. Here the wretched residents build their miserable habitations with the bones of whales. If ever they cheer their aching limbs with a fire, they gather a few sticks from the sea shore, which have probably been washed from Norway or Lapland. Here a vast quantity of snow remains upon the land throughout the year.

Although the winter here is so excessively rigid, in summer the heat is sometimes disagreeable; and in that season the weather is very moderate, and remarkably serene. It is but seldom foggy, speaking comparatively, between this and Newfoundland; nor are you so frequently liable to those destructive gales of wind which visit many other parts of the globe. "It is in general high land, and sometimes you meet with mountains of an astonishing height; you are also frequently presented with prospects that are really awful, and extremely romantic.

The inhabitants of New Britain are called Eskimaux; for a particular account of whom, see the article Eskimaux.