an extensive country of Africa, lying between 30° and 35° of east longitude, and between 21° and 31° of north latitude. It is bounded by the Mediterranean on the north; by the Red-sea and Isthmus of Suez, which divide it from Arabia, on the east; by Abyssinia or Ethiopia, on the south; and by the deserts of Barca and Nubia, on the west; being 600 miles in length from north to south, and from 100 to 200 in breadth from east to west.

As a nation, the Egyptians may with justice lay claim to as high antiquity as any in the world. The country was most probably peopled by Mizraim the son of Ham and grandson of Noah.—By its ancient inhabitants it was called Chemia, and is still called Chemi in the language of the Copts or native Egyptians; and this name it is supposed to have received from Ham the son of Noah. In scripture, we find it most generally named Mizraim; though in the Psalms it is styled the land of Ham.—To us it is best known by the name Egypt, the etymology of which is more uncertain.—Some derive it from Aegyptus, a supposed king of the country; others say it signifies no more than "the land of the Copts;" Aia in Greek signifying a country, and Aicoptos being easily softened into Aegyptus.—The most probable opinion, however, seems to be, that it received this name from the blackness of its soil, and the dark colour both of its river and inhabitants: for such a blackish colour is by the Greeks called egyption from gyps, and egypt "a vulture;" and by the Latins, subvulturium. For the same reason, other names of a similar import have been given to this country by the Greeks; such as Aeria, and Melambos: the river itself was called Melo or Melas; by the Hebrews, Shibor; and by the Ethiopians, Siris; all of which signify "black."

Ancient Egypt is by some divided into two parts, the Upper and Lower Egypt: by others into three, the Upper Egypt, properly so called, or Thebais; the Middle Egypt, or Heliopolis; and the Lower Egypt, the best part of which was the Delta, or that space encompassed by the branches of the Nile. See Thebais, &c.

The Egyptians, like the Chinese, pretend to an excessive antiquity, pretending to have records for ten, twenty, or even fifty thousand years. Thus their history is so much involved in obscurity and fable, that for many ages it must be passed over in silence.—The first mortal king whom the Egyptians own to have reigned in that country, was Menes or Menas. At what time he reigned, it would be to very little purpose to inquire. He had been preceded, however, by a set of immortals, who it seems left him the kingdom in a very bad situation: for the whole country, except Thebais, was a moral; the people also were entirely destitute of religion, and every kind of knowledge which could render their life comfortable and happy. Menes diverted the course of the Nile, which before that time had washed the foot of a sandy mountain near the borders of Libya, built the city of Memphis, instructed his subjects, and did other things of a similar kind which are usually attributed to the founders of kingdoms.

From the time of Menes, the Egyptian chronology invaded by distinct piece of history we find concerning Egypt, is the irruption of the Shepherds, by whom the country was subdued; but whether this revolution happened during the vast interval of indolence above mentioned, or before or after, cannot be known. The affair is thus related by Manetho. It happened, in the reign of Timaus king of Egypt, that God being displeased with the Egyptians, they suffered a great revolution: for a multitude of men, ignoble in their race, took courage, and, pouring from the east into Egypt, made war with the inhabitants; who submitted to them without resistance. The shepherds, however, behaved with the greatest cruelty; burnt the cities, threw down the temples of the gods, and put to death the inhabitants, carrying the women and children into captivity. This people came from Arabia, and were called Hyksos, or king-shepherds. They held Egypt in subjection for 259 years; at the end of which period, they were obliged by a king of Upper Egypt, named Amosis, or Thothmes, to leave the country. This prince's father had, it seems, gained great advantages over them, and shut them up in a place called Abaris, or Avaris, containing 10,000 acres of land. Here they were closely besieged by Amosis, with an army of 400,000 men; but at last the king, finding himself unable to reduce them by force, proposed an agreement, which was readily accepted. In consequence of this agreement, the shepherds withdrew from Egypt with their families, to the number of 240,000; and, taking the way of the desert, entered Syria: but fearing the Assyrians, who were then very powerful, and masters of Asia, they entered the land of Judaea, and built there a city capable of holding so great a multitude, and called it Jerusalem.

According to Mr Bruce, the shepherds who invaded Egypt were no other than the inhabitants of Barbary. They were, he says, carriers to the Cushites who lived farther to the south. The latter had built the many stately temples in Thebes and other cities of Egypt; though, according to him, they had no dwelling-places but holes or caves in the rocks. Being a commercial people, they remained at home collecting and preparing their articles, which were dispersed by the barbers or shepherds already mentioned. These, from the nature of their employment, lived in moveable habitations, as the Tartars do at this day. By the Hebrews, he tells us, they were called phut, but shepherds by every other people; and from the name barber, the word Barbary is derived. By their employment, which was the dispersing the Arabian and African goods all over over the continent, they had become a great and powerful people; and from their opposite dispositions and manners, became very frequently enemies to the Egyptians. To one Salatis our author ascribes the destruction of Thebes in Upper Egypt, so much celebrated by Homer for its magnificence. But this certainly cannot be the case; for Homer wrote long after the time of Joseph; and we find that even then the Egyptians had the shepherds in abhorrence, in all probability because they had been grievously oppressed by them. Mr Bruce counts three invasions of these people; the first, that of Salatis already mentioned, who overthrew the first dynasty of Egyptian kings from Memphis, and destroyed Thebes; the second was that of Sabacco or So; for according to him this was not the name of a single prince, but of a people, and signifies shepherds; and the third, after the building of Memphis, where 240,000 of them were besieged as above mentioned. But accounts of this kind are evidently inconsistent in the highest degree; for how is it possible that the third invasion, antecedent to the building of Jerusalem, could be posterior to the second, if the latter happened only in the days of Hezekiah?

In these early ages, however, it would seem that the kingdom of Egypt had been very powerful and its dominion very widely extended; since we find it said, that the Balearians revolted from Ozymandias, another Egyptian king of very high antiquity, and of whose wealth the most marvellous accounts are given.

After an unknown interval of time from this monarch, reigned Sesostris. He was the first great warrior whose conquests are recorded with any degree of distinctness. In what age of the world he lived, is uncertain. Some chronologers, among whom is Sir Isaac Newton, are of opinion, that he is the Selac or Shishak, who took Jerusalem in the reign of Rehoboam the son of Solomon. Others, however, place him much earlier; and Mr Whitton will have him to be the Pharaoh who refused to part with the Israelites, and was at last drowned in the Red Sea. Mr Bryant endeavours to prove that no such person ever existed; but that in his history, as well as that of many ancient heroes, we have an abridgement of that of the Cushites or Babylonians, who spread themselves over great part of the known world, and everywhere brought the people in subjection to them. His reign is reckoned the most extraordinary part of the Egyptian history; and the following seems to be the least fabulous account that can be got of it. The father of Sesostris was told in a dream, by the god Vulcan, that his son, who was then newly born, or perhaps still unborn, should be lord of the whole earth. His father, upon the credit of this vision, got together all the males in the land of Egypt that were born on the same day with Sesostris; appointed nurses and proper persons to take care of them, and had them treated like his own child; being persuaded that they who had been the constant companions of his youth would prove the most faithful ministers and soldiers. As they grew up, they were inured to laborious exercises; and, in particular, were never permitted to taste any food till they had performed a course of 180 furlongs, upwards of 22 of our miles. When the old king imagined they were sufficiently educated in the martial way he designed them to follow, they were sent by way of trial of their abilities against the Arabians. In this expedition Sesostris proved successful, and in the end subdued that people who had never before been conquered. He was sent to the westward, and conquered the greatest part of Africa; nor could he be stopped in his career till he arrived at the Atlantic ocean. Whilst he was on this expedition, his father died; and then Sesostris resolved to fulfil the prediction of Vulcan, by actually conquering the whole world. As he knew that this must take up a long time, he prepared for his journey in the best manner possible. The kingdom he divided into 36 provinces, and endeavoured to secure the affections of the people by gifts both of money and land. He forgave all who had been guilty of offences, and discharged the debts of all his soldiers. He then constituted his brother Arais the supreme regent; but forbade him to use the diadem, and commanded him to offer no injury to the queen or her children, and to abstain from the royal concubines. His army consisted of 600,000 foot, 24,000 horse, and 27,000 chariots. Besides these land-forces, he had at sea two mighty fleets; one, according to Diodorus, of 400 sail. Of these fleets, one was designed to make conquests in the west, and the other in the east; and therefore the one was built on the Mediterranean and the other on the Red Sea. The first of these conquered Cyprus, the coast of Phoenicia, and several of the islands called Cyclades; the other conquered all the coasts of the Red Sea; but its progress was stopped by shoals and difficult places which the navigators could not pass, so that he seems not to have made many conquests by sea.

With the land-forces Sesostris marched against the Ethiopians and Troglodytes; whom he overcame, and obliged them to pay him a tribute of gold, ebony, and ivory. From thence he proceeded as far as the promontory of Dirae, which lay near the straits of Babelmandel, where he set up a pillar with an inscription in sacred characters. He then marched on to the country where cinnamon grows, or at least to some country where cinnamon at that time was brought, probably some place in India; and here he in like manner set up pillars, which were to be seen for many ages after. As to his farther conquests, it is agreed by almost all authors of antiquity, that he overran and pillaged the whole continent of Asia, and some part of Europe. He crossed the Ganges, and erected pillars on its banks; and from thence he is said to have marched eastward to the very extremity of the Asiatic continent. Returning from thence, he invaded the Scythians and Thracians; but all authors do not agree that he conquered them. Some even affirm, that he was overthrown by them with great slaughter, and obliged to abandon a great part of his booty and military stores. But whether he had good or bad success in these parts, it is a common opinion that he settled a colony in Colchis. Herodotus, however, who gives the most particular account of the conquests of this monarch, does not say whether the colony was deignedly planted by Sesostris; or whether part of his army loitered behind the rest, and took up their residence in that region. From his own knowledge, he affirms, that the inhabitants of that country were undoubtedly of Egyptian descent. This was evident from the personal resemblance they bore to the Egyptians. tians, who were swarthy-complexioned and frizzle-hairèd; but more especially from the conformity of their customs, particularly circumcision.

The utmost boundary of this mighty monarch's conquests, however, was in the country of Thrace; for beyond this country his pillars were no where to be seen. These pillars he was accustomed to set up in every country which he conquered, with the following inscription, or one to the same purpose: "Sesostris, king of kings, and lord of lords, subdued this country by the power of his arms." Besides these, he left also statues of himself; two of which, according to Herodotus, were to be seen in his time; the one on the road between Ephesus and Phocæa, and the other between Smyrna and Sardis: they were armed after the Ethiopian and Egyptian manner, holding a javelin in one hand and a bow in the other. Across the breast they had a line drawn from one shoulder to the other, with the following inscription; "This region I obtained by these my shoulders." They were mistaken for images of Memnon.

The reasons given by Sesostris for his returning into Egypt from Thrace, and thus leaving the conquest of the world unfinished, were the want of provisions for his army, and the difficulty of the passes. Most probably, however, his return was hastened by the intelligence he received from the high priest of Egypt, concerning the rebellious proceedings of his brother; who, encouraged by his long absence, had assumed the diadem, violated the queen, and also the royal concubines. On receiving this news, Sesostris hastened from Thrace; and at the end of nine years came to Pelusium in Egypt, attended by an innumerable multitude of captives taken from many different nations, and loaded with the spoils of Asia. The treacherous brother met him at this city; and it is said, with very little probability, that Sesostris accepted of an invitation to an entertainment from him. At this he drank freely, together with the queen and the rest of the royal family. During the continuance of the entertainment, Armaïs caused a great quantity of dried reeds to be laid round the apartment where they were to sleep; and as soon as they were retired to rest set fire to the reeds. Sesostris perceiving the danger he was in, and that his guards, overcharged with liquor, were incapable of afflicting him, rushed through the flames, and was followed by his wife and children. In thanksgiving for this wonderful deliverance, he made several donations to the gods, particularly to Vulcan the god of fire. He then took vengeance on his brother Armaïs, said to be the Danaus of the Greeks, who, being on this occasion driven out of Egypt, withdrew into Greece.

Sesostris now laid aside all thoughts of war, and applied himself wholly to such works as might tend to the public good, and his own future reputation. In order to prevent the incursions of the Syrians and Arabians, he fortified the east side of Egypt with a wall which ran from Pelusium through the desert to Heliopolis, for 187½ miles. He raised also an incredible number of vast and lofty mounts of earth, to which he removed such towns as had before been situated too low, in order to secure them from the inundations of the Nile. All the way from Memphis to the sea he dug canals which branched out from the Nile; and not only made an easier communication between different places, but rendered the country in a great measure impassable to any enemy. He erected a temple in every city in Egypt, and dedicated it to the supreme deity of the place; but in the course of such a great undertaking as this necessarily must have been, he took care not to employ any of his Egyptian subjects. Thus he secured their affection, and employed the vast multitude of captives he had brought along with him; and to perpetuate the memory of a transaction so remarkable, he caused to be inscribed on all these temples, "No one native laboured hereon." In the city of Memphis, before the temple of Vulcan, he raised five gigantic statues, each of one stone. Two of them were 30 cubits high, representing himself and his wife; the other four were 20 cubits each, and represented his four sons. These he dedicated to Vulcan in memory of his above mentioned deliverance. He raised also two obelisks of marble 120 cubits high, and charged them with inscriptions, denoting the greatness of his power, his revenues, &c.

The captives taken by Sesostris are said to have been treated with the greatest barbarity; so that at last they revolted at all events to deliver themselves from a ferocity so intolerable. The Babylonians particularly were concerned in this revolt, and laid waste the country to some extent; but being offered a pardon and a place to dwell in, they were pacified, and built for themselves a city which they called Babylon. Towards the conquered princes who waited on him with their tribute, the Egyptian monarch behaved with unparalleled insolence. On certain occasions he is said to have unharnessed his horses, and, yoking kings together, made them draw his chariot. One day, however, observing one of the kings who drew his chariot to look back upon the wheels with great earnestness, he asked what made him look so attentively at them? The unhappy prince replied, "O king, the going round of the wheel puts me in mind of the vicissitudes of fortune: for as every part of the wheel is uppermost and lowermost by turns, so it is with men; who one day sit on a throne, and on the next are reduced to the vilest degree of slavery." This answer brought the insulting conqueror to his senses; so that he gave over the practice, and thenceforth treated his captives with great humanity. At length this mighty monarch lost his sight, and laid violent hands on himself.

After the death of Sesostris, we meet with another chasm of an indeterminate length in the Egyptian history. It concludes with the reign of Amasis or Ammonis; who being a tyrant, his subjects joined Acifanes the king of Ethiopia to drive him out.—Thus Acifanes became master of the kingdom; and after his death follows another chasm in the history, during which the empire is said to have been in a state of anarchy for five generations.—This period brings us down to the times of the Trojan war. The reigning prince in Egypt was at that time called Ceteus; by the Greeks, Proteus. The priests reported that he was a magician; and that he could assume any shape he pleased, even that of fire. This fable, as told by the Origin of Greeks, drew its origin from a custom among the Egyptians, perhaps introduced by Proteus. They were Proteus used to adorn and distinguish the heads of their kings with the representations of animals or vegetables, or even even with burning incense, in order to strike the beholders with the greater awe. Whilst Proteus reigned, Paris or Alexander, the son of Priam king of Troy, was driven by a storm on the coast of Egypt, with Helen, whom he was carrying off from her husband. But when the Egyptian monarch heard of the breach of hospitality committed by Paris, he seized him, his mistresses, and companions, with all the riches he had brought away with him from Greece. He detained Helen, with all the effects belonging to Menelaus her husband, promising to restore them to the injured party whenever they were demanded; but commanded Paris and his companions to depart out of his dominion in three days, on pain of being treated as enemies. In what manner Paris afterwards prevailed upon Proteus to restore his mistresses, we are not told; neither do we know anything further of the transactions of this prince's reign nor of his successors, except what has entirely the air of fable, till the days of Sabbaco the Ethiopian, who again conquered this kingdom. He began his reign with an act of great cruelty, causing the conquered prince to be burnt alive; nevertheless, he no sooner saw himself firmly established on the throne of Egypt, than he became a new man; so that he is highly extolled for his mercy, clemency, and wisdom. He is thought to have been the So mentioned in scripture, and who entered into a league with Hoshea king of Israel against Shalmanezer king of Assyria. He is said to have been excited to the invasion of Egypt by a dream or vision, in which he was assured, that he should hold that kingdom for 50 years. Accordingly, he conquered Egypt, as had been foretold; and at the expiration of the time above mentioned, he had another dream, in which the tutelar god of Thebes acquainted him, that he could no longer hold the kingdom of Egypt with safety and happiness, unless he massacred the priests as he passed through them with his guards. Being haunted with this vision, and at the same time abhorring to hold the kingdom on such terms, he sent for the priests, and acquainted them with what seemed to be the will of the gods. Upon this it was concluded, that it was the pleasure of the Deity that Sabbaco should remain no longer in Egypt; and therefore he immediately quitted that kingdom, and returned to Ethiopia.

Of Amyntas, who was Sabbaco's immediate successor, we have no particulars worth notice. After him reigned one Sethon, who was both king and priest of Vulcan. He gave himself up to religious contemplation; and not only neglected the military arts, but deprived them of their lands. At this they were so much incensed, that they entered into an agreement not to bear arms under him; and in this state of affairs Sennacherib king of Assyria arrived before Pelusium with a mighty army. Sethon now applied to his soldiers, but in vain; they unanimously persisted in refusing to march under his banner. Being therefore destitute of all human aid, he applied to the god Vulcan, and requested him to deliver him from his enemies. Whilst he was yet in the temple of that god, it is said he fell into a deep sleep; during which, he saw Vulcan standing at his side, and exhorting him to take courage. He promised, that if Sethon would but go out against the Assyrians, he should obtain a complete victory over them. Encouraged by this assurance, the king assembled a body of artificers, shop-keepers, and labourers; and, with this undisciplined rabble, marched towards Pelusium. He had no occasion, however, to fight; for the very night after his arrival at Pelusium, an innumerable multitude of field-rats entering the enemy's camp, gnawed to pieces the quivers, bowstrings, and shield-straps. Next morning, when Sethon found the enemy disarmed, and on that account beginning to fly, he pursued them to a great distance, making a terrible slaughter. In memory of this extraordinary event, a statue of Sethon was erected in the temple of Vulcan, holding in one hand a rat, and delivering these words: "Whoever beholds me, let him be pious."

Soon after the death of Sethon, the form of government in Egypt was totally changed. The kingdom was divided into twelve parts, over which as many of the chief nobility presided. This division, however, subsisted but for a short time. Pianmitichus, one of the twelve, dethroned all the rest, 15 years after the division had been made. The history now begins to be divested of fable; and from this time may be accounted equally certain with that of any other nation. The vast conquests of Sesostris were now no longer known; for Pianmitichus possessed no more than the country of Egypt itself. It appears, indeed, that none of the successors of Sesostris, or even that monarch himself, had made use of any means to keep in subjection the countries he had once conquered. Perhaps, indeed, his design originally was rather to pillage than to conquer; and therefore, on his return, his vast empire vanished at once. Pianmitichus, however, endeavoured to extend his dominions by making war on his neighbours; but by putting more confidence in foreign auxiliaries than in his own subjects, the latter were so much offended, that upwards of 200,000 fighting men emigrated in a body, and took up their residence in Ethiopia.—To repair this loss, Pianmitichus earnestly applied himself to the advancement of commerce; and opened his ports to all strangers, whom he greatly caressed, contrary to the cruel maxims of his predecessors, who refused to admit them into the country. He also laid siege to the city of Azotus in Syria, which held out for 29 years against the whole strength of the kingdom; from which we may gather, that, as a warrior, Pianmitichus was by no means remarkable. He is reported to have been the first king of Egypt that drank wine. He also sent to discover the springs of the Nile; and is said to have attempted to discover the most ancient nation in the world by the following method. Having procured two newly born children, he caused them to be brought up in such a manner that they never heard a human voice. He imagined that these children would naturally speak the original language of mankind; therefore, when, at two years of age, they pronounced the Phrygian word beccos (or some sound resembling it), which signifies bread, he concluded that the Phrygians were the most ancient people in the world.

Nechus, the son and successor of Pianmitichus, succeeded the Pharaoh-Necho of scripture, and was a prince of an enterprising and warlike genius. In the beginning of his reign, he attempted to cut through the isthmus of Suez, between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean; but, through the invincible obstacles which nature has thrown in the way of such undertakings, he was obliged... The most remarkable wars in which this king was engaged, are recorded in the sacred writings. He went out against the king of Assyria, by the divine command, as he himself told Josiah; but being opposed by this king of Judaea, he defeated and killed him at Megiddo; after which he set up, in that country, king Jehoiakim, and imposed on him an annual tribute of 100 talents of silver and one talent of gold. He then proceeded against the king of Assyria; and weakened him so much, that the empire was soon after dissolved. Thus he became master of Syria and Phoenicia; but in a short time, Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came against him with a mighty army. The Egyptian monarch, not daunted by the formidable appearance of his antagonist, boldly ventured a battle; but was overthrown with prodigious slaughter, and Nebuchadnezzar became master of all the country to the very gates of Pelusium.

The reign of Apries, the Pharaoh-Hophra of Scripture, prefends us with a new revolution in the Egyptian affairs. He is represented as a martial prince, and in the beginning of his reign very successful. He took by storm the rich city of Sidon; and having overcome the Cypriots and Phoenicians in a sea-fight, returned to Egypt laden with spoil. This success probably incited Zedekiah king of Judaea to enter into an alliance with him against Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon. The bad success of this alliance was foretold by the prophet Jeremiah; and accordingly it happened. For Nebuchadnezzar having sat down with his army before Jerusalem, Apries marched from Egypt with a design to relieve the city; but no sooner did he perceive the Babylonians approaching him, than he retreated as fast as he could, leaving the Jews exposed to the rage of their merciless enemies; who were thereupon treated as Jeremiah had foretold; and by this step Apries brought upon himself the vengeance denounced by the same prophet.—The manner in which these predictions were fulfilled is as follows: The Cyreneans, a colony of the Greeks, being greatly strengthened by a numerous supply of their countrymen under their third king Batus styled the Happy, and encouraged by the Pythian oracle, began to drive out their Libyan neighbours, and share their possessions among themselves. Hereupon Andiccan king of Libya sent a submissive embassy to Apries, and implored his protection against the Cyreneans. Apries complied with his request, and sent a powerful army to his relief. The Egyptians were defeated with great slaughter; and those who returned complained that the army had been sent off by Apries in order to be destroyed, and that he might tyrannize without control over the remainder of his subjects. This thought catching the attention of the giddy multitude, an almost universal defection ensued. Apries sent one Amasis, a particular friend, in whom he thought he could confide, to bring back his people to a sense of their duty. But by this friend he was betrayed; for Amasis, taking the opportunity of the present ferment, caused himself to be proclaimed king. Apries then dispatched one Patarbemis, with orders to take Amasis, and bring him alive before him. This he found impossible, and therefore returned without his prisoner; at which the king was so enraged, that he commanded Patarbemis's nose and ears to be cut off. This piece of cruelty completed his ruin; for when the rest of the Egyptians who continued faithful to Apries beheld the inhuman mutilation of so worthy and noble a person as Patarbemis was, they to a man deserted Apries, and went over to Amasis.

Both parties now prepared for war; the usurper having under his command the whole body of native Egyptians; and Apries only those Ionians, Carians, and other mercenaries whom he could engage in his service. The army of Apries amounted only to 30,000; but, though greatly inferior in number to the troops of his rival, as he well knew that the Greeks were much superior in valour, he did not doubt of victory. Nay, so far was Apries puffed up with this notion, that he did not believe it was in the power even of any God to deprive him of his kingdom. The two armies soon met, and drew up in order of battle near Memphis. A bloody engagement ensued; in which, though the army of Apries behaved with the greatest resolution, they were at last overpowered with numbers, and utterly defeated, the king himself being taken prisoner. Amasis now took possession of the throne without opposition. He confined Apries in one of his palaces, but treated him with great care and respect. The people, however, were implacable, and could not be satisfied while he enjoyed his life. Amasis, therefore, at last found himself obliged to deliver him into their hands. Thus the prediction received its final completion: Apries was delivered up to those who sought his life; and who no sooner had him in their power, than they strangled him, and laid his body in the sepulchre of his ancestors.

During these intestine broils, which must have greatly weakened the kingdom, it is probable that Nebuchadnezzar invaded Egypt. He had been for 13 years before this employed in besieging Tyre, and at last had nothing but an empty city for his pains. To make himself some amends, therefore, he entered Egypt, miserably harassed the country, killed and carried away great numbers of the inhabitants, so that the country did not recover from the effects of this incursion for a long time after. In this expedition, however, he seems not to have aimed at any permanent conquest, but to have been induced to it merely by the love of plunder, and of this he carried with him an immense quantity to Babylon.

During the reign of Amasis, Egypt is said to have been perfectly happy, and to have contained 20,000 populous cities. That good order might be kept among such vast numbers of people, Amasis enacted a law, by which every Egyptian was bound once a-year to inform the governor of his province by what means he gained his livelihood; and if he failed of this, to put him to death. The same punishment he decreed to those who could not give a satisfactory account of themselves.

This monarch was a great favourer of the Greeks, and married a woman of Grecian extract. To many Greek cities, as well as particular persons, he made considerable presents. Beside these, he gave leave to the Greeks in general to come into Egypt, and settle either in the city of Naucratis, or carry on their trade upon the sea-coasts; granting them also temples, and places where they might erect temples to their own deities. He received also a visit from Solon the celebrated Athenian lawgiver, and reduced the island of Cyprus under his subjection.

This great prosperity, however, ended with the death of Amasis, or indeed before it. The Egyptian monarch had somehow or other incensed Cambyses king of Persia. The cause of the quarrel is uncertain; but whatever it was, the Persian monarch vowed the destruction of Amasis. In the mean time Phanes of Halicarnassus, commander of the Grecian auxiliaries in the pay of Amasis, took some private disgust; and leaving Egypt, embarked for Persia. He was a wise and able general, perfectly well acquainted with everything that related to Egypt; and had great credit with the Greeks in that country. Amasis was immediately sensible how great the loss of this man would be to him, and therefore sent after him a trusty eunuch with a swift galley. Phanes was accordingly overtaken in Lycia, but not brought back; for, making his guard drunk, he continued his journey to Persia, and presented himself before Cambyses, as he was meditating the destruction of the Egyptian monarchy.

At this dangerous crisis also, the Egyptian monarch imprudently made Polycrates the tyrant of Samos his enemy. This man had been the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history, for an uninterrupted course of success, without the intervention of one single unfortunate event. Amasis, who was at this time in strict alliance with Polycrates, wrote him a letter, in which, after congratulating him on his prosperity, he told him that he was afraid lest his successes were too many, and he might be suddenly thrown down into the greatest misery. For this reason he advised him voluntarily to take away something from his own happiness; and to cast away that which would grieve him most if he was accidentally to lose it. Polycrates followed his advice, and threw into the sea a signet of inestimable value. This, however, did not answer the intended purpose. The signet happened to be swallowed by a fish, which was taken a few days afterwards, and thus was restored to Polycrates. Of this Amasis was no sooner informed, than, considering Polycrates as really unhappy, and already on the brink of destruction, he resolved to put an end to the friendship which subsisted between them. For this purpose he dispatched an herald to Samos, commanding him to acquaint Polycrates, that he renounced his alliance, and all the obligations between them; that he might not mourn his misfortunes with the sorrow of a friend. Thus Amasis left Polycrates at liberty to act against him, if he chose to do so; and accordingly he offered to assist Cambyses with a fleet of ships in his Egyptian expedition.

Amasis had not, however, the misfortune to see the calamities of his country. He died about 525 years before Christ, after a reign of 44 years; and left the kingdom to his son Pammenetus, just as Cambyses was approaching the frontiers of the kingdom. The new prince was scarce seated on the throne, when the Persians appeared. Pammenetus drew together what forces he could, in order to prevent them from entering the kingdom. Cambyses, however, immediately laid siege to Pelusium, and made himself master of it by the following stratagem: he placed in the front of his army a great number of cats, dogs, and other animals that were deemed sacred by the Egyptians. He then attacked the city, and took it without opposition; the garrison, which consisted entirely of Egyptians, not daring to throw a dart or shoot an arrow against their enemies, left them should kill some of the holy animals.

Cambyses had scarcely taken possession of the city, when Pammenetus advanced against him with a numerous army. But before the engagement, the Greeks Cruelty and who served under Pammenetus, to show their indignation against their treacherous countryman Phanes, brought his children into the camp, killed them in the presence of their father and of the two armies, and then drank their blood. The Persians, enraged at so cruel a sight, fell upon the Egyptians with the utmost fury, put them to flight, and cut the greatest part of them in pieces. Those who escaped fled to Memphis, where they were soon after guilty of a horrid outrage. Cambyses sent a herald to them in a ship from Mitylene; but no sooner did they see her come into the port, than they flocked down to the shore, destroyed the ship, and tore to pieces the herald and all the crew; afterwards carrying their mangled limbs into the city, in a kind of barbarous triumph. Not long after, they were obliged to surrender; and thus Pammenetus fell into the hands of his inveterate enemy, who was now enraged beyond measure at the cruelties exercised upon the children of Phanes, the herald, and the Mitylenian sailors.

The rapid success of the Persians struck with such terror the Libyans, Cyreneans, Barcaens, and other dreadful dependents or allies of the Egyptian monarch, that they immediately submitted. Nothing now remained but to dispose of the captive king, and revenge on him and his subjects the cruelties which they had committed. This the merciless victor executed in the severest manner. On the 10th day after Memphis had been taken, Pammenetus and the chief of the Egyptian nobility were ignominiously sent into one of the suburbs of that city. The king being there seated in a proper place, saw his daughter coming along in the habit of a poor slave with a pitcher to fetch water from the river, and followed by the daughters of the greatest families in Egypt, all in the same miserable garb, with pitchers in their hands, drowned in tears, and loudly bemoaning their miserable situation. When the fathers saw their daughters in this distress, they burst into tears, all but Pammenetus, who only cast his eyes on the ground and kept them fixed there. After the young women came the son of Pammenetus, with 2000 of the young nobility, all of them with bits in their mouths and halters round their necks, led to execution. This was done to expiate the murder of the Persian herald and the Mitylenian sailors; for Cambyses caused ten Egyptians of the first rank to be publicly executed for every one of those that had been slain. Pammenetus, however, observed the same conduct as before, keeping his eyes steadfastly fixed on the ground, though all the Egyptians around him made the loudest lamentations. A little after this he saw an intimate friend and companion, now advanced in years, who having been plundered of all he had, was begging his bread from door to door in the suburbs. As soon as he saw this man, Flamininus wept bitterly; and calling out to him by his name, struck himself on the head as if he had been frantic. Of this the spies who had been set over him to observe his behaviour, gave immediate notice to Cambyses, who thereupon sent a messenger to inquire the cause of such immoderate grief. Flamininus answered, That the calamities of his own family confounded him, and were too great to be lamented by any outward signs of grief; but the extreme distress of a bosom friend gave more room for reflection; and therefore extorted tears from him. With this answer Cambyses was so affected, that he sent orders to prevent the execution of the king's son; but these came too late, for the young prince had been put to death before any of the rest. Flamininus himself was then sent for into the city, and restored to his liberty: and had he not showed a desire of revenge, might perhaps have been trusted with the government of Egypt; but being discovered hatching schemes against the government, he was seized, and condemned to drink bull's blood.

The Egyptians were now reduced to the lowest degree of slavery. Their country became a province of the Persian empire; the body of Amasis their late king was taken out of his grave; and after being mangled in a shocking manner, was finally burnt. But what seemed more grievous than all the rest, their god Apis was slain, and his priests ignominiously scourged; and this inspired the whole nation with such an hatred to the Persians, that they could never afterwards be reconciled to them. As long as the Persian empire subsisted, the Egyptians could never shake off their yoke. They frequently revolted indeed, but were always overthrown with prodigious loss. At last they submitted, without opposition, to Alexander the Great: after his death, Egypt again became a powerful kingdom; though since the conquest of it by Cambyses to the present time, it hath never been governed but by foreign princes, agreeable to the prophecy of Ezekiel, "There shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt."

On the death of Alexander the Great, Egypt, together with Libya, and that part of Arabia which borders on Egypt, were assigned to Ptolemy Lagus as governor under Alexander's son for Roxana, who was but newly born. Nothing was farther from the intention of this governor, than to keep the provinces in trust for another. He did not, however, assume the title of king, till he perceived his authority so firmly established that it could not be shaken; and this did not happen till 19 years after the death of Alexander, when Antigonus and Demetrius had unsuccessfully attempted the conquest of Egypt.

From the time of his first establishment on the throne, Ptolemy, who had assumed the title of Soter, reigned 20 years; which added to the former 19, make up the 39 years which historians commonly allow him to have reigned alone. In the 39th year of his reign, he made one of his sons, named Philadelphus, partner in the empire; declaring him his successor, to the prejudice of his eldest son named Ceraunus; being excited thereto by his violent love for Berenice Philadelphus's mother. When the succession was thus settled, Ceraunus immediately quitted the court; and fled at last into Syria, where he was received with open arms by Seleucus Nicator, whom he afterwards murdered.

The most remarkable transaction of this reign was the embellishing of the city of Alexandria, which Ptolemy made the capital of his new kingdom, and of which an account is given under the article Alexandria. About 284 years before Christ, died Ptolemy Soter, in the 41st year of his reign, and 84th of his age. He was the best prince of his race; and left behind him an example of prudence, justice, and clemency which few of his successors chose to follow. Besides the provinces originally assigned to him, he has added to his empire those of Calo-Syria, Ethiopia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, and some of the Cyclades. His successor, Ptolemy Philadelphus, added nothing to the extent of the empire; nor did he perform anything worthy of notice except embellishing further the city of Alexandria, and entering into an alliance with the Romans. In his time, one Magas, the governor of Libya and Cyrene, revolted; and held these provinces as an independent prince, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of Ptolemy to reduce him. At last an accommodation took place; and a marriage was proposed between Berenice, the only daughter of Magas, and Ptolemy's eldest son. The young princess was to receive all her father's dominions by way of dowry, and thus they would again be brought under the dominion of Ptolemy's family. But before this treaty could be put in execution, Magas died; and then Apamea, the princess's mother, did all she could to prevent the match. This, however, she was not able to do; though her efforts for that purpose produced a destructive war of four years continuance with Antiochus Theus king of Syria, and the acting of a cruel tragedy in the family of the latter. See Syria.

About 246 years before Christ, Ptolemy Philadelphus died; and was succeeded by his eldest son Ptolemy, who had been married to Berenice the daughter of Magas, as above related. In the beginning of his reign, he found himself engaged in a war with Antiochus Theus king of Syria. From this he returned victorious, and brought with him 2500 statues and pictures, among which were many of the ancient Egyptian idols, which had been carried away by Cambyses into Persia. These were restored by Ptolemy to their ancient temples: in memory of which favour, the Egyptians gave him the surname of Euergetes, or the Beneficent. In this expedition he greatly enlarged his dominions, making himself master of all the countries that lie between mount Taurus and the confines of India. An account of these conquests was given by himself, inscribed on a monument, to the following effect. "Ptolemy Euergetes, having received from his father the sovereignty of Egypt, Libya, Syria, Phoenice, Cyprus, Lycia, Caria, and the other Cyclades, assembled a mighty army of horse and foot, with a great fleet, and elephants, out of Trogloditia and Ethiopia; some of which had been taken by his father, and the rest by himself, and brought from thence, and trained up for war; with this great force he sailed into Asia, and having conquered all the provinces which lie on this side the Euphrates, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Ionia, the Hellespont," Hellepont, and Thrace, he crossed that river with all the forces of the conquered countries, and the kings of those nations, and reduced Mefopotamia, Babylonia, Susia, Peria, Media, and all the country as far as Bactria."

On the king's return from this expedition, he passed through Jerusalem, where he offered many sacrifices to the God of Israel, and ever afterwards expressed a great favour for the Jewish nation. At this time, the Jews were tributaries to the Egyptian monarchs, and paid them annually 20 talents of silver. This tribute, however, Onias, who was then high-priest, being of a very covetous disposition, had for a long time neglected to pay, so that the arrears amounted to a very large sum. Soon after his return, therefore, Ptolemy sent one of his courtiers named Athenion to demand the money, and desired him to acquaint the Jews that he would make war upon them in case of a refusal. A young man, however, named Joseph, nephew to Onias, not only found means to avert the king's anger, but even got himself chosen his receiver-general, and by his faithful discharge of that important trust, continued in high favour with Ptolemy as long as he lived.

Ptolemy Euergetes having at last concluded a peace with Seleucus the successor of Antiochus Theus king of Syria, attempted the enlargement of his dominions on the south side. In this he was attended with such success, that he made himself master of all the coasts of the Red Sea, both on the Arabian and Ethiopian sides, quite down to the straits of Babel-mandel. On his return he was met by ambassadors from the Achaeans, imploring his assistance against the Eolians and Lacedemonians. This the king readily promised them; but they having in the mean time engaged Antigonus king of Macedon to support them, Ptolemy was so much offended, that he sent powerful succours to Cleomenes king of Sparta; hoping, by that means, to humble both the Achaeans and their new ally Antigonus. In this, however, he was disappointed; for Cleomenes, after having gained very considerable advantages over the enemy, was at last entirely defeated in the battle of Scallata, and obliged to take refuge in Ptolemy's dominions. He was received by the Egyptian monarch with the greatest demonstrations of kindness; a yearly pension of 24 talents was assigned him, with a promise of restoring him to the Spartan throne; but before this could be accomplished, the king of Egypt died, in the 27th year of his reign, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy Philopater.

Thus we have seen the Egyptian empire brought to a very great height of power; and had the succeeding monarchs been careful to preserve that strength of empire transmitted to them by Euergetes, it is very probable that Egypt might have been capable of holding the balance against Rome, and after the destruction of Carthage prevented that haughty city from becoming mistress of the world. But after the death of Ptolemy Euergetes, the Egyptian empire, being governed only by weak or vicious monarchs, quickly declined, and from that time makes no conspicuous figure in history. Ptolemy Philopater began his reign with the murder of his brother; after which, giving himself up to all manner of licentiousness, the kingdom fell into a kind of anarchy. Cleomenes the Spartan king still resided at court; and being now unable to bear the dissolute manners which prevailed there, he pressed Philopater to give him the affiance he had promised for restoring him to the throne of Sparta. This he rather insisted upon, because he had received advice that Antigonus king of Macedon was dead, that the Achaeans were engaged in a war with the Eolians, and that the Lacedemonians had joined the latter against the Achaeans and Macedonians. Ptolemy, when afraid of his brother Magas, had indeed promised to assist the king of Sparta with a powerful fleet, hoping by this means to attach him to his own interest; but now when Magas was out of the way, it was determined by the king, or rather his ministers, that Cleomenes should not be assisted, nor even allowed to leave the kingdom; and this extravagant resolution produced the desperate attempt of Cleomenes, of which an account is given in the history of Sparta.

Of the disorders which now ensued in the government, Antiochus king of Syria, surnamed the Great, took the advantage, and attempted to wrest from Ptolemy the provinces of Celo-Syria and Palestine. But in this he was finally disappointed; and might easily have been totally driven out of Syria, had not Ptolemy been too much taken up with his debaucheries to think of carrying on the war. The discontent occasioned by this piece of negligence soon produced a civil war in his dominions, and the whole kingdom continued in the utmost confusion till his death, which happened in the 17th year of his reign and 37th of his age.

During the reign of Philopater happened a very extraordinary event with regard to the Jews, which is mentioned in the Maccabees*. The king of Egypt, while on his Syrian expedition, had attempted to enter the temple of Jerusalem; but being hindered by the Jews, he was filled with the utmost rage against the whole nation. On his return to Alexandria, he resolved to make those who dwelt in that city feel the first effects of his vengeance. He began with publishing a decree, which he caused to be engraved on a pillar erected for that purpose at the gate of his palace, excluding all those who did not sacrifice to the gods worshipped by the king. By this means the Jews were debarred from suing to him for justice, or obtaining his protection when they happened to stand in need of it. By the favour of Alexander the Great, Ptolemy Soter and Euergetes, the Jews enjoyed at Alexandria the same privileges with the Macedonians. In that metropolis the inhabitants were divided into three ranks or classes. In the first were the Macedonians, or original founders of the city, and along with them were enrolled the Jews; in the second were the mercenaries who had served under Alexander; and in the third the native Egyptians. Ptolemy now, to be revenged of the Jews, ordered, by another decree, that they should be degraded from the first rank, and enrolled among the native Egyptians. By the same decree it was enacted, that all of that nation should appear at an appointed time before the proper officers, in order to be enrolled among the common people; that at the time of their enrolment they should have the mark of an ivy leaf, the badge of Bacchus, impressed with a hot iron on their faces; that all who were thus marked should be made slaves; and, lastly, that if any one should stand out against this decree, he should be immediately immediately put to death. That he might not, however, seem an enemy to the whole nation, he declared, that those who sacrificed to his gods should enjoy their former privileges, and remain in the same clais. Yet, notwithstanding this tempting offer, 300 only out of many thousand Jews who lived in Alexandria could be prevailed upon to abandon their religion in order to save themselves from slavery.

The apostates were immediately excommunicated by their brethren; and this their enemies construed as done in opposition to the king's order; which threw the tyrant into such a rage, that he resolved to extirpate the whole nation, beginning with the Jews who lived in Alexandria and other cities of Egypt, and proceeding from thence to Judaea and Jerusalem itself. In consequence of this cruel resolution, he commanded all the Jews that lived in any part of Egypt to be brought in chains to Alexandria, and there to be shut up in the Hippodrome, which was a very spacious place without the city, where the people used to assemble to see horse-races and other public diversions. He then sent for Herman master of the elephants; and commanded him to have 500 of these animals ready against the next day, to let loose upon the Jews in the Hippodrome. But when the elephants were prepared for the execution, and the people were assembled in great crowds to see it, they were for that day disappointed by the king's absence. For, having been late up the night before with some of his debauched companions, he did not awake till the time for the show was over, and the spectators returned home. He therefore ordered one of his servants to call him early on the following day, that the people might not meet with a second disappointment. But when the person awakened him according to his order, the king was not yet returned to his senses; having withdrawn, exceedingly drunk, only a short time before. As he did not remember the order, he therefore fell into a violent passion, and threatened with death the servant who had awakened him; and this caused the show to be put off till the third day. At last the king came to the Hippodrome attended with a vast multitude of spectators; but when the elephants were let loose, instead of falling upon the Jews, they turned their rage against the spectators and soldiers, and destroyed great numbers of them. At the same time, some frightful appearances which were seen in the air so terrified the king, that he commanded the Jews to be immediately set at liberty, and restored them to their former privileges. No sooner were they delivered from this danger than they demanded leave to put to death such of their nation as had abandoned their religion; and this being granted, they dispatched the apostates without excepting a single man.

Philopater was succeeded by Ptolemy Epiphanes; and he, after a reign of 24 years, by Ptolemy Philometor. In the beginning of his reign, a war commenced with the king of Syria, who had seized on the provinces of Coele-Syria and Palestine in the preceding reign. In the course of this war, Philometor was either voluntarily delivered up to Antiochus or taken prisoner. But however this was, the Alexandrians despairing of his ever being able to recover his liberty, raised to the throne his brother Ptolemy, who took the name of Euergetes II., but was afterwards called Physcon, or "the great-bellied," on account of the prominent belly which by his gluttony and luxury he had acquired. He was scarce seated on the throne, however, when Antiochus Epiphanes, returning into Egypt, drove out Physcon, and restored the whole kingdom, except Pelusium, to Philometor. His design was to jointly with kindle a war betwixt the two brothers, so that his brothers might have an opportunity of seizing the kingdom for himself. For this reason he kept to himself the city of Pelusium; which being the key of Egypt, he might at his pleasure re-enter the country. But Philometor, apprised of his design, invited his brother Physcon to an accommodation; which was happily effected by their sister Cleopatra. In virtue of this agreement, the brothers were to reign jointly, and to oppose the utmost of their power Antiochus, whom they considered as a common enemy. On this the king of Syria invaded Egypt with a mighty army, but was prevented by the Romans from conquering it.

The two brothers were no sooner freed from the apprehensions of a foreign enemy than they began to quarrel with each other. Their differences soon came to such a height, that the Roman senate interposed between the merits of the cause could arrive in Egypt, Physcon had driven Philometor from the throne, and obliged him to quit the kingdom. On this the dethroned prince fled to Rome, where he appeared meanly drest, and without attendants. He was very kindly received by the senate; who were so well satisfied of the injustice done him, that they immediately decreed his restoration. He was reconducted accordingly; and, on the arrival of the ambassadors in Egypt, an accommodation between the two brothers was negociated. By this agreement, Physcon was put in possession of Libya and Cyrene, and Philometor of all Egypt and the island of Cyprus; each of them being declared independent of the other in the dominion allotted to them. The treaty, as usual, was confirmed with oaths and sacrifices, and was broken almost as soon as made. Physcon was dissatisfied with his share of the dominions; and therefore sent ambassadors to Rome, desiring that the island of Cyprus might be added to his other possessions. This could not be obtained by the ambassadors; and therefore Physcon went to Rome in person. His demand was evidently unjust; but the Romans, considering that it was their interest to weaken the power of Egypt as much as possible, without further ceremony, adjudged the island to him.

Physcon set out from Rome with two ambassadors; and arriving in Greece on his way to Cyprus, he raised there a great number of mercenaries, with a design to fail immediately to that island and conquer it. But the Roman ambassadors telling him, that they were commanded to put him in possession of it by fair means and not by force, he dismissed his army, and returned to Libya, while one of the ambassadors proceeded to Alexandria. Their design was to bring the two brothers to an interview on the frontiers of their dominions, and there to settle matters in an amicable manner. But the ambassador who went to Alexandria, found Philometor very averse from compliance with the decree of the senate. He put off the ambassador so long, that Physcon sent the other also to Alexandria, hoping that the joint persuasions of the two would induce... duce Philometor to comply. But the king, after entertaining them at an immense charge for 40 days, at last plainly refused to submit, and told the ambassadors that he was resolved to adhere to the first treaty. With this answer the Roman ambassadors departed, and were followed by others from the two brothers. The senate, however, not only confirmed their decree in favour of Physcon, but renounced their alliance with Philometor, and commanded his ambassador to leave the city in five days.

In the mean time, the inhabitants of Cyrene having heard unfavourable accounts of Physcon's behaviour during the short time he reigned in Alexandria, conceived so strong an aversion against him, that they resolved to keep him out of their country by force of arms. On receiving intelligence of this resolution, Physcon dropped all thoughts of Cyprus for the present; and hastened with all his forces to Cyrene, where he soon got the better of his rebellious subjects, and established himself in the kingdom. His vicious and tyrannical conduct, however, soon estranged from him the minds of his subjects, in such a manner, that some of them entering into a conspiracy against him, fell upon him one night as he was returning to his palace, wounded him in several places, and left him for dead on the spot. This he laid to the charge of his brother Philometor; and as soon as he was recovered, took another voyage to Rome. Here he made his complaints to the senate, and showed them the scars of his wounds, accusing his brother of having employed assassins from whom he received them. Though Philometor was known to be a man of a most humane and mild disposition, and therefore very unlikely to have been concerned in so black an attempt; yet the senate, being offended at his refusing to submit to their decree concerning the island of Cyprus, hearkened to this false accusation; and carried their prejudice so far, that they not only refused to hear what his ambassadors had to say, but ordered them immediately to depart from the city. At the same time, they appointed five commissioners to conduct Physcon into Cyprus, and put him in possession of that island, enjoining all their allies in those parts to supply him with forces for that purpose.

Physcon having by this means got together an army which seemed to him to be sufficient for the accomplishment of his design, landed in Cyprus; but being there encountered by Philometor in person, he was entirely defeated, and obliged to shelter himself in a city called Lapithos. Here he was closely besieged, and at last obliged to surrender. Every one now expected that Physcon would have been treated as he deserved; but his brother, instead of punishing, restored him to the government of Libya and Cyrene, adding some other territories instead of the island of Cyprus, and promising him his daughter in marriage. Thus an end was put to the war between the two brothers; for the Romans were ashamed any longer to oppose a prince who had given such a signal instance of his justice and clemency.

On his return to Alexandria, Philometor appointed one Archias governor of Cyprus. But he, soon after the king's departure, agreed with Demetrius king of Syria, to betray the island to him for 500 talents. The treachery was discovered before it took effect; and the traitor, to avoid the punishment due to his crime, laid violent hands on himself. Ptolemy being offended with Demetrius for this attempt on Cyprus, joined Attalus king of Pergamus, and Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, in setting up a pretender to the crown of Syria. This was Alexander Balas; to whom he even gave his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, after he had placed him on the throne of Syria. But he, notwithstanding these and many other favours, being suspected of having entered into a plot against his benefactor, Ptolemy became his greatest enemy; and marching against him, routed his army in the neighbourhood of Antioch. He did not, however, long enjoy his victory; for he died in a few days after the engagement, of the wounds he had received.

On the death of Philometor, Cleopatra the queen designed to secure the throne for her son. But some of the principal nobility declaring for Physcon, a civil war was about to ensue, when matters were compromised on condition that Physcon should marry Cleopatra, that he should reign jointly with her during his life, and declare her son by Philometor heir to the crown. These terms were no sooner agreed upon than Physcon married Cleopatra, and, on the very day of the nuptials, murdered her son in her arms.—This was only a prelude to the cruelties which he afterwards practised on his subjects. He was no sooner seated on the throne, than he put to death all those who had shown any concern for the murder of the young prince. He then wreaked his fury on the Jews, whom he treated more like slaves than subjects, on account of their having favoured the cause of Cleopatra. His own people were treated with little more ceremony. Numbers of them were every day put to death for the smallest faults, and often for no fault at all, but merely to gratify his unhuman temper. His cruelty towards the Alexandrians is particularly mentioned under the article Alexandria.—In a short time, being wearied of his queen, who was also his sister, he divorced her; and married her daughter, who was also called Cleopatra, and whom he had previously ravished. In short, his behaviour was so exceedingly wicked, that it soon became quite intolerable to his subjects; and he was obliged to fly to the island of Cyprus with his new queen, and Memphitis, a son he had by her mother.

On the flight of the king; the divorced queen was placed on the throne by the Alexandrians; but Physcon, fearing lest a son whom he had left behind should be appointed king, sent for him into Cyprus, and caused him to be assassinated as soon as he landed. This provoked the people against him to such a degree, that they pulled down and dashed to pieces all the statues which had been erected to him in Alexandria. This the tyrant supposed to have been done at the instigation of the queen, and therefore resolved to revenge it on her by killing his own son whom he had by her. He therefore, without the least remorse, caused the young prince's throat to be cut; and having put his mangled limbs into a box, sent them as a present to his mother Cleopatra. The messenger with whom this box was sent, was one of his guards. He was ordered to wait till the queen's birthday, which approached, and was to be celebrated with extraordinary pomp; and in the midst of the general rejoicing, he was to deliver the present.

The horror and detestation occasioned by this unprecedented piece of cruelty cannot be expressed. An army army was soon raised, and the command of it given to one Marfyas, whom the queen had appointed general, and enjoined to take all the necessary steps for the defense of the country. On the other hand, Physcon, having hired a numerous body of mercenaries, sent them, under the command of one Hegelocheus, against the Egyptians. The two armies met on the frontiers of Egypt, on which a bloody battle ensued; but at last the Egyptians were entirely defeated, and Marfyas was taken prisoner. Every one expected that the captive general would have been put to death with the severest torments; but Physcon, perceiving that his cruelties only exasperated the people, resolved to try whether he could regain their affections by lenity; and therefore pardoned Marfyas, and set him at liberty.

Cleopatra, in the mean time, being greatly distressed by this overthrow, demanded assistance from Demetrius king of Syria, who had married her eldest daughter by Philometor, promising him the crown of Egypt for his reward. Demetrius accepted the proposal without hesitation, marched with all his forces into Egypt, and there laid siege to Pelusium. But he being no less hated in Syria than Physcon was in Egypt, the people of Antioch, taking advantage of his absence, revolted against him, and were joined by most of the other cities in Syria. Thus Demetrius was obliged to return; and Cleopatra, being now in no condition to oppose Physcon, fled to Ptolemais, where her daughter the queen of Syria at that time resided. Physcon was then restored to the throne of Egypt, which he enjoyed without further molestation till his death; which happened at Alexandria, in the 29th year of his reign, and 67th of his age.

To Physcon succeeded Ptolemy Lathyrus, about 122 years before Christ; but he had not reigned long, before his mother, finding that he would not be entirely governed by her, by false surmises stirred up the Alexandrians, who drove him from the throne, and placed on it his youngest brother Alexander. Lathyrus after this was obliged to content himself with the government of Cyprus, which he was permitted to enjoy in quiet. Ptolemy Alexander, in the mean time, finding he was to have only the shadow of sovereignty, and that his mother Cleopatra was to have all the power, stole away privately from Alexandria. The queen used every artifice to bring him back, as well knowing that the Alexandrians would never suffer her to reign alone. At last her son yielded to her intreates; but soon after, understanding that she had hired assassins to dispatch him, he caused her to be murdered.

The death of the queen was no sooner known to the Alexandrians, than, disdaining to be commanded by a paricide, they drove out Alexander, and recalled Lathyrus.—The deposed prince for some time led a rambling life in the island of Cos; but having got together some ships, he, the next year, attempted to return into Egypt. But being met by Tyrillus, Lathyrus's admiral, he was defeated, and obliged to fly to Myra in Lycia. From Myra he fleered his course towards Cyprus, hoping that the inhabitants would place him on the throne, instead of his brother. But Chares, another of Lathyrus's admirals, coming up with him while he was ready to land, an engagement ensued, in which Alexander's fleet was dispersed, and he himself killed.

During these disturbances, Apion king of Cyrenaica, the son of Ptolemy Physcon by a concubine, having maintained peace and tranquility in his dominions during a reign of 21 years, died, and by his will left his kingdom to the Romans; and thus the Egyptian empire was considerably reduced and circumscribed.

Lathyrus being now delivered from all competitors, turned his arms against the city of Thebes, which had revolted from him. The king marched in person against the rebels; and, having defeated them in a pitched battle, laid close siege to their city. The inhabitants defended themselves with great resolution for three years. At last, however, they were obliged to submit, and the city was given up to be plundered by the soldiery. They left everywhere the most melancholy monuments of their avarice and cruelty; so that Thebes, which till that time had been one of the most wealthy cities of Egypt, was now reduced so low that it never afterwards made any figure.

About 76 years before Christ, Ptolemy Lathyrus Alexander was succeeded by Alexander II. He was the son of Ptolemy Alexander for whom Lathyrus had been driven out; and had met with many adventures. He was first sent by Cleopatra into the island of Cos, with a great sum of money, and all her jewels; as thinking that was the safest place where they could be kept. When Mithridates king of Pontus made himself master of that island, the inhabitants delivered up to him the young Egyptian prince, together with all the treasures. Mithridates gave him an education suitable to his birth; but he, not thinking himself safe with a prince who had shed the blood of his own children, fled to the camp of Sylla the Roman dictator, who was then making war in Asia. From that time he lived in the family of the Roman general, till news was brought to Rome of the death of Lathyrus. Sylla then sent him to Egypt to take possession of the throne. But, before his arrival, the Alexandrians had chosen Cleopatra for their sovereign. To compromise matters, however, it was agreed, that Ptolemy should marry her, and take her for his partner in the throne. This marriage was accordingly done; and 19 days after the marriage, Cleopatra, the unhappy queen was murdered by her husband, who for 15 years afterwards showed himself such a monster of wickedness, that a general insurrection at last ensued among his subjects, and he was obliged to fly to Pompey the Great, who was then carrying on the war against Mithridates king of Pontus. But Pompey refusing to concern himself in the matter, he retired to the city of Tyre, where he died some months after.

When he was forced to shut himself up in the city of Tyre, Alexander had sent ambassadors to Rome, in order to influence the senate in his favour. But, dying before the negociation was finished, he made over kingdom to his last will all his rights to the Roman people, declaring them heirs to his kingdom: not out of any affection to the republic; but with a view to raise disputes between the Romans and his rival Auletes, whom the Egyptians had placed on the throne. The will was brought to Rome, where it occasioned warm debates. Some were for taking immediate possession of the kingdom. Others thought that no notice should be taken of such a will, because Alexander had no right to dispose of his dominions in prejudice of his successor, and to exclude from the crown those who were... of the royal blood of Egypt. Cicero represented, that such a notorious imposition would debauch the majesty of the Roman people, and involve them in endless wars and disputes; that the fruitful fields of Egypt would be a strong temptation to the avarice of the people, who would insist on their being divided among them; and lastly, that by this means the bloody quarrels about the Agrarian laws would be revived. These reasons had some weight with the senate; but what chiefly prevented them from seizing on Egypt at this time was, that they had lately taken possession of the kingdom of Bithynia in virtue of the will of Nicomedes, and of Cyrene and Libya by the will of Apion. They thought, therefore, that if they should, on the like pretence, take possession of the kingdom of Egypt, this might too much expose their design of setting up a kind of universal monarchy, and occasion a formidable combination against them.

Auletes, who was now raised to the throne by the Egyptians, is said to have surpassed all the kings that went before him in the effeminacy of his manners. The name Auletes, which signifies the flute player, was given him because he piqued himself on his skill in performing upon that instrument, and was not ashamed even to contend for the prize in the public games. He took great pleasure in imitating the manners of the Bacchanals; dancing in a female dress, and in the same measures that they used during the solemnity of their god Bacchus; and hence he had the surname of the New Dionysus or Bacchus. As his title to the crown was disputable (he being only the son of a concubine), the first care of Auletes was to get himself acknowledged by the Romans, and declare their ally. This was obtained by applying to Julius Caesar, who was at that time consul, and immensely in debt. Caesar being glad of such an opportunity of raising money, made the king of Egypt pay pretty dear for his alliance. Six thousand talents, a sum equal to £1,162,500 Sterling, were paid partly to Caesar himself, and partly to Pompey, whose interest was necessary for obtaining the consent of the people. Though the revenues of Egypt amounted to twice this sum, yet Auletes found it impossible for him to raise it without severely taxing his subjects. This occasioned a general discontent; and while the people were almost ready to take up arms, a most unjust decree passed at Rome for seizing the island of Cyprus. When the Alexandrians heard of the intentions of the republic, they pressed Auletes to demand that island as an ancient appendage of Egypt; and, in case of a refusal, to declare war against that haughty and imperious people, who, they now saw, though too late, aimed at nothing less than the sovereignty of the world. With this request the king refused to comply; upon which his subjects, already provoked beyond measure at the taxes with which they were loaded, flew to arms, and surrounded the palace. The king had the good luck to escape their fury, and immediately leaving Alexandria, set sail for Rome.

In his way to that city, he landed on the island of Rhodes, where the famous Cato at that time was, being on his way to Cyprus, to put the unjust decree of the senate in execution. Auletes, desirous to confer with a man of his prudence, immediately sent to acquaint him with his arrival. He imagined, that, upon this notice, Cato would immediately come and wait upon him; but the proud Roman told the messenger, that if the king of Egypt had any thing to say to Cato, he might, if he thought proper, come to his house. Accordingly the king went to pay him a visit; but was received with very little ceremony by Cato, who did not even vouchsafe to rise out of his seat when he came into his presence. When Auletes had laid his affairs before this haughty republican, he was blamed by him for leaving Egypt, the richest kingdom in the world, in order to expose himself, as he said, to the indignities he would meet with at Rome. There Cato told him, that nothing was in request but wealth and grandeur. All the riches of Egypt, he said, would not be sufficient to satisfy the avarice of the leading men in Rome. He therefore advised him to return to Egypt; and strive, by a more equitable conduct, to regain the affections of his people. He even offered to reconduct him thither, and employ his good offices in his behalf. But though Ptolemy was sensible of the propriety of this advice, the friends he had with him dissuaded him from following it, and accordingly he set out for Rome.

On his arrival in this metropolis, the king found, to his great concern, that Caesar, in whom he placed his conduct of greatest confidence, was then in Gaul. He was received, however, by Pompey with great kindness. He assigned him an apartment in his own house, and omitted nothing that lay in his power to serve him. But, notwithstanding the protection of so powerful a man, Auletes was forced to go from house to house like a private person, soliciting the votes of the senators. After he had spent immense treasures in procuring a strong party in the city, he was at last permitted to lay his complaints before the senate; and at the same time there arrived an embassy from the Alexandrians, consisting of 100 citizens, to acquaint the senate with the reasons of their revolt.

When Auletes first set out for Rome, the Alexandrians, not knowing what was become of him, placed a baffle into Syria to Antiochus Asiaticus, inviting him into Egypt to marry the queen, and reign in partnership with her. Antiochus was dead before the arrival of the ambassadors; upon which the same proposal was made to his brother Seleucus, who readily accepted it. This Seleucus is described by Strabo as monstrously deformed in body, and still more to mind. The Egyptian's nicknamed him Cybioplaters, or the Scullion; a name which seemed more fit for him than any other. He was scarce settled on the throne, when he gave a signal instance of his forid and avaricious temper. Ptolemy the first had caused the body of Alexander the Great to be deposited in a coffin of massy gold. This the king feigned upon; and by that means provoked his wife Berenice to such a degree, that she caused him to be murdered. She then married one Archelaus, high priest of Comana in Pontus, who pretended to be the son of Mithridates the Great; but was, in fact, only the son of that monarch's general.

Auletes was not a little alarmed on hearing of these transactions, especially when the ambassadors arrived, who he feared would overturn all the schemes he had laboured so much to bring about. The embassy was headed by one Dion, a celebrated academic philosopher, who who had many powerful friends at Rome. But Ptolemy found means to get both him and most of his followers assassinated; and this intimidated the rest to such a degree, that they durst not execute their commission, or, for some time, even demand justice for the murder of their colleagues.

The report of so many murders, however, at last spread a general alarm. Auletes, sure of the protection of Pompey, did not scruple to own himself the perpetrator of them. Nay, though an action was commenced against one Afcitius an assassin who had stabbed Dion the chief of the embassy above mentioned, and the crime was fully proved; yet he was acquitted by the venal judges, who had all been bribed by Ptolemy. In a short time, the senate passed a decree, by which it was enacted, that the king of Egypt should be restored by force of arms. All the great men in Rome were ambitious of this commission; which, they well knew, would be attended with immense profit. Their contests on this occasion took up a considerable time; and at last a prophecy of the Sybil was found out, which forbade the assailing an Egyptian monarch with an army. Ptolemy, therefore, wearied out with too long a delay, retired from Rome, where he had made himself generally odious, to the temple of Diana at Ephesus, there to wait the decision of his fate. Here he remained a considerable time; but as he saw that the senate came to no resolution, tho' he had solicited them by letters so to do; at last, by Pompey's advice, he applied to Gabinius the proconsul of Syria. This Gabinius was a man of a most infamous character, and ready to undertake anything for money. Therefore, though it was contrary to an express law for any governor to go out of his province without positive orders from the senate and people of Rome, yet Gabinius ventured to transgress this law, upon condition of being well paid for his pains. As a recompense for his trouble, however, he demanded 10,000 talents; that is, L1,937,500 Sterling. Ptolemy, glad to be restored on any terms, agreed to pay the above mentioned sum; but Gabinius would not stir till he had received one-half of it. This obliged the king to borrow it from a Roman knight named Caius Rabirius Posthumus; Pompey interposing his credit and authority for the payment of the capital and interest.

Gabinius now set out for Egypt, attended by the famous Mark Anthony, who at this time served in the army under him. He was met by Archelaus, who since the departure of Auletes had reigned in Egypt jointly with Berenice, at the head of a numerous army. The Egyptians were utterly defeated, and Archelaus taken prisoner in the first engagement. Thus Gabinius might have put an end to the war at once; but his avarice prompted him to dismiss Archelaus on his paying a considerable ransom; after which, pretending that he had made his escape, fresh sums were demanded from Ptolemy for defraying the expenses of the war. For these sums Ptolemy was again obliged to apply to Rabirius, who lent him what money he wanted at a very high interest. At last, however, Archelaus was defeated and killed, and thus Ptolemy again became master of all Egypt.

No sooner was Auletes firmly settled on the throne, than he put to death his daughter Berenice, and oppressed his people with the most cruel exactions, in order to procure the money he had been obliged to borrow while in a state of exile. These oppressions and exactions the cowardly Egyptians bore with great patience, being intimidated by the garrison which Gabinius had left in Alexandria. But neither the fear of death, nor the Romans, nor the authority of Ptolemy, could make them put up an affront offered to their religion. A Roman soldier happened to kill a cat, which was an animal held sacred and even worshipped by the Egyptians; and no sooner was this supposed sacrilege known, than the Alexandrians made a general insurrection, and gathering together in crowds, made their way through the Roman guards, dragged the soldier out of his house, and, in spite of all opposition, tore him in pieces.

Notwithstanding the heavy taxes, however, which Ptolemy laid on his people, it doth not appear that he had any design of paying his debts. Rabirius, who, as we have already observed, had lent him immense sums, finding that the king affected delays, took a voyage to Egypt, in order to expostulate with him in person. Ptolemy paid very little regard to his expostulations; but excused himself on account of the bad state of his finances. For this reason he offered to make Rabirius collector-general of his revenues, that he might in that employment pay himself. The unfortunate creditor accepted the employment for fear of losing his debt. But Ptolemy, soon after, upon some frivolous pretence or other, caused him and all his servants to be closely confined. This base conduct exasperated Pompey as much as Rabirius; for the former had been in a manner security for the debt, as the money had been lent at his request, and the business transacted at a country house of his near Alba. However, as Rabirius had reason to fear the worst, he took the first opportunity of making his escape, glad to get off with life from his cruel and faithless debtor. To complete his misfortunes, he was prosecuted at Rome as soon as he returned, i. For having enabled Ptolemy to corrupt the senate with sums lent him for that purpose. 2. For having debauched and dishonoured the character of a Roman knight, by farming the revenues, and becoming the servant of a foreign prince. 3. For having been an accomplice with Gabinius, and sharing with him the 10,000 talents which that proconsul had received for his Egyptian expedition. By the eloquence of Cicero he was acquitted; and one of the best orations to be found in the writings of that author was composed on this occasion. Gabinius was also prosecuted; and, as Cicero spoke against him, he very narrowly escaped death. He was, however, condemned to perpetual banishment, after having been stripped of all he was worth. He lived in exile till the time of the civil wars, when he was recalled by Caesar, in whose service he lost his life.

Auletes enjoyed the throne of Egypt about four years after his re-establishment; and at his death left children to his children, a son and two daughters, under the tuition of the Roman people. The name of the son was Ptolemy, those of the daughters were Cleopatra and Arsinoe. This was the Cleopatra who afterwards became so famous, and had so great a share in the civil wars of Rome. As the transactions of the present reign, however, are so closely connected with the affairs of Rome, that they cannot be well understood without without knowing the situation of the Romans at that time, we refer for an account of them to the History of Rome.

With Cleopatra ended the family of Ptolemy Lagus, the founder of the Grecian empire in Egypt, after it had held that country in subjection for the space of 294 years. From this time Egypt became a province of the Roman empire, and continued subject to the emperors of Rome or Constantinople. In the year 642, it was conquered by the Arabs under Amru Ebn al As, one of the generals of the khalif Omar. In the year 889, an independent government was set up in this kingdom by Ahmed Ebn Tolun, who rebelled against Al Mokhadi khalif of Bagdad. It continued to be governed by him and his successors for 27 years, when it was again reduced by Al Moctafi khalif of Bagdad. In about 30 years after, we find it again an independent state, being joined with Syria under Mahomet Ebn Taj, who had been appointed governor of these provinces. This government, however, was also but short-lived; for in the year 968 it was conquered by Jawhar, one of the generals of Moez Ledinallah, the Fatemite khalif of Cairwan in Barbary. See Barbary, p. 34.

No sooner was Moez informed of the success of his general, than he prepared with all expedition to go and take possession of his new conquest. Accordingly he ordered all the vast quantities of gold which he and his predecessors had amassed, to be cast into ingots of the size and figure of the mill-stones used in hand-mills, and conveyed on camels backs into Egypt. To show that he was fully determined to abandon his dominions in Barbary, and to make Egypt the residence of himself and his successors, he caused the remains of the three former princes of his race to be removed from Cairwan in Barbary, and to be deposited in a lately mosque erected for that purpose in the city of Cairo in Egypt. This was a most effectual method to induce his successors to reside in Egypt also, as it was become an established custom and duty among those princes frequently to pay their respectful visits to the tombs of their ancestors.

To establish himself the more effectually in his new dominions, Moez suppressed the usual prayers made in the mosques for the khalifs of Bagdad, and substituted his own name in their stead. This was complied with, not only in Egypt and Syria, but even throughout all Arabia, the city of Mecca alone excepted. The consequence was, a schism in the Mahommedan faith, which continued upwards of 200 years, and was attended with continual anathemas, and sometimes destructive wars between the khalifs of Bagdad and of Egypt.—Having fully established himself in his kingdom, he died in the 45th year of his age, three years after he had left his dominions in Barbary; and was succeeded by his son Abu Al Mansur Barar, fumamed Aziz Billah.

The new khalif succeeded to the throne at the age of 21; and committed the management of affairs entirely to the care of Jawhar, his father’s long experienced general and prime minister. In 978, he sent this famous warrior to drive out Al Aftekin, the emir of Damascus. The Egyptian general accordingly formed the siege of that place; but at the end of two months, was obliged to raise it, on the approach of an army of Karmatians under the command of Al Hakem. As Jawhar was not strong enough to venture an engagement with these Karmatians, it was impossible for him to hinder them from effecting a junction with the forces of Al Aftekin. He therefore retreated, or rather fled, towards Egypt with the utmost expedition; but being overtaken by the two confederate armies, he was soon reduced to the last extremity. He was, however, permitted to refuse his march, on condition that he passed under Al Aftekin’s sword and Al Hakem’s lance; and to this disgraceful condition Jawhar found himself obliged to submit. On his arrival in Egypt, he immediately advised Al Aziz to undertake an expedition in person into the east, against the combined army of Turks, Karmatians, and Damascenes, under the command of Al Aftekin and Al Hakem. The khalif followed his advice; and advancing against his enemies, overthrew them with great slaughter. Al Aftekin himself escaped out of the battle; but was afterwards taken and brought to Al Aziz, who made him his chamberlain, and treated him with great kindness. Jawhar, in the mean time, was disgraced on account of his bad success; and in this disgrace he continued till his death, which happened in the year of our Lord 990, and of the Hegira 381.

This year Al Aziz having received advice of the Aleppo death of Saado’dawla prince of Aleppo, sent a formidable army under the command of a general named Manjubekin, to reduce that place. Lulu, who had been appointed guardian to Saado’dawla’s son, finding himself pressed by the Egyptians, who carried on the siege with great vigour, demanded assistance from the Greek emperor. Accordingly, he ordered a body of troops to advance to Lulu’s relief. Manjubekin, being informed of their approach, immediately raised the siege, and advanced to give them battle. An obstinate engagement ensued, in which the Greeks were at last overthrown with great slaughter. After this victory, Manjubekin pushed on the siege of Aleppo very briskly; but finding the place capable of defending itself much longer than he at first imagined, and his provisions beginning to fail, he raised the siege. The khalif upon this sent him a very threatening letter, and commanded him to return before Aleppo. He did so; and continued the siege for 13 months; during all which time it was defended by Lulu with incredible bravery. At last, the Egyptians hearing that a numerous army of Greeks was on their way to relieve the city, they raised the siege, and fled with the utmost precipitation. The Greeks then took and plundered some of the cities which Al Aziz possessed in Syria; and Manjubekin made the best of his way to Damascus, where he set up for himself. Al Aziz being informed of this revolt, marched in person against him with a considerable army; but being taken ill by the way, he expired, in the 21st year of his reign and 42d of his age.

Al Aziz was succeeded by his son Abu Al Mansur, fumamed Al Hakem; who, being only 11 years of age, was put under the tuition of an eunuch of approved integrity.

This reign is remarkable for nothing so much as the strange madness with which the khalif was seized in the latter part of it. This manifested itself first by his issuing the khalif many preposterous edicts; but at length grew to such Al Hakem Egypt.

a height, that he fancied himself a god, and found no fewer than 16,000 persons who owned him as such. These were mostly the Dararians, a new sect sprung up about this time, who were so called from their chief, Mohammed Ebn Ishmael, named Darari. He is supposed to have inspired the mad khalif with this impious notion; and, as Darari set up for a second Moses, he did not scruple to assert that Al Hakem was the great Creator of the universe. For this reason, a zealous Turk stabbed him in the khalif's chariot. His death was followed by a three days uproar in the city of Cairo; during which, Darari's house was pulled down, and many of his followers massacred. The sect, however, did not expire with its author. He left behind him a disciple named Hamza, who, being encouraged by the mad khalif, spread it far and wide through his dominions. This was quickly followed by an abrogation of all the Mahomedan laws, festivals, and pilgrimages, the grand one to Mecca in particular; so that the zealous Mahometans were now greatly alarmed, as justly supposing that Al Hakem designed entirely to suppress the worship of the true God, and introduce his own in its place. From this apprehension, however, they were delivered by the death of the khalif; who was assassinated, by a contrivance of his own father, in the year 1020.

Al Hakem was succeeded by his son Al Thaher, who reigned 15 years; and left the throne to a son under seven years of age, named Al Mostanfer Billah.

In the year 1041, a revolt happened in Syria; but Al Mostanfer having sent a powerful army into that country, under the command of one Ayyubekin, he not only reduced the rebels, but considerably enlarged the Egyptian dominions in Syria.

In 1054, a Turk named Al Baffafiri, having quarrelled with the vizir Al Kayem khalif of Bagdad, fled to Egypt, and put himself under the protection of Al Mostanfer. The latter, imagining this would be a favourable opportunity for enlarging his dominions, and perhaps seizing on the city of Bagdad, supplied Baffafiri with money and troops. By this affiance, he was enabled to possess himself of Arabian Irak, and ravaged that province to the very gates of Bagdad. On this, Al Kayem wrote to Togrol Beg, or Tangriolipix, the Turkish sultan, who possessed very extensive dominions in the east, to come to his assistance. The sultan immediately complied with his request, and soon arrived at Bagdad with a formidable army and 18 elephants. Of this Baffafiri gave notice to Al Mostanfer, and intreated him to exert himself further for his support against so powerful an enemy. This was accordingly done, but nothing worthy of notice happened till the year 1058. At this time Baffafiri having found means to excite Ibrahim the sultan's brother to a revolt, Togrol Beg was obliged to employ all his force against him. This gave Baffafiri an opportunity of seizing on the city of Bagdad itself; and the unfortunate khalif, according to some, was taken prisoner, or, according to others, fled out of the city. Baffafiri, on his entry, caused Al Mostanfer to be immediately proclaimed khalif in all quarters of the city. Al Kayem's vizir he caused to be led on a camel through the streets of Bagdad, dressed in a woollen gown, with a high red bonnet, and a leathern collar about his neck; a man lashing him all the way behind. Then being sewed up in a bull's hide, with the horas placed over his head, and hung upon hooks, he was beaten without ceasing till he died. The imperial palace was plundered, and the khalif himself detained a close prisoner.

This success was but short-lived; for, in 1059, To-74 grol Beg defeated his brother Ibrahim, took him prisoner, and strangled him with a bow-string. He then marched to Bagdad, which Baffafiri thought proper to abandon at his approach. Here the khalif Al Kayem was delivered up by Mahras, the governor of a city called Hadisha, who had the charge of him. The khalif was immediately restored to his dignity; which Baffafiri no sooner understood, than he again advanced towards the city. Against him Togrol Beg sent a part of his army under some of his generals, while he himself followed with the rest. A battle ensued, in which the army of Baffafiri was defeated, and he himself killed. His head was brought to Togrol Beg, who caused it to be carried on a pike through the streets of Bagdad.

Thus the hopes of Al Mostanfer were entirely frustrated; and from this period we may date the decline of the Egyptian empire under the khalifs. They had made themselves masters of almost all Syria; but no sooner was Baffafiri's bad success known, than the younger part of the citizens of Aleppo revolted, and set up Mahmud Azzo'dawla, who immediately laid siege to the citadel. Al Mostanfer sent a powerful army against him, which Azzo'dawla entirely defeated, and took the general himself prisoner; and soon after this, he made himself master both of the city and citadel, with all their dependencies. In his new dominions he behaved with the greatest cruelty, destroying every thing with fire and sword, and making frequent incursions into the neighbouring provinces, which he treated in the same manner.

This disaster was soon followed by others still more terrible. In 1066, a famine raged over all Egypt and Syria, with such fury, that dogs and cats were sold for four or five Egyptian dinars each, and other provisions in proportion. Multitudes of people died in Cairo for want of food. Nay, so great was the scarcity, that the vizir had but one servant left who was able to attend him to the khalif's palace, and to whom he gave the care of his horse when he alighted at the gate. But, at his return, he was surprized to find that the horse had been carried off, killed, and eaten by the famished people. Of this he complained to the khalif; who caused three of them who had carried off the horse to be hanged. Next day, however, he was still more surprized to hear, that all the flesh had been picked off the bones of the three unhappy criminals, so that nothing but the skeletons were left. And to such a degree of misery were the inhabitants, not only in Cairo but through all Egypt, reduced, that the carcases of those who died were sold for food at a great price, instead of being buried. All this time the khalif showed the greatest kindness and beneficence towards his unhappy subjects, insomuch that of 10,000 horses, mules, and camels, which he had in his stables when the famine began, he had only three left when it was removed.

The famine was followed by a plague; and this by an invasion of the Turks under Abu Ali Al Hafan the Turks Naferod'dawla, the very general who had been sent against against the rebel Azzo'dawla and defeated by him. He began with besieging the khalif in his own palace; and the unhappy prince, being in no condition to make resistance, was obliged to buy himself off at the expense of every thing valuable that was left in his exhausted capital and treasury. This, however, did not hinder these merciless plunderers from ravaging all the Lower Egypt from Cairo to Alexandria, and committing the most horrid cruelties through that whole tract.—This happened in the years 1067 and 1068; and in 1069 and 1070, there happened two other revolts in Syria: so that this country was now almost entirely lost.

In 1095 died the khalif Al Moftaner, having reigned 60 years; and was succeeded by his son Abul Kafem, surnamed Al Moftali.—The most remarkable transaction of this prince's reign, was his taking the city of Jerusalem from the Turks in 1098: but this success was only of short duration; for it was, the same year, taken by the crusaders.

From this time to the year 1164, the Egyptian history affords little else than an account of the intestine broils and contests between the vizirs or prime ministers, who were now become so powerful, that they had in a great measure stripped the khalifs of their civil power, and left them nothing but a shadow of spiritual dignity. These contests at last gave occasion to a revolution, by which the race of Fatemite khalifs was totally extinguished. This revolution was accomplished in the following manner.—One Shawer, having overcome all his competitors, became vizir to Al Aded, the eleventh khalif of Egypt. He had not been long in possession of this office, when Al Dargam, an officer of rank, endeavoured to deprive him of it. Both parties quickly had recourse to arms; and a battle ensued, in which Shawer was defeated, and obliged to fly to Nuroddin prince of Syria, by whom he was graciously received, and who promised to reinstate him in his office of vizir. As an inducement to Nuroddin to assist him more powerfully, Shawer told him that the crusaders had landed in Egypt, and made a considerable progress in the conquest of it. He promised also, that, in case he was reinstated in his office, he would pay Nuroddin annually the third part of the revenues of Egypt; and would, besides, defray the whole expense of the expedition.

As Nuroddin bore an implacable hatred to the Christians, he readily undertook an expedition against them, for which he was to be so well paid. He therefore sent an army into Egypt under the command of Shawer and a general named Afadoddin. Dargam, in the meantime, had cut off so many generals whom he imagined favourable to Shawer's interest, that he thereby weakened the military force of the kingdom, and in a great measure deprived himself of the power of resistance. He was therefore easily overthrown by Afadoddin, and Shawer reinstated in the office of vizir. The faithless minister, however, no sooner saw himself firmly established in his office, than he refused to fulfil his engagements to Nuroddin by paying the stipulated sums. Upon this, Afadoddin seized Pelusium and some other cities. Shawer then entered into an alliance with the crusaders, and Afadoddin was besieged by their combined forces in Pelusium. Nuroddin, however, having invaded the Christian dominions in Syria, and taken a strong fortress called Harem, Shawer and his confederates thought proper to hearken to some terms of accommodation, and Afadoddin was permitted to depart for Syria.

In the mean time, Nuroddin, having subdued the greatest part of Syria and Mesopotamia, resolved to make Shawer feel the weight of his resentment, on account of his perfidious conduct. He therefore sent back Afadoddin into Egypt with a sufficient force, to compel Shawer to fulfil his engagements: but this the vizir took care to do before the arrival of Afadoddin; and thus, for the present, avoided the danger. It was not long, however, before he gave Nuroddin fresh occasion to send this general against him. That prince had now driven the crusaders almost entirely out of Syria, but was greatly alarmed at their progress in Egypt; and consequently offended at the alliance which Shawer had concluded with them, and which he still persisted in observing. This treaty was also thought to be contrived on purpose to prevent Shawer from being able to fulfil his promise to Nuroddin, of sending him annually a third of the revenues of Egypt. Nuroddin therefore again dispatched Afadoddin into Egypt, in the year 1166, with a sufficient force, and attended by the famous Salahaddin, or Saladin, his own nephew. They entered the kingdom without opposition, and totally defeated Shawer and the crusaders. They next made themselves masters of Alexandria; and, after that, over-ran all the Upper Egypt. Saladin was left with a considerable garrison in Alexandria; but Afadoddin was no sooner gone, than the crusaders laid siege to that city. This at last obliged Afadoddin to return to its relief. The great losses he had sustained in this expedition probably occasioned his agreeing to a treaty with Shawer, by which he engaged to retire out of Egypt, upon being paid a sum of money.

Afadoddin was no sooner gone, than Shawer entered into a fresh treaty with the Franks. By this new alliance he was to attack Nuroddin in his own dominions, as he was at that time engaged in quelling some revolters, which would effectually prevent his sending any more forces into Egypt. This treaty provoked the Syrian prince, that he resolved to suspend his other conquests for some time, and exert his whole strength in the conquest of Egypt.

By this time the crusaders had reduced Pelusium, and made a considerable progress in the kingdom, as well as in some other countries, through the divisions which reigned among the Mahometan princes. In such places as they conquered, they put almost everybody to the sword, Christians as well as Mahometans; felling their prisoners for slaves, and giving up the towns to be plundered by the soldiers. From Pelusium they marched to Cairo; which was then in no posture of defence, and in the utmost confusion, by reason of the divisions which reigned in it. Shawer, therefore, as soon as he heard of their approach, caused the ancient quarter called Mahr to be set on fire, and the inhabitants to retire into the other parts. He also prevailed upon the khalif to solicit the affiance of Nuroddin; which the latter was indeed pretty much inclined of himself to grant, as it gave him the fairest opportunity he could have wished for, both of driving the crusaders out of Egypt, and of seizing the kingdom. dom to himself. For this purpose he had already raised an army of 60,000 horse under his general Asafoddin; and, on the receipt of Al Aded's message, gave them orders to set out immediately. The crusaders were now arrived at Cairo; and had so closely besieged that place, that neither Shawer nor the khalif knew anything of the approach of the Moslem army which was hastening to their relief. The vizir, therefore, finding it impossible to hold out long against the enemy, had recourse to his old subterfuge of treaties and high promises. He sent the enemy 100,000 dinars, and promised them 900,000 more, if they would raise the siege; which they, dreading the approach of Asafoddin, very readily accepted.

The army of Nuroddin now approached the capital by hasty marches, and were everywhere received with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Asafoddin, on his arrival at Cairo, was invited by Al Aden to the royal palace, where he was entertained in the most magnificent manner, and received several presents; nor were Saladin and the other principal officers less magnificently treated. Shawer also, conscious of his perfidious conduct, was no less affluous in attending punctually upon him. But having invited the general and some others to an entertainment, he had formed a scheme of having them seized and murdered. The plot, however, being discovered, Shawer himself had his head cut off, and Asafoddin was made vizir in his stead. He did not, however, long enjoy his new dignity; for he died two months and five days after his instalment, being succeeded in his office of vizir by his nephew Saladin.

The new vizir was the youngest of all the grandees who aspired to that office, but had already given some signal proofs of his valour and conduct. What determined the khalif to prefer him to all the rest is not known; but it is certain that some of them were highly displeased with his promotion, and even publicly declared that they would not obey him. In order to gain these to his interest, therefore, Saladin found it necessary to distribute among them part of the vast treasures left by his uncle; by which means he soon governed Egypt without control, as had been customary with the vizirs for some time before. Soon after his being installed into the office of vizir, he gave a total defeat to the negroes who guarded the royal palace, and had opposed his election; by which means, and a strong garrison he had placed in the castle of Cairo, his power became firmly established. Though he had not the least intention of continuing in his allegiance to Nuroddin, he did not think it prudent at first to declare himself. He sent for his father, however, and the rest of his family, who were in Nuroddin's dominions, in order, as he said, to make them partakers of his grandeur and happiness. Nuroddin did not think proper to deny this request; though, being already jealous of the great power of Saladin, he insisted that his family should consider him only as one of his generals in Egypt.

A good understanding subsisted between Nuroddin and Saladin for some time, which did not a little contribute to raise the credit of the latter with the Egyptians. In 1169, Nuroddin sent him orders to omit the name of Al Aded, the khalif of Egypt, in the public prayers, and substitute that of the khalif of Bagdad in its place. This was at any rate a dangerous attempt; as it might very readily produce a revolt in favour of Al Aded; or if it did not, it gave Saladin an opportunity of engrossing even that small remnant of power which was left to the khalif. Al Aded, however, was not sensible of his disgrace; for he was on his death-bed, and past recovery, when Nuroddin's orders were executed. After his death, Saladin seized on all his wealth and valuable effects; which consisted of effects of jewels of prodigious size, sumptuous furniture, a library containing 100,000 volumes, &c. His family he caused to be closely confined in the most private and retired part of the palace; and either manumitted his slaves, or kept them for himself, or disposed of them to others.

Saladin was now arrived at the highest pitch of wealth, power, and grandeur. He was, however, obliged to behave with great circumspection with regard to Nuroddin; who still continued to treat him as his vassal, and would not suffer him to dispute the least of his commands. He relied for advice chiefly on his father Ayub; who was a consummate politician, and very ambitious of seeing his son raised to the throne of Egypt. He therefore advised Saladin to continue his resolutions; and, whilst he amused Nuroddin with feigned submissions, to take every method in his power to secure himself in the possession of so valuable a kingdom. Nuroddin himself, however, was too great a master in the art of dissimulation to be easily imposed on by others; and therefore, though he pretended to be well pleased with Saladin's conduct, he was all this time raising a powerful army, with which he was fully determined to invade Egypt the following year. But while he meditated this expedition, he was seized with a quinsy at the castle of Damascus, which put an end to his life, in the year 1173.

Saladin, though now freed from the apprehensions of such a formidable enemy, dared not venture to assume the title of Sovereign, while he saw the successor of Nuroddin at the head of a very powerful army, and no less furious than able to dispossess him. For this reason his first care was to secure to himself an asylum, in case he should be obliged to leave Egypt altogether. For this purpose he chose the kingdom of Nubia; but having dispatched his brother Malek Turanshah thither, at the head of a considerable army, the latter was so much struck with the sterility and desolate appearance of the country, that he returned without attempting anything. Saladin then sent his brother into Arabia Felix, in order to subdue that country, which had been for some time held by Abdalnabi an Arabian prince. Malek entered the country without opposition; and having brought Abdalnabi to a general action, entirely defeated him, took him prisoner, and threw him into irons. He then over-ran and reduced under subjection to Saladin great part of the country, taking no fewer than 80 castles or fortresses of considerable strength.

After this good fortune, Saladin, now sure of a convenient place of refuge in case of any misfortune, assumed the title of Sultan or sovereign of Egypt; and Assuan was acknowledged as such by the greater part of the title. The zeal of the Egyptians for the Fatimite khalifs, however, soon produced a rebellion. One Al Kanz, or Kanzenaddoula, governor of a city in Upper Egypt, assembled a great army of blacks, or rather Egypt

Forthwith natives; and marching directly into the lower country, was there joined by great numbers of other Egyptians. Against them Saladin dispatched his brother Malek, who soon defeated and entirely dispersed them. This, however, did not prevent another insurrection under an impostor, who pretended to be David the son of Al Aden the last Fatemite khalif, and had collected a body of 100,000 men. But before these had time to do any great damage, they were surprised by the sultan's forces, and entirely defeated. Above 300 were publicly hanged, and a vast number perished in the field, infomuch that it was thought scarce a fourth part of the whole body escaped.

About this time Saladin gained a considerable advantage over the crusaders, commanded by William II., king of Sicily. That prince had invaded Egypt with a numerous fleet and army, with which he laid close siege to Alexandria both by sea and land. Saladin, however, marched to the relief of the city with such surprising expedition, that the crusaders were seized with a sudden panic, and fled with the utmost precipitation, leaving all their military engines, stores, and baggage behind.

In the year 1175, the inhabitants of Damascus begged of Saladin to accept the sovereignty of that city and its dependencies; being jealous of the minister, who had the tuition of the reigning prince, and who governed all with an absolute sway. The application was no sooner made, than the sultan set out with the utmost celerity to Damascus, at the head of a chosen detachment of 700 horse. Having settled his affairs in that city, he appointed his brother Saif Al Islam governor of it; and set out for Hems, to which he immediately laid siege. Having made himself master of this place, he then proceeded to Hamah. The city very soon surrendered, but the citadel held out for some time. Saladin pretended that he accepted the sovereignty of Damascus and the other places he had conquered, only as deputy to Al Malek Al Saleh, the successor of Nuruddin, and who was then under age; and that he was desirous of sending Azzeddin, who commanded in the citadel, with a letter to Aleppo, where the young prince resided. This so pleased Azzeddin, that he took the oath of fidelity to Saladin, and immediately set out with the sultan's letter. He had not, however, been long at Aleppo before he was by the minister's orders thrown into prison; upon which his brother, who had been appointed governor of the citadel Hamah in his absence, delivered it up to Saladin without further ceremony. The sultan then marched to Aleppo, with a design to reduce it; but, being vigorously repulsed in several attacks, he was at last obliged to abandon the enterprise. At the same time, Kamcheghin, Al Malek's minister or vizir, hired the chief of the Bata-

* See Affinis sin.

After raising the siege of Aleppo, Saladin returned to Hems, which place the crusaders had invested. On his approach, however, they thought proper to retire; after which, the sultan made himself master of the strong castle belonging to that place, which, before, he had not been able to reduce. This was soon followed by the reduction of Baalbec; and these rapid conquests so alarmed the ministers of Al Malek, that, entering into a combination with some of the neighbouring princes, they raised a formidable army, with which they designed to crush the sultan at once. Saladin, fearing the event of a war, offered to cede Hems and Hamah to Al Malek, and to govern Damascus only as his lieutenant; but these terms being rejected, a battle ensued; in which the allied army was utterly defeated, and the shattered remains of it shut up in the city of Aleppo. This produced a treaty, by which Saladin was left master of all Syria, excepting only the city of Aleppo and the territory belonging to it.

In 1176 Saladin returned from the conquest of Syria, and made his triumphal entry into Cairo. Here, having rested himself and his troops for some time, began to encompass the city with a wall 29,000 cubits in length, but which he did not live to finish. Next year he led a very numerous army into Palestine against the crusaders. But here his usual good fortune failed him. His army was entirely defeated. Forty thousand of his men were left dead on the field; and the rest fled with so much precipitation, that, having no towns in the neighbourhood where they could shelter themselves, they traversed the vast desert between Palestine and Egypt, and scarce stopped till they reached the capital itself. The greatest part of the army by this means perished; and as no water was to be had in the desert above mentioned, almost all the beasts died of thirst before the fugitives arrived on the confines of Egypt. Saladin himself seemed to have been greatly intimidated; for in a letter to his brother Al Malek, he told him, that "he was more than once in the most imminent danger; and that God, as he apprehended, had delivered him from thence, in order to reserve him for the execution of some grand and important design."

In the year 1182, the sultan set out on an expedition to Syria with a formidable army, amidst the acclamations and good wishes of the people. He was, however, repulsed with loss both before Aleppo and Al Mawfi, after having spent much time and labour in besieging these two important places.

In the mean time, a most powerful fleet of Euro-The Christian ships appeared on the Red Sea, which threatened the cities of Mecca and Medina with the utmost danger. The news of this armament no sooner reached Cairo, than Abu Beir, Saladin's brother, who had been left viceroy in the sultan's absence, caused another to be fitted out with all speed under the command of Lulu, a brave and experienced officer; who quickly came up with them, and a dreadful engagement ensued. The Christians were defeated after an obstinate resistance, and all the prisoners butchered in cold blood. This proved such a terrible blow to the Europeans, that they never more ventured on a like attempt.

In 1183, Saladin continued to extend his conquests. The city of Amida in Mesopotamia surrendered to him in eight days; after which, being provoked by some violences committed by the prince of Aleppo, he resolved at all events to make himself master of that place. He was now attended with better success than formerly; for as his army was very numerous, and he pushed on the siege with the utmost vigour, Ama-doddin the prince capitulated, upon condition of being allowed to possess certain cities in Mesopotamia which had... had formerly belonged to him, and being ready to attend the sultan on whatever expedition he pleased. After the conquest of Aleppo, Saladin took three other cities, and then marched against his old enemies the crusaders. Having sent out a party to reconnoitre the enemy, they fell in with a considerable detachment of Christians; whom they easily defeated, taking about 100 prisoners, with the loss of only a single man on their side. The sultan, animated by this first instance of success, drew up his forces in order of battle, and advanced against the crusaders, who had assembled their whole army at Sepphoris in Galilee. On viewing the sultan's troops, however, and perceiving them to be greatly superior in strength to what they had at first apprehended, they thought proper to decline an engagement, nor could Saladin with all his skill force them to it. But though it was found impossible to bring the crusaders to a decisive engagement, Saladin found means to harass them greatly, and destroyed great numbers of their men. He carried off also many prisoners, dismantled three of their strongest cities, laid waste their territories, and concluded the campaign with taking another strong town.

For three years Saladin continued to gain ground on the crusaders, yet without any decisive advantage; but in 1187, the fortune of war was remarkably unfavourable to them. The Christians now found themselves obliged to venture a battle, by reason of the cruel ravages committed in their territories by Saladin, and by reason of the encroachments he daily made on them. Both armies therefore being resolved to exert their utmost efforts, a most fierce and bloody battle ensued. Night prevented victory from declaring on either side, and the fight was renewed with equal obstinacy next day. The victory was still left undecided; but the third day the sultan's men finding themselves surrounded by the enemy on all sides but one, and there also hemmed in by the river Jordan, so that there was no room to fly, fought like men in despair, and at last gained a most complete victory. Vast numbers of the Christians perished on the field. A large body found means to retire in safety to the top of a neighbouring hill covered with wood; but being surrounded by Saladin's troops, who set fire to the wood, they were all obliged to surrender at discretion. Some of them were butchered by their enemies as soon as they delivered themselves into their hands, and others thrown into irons. Among the latter were the king of Jerusalem himself, Arnold prince of Al Shawbuc and Al Carac, the masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, with almost the whole body of the latter. So great was the consternation of the Christians on this occasion, that one of Saladin's men is said to have taken 30 of them prisoners, and tied them together with the cord of his tent, to prevent them from making their escape. The masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, with the knights acting under them, were no sooner brought into Saladin's presence, than he ordered them all to be cut in pieces. He called them Afflatus or Batanites; and had been wont to pay 50 dinars for the head of every Templar or Hospitaller that was brought him. After the engagement, Saladin feasted himself in a magnificent tent, placing the king of Jerusalem on his right hand, and Arnold prince of Al Shawbuc and Al Carac on his left. Then he drank to the former, who was at that time ready to expire with thirst, and at the same time offered him a cup of snow-water. This was thankfully received; and the king immediately drank to the prince of Al Carac, who sat near him. But here Saladin interrupted him with some warmth: "I will not (says he) suffer this cursed rogue to drink; as that, according to the laudable and generous custom of the Arabs, would secure to him his life." Then, turning towards the prince, he reproached him with having undertaken the expedition while in alliance with himself, with having intercepted an Egyptian caravan in the time of profound peace, and massacring the people of which it was composed, &c. Notwithstanding all this, he told him, he would grant him his life, if he would embrace Mahometanism. This condition, however, was refused; and the sultan, with one stroke of his scimitar, cut off the prince's head. This greatly terrified the king of Jerusalem; but Saladin assured him he had nothing to fear, and that Arnold had brought on himself a violent death by his want of common honesty.

The crusaders being thus totally defeated and dispersed, Saladin next laid siege to Tiberias, which capitulated in a short time. From thence he marched towards Acca or Ptolemais, which likewise surrendered after a short siege. Here he found 4000 Mahometan prisoners in chains, whom he immediately released. As the inhabitants enjoyed at present a very extensive trade, the place being full of merchants, he found there not only vast sums of money, but likewise a great variety of wares exceedingly valuable, all which he seized and applied to his own use. About the same time his brother Al Malek attacked and took a very strong fortress in the neighbourhood; after which the sultan divided his army into three bodies, that he might have the greater facility over-run the territories of the Christians. Thus, in a very short time, he made himself master of Neapolis, Caesarea, Sepphoris, and other cities in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais, where his soldiers found only women and children, the men having been all killed or taken prisoners. His next conquest was Joppa, which was taken by storm after a vigorous resistance. Everything being then settled, and a distribution made of the spoils and captives, Saladin marched in person against Tebrieh, a strong fortress in the neighbourhood of Sidon; which was taken by assault, after it had sustained a siege of six days. No sooner was he master of this place, than he ordered the fortress to be razed, and the garrison put to the sword. From Tebrieh the victorious sultan proceeded to Sidon itself; which, being deserted by its prince, surrendered almost on the first summons. Berytus was next invested, and surrendered in seven days. Among the prisoners Saladin found in this place the prince of a territory called Hobeil, who by way of ransom delivered up his dominions to him, and was of consequence released. About the same time, a Christian ship, in which was a nobleman of great courage and experience in war, arrived at the harbour of Ptolemais, not knowing that it was in the hands of Saladin. The governor might easily have secured the vessel; but neglecting the opportunity, she escaped to Tyre, where the above mentioned nobleman, together with the prince of Hobeil, contributed not a little to retrieve the affairs of the Christians, and enable them to make a stand for four years after.

Saladin in the mean time went on with his conquests. Having made himself master of Acre after a siege of 14 days, he next invested Jerusalem. The garrison was numerous, and made an obstinate defence; but Saladin having at last made a breach in the walls by sapping, the besieged desired to capitulate. This was at first refused; upon which the Christian ambassador made the following speech: "If that be the case, know, O Sultan, that we who are extremely numerous, and have been restrained from fighting like men in despair only by the hopes of an honourable capitulation, will kill all our wives and children, commit all our wealth and valuable effects to the flames, massacre 5000 prisoners now in our hands, leave not a single beast of burden or animal of any kind belonging to us alive, and level with the ground the rock you esteem sacred, together with the temple Al Akka. After this we will fall out upon you in a body; and doubt not but we shall either cut to pieces a much greater number of you than we are, or force you to abandon the siege."

This desperate speech had such an effect upon Saladin, that he immediately called a council of war, at which all the general officers declared, that it would be most proper to allow the Christians to depart unmolested. The Sultan therefore allowed them to march out freely and securely with their wives, children, and effects; after which he received ten dinars from every man capable of paying that sum, five from every woman, and two from every young person under age. For the poor who were not able to pay anything, the rest of the inhabitants raised the sum of 30,000 dinars.

Most of the inhabitants of Jerusalem were escorted by a detachment of Saladin's troops to Tyre; and soon after, he advanced with his army against that place. As the port was blocked up by a squadron of five men of war, Saladin imagined that he should easily become master of it. But in this he found himself mistaken. For, one morning by break of day, a Christian fleet fell upon his squadron, and entirely defeated it; nor did a single vessel escape their pursuit. A considerable number of the Mahometans threw themselves into the sea during the engagement; most of whom were drowned, though some few escaped. About the same time Saladin himself was vigorously repulsed by land; so that, after calling a council of war, it was thought proper to raise the siege.

In 1189, Saladin, though his conquests were not so rapid and considerable as hitherto, continued still superior to his enemies. He reduced the city of Laodicea and some others, together with many strong castles; but met also with several repulses. At last he took the road to Antioch; and having reduced all the fortresses that lay in his way, many of which had been deemed impregnable, Bohemond prince of Antioch was so much intimidated, that he desired a truce for seven or eight months. This Saladin found himself obliged to comply with, on account of the prodigious fatigues his men had sustained, and because his auxiliaries now demanded leave to return home.

All these heavy losses of the Christians, however, proved in some respects an advantage, as they were thus obliged to lay aside their animosities, which had originally proved the ruin of their affairs. Those who had defended Jerusalem, and most of the other fortresses taken by Saladin, having retreated to Tyre, formed there a very numerous body. This proved the means of preserving that city, and also of re-establishing their affairs for the present. For, having received powerful succours from Europe, they were enabled in 1189 to take the field with 30,000 foot and 2000 horse. Their first attempt was upon Alexandretta; from whence they dislodged a strong party of Mahometans, and made themselves masters of the place with very little loss. They next laid siege to Ptolemais; of which Saladin had no sooner received intelligence, than he marched to the relief of the place. After several skirmishes with various success, a general engagement ensued, in which Saladin was defeated with the loss of 10,000 men. This enabled the Christians to carry on the siege of Ptolemais with greater vigour; which place, however, they were not able to reduce for the space of two years.

This year the Sultan was greatly alarmed by an account that the emperor of Germany was advancing to Constantinople with an army of 260,000 men, in order to assist the other crusaders. This prodigious armament, however, came to nothing. The multitude was so reduced with sickness, famine, and fatigue, that scarce 1000 of them reached the camp before Ptolemais. The siege of that city was continued, though with bad success on the part of the Christians. They were repulsed in all their attacks, their engines were burnt with naphtha, and the besieged always received supplies of provisions in spite of the utmost efforts of the besiegers; at the same time that a dreadful famine and pestilence raged in the Christian camp, which sometimes carried off 200 people a day.

In 1191, the Christians received powerful succours from Europe. Philip II. of France, and Richard I. of England (from his great courage surnamed Cœur de Lion), arrived before the camp at Ptolemais. The latter was esteemed the bravest and most enterprising of all the generals the crusaders had; and the spirits of his soldiers were greatly elated by the thoughts of acting under such an experienced commander. Soon after his arrival, the English sunk a Mahometan ship of vast size, having on board 650 soldiers, a great quantity of arms and provisions, going from Berytus to Ptolemais. Of the soldiers and sailors who navigated this vessel, only a single person escaped; who being taken prisoner by the English, was dispatched to the Sultan with the news of the disaster. The besieged still defended themselves with the greatest resolution; and the king of England happening to fall sick, the operations of the besiegers were considerably delayed. On his recovery, however, the attacks were renewed with such fury, that the place was every moment in danger of being taken by assault. This induced them to send a letter to Saladin, informing him, that if they did not receive succours the very next day, they would be obliged to submit. As this town was the Sultan's principal magazine of arms, he was greatly affected with the account of their distresses, especially as he found it impossible to relieve them. The inhabitants, therefore, found themselves under a necessity of surrendering the place. One of the terms of the capitulation was, that the crusaders should receive a very considerable sum of money from Saladin, in consequence sequence of their delivering up the Mahometan prisoners they had in their hands. This article Saladin refused to comply with; and in consequence of his refusal, Richard caused 3000 of those unfortunate men to be slaughtered at once.

After the reduction of Ptolemais, the king of England, now made generalissimo of the crusaders, took the road to Ascalon, in order to besiege that place; after which, he intended to make an attempt upon Jerusalem itself. Saladin proposed to intercept his passage, and placed himself in the way with an army of 300,000 men. On this occasion was fought one of the greatest battles of that age. Saladin was totally defeated, with the loss of 40,000 men; and Ascalon soon fell into the hands of the crusaders. Other sieges were afterwards carried on with success, and Richard even approached within sight of Jerusalem, when he found, that, by reason of the weakened state of his army, and the divisions which prevailed among the officers who commanded it, he should be under the necessity of concluding a truce with the sultan. This was accordingly done in the year 1192; the terms was, three years, three months, three weeks, three days, and three hours; soon after which the king of England set out on his return to his own dominions.

In 1193 Saladin died, to the inexpressible grief of all true Mahometans, who held him in the utmost veneration. His dominions in Syria and Palestine were shared out among his children and relations into many petty principalities. His son Othman succeeded to the crown of Egypt; but as none of his successors possessed the enterprising genius of Saladin, the history from that time to the year 1250 affords nothing remarkable. At this time the reigning sultan Malek Al Suleik was dethroned and slain by the Mamelukes or Mamlouks, as they are called, a kind of mercenary soldiers who served under him. In consequence of this revolution, the Mamelukes became masters of Egypt, and chose a sultan from among themselves.—The Mamelukes are thought to have been young Turks or Tartars, sold to private persons by the merchants, from whom they were bought by the sultan, educated at his expense, and employed to defend the maritime places of the kingdom. The reason of this institution originally was, that the native Egyptians were become so cowardly, treacherous, and effeminate, from a long course of slavery, that they were unfit for arms. The Mamelukes, on the contrary, made most excellent soldiers; for having no friends but among their own corps, they turned all their thoughts to their own profession. According to M. Volney, they came originally from Mount Caucasus, and are distinguished by the flaxen colour of their hair. Here they were found by the crusaders, and were by them called Mamelukes, or more correctly Mamlouks. The expedition of the Tartars in 1227 proved indirectly the means of introducing them into Egypt. These horrible conquerors, having slaughtered and massacred till they were weary, brought along with them an immense number of slaves of both sexes, with whom they filled all the markets in Asia. The Turks, taking advantage of the opportunity, purchased about 12,000 young men, whom they bred up in the profession of arms, in which they soon attained to great perfection; but becoming mutinous, like the Roman pretorian bands, they turned their arms against their masters, and in 1250 deposed and murdered the khalif, as has been already related.

The Mamelukes having got possession of the government, and neither understanding nor putting a value upon any thing besides the art of war, every species of learning decayed in Egypt, and a great degree of barbarism was introduced. Neither was their empire of long duration notwithstanding all their martial abilities. The reason of this was, that they were originally only a small part of the sultan of Egypt's standing forces. As a numerous standing army was necessary in a country where the fundamental maxim of government was, that every native must be a slave, they were at first at a loss how to act; being justly suspicious of all the rest of the army. At last they resolved to buy Christian slaves, and educate them in the same way that they themselves had formerly been. These were commonly brought from Circassia, where the people, though they professed Christianity, made no scruple of selling their children. When they were completed in their military education, these soldiers were dispersed through all the fortresses erected in the country to bridle the inhabitants; and because in their language such a fort was called Borges, the new militia obtained the name of Borgites. By this expedient the Mamelukes imagined they would be able to secure themselves in the sovereignty. But in this they were mistaken. In process of time, the old Mamelukes grew proud, insolent, and lazy; and the Borgites, taking advantage of this, driven out role upon their masters, deprived them of the government, and transferred it to themselves about the year 1382.

The Borgites, as well as the former, assumed the name of Mamelukes; and were famous for their valour and ferocity of conduct. They were almost perpetually engaged in wars either foreign or domestic; and their dominion lasted till the year 1517, when they were invaded by Selim the Turkish sultan. The Mamelukes defended themselves with incredible valour; notwithstanding which, being overpowered by numbers, they were defeated in every engagement. The same year, their capital, the city of Cairo, was taken, with a terrible slaughter of those who defended it. The sultan was forced to fly; and, having collected all his force, ventured a decisive battle. The most romantic efforts of valour, however, were insufficient to cope with the innumerable multitude which composed the Turkish army. Most of his men were cut in pieces, and the unhappy prince himself was at last obliged to take shelter in a marsh. He was dragged from his hiding place, where he had flooded up to the shoulders in water, and soon after put to death. With him ended the glory, and almost the existence, of the Mamelukes, who were now everywhere searched for and cut in pieces.

This was the last great revolution in the Egyptian affairs; a revolution very little to the advantage of the natives, who may well doubt whether their ancient or modern conquerors have behaved with the greater degree of barbarity. Selim gave a specimen of his government, the very day after his being put in full possession of it by the death of Tuman Bey the unfortunate sultan above mentioned. Having ordered a theatre to be erected with a throne upon it on the banks of the Nile, Nile, he caused all the prisoners, upwards of 30,000 in number, to be beheaded in his presence, and their bodies thrown into the river.

Notwithstanding this horrid cruelty of Selim, he did not attempt the total extermination of the race of Mamlouks, though this would have been quite agreeable to the maxims of Turkish policy; but in the present case he seems to have recollected, that if he established a pacha in Egypt with the same powers with which he invested those of other parts, he would be under strong temptations to revolt by reason of the distance from the capital. He therefore proposed a new form of government, by which the power being distributed among the different members of the state, should preserve an equilibrium, so that the dependence of the whole should be upon himself. With this view, he chose from among the Mamlouks who had escaped the general massacre, a divan, or council of regency, consisting of the pacha and chiefs of the seven military corps. The former was to notify to this council the orders of the Porte, to send the tribute to Constantinople, and provide for the safety of government both external and internal; while, on the other hand, the members of the council had a right to reject the orders of the pacha, or even of deposing him, provided they could assign sufficient reasons. All civil and political ordinances must also be ratified by them. Besides this, he formed the whole body into a republic; for which purpose he issued an edict to the following purport: "Though, by the help of the Almighty, we have conquered the whole kingdom of Egypt with our invincible armies; nevertheless our benevolence is willing to grant to the 24 fangiacs (A) of Egypt a republican government, with the following conditions.

"I. That our sovereignty shall be acknowledged by the republic; and in token of their obedience, our lieutenant shall be received as our representative; but to do nothing against our will or the republic; but, on the contrary, shall co-operate with it for its welfare on all occasions. Or if he shall attempt to infringe any of its privileges, the republic is at liberty to suspend him from his authority, and to send to our Sublime Porte a complaint against him, &c.

"II. In time of war, the republic shall provide 12,000 troops at its own expense, to be commanded by a fangiac or fangiacs.

"III. The republic shall raise annually and send to our Sublime Porte the sum of 560,000 affanys (B), accompanied by a fangiac, who shall have a satisfactory receipt, &c.

"IV. The same sum to be raised for the use of Medina, and Kiabe or Mecca.

"V. No more troops or janizaries shall be kept by the republic in time of peace than 14,000; but in time of war they may be increased to oppose our and the republic's enemies.

"VI. The republic shall send annually to our granary, out of the produce of the country, one million of cafiz (C) or measures of corn, viz. 600,000 of wheat and 400,000 of barley.

"VII. The republic, fulfilling these articles, shall have a free government over all the inhabitants of Egypt, independent of our lieutenant; but shall execute the laws of the country with the advice of the mollah or high priest under our authority and that of our successors.

"VIII. The republic shall be in possession of the mint as heretofore; but with this condition, that it shall be under the inspection of our lieutenant, that the coin may not be adulterated.

"IX. That the republic shall elect a sheik bellet out of the number of beys, to be confirmed by our lieutenant; and that the said sheik bellet shall be our representative, and shall be elected by all our lieutenants, and all our officers both of high and low rank, as the head of the republic; and if our lieutenant is guilty of oppression, or exceeds the bounds of his authority, the said sheik bellet shall represent the grievances of the republic to our Sublime Porte: but in case any foreign enemy or enemies disturb the peace of the republic, we and our successors engage to protect it with our utmost power until peace is re-established, without any cost or expence to the republic.

"Given and signed by our clemency to the republic of Egypt."

Thus the power of the Mamlouks still continued in a very considerable degree, and by degrees increased in power so much as to threaten a total loss of dominion to the almost Turks. During the last 50 years, the Porte having lost entirely relaxed from its vigilance, such a revolution has taken place, that the Turkish power is now almost reduced to nothing. But in order to understand this, we must consider the way in which the race of Mamlouks is continued or multiplied in Egypt. This is not in the ordinary way, by marriage: on the contrary, M. Volney assures us, that "during 550 years in which there why the have been Mamlouks in Egypt, not one of them has children of left subsisting illegitimate; all their children perish in the first or second descent." Almost the same thing holds good for Turks all with regard to the Turks; and it is observed, that in Egypt they can only secure the continuance of their families by marrying women who are natives, which the Mamlouks have always disdained. The means by which they are perpetuated and multiplied are the same by which they were first established, viz. by slaves brought from their original country. From the time of the Moguls this commerce has been continued on the banks of the Cuban and Phasis in the same manner as it is carried on in Africa, by the wars among the hostile tribes, and the misery or avarice of the inhabitants, who sell their children to strangers. The slaves thus procured are first brought to Constantinople, and afterwards dispersed through the empire, where they are purchased by the wealthy. When the Turks subdued Egypt (says M. Volney), they should undoubtedly have prohibited this dangerous traffic; their omitting

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(A) These fangiacs are the governors of provinces. (B) Each of these coins is in value about half a crown English; and the tribute since that time has been augmented to 800,000 affanys, or about L. 100,000 Sterling. (C) Each cafiz weighs 25 occa, and each occa is equal to two pounds ten ounces English avoirdupoise weight. ting which seems about to dispossess them of their conquest, and which several political errors have long been preparing.

"For a considerable time the Porte had neglected the affairs of this province; and in order to restrain the Paclias, had suffered the divan to extend its power till the chiefs of the janizaries and azabs were left without control. The soldiery themselves, become citizens by the marriages they had contracted, were no longer the creatures of Constantinople; and a change introduced into their discipline still more increased these disorders. At first the seven military corps had one common treasury; and though the society was rich, individuals, not having anything at their own disposal, could effect nothing. The chiefs, finding their power diminished by this regulation, had interest enough to get it abolished, and obtained permission to possess distinct property, lands, and villages. And as these lands and villages depended on the Mamlouk governors, it was necessary to conciliate them to prevent their oppressions. From that moment the beys acquired an ascendancy over the soldiery, who till then had treated them with disdain; and this could not but continually increase, since their governments procured them considerable riches. These they employed in creating themselves friends and creatures. They multiplied their slaves; and after emancipating them, employed all their interest to promote them to various employments, and advance them in the army. These upstarts, retaining for their patrons the same superstitious veneration common in the East, formed factions implicitly devoted to their pleasure." Thus, about the year 1746, Ibrahim, one of the kiayas (d) of the janizaries, rendered himself in reality master of Egypt; having managed matters so well, that of the 24 beys or fan-giacs eight were of his household. His influence too was augmented by always leaving vacancies in order to enjoy the emoluments himself; while the officers and soldiery of his corps were attached to his interest; and his power was completed by gaining over Rodoan, the most powerful of all the colonels, to his interest. Thus the Pacha became altogether unable to oppose him, and the orders of the Sultan were less respected than those of Ibrahim. On his death in 1757, his family, i.e., his enfranchised slaves, continued to rule in a despotic manner. Waging war, however, among each other, Rodoan and several other chiefs were killed; until, in 1766, Ali Bey, who had been a principal actor in the disturbances, overcame his enemies, and for some time rendered himself absolute master of Egypt.

Of this man there are various accounts. The following is that given by M. Volney. He begins with observing, that the private history of the Mamlouks in general must be subject to great uncertainty, by reason of their being generally carried off from their parents at a time of life when they can remember but little or nothing of their parents; and he remarks, that they are likewise unwilling to communicate the little they may happen to remember. It is most commonly supposed, however, that Ali Bey was born among the Abazans, a people of Mount Caucasus; from whom, next to the Circassians, the slaves most valued by the Turks, and other nations who deal in that commodity, are to be obtained. Having been brought to a public sale at Cairo, Ali Bey was bought by two Jew brothers named Isaac and Yousef, who made a present of him to Ibrahim Kiaya. At this time he is supposed to have been about 13 or 14 years old, and was employed by his patron in offices similar to those of the pages belonging to European princesses. The usual education was also given him; viz., that of learning to manage a horse well; fire a carbine and pistol; throw the djerid, a kind of dart used in the diversions of that country, and which shall be afterwards described. He was also taught the exercise of the sabre, and a little reading and writing. In all the feats of activity just mentioned, he discovered such impetuosity, that he obtained the surname of Djendali, or "madman;" and, as he grew up, discovered an ambition proportionable to the activity displayed in his youth. About the age of 18 or 20, his patron gave him his freedom; the badge of which among the Turks is the letting the beard grow, for among that people it is thought proper only for women and slaves to want a beard. By his kind patron also he was promoted to the rank of kachef or governor of a district, and at last elected one of the 24 beys. By the death of Ibrahim in 1757, he had an opportunity of satisfying his ambition; and now engaged in every scheme for the promotion or disgrace of the chiefs, and had a principal share in the ruin of Rodoan Kiaya above mentioned. Rodoan's place was quickly filled by another, who did not long enjoy it; and in 1762 Ali Bey, then styled Shaik-el-Beled, having got Abdelrahman, the professor at that time, exiled, procured himself to be elected in his room. However, he soon shared the fate of the rest, being condemned to retire to Nakhod, but returns, and throws off the Turkish yoke.

(d) These were the commanding officers of the janizaries, azabs, &c. who after the first year laid down their employments, and became veterans, with a voice in the divan. by a young Venetian merchant, of rendering Gedda, the port of Mecca, an emporium for all the commerce of India; and even imagined he should be able to make the Europeans abandon the passage to the Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. With this view, he fitted out some vessels at Suez; and manning them with East Indian Mamlouks, commanded the bey Hafian to sail with them to Gedda, and seize upon it, while a body of cavalry under Mohammed Bey advanced against the town. Both these commissions were executed according to his wish, and Ali became quite intoxicated with his success. Nothing but ideas of conquest now occupied his mind, without considering the immense disproportion between his own force and that of the Grand Signior. Circumstances, it must be owned, were at that time very favourable to his schemes. The Sheik Daher was in rebellion against the Porte in Syria; and the pacha of Damascus had to exasperate the people by his extortions, that they were ready for revolt. Having therefore made the necessary preparations, Ali Bey dispatched in 1770 about 500 Mamlouks to take possession of Gaza, and thus secure an entrance into Palestine. Ofman the pacha of Damascus, however, no sooner heard of the invasion than he prepared for war with the utmost diligence, while the troops of Ali Bey held themselves in readiness to fly on the first attack. They were relieved from their embarrassment by Sheik Daher, who hastened to their assistance, while Ofman fled without even offering to make the least resistance; thus leaving the enemy masters of all Palestine without striking a stroke. About the end of February 1771, the grand army of Ali Bey arrived; which, by the representations made of it in Europe, was supposed to consist of 60,000 men. M. Volney, however, informs us, that this army was far from containing 60,000 soldiers; though he allows that there might be two-thirds of that number, who were classed as follows:

1. Five thousand Mamlouks, constituting the whole effective part of the army. 2. Fifteen hundred Arabs from Barbary on foot, constituting the whole infantry of the army.

Besides these, the servants of the Mamlouks, each of whom had two, would constitute a body of 10,000 men. A number of other servants would constitute a body of about 2000; and the rest of the number would be made up by furlers and other usual attendants on armies. It was commanded by Mohammed Bey the friend of Ali. "But (says our author) as to order and discipline, these must not be mentioned. The armies of the Turks and Mamlouks are nothing but a confused multitude of horsemen, without uniforms, on horses of all colours and sizes, without either keeping their ranks or observing any regular order." This rabble took the road to Acre, leaving wherever they passed sufficient marks of their rapacity and want of discipline. At Acre a junction was formed with the troops of Sheik Daher, consisting of 1500 Safadins (the name of Shaik Daher's subjects, from Safad, a village of Galilee, originally under his jurisdiction). These were on horseback, and accompanied by 1200 Mutalis cavalry under the command of Sheik Naif, and about 1000 Mogrebian infantry. Thus they proceeded towards Damascus, while Ofman prepared to oppose them by another army equally numerous and ill regulated; and M. Volney gives the following description of their operations.

"The reader must not here figure to himself a number of complicated and artificial movements; such as those which, within the last century, have reduced war with us to a science of system and calculation. The Afghans are unacquainted with the first elements of this conduct. Their armies are mere mobs, their marches ravages, carrying their campaigns inroads, and their battles bloody frays. The strongest or the most adventurous party goes in quest of the other, which frequently flies without raising any resistance. If they stand their ground, they engage pell-mell, discharge their carbines, break their spears, and hack each other with their sabres; for they have seldom any cannon, and when they have, they are but of little service. A panic frequently diffuses itself without cause; one party flies, the other shouts victory; the vanquished submit to the will of the conqueror, and the campaign often terminates without a battle.

Such, in a great measure, were the military operations in Syria in the year 1771. The combined army of Ali Bey and Sheik Daher marched to Damascus. The Pachas waited for them; they approached, and, on the 6th of June, a decisive action took place: the Mamlouks and Safadins rushed on the Turks with such fury, that, terrified at their courage, they immediately took to flight, and the Pachas were not the last in endeavouring to make their escape. The allies became masters of the country, and took possession of the city without opposition, there being neither walls nor soldiers to defend it. The cattle alone resisted. Its ruined fortifications had not a single cannon, much less gunners; but it was surrounded by a muddy ditch, and behind the ruins were posted a few muleteers; and these alone were sufficient to check this army of cavalry. As the besieged, however, were already conquered by their fears, they capitulated the third day, and the place was to be surrendered next morning, when, at day-break, a most extraordinary revolution took place."

This was no less than the defection of Mohammed Bey himself, whom Ofman had gained over in a conference during the night. At the moment, therefore, that the signal of surrender was expected, this treacherous general founded a retreat, and turned towards Egypt with all his cavalry, flying with as great precipitation as if he had been pursued by a superior army. Mohammed continued his march with such celerity, that the report of his arrival in Egypt reached Cairo only six hours before him. Thus Ali Bey found himself at once deprived of all his expectations of conquest; and what was worse, found a traitor whom he durst not punish at the head of his forces. A sudden reverse of fortune now took place. Several vessels laden with corn for Sheik Daher were taken by a Russian privateer; and Mohammed Bey, whom he designed to have put to death, not only made his escape, but was so well attended, that he could not be attacked. His followers continuing daily to increase in number, Mohammed soon became sufficiently strong to march towards Cairo; and, in the month of April 1772, having defeated the troops of Ali in a reconnoiter, entered the city sword in hand, while the latter had scarce time to make his escape with 800 Mamlouks. With difficulty he was enabled to get to Syria by the affluence of Sheik Daher, whom he immediately joined with the troops. troops he had with him. The Turks under Osman were at that time besieging Sidon, but raised the siege on the approach of the allied army, consisting of about 7000 cavalry. Though the Turkish army was at least three times their number, the allies did not hesitate to attack them, and gained a complete victory. Their affairs now began to wear a more favourable aspect; but the military operations were retarded by the siege of Yafa, a place which had revolted; and which, though defended only by a garden wall, without any ditch, held out for eight months. In the beginning of 1773 it capitulated, and Ali Bey began to think of returning to Cairo. For this purpose Sheik Daher had promised to furnish him with succours; and the Russians, with whom he had now contracted an alliance, made him a promise of the like kind. Ali, however, ruined everything by his own impatience. Deceived by an astrologer, who pretended that the auspicious moment when he was highly favoured by the stars was just arrived, he would needs set out without waiting for the arrival of his allies. He was also farther deceived by a stratagem of Mohammed, who had by force extorted from the friends of Ali Bey letters pressing his return to Cairo, where the people were weary of his ungrateful slave, and wanted only his presence in order to expel him. Confiding in these promises, Ali Bey imprudently set out with his Mamlouks and 1500 Safadians given him by Daher; but had no sooner entered the desert which separates Gaza from Egypt, than he was attacked by a body of 1000 chosen Mamlouks who were lying in wait for his arrival. They were commanded by a young Bey, named Mourad; who, being enamoured of the wife of Ali Bey, had obtained a promise of her from Mohammed, in case he could bring her her husband's head. As soon as Mourad perceived the dust by which the approach of Ali Bey's army was announced, he rushed upon him, attacked and took prisoner Ali Bey himself, after wounding him in the forehead with a sabre. Being conducted to Mohammed Bey, the latter pretended to treat him with extraordinary respect, and ordered a magnificent tent to be erected for him; but in three days he was found dead of his wounds, as was given out; though some affirm, perhaps with equal reason, that he was poisoned.

After the death of Ali Bey, Mohammed Bey took up by Mohammed him the supreme dignity; but this change of matters proved of very little service to the Egyptians. At first he pretended to be only the defender of the rights of the Sultan, remitted the usual tribute to Constantinople, and took the customary oath of unlimited obedience; after which he solicited permission to make war upon Sheik Daher, the ally of Ali Bey. The reason of this request was a mere personal pique; and as soon as it was granted, he made the most diligent preparations for war. Having procured an extraordinary train of artillery, he provided foreign gunners, and gave the command of them to an Englishman named Robinson. He brought from Suez a cannon 16 feet long, which had for a considerable time remained useless; and at length, in the month of February 1776, he appeared in Syria with an army equal in number to that which he had formerly commanded when in the service of Ali Bey. Daher's forces, despairing of being able to cope with such a formidable armament, abandoned Gaza, which Mohammed immediately took possession of, and then marched towards a fortified town named Yafa. The history of this siege M. Volney gives as a specimen of the Asiatic manner of conducting operations of that kind. "Yafa (says he), the siege of the ancient Joppa, is situated on a part of the coast, Yafa: a general level of which is very little above the sea. The city is built on an eminence, in the form of a figgar loaf, in height about 130 feet perpendicular. The besieging houses, distributed on the declivity, appear rising above towns each other, like the steps of an amphitheatre. On the summit is a small citadel, which commands the town; the bottom of the hill is surrounded by a wall without a rampart, of 12 or 14 feet high, and two or three in thickness. The battlements on the top are the only tokens by which it is distinguished from a common garden wall. This wall, which has no ditch, is environed by gardens, where lemons, oranges, and citrons grow in this light soil to a most prodigious size. The city was defended by five or six hundred Safadians and as many inhabitants, who, at the sight of the enemy, armed themselves with their sabres and muskets; they had likewise a few brass cannon, 24 pounders, without carriages; these they mounted as well as they could, on timbers prepared in a hurry; and supplying the place of experience by hatred and courage, they replied to the summons of the enemy with menaces and cannon-shot.

Mohammed, finding he must have recourse to force, formed his camp before the town; but was so little acquainted with the business in which he was engaged, that he advanced within half cannon-shot. The bullets, which showered upon the tents, apprizing him of his error, he retreated; and, by making a fresh experiment, was convinced he was still too near. At length he discovered the proper distance, and set up his tent, in which the most extravagant luxury was displayed: around it, without any order, were pitched those of the Mamlouks, while the Barbary Arabs formed huts with the trunks and branches of the orange and lemon-trees, and the followers of the army arranged themselves as they could: a few guards were distributed here and there; and, without making a single entrenchment, they called themselves encamped.

Batteries were now to be erected; and a spot of rising ground was made choice of to the south-eastward of the town, where, behind some garden walls, eight pieces of cannon were pointed, at 200 paces from the town; and the firing began, notwithstanding the musketry of the enemy, who, from the tops of the terraces, killed several of the gunners.

It is evident that a wall only three feet thick, and without a rampart, must soon have a large breach in it; and the question was not how to mount, but how to get through it. The Mamlouks were for doing it on horseback; but they were made to comprehend that this was impossible; and they consented, for the first time, to march on foot. It must have been a curious sight to see them, with their huge breeches of thick Venetian cloth, embarrassed with their tucked up beniches, their crooked sabres in hand, and pistols hanging to their sides, advancing and tumbling among the ruins of the wall. They imagined that they had conquered every difficulty when this obstacle was surmounted; but the besieged, who formed a better judgment, waited till they arrived at the empty space between between the city and wall; where they assailed them from the terraces and windows of the houses with such a shower of bullets, that the Mamlouks did not so much as think of setting them on fire, but retired under a persuasion that the breach was utterly impracticable, since it was impossible to enter it on horseback. Morad Bey brought them several times back to the charge, but in vain.

"Six weeks passed in this manner; and Mohammed was distracted with rage, anxiety, and despair. The besieged however, whose numbers were diminished by the repeated attacks, became weary of defending alone the cause of Daher. Some persons began to treat with the enemy; and it was proposed to abandon the place, on the Egyptians giving hostages. Conditions were agreed upon, and the treaty might be considered as concluded, when, in the midst of the security occasioned by this belief, some Mamlouks entered the town; numbers of others followed their example, and attempted to plunder. The inhabitants defended themselves, and the attack recommenced: the whole army then rushed into the town, which suffered all the horrors of war; women and children, young and old men, were all cut to pieces, and Mohammed, equally mean and barbarous, caused a pyramid formed of the heads of these unfortunate sufferers to be raised as a monument of his victory."

By this disaster the greatest terror and consternation were everywhere diffused. Sheik Daher himself fled, and Mohammed soon became master of Acre also. Here he behaved with his usual cruelty, and abandoned the city to be plundered by his soldiers. The French merchants claimed an exemption, and it was procured with the utmost difficulty; nor was even this likely to be of any consequence; for Mohammed, informed that the treasures of Ibrahim Kiaya of Daher had been depolished in that place, made an immediate demand of them, threatening every one of the merchants with death if the treasures were not instantly produced. A day was appointed for making the research; but before this came, the tyrant himself died of a malignant fever after two days illness. His death was no sooner known than the army made a precipitate retreat, such as has been already mentioned from Damascus. Sheik Daher continued his rebellion for some time, but was at last entirely defeated, and his head sent to Constantinople by Haffan Pacha the Turkish high-admiral.

The death of Mohammed was no sooner known in Egypt, than Morad Bey hastened to Cairo in order to dispute the sovereignty with Ibrahim Bey, who had been entrusted with the government on his departure from that place for Syria. Preparations for war were made on both sides; but at last, both parties finding that the contest must be attended with great difficulty, as well as very uncertain in the event, thought proper to come to an accommodation, by which it was agreed that Ibrahim should retain the title of Shaik El Beled, and the power was to be divided between them. But now the beys and others who had been promoted by Ali Bey, perceiving their own importance totally annihilated by this new faction, resolved to shake off the yoke, and therefore united in a league under the title of the House of Ali Bey. They conducted their matters with so much silence and dexterity, that both Morad and Ibrahim were obliged to abandon Cairo. In a short time, however, they returned and defeated their enemies though three times their number; but notwithstanding this success, it was not in their power totally to suppress the party. This indeed was owing entirely to their unskilfulness in the art of war, and their operations for some time were very trifling. At last, a new combination having been formed among the beys, five of them were sentenced to banishment in the Delta. They pretended to comply with this order, but took the road of the desert of the Pyramids, through which they were pursued for three days to no purpose. At last they arrived safe at Minia, a village situated on the Nile, 40 leagues above Cairo. Here they took up their residence, and being masters of the river, soon reduced Cairo to distress by intercepting its provisions. Thus a new expedition became necessary, and Ibrahim took the command of it upon himself. In the month of October 1783, he set out with an army of 3000 cavalry; the two armies soon came in sight of each other, but Ibrahim thought proper to terminate the affair by negotiation. This gave such offence to Morad, who suspected some plot against himself, that he left Cairo. A war betwixt the two rivals was now daily expected, and the armies continued for 25 days in sight of each other, only separated by the river. Negotiations took place; and the five exiled beys, finding themselves abandoned by Morad, took to flight, but were pursued and brought back to Cairo. Peace seemed now to be re-established; but the jealousy of the two rivals producing new intrigues, Morad was once more obliged to quit Cairo in 1784. Forming his camp, however, directly at the gates of the city, he appeared so terrible to Ibrahim, that the latter thought proper in his turn to retire to the desert, where he remained till March 1785. A new treaty then took place; by which the rivals agreed to share the power between them, though there was certainly very little probability that such a treaty would be long observed. Since that time we have no accounts of any remarkable transaction in Egypt; nor indeed can we reasonably expect anything of consequence in a country where matters are managed, as M. Volney expresses himself, by a series of "cabals, intrigues, treachery, and murders."

Of late Egypt has been visited by several travellers, all of whom have published descriptions of the country, its productions, inhabitants, &c. The latest are M. Savary, M. Volney, the baron de Tott, and Mr Bruce; and from the accounts published by those gentlemen the following geographical description is principally compiled.

This country is still divided into two principal parts, called the Upper and Lower Egypt. According to M. Savary, the former is only a long narrow valley beginning at Sienna and terminating at Cairo. It is bounded by two chains of mountains running from north to south, and taking their rise from the last cataract of the Nile. On reaching the latitude of Cairo they separate to the right and left; the one taking the direction of mount Colzoum, the other terminating in fine sand-banks near Alexandria; the former being composed of high and steep rocks, the latter of sandy hillocks over a bed of calcareous stone. Beyond these mountains are deserts bounded by the Red Sea on the east, and on the west by other parts of Africa; having in the middle that long plain which, even where widest, is not more than nine leagues over. Here the Nile is confined in its course betwixt these impenetrable barriers, and during the time of its inundation overflows the country all the way to the foot of the mountains; and Mr Bruce observes that there is a gradual slope from the bed of the river to those mountains on both sides. The baron de Tott says, that the mountains four leagues from the Nile, and facing Cairo, "are only a ridge of rocks about 40 or 50 feet high, which divide Egypt from the plains of Libya; which ridge accompanies the course of the river, at a greater or lesser distance, and seems as if only intended to serve as a bank to the general inundation."

Lower Egypt, according to M. Savary, comprehends all the country between Cairo, the Mediterranean, the Isthmus of Suez, and Libya. "This immense plain (says he) presents on the borders of its parching sands a stripe of lands cultivated along the canals of the river, and in the middle a triangular island to which the Greeks gave the name of Delta;" at the top of the angle of which the Baron de Tott informs us the rocks of Libya and the coasts of Arabia open and recede from each other towards the east and west, parallel to the Mediterranean. This great extent of country, from the kingdom of Barca to Gaza, is either overflowed by the river, or capable of being so; which thus fertilizes in a high degree a tract of country seemingly devoted to perpetual barrenness on account of the want of rain and the heat of the climate.

According to the testimonies of both Mr Bruce and M. Volney, the coast of Egypt is so extremely low, that it cannot be discovered at sea till the mariners come within a few leagues of it. In ancient times the sailors pretended to know when they approached this country by a kind of black mud brought up by their sounding-line from the bottom of the sea; but this notion, though as old as the days of Herodotus, has been discovered to be a mistake by Mr Bruce; who found the mud in question to arise while the vessel was opposite to the deserts of Barca. All along the coast of Egypt a strong current sets to the eastward.

In former times Egypt was much celebrated for its fertility; and there is great reason to believe, that were the same pains bestowed upon the cultivation of the ground, and the distribution of the waters of the Nile in a proper manner, the same fertility would still be found to remain. The cause of decrease in the produce of Egypt we shall describe in the words of M. Savary. "The canals," says he, speaking of the Delta, "which used to convey fertility with their waters, are now filled. The earth no longer watered, and continually exposed to the burning ardour of the sun, is converted into a barren sand." In those places where formerly were seen rich fields and flourishing towns, on the Pelusiac, the Tanitic, and the Mendesian branches, which all strike out from the canal of Damietta, nothing is to be found at this day but a few miserable hamlets, surrounded by date-trees and by deserts. These once navigable canals are now no more than a vain resemblance of what they were: they have no communication with the lake Menzall, but what is merely temporary, on the swelling of the Nile; they are dry the remainder of the year. By deepening them by removing the mud deposited by the river since the Turks have made themselves masters of Egypt, the country they pass through would be again fertilized, and the Delta recover a third of its greatness."

Concerning this island, it has been the opinion of a great many, even from very ancient times, that it was produced by the mud brought down by the inundations of the Nile; and this opinion we find adopted in Delta, the strongest manner by M. Savary. His account of the supposed rise of the Delta, and indeed of the greatest part of Egypt, is to the following purpose. In those early ages where history has not fixed any epoch, a certain people descended from the mountains near the cataracts, into the valley overflowed by the Nile, and which was then an uninhabitable morass overgrown with reeds and canes. In what manner, or from what motive, these people were induced to descend from their ancient habitations to such a place, or how they found means to penetrate into a morass which he expressly tells us was impenetrable, we are not informed, neither is it to our present purpose to inquire. At that time, however, the sea bathed the feet of those mountains where the pyramids are built, and advanced far into Libya. It covered also part of the Isthmus of Suez, and every part of what we now call the Delta formed a great gulph. After many ages the Egyptians, by what means is unknown, at least not specified by our author (though they ought to have been so, as the country it seems was then overflowed not only by the river but by the ocean), formed canals to carry off the stagnant waters of the Nile; opposed strong dykes to its ravages; and, tired of dwelling in the caverns of rocks, built towns and cities upon spots elevated either by nature or art. Already the river was kept within its bounds, the habitations of men were out of the reach of its inundations, and experience had taught the people to foresee and announce them. One of the kings of Egypt undertook to change the course of the river. After running 150 leagues between the barriers already mentioned, meeting with an unsurmountable obstacle to the right, it turned suddenly to the left; and taking its course to the southward of Memphis, it fed its waters thro' the fands of Libya. The prince we speak of caused a new bed to be dug for it to the east of Memphis; and by means of a large dyke obliged it to return between the mountains, and discharge itself into the gulph that bathes the rock on which the castle of Cairo is built. The ancient bed of the river was still to be seen in the time of Herodotus, and may even be traced at this day across the deserts, passing to the westward of the lakes of Natrum. The Arabs still below upon it the name of Bahir Belama, "or sea without water," and it is now almost choked up. To the labours of this monarch Egypt is indebted for the Delta. A reflux of the sea was occasioned by the enormous weight of the waters of the Nile, which precipitated themselves into the bottom of the gulph. Thus the sands and mud carried along with them were collected into heaps; and thus the Delta, at first very inconsiderable, rose out of the sea of which it repelled the limits. It was a gift of the river, and it has since been defended from the attacks of the ocean by raising dykes around it. Five hundred years before the Trojan war, according to Herodotus, rodotus, the Delta was in its infancy; eight cubits of water being then sufficient to overflow it. Strabo tells us, that boats passed over it from one extremity to the other; and that its towns, built upon artificial eminences, resembled the islands of the Egean Sea. At the time that Herodotus visited this country, 15 cubits were necessary to cover all the Lower Egypt; but the Nile then overflowed the country for the space of two days' journey to the right and left of the island. Under the Roman empire, 16 cubits performed the same effect. When the Arabs came to have the dominion, 17 cubits were requisite; and at this day 18 are necessary to produce a plentiful crop; but the inundation stops at Cairo and the neighbouring country, without being extended over the Lower Egypt. Sometimes, however, the Nile rises to 22 cubits; and the cause of this phenomenon is the mud for so many years accumulated on the island. Here, in the space of 3284 years, we see the Delta elevated 14 cubits. Our author wrote in 1777, and informs us that he twice made the tour of the island during the time of the inundation. "The river (says he) flowed in full streams in the great branches of Rosetta and Damietta, as well as in those which pass through the interior part of the country; but it did not overflow the lands, except in the lower parts, where the dykes were pierced for the purpose of watering the plantations of rice. We must not, however, imagine, as several travellers pretend, that this island will continue to rise, and that it will become unfruitful. As it owes its increase to the annual settling of the mud conveyed thither by the Nile, when it ceases to be overflowed it will no longer increase in height, for it is demonstrated that culture is not sufficient to raise land.

"It is natural to imagine that the Delta has increased in length as well as in height; and of this we may look upon the following fact to be a remarkable proof. Under the reign of Psaimiticus, the Miletians, with 30 vessels, landed at the mouth of the Bolbitine branch of the Nile, now called that of Rosetta, where they fortified themselves. There they built a town called Metellus, the same as Faustus, which, in the Coptic vocabularies, has preserved the name of Metellus. This town, formerly a sea-port, is now nine leagues distant from the sea; all which space the Delta has increased in length from the time of Psaimiticus to the present. Homer, in his Odyssey, puts the following words in the mouth of Menelaus. 'In the stormy sea which washes Egypt, there is an island called Pharos. Its distance from the shore is such, that a vessel with a fair wind may make the passage in a day.' From the way in which he speaks of this island in other places, also, we may suppose that the island of Pharos, in his time, was not less than 20 leagues distant from the Egyptian coast, though now it forms the port of Alexandria; and this sentiment is confirmed by the most ancient writers.

"What prodigious changes great rivers occasion on the surface of the globe! How they elevate, at their mouths, islands which become at length large portions of the continent! It is thus that the Nile has formed almost all the Lower Egypt, and created out of the waters the Delta, which is 90 leagues in circumference. It is thus that the Meander, constantly repelling the waves of the Mediterranean, and gradually filling up the gulph into which it falls, has placed in the middle of the land the town of Miletus, formerly a celebrated harbour. It is thus that the Tigris and the Euphrates, let loose from the Armenian hills, and sweeping with them in their course the sands of Mesopotamia, are imperceptibly filling up the Persian gulph."

These are the reasons assigned by M. Savary for Mr Bruce's thinking that the Delta, as well as the greatest part of reasons for the Lower Egypt, have been produced by the Nile; but this opinion is violently contested by other late travellers, particularly Mr Bruce, who has given a pretty long dissertation upon it, as well as many occasional remarks through the course of his work. He begins with observing, 1. That the country of Egypt is entirely a valley bounded by rugged mountains; whence it might seem natural to imagine that the Nile, overflowing a country of this kind, would be more ready to wash away the soil than to add to it. 2. It is observed by Dr Shaw, and the same is confirmed by our author, that there is a gentle slope from the middle of the valley to the foot of the mountains on each side; so that the middle, in which is the channel of the Nile, is really higher than any other part of the valley. Large trenches are cut across the country from the channel of the river, and at right angles with it, to the foot of the mountains. 3. As the river swells, the canals become filled with water, which naturally descending to the foot of the mountains, runs out at the farther end, and overflows the adjacent level country. 4. When the water, having attained the lowest ground, begins to stagnate, it does not acquire any motion by reason of the canal's being at right angles with the channel of the Nile, unless in the case of excessive rains in Ethiopia, when the water by its regurgitation again joins the stream. In this case, the motion of the current is communicated to the whole mass of waters, and every thing is swept away by them into the sea. 5. It has been the opinion of several authors, that there was a necessity for measuring the height of the inundation on account of the quantity of mud brought down annually by the waters, by which the land-marks were so covered, that the proprietors could not know their own grounds after the river subsided. But whatever might be the reason of this covering of the land-marks in ancient times, it is certain that the mud left by the Nile could not be so in the time of Herodotus, or during any period of time assigned by that historian; for he affirms only one foot of increase of soil throughout Egypt in a hundred years from the mud left by the river: the increase during one year, therefore, being only the hundredth part of a foot, could not cover any land-mark whatever. Besides, the Egyptian lands are at this day parted by huge blocks of granite, which frequently have gigantic heads at the ends of them; and these could not, at the rate mentioned by Herodotus, be covered in several thousand years. 6. The Nile does not now bring down any great quantity of mud; and it is absurd to suppose that it can at present bring down as much as it did soon after the creation, or the ages immediately succeeding the deluge. Throughout Abyssinia, according to the testimony of our author, the channel of every torrent is now worn to the bare rock, and almost every rivulet runs in a hard stony bed, all the loose earth being long ago washed away; so that an annual and equable increase of the earth from the sediment of the waters is impossible. Our author made a great number of trials of the water of the Nile during the time of its inundation in different places. At Baf- boch, when just coming down from the cultivated parts of Abyssinia, and before it enters Sennaar, the sediment is composed of fat earth and sand, and its quantity is exceedingly small. At the junction of the Nile and Asfaboras the quantity of sediment is very little augmented; consisting still of the same materials, but now mostly sand. At Syene the quantity of sediment was almost nine times greater than before; but was now composed almost entirely of sand, with a very small quantity of black earth. The conclusion of our author's experiments, however, is different from what we should have been led to expect from those just mentioned. "The experiment at Rofetta (says he) was not so often repeated as the others: but the result was, that in the strength of the inundation the sediment consisted mostly of sand; and, towards the end, was much the greater part earth. I think these experiments conclusive, as neither the Nile coming fresh from Abyssinia, nor the Athara, though joined by the Mareb, likewise from the same country, brought any great quantity of soil from thence."

8. Our author goes on to observe, that had the Nile brought down the quantities of mud which it has been said to do, it ought to have been most charged with it at Syene; as there it contained the whole that was to be conveyed by it into Egypt. Instead of this, however, the principal part of the sediment at this place was sand; and this is very naturally accounted for from the vast quantities of sand taken up by the winds in the deserts between Gooz and Syene. Here our traveller frequently saw vast pillars of this kind of sand, which is so fine and light as to form an impalpable powder, traversing the desert in various directions. Many of these were driven upon the river; and when it became calm in the evening, fell down into it entirely; thus affording materials for the many sandy islands to be met with in the Nile.

9. Mr Bruce adopts the opinion of those who suppose that there has been a continual decrease of water since the creation of the world. In this case, therefore, if the land of Egypt had been continually increasing in height while the water that was to cover it decreased; there must have been frequent famines on account of the want of a sufficient inundation. But so far is this from being the case, that, according to the testimony of several Arabian MSS. there had not, when Mr Bruce was in Egypt, been one scarce season from the lowness of the inundation for 34 years; tho' during the same space they had three times experienced a famine by too great an abundance of water, which carried away the millet.

10. If there had been such an increase of land as Herodotus and others suppose, it must now have been very perceptible in some of the most ancient public monuments. This, however, is by no means the case. The base of every obelisk in Upper Egypt is to this day quite bare and visible. Near Thebes there are still extant two Colossal statues, plainly designed for nilometers, and which ought by this time to have been almost covered with earth; but notwithstanding the length of time they have remained there, they are still bare to the very base.

The strongest argument which the advocates for the increase of land of Egypt can make use of is, that the measures by which the quantity of inundation is determined are smaller now than in former times; and these small measures are said to have been introduced by the Saracens. On this Mr Bruce very justly observes, that such an expedient could not have answered any good purpose; as no decrease of corn could have augmented the quantity of corn produced by the ground. M. Savary observes, that, to render his calculation concerning the growth of land in Egypt absolutely exact, it would be necessary to determine the precise length of the Greek, Roman, and Arabian cubit; and even to know the different alterations which that measure had undergone among these people: But this nicety he thinks needless; looking upon the general fact to be fully established by what he had said before. Mr Bruce, however, has treated the subject with much greater accuracy. He observes, that from the situation of Canopus, the distance betwixt Egypt and Cyprus, and the extension of the land to the northward, it appears that no addition of any consequence has been made to it for 3000 years past. The only argument left for the increase of land therefore must be taken from the nilometer. The use of this instrument was to determine the quantity of inundation, that it might be known whether the crop would be sufficient to enable the people to pay the taxes exacted of them by the sovereign or not. The first step was to know what space of ground was overflowed in a given number of years; and this being determined by mensuration, the next thing was to ascertain the produce of the ground upon an average. Thus becoming acquainted with the greatest and least crops produced, together with the exact extent of ground overflowed, they were furnished with all the necessary principles for constructing a nilometer; and nothing now remained but to erect a pillar in a proper place, and divide it exactly into cubits. This was accordingly done; the pillar was first divided into cubits and these again were subdivided into digits. The first division of this kind was undoubtedly that mentioned in scripture, and called the cubit of a man; being the length of the arm from the middle of the round bone in the elbow to the point of the middle finger; a measure still in use among all rude nations. As no standard could be found by which this measure might be exactly determined, authors have differed very much concerning the true length of the cubit when reduced to our feet and inches. Dr Arbuthnot reckons two cubits mentioned in scripture; one of them containing one foot nine inches and \(\frac{3}{5}\) of an inch; the other one foot and \(\frac{2}{5}\) of a foot; but Mr Bruce is of opinion that both of these are too large. He found, by mensuration, the Egyptian cubit to be exactly one foot five inches and three-fifths of an inch; and Herodotus mentions, that in his time the cubit used for determining the increase of the Nile was the Samian cubit, about 18 of our inches. The latter also informs us, that in the time of Mocris, the minimum of increase was 8 cubits, at which time all Egypt below the city of Memphis was overflowed; but that in his time 16 or at least 15 cubits were necessary to produce the same effect. But to this account Mr Bruce objects, that Herodotus could have no certain information concerning the nilometer, because he himself says that the priests, who alone had access to it, would tell him nothing of the matter. Herodotus also informs us, that in the time of Moeris, great lakes were dug to carry off the waters of the inundation; and this superfluous quantity Mr Bruce supposes to have been conveyed into the desert for the use of the Arabs, and that by such a vast drain the rise of the water on the nilometer would undoubtedly be diminished. But even granting that there was such a difference between the rise of the water in the time of Moeris and in that of Herodotus, it does not appear that anything like it has appeared ever since. Strabo, who travelled into Egypt 400 years after the time of Herodotus, found that eight cubits were then the minimum, as well as in the time of Moeris. From some passages in Strabo, however, it appears that it required a particular exertion of industry to cause this quantity of water produce a plentiful crop; but there is not the least reason to suppose, that the very same industry was not necessary in the time of Moeris; so that still there is not any increase of land indicated by the nilometer. About 100 years afterwards, when the emperor Adrian visited Egypt, we are informed from unquestionable authority, that 16 cubits were the minimum when the people were able to pay their tribute; and in the fourth century, under the emperor Julian, 15 cubits were the standard; both which accounts correspond with that of Herodotus. Lastly, Procopius, who lived in the time of Justinian, informs us, that 18 cubits were then requisite for a minimum.

From these accounts, so various and discordant, it is obvious that no certain conclusion can be drawn. It is not indeed easy to determine the reason of this difference in point of fact. The only conjecture we can offer is, that as it appears that by proper care a smaller quantity of water will answer the purpose of producing a plentiful crop, so it is not unreasonable to suppose that at different periods the industry of the people has varied so much as to occasion the disagreement in question. This would undoubtedly depend very much upon their governor; and indeed Strabo informs us that it was by the care of the governor Petronius, that such a small quantity of water was made to answer the purpose. The conclusion drawn by Mr Bruce from the whole of the accounts above related, is, that from them it is most probable that no increase of land has been indicated by the nilometer from the time of Moeris to that of Justinian.

On the conquest of Egypt by the Saracens, their barbarous and stupid caliph destroyed the nilometer, causing another to be built in its stead, and afterwards fixed the standard of paying tribute considerably below what it had usually been. The Egyptians were thus kept in continual terror, and constantly watched the new nilometer to observe the gradual increase or decrease of the water. On this he ordered the new nilometer to be destroyed, and another to be constructed, and all access to it to be denied to the people. Which prohibition is still continued to Christians; though our author found means to get over this obstacle, and has given a figure of the instrument itself. That the people might not, however, be supposed to remain in total ignorance of their situation, he commanded a proclamation to be daily made concerning the height of the water, but in such an unintelligible manner that nobody was made any wiser; nor, according to our author, is the proclamation understood at this day. From his own observations, however, Mr Bruce concludes, that 15 cubits are now the minimum of inundation, and as this coincides with the accounts of it in the times of Herodotus and Adrian, he supposes with great probability, that the same quantity of water has been necessary to overflow this country from the earliest accounts to the present time.

It now remains only to take notice of what is said by M. Savary concerning the former distance of the island of Pharos from the land to which it is now joined. With regard to his other assertions concerning the city of Meteles having been once a sea-port, M. Volney proves that he has quoted Strabo unfairly, and consequently no stress is to be laid upon them. The principal, indeed the only, evidence therefore which remains, is the passage already quoted from Homer, viz. that "the island of Pharos is as far distant from one of the mouths of the Nile as a vessel can sail in one day before the wind." "But (says M. Volney) when Homer speaks of the distance of this island, he does not mean its distance from the shore opposite, as that traveller (M. Savary) has translated him, but from the land of Egypt and the river Nile. In the second place, by a day's sail we must not understand that indefinite space which the vessels, or rather the boats, of the ancient Greeks, could pass through in a day; but an accurate and determined measure of 540 stadia. This measure is ascertained by Herodotus, and is the precise distance between Pharos and the Nile, allowing, with M. d'Anville, 27,000 toises to 540 stadia. It is therefore far from being proved, that the increase of the Delta or of the continent was so rapid as has been represented; and, if we were disposed to maintain it, we should still have to explain how this shore, which has not gained half a league from the days of Alexander, should have gained eleven in the far shorter period from the time of Menelaus to that conqueror. The utmost extent of the encroachment of this land upon the sea, however, may be learned from the words of Herodotus; who informs us, that "the breadth of Egypt, along the seacoast, from the gulf of Plinthus to the lake Serbonis near mount Cæsus, is 3600 stadia; and its length from the sea to Heliopolis 1500 stadia." Allowing therefore the stadium of Herodotus to be between 50 and 51 French toises, the 1500 stadia just mentioned are equal to 76,000 toises; which, at the rate of 57,000 to a degree, gives one degree and near 20 minutes and an half. But from the astronomical observations of M. Niebuhr, who travelled for the king of Denmark in 1761, the difference of latitude between Heliopolis, now called Matara, and the sea, being one degree 29 minutes at Damietta, and one degree 24 minutes at Rosetta, there is a difference on one side of three minutes and an half, or a league and an half encroachment; and eight minutes and an half, or three leagues and an half on the other."

Thus the dispute concerning the augmentation of the land of Egypt by the Nile seems to be absolutely decided; and the encroachments of it on the sea trifling, that we may justly doubt whether they exist, or whether we are not entirely to attribute the apparent differences to those which certainly take place between the ancient and modern mensuration. M. Volney gives a very particular description of the face of the country; but takes notice of the inconveniences under which travellers labour in this country, by which it is rendered extremely difficult to say anything certain with regard to the nature of the soil or mineral productions. These arise from the barbarity and superstition of the people, who imagine all the Europeans to be magicians and sorcerers, who come by their magic art to discover the treasures which the genii have concealed under the ruins. So deep rooted is this opinion, that no person dares walk alone in the fields, nor can he find any one willing to accompany him; by which means he is confined to the banks of the river, and it is only by comparing the accounts of various travellers that any satisfactory knowledge can be acquired.

According to this author, the entrance into Egypt at Rosetta presents a most delightful prospect, by the perpetual verdure of the palm-trees on each side, the orchards watered by the river, with orange, lemon, and other fruit-trees, which grow there in vast abundance; and the same beautiful appearance is continued all the way to Cairo. As we proceed farther up the river, he says, that nothing can more resemble the appearance of the country than the marshes of the lower Loire, or the plains of Flanders: instead, however, of the numerous trees and country-houses of the latter, we must imagine some thin woods of palms and sycamores, with a few villages of mud-walled cottages, built on artificial mounds. All this part of Egypt is very low and flat, the declivity of the river being so gentle, that its waters do not flow at a greater rate than one league in an hour. Throughout the country nothing is to be seen but palm-trees, single or in clumps, which become more rare in proportion as you advance; with wretched villages composed of huts with mud-walls, and a boundless plain, which at different seasons is an ocean of fresh water, a miry morass, verdant field, or a dusty desert; and on every side an extensive and foggy horizon, where the eye is wearied and disgusted. At length, towards the junction of the two branches of the river, the mountains of Cairo are discovered on the east; and to the south-west three detached masses appear, which from their triangular form are known to be the pyramids. We now enter a valley which turns to the southward, between two chains of parallel eminences. That to the east, which extends to the Red Sea, merits the name of a mountain from its steepness and height, as well as that of a desert from its naked and savage appearance. Its name in the Arabic language is Mokattam, or the brown mountain. The western is nothing but a ridge of rock covered with sand, which has been very properly termed a natural mound or causeway. In short, that the reader may at once form an idea of this country, let him imagine on one side a narrow sea and rocks; on the other, immense plains of sand; and in the middle, a river, flowing through a valley of 150 leagues in length and from three to seven wide, which at the distance of 30 leagues from the sea separates into two arms; the branches of which wander over a foil almost free from obstructions, and void of declivity.

From comparing his own observations with those of other travellers, our author concludes, that the basis of all Egypt from Ajuan (the ancient Syene) to the Mediterranean, is a continued bed of calcareous stone of whitish hue, and somewhat soft, containing the same kind of shells met with in the adjacent seas, and which forms the immense quarries extending from Saouadi to Manfalout for the space of more than 25 leagues, according to the testimony of Father Sicard.

Mr Bruce, however, gives us a much more particular account of the sources from whence were derived the vast quantities of marble met with in the remains of the defunct ancient buildings in this country. These he discovered during his journey from Kenne to Coffeir on the Red Sea, before he took his expedition to Abyssinia. He gives a most dismal idea of the deserts through which he passed. What houses he met with were constructed, like those Mr Volney mentions, of clay, being no more than six feet in diameter, and about ten in height. The mountains were the most dreary and barren that can be imagined; and the heat of the sun so great, that two sticks rubbed together only for half a minute would take fire and flame. In these burning regions no living creature was to be met with, even the poisonous serpents and scorpions not being able to find subsistence. The first animal he saw was a species of ants in a plain called Hamra from the purple colour of its sand; and it was remarkable that these insects were of the same colour with the sand itself. No water was anywhere to be met with on the surface; though at a place called Legeta there were some draw-wells, the water of which was more bitter than foot itself. At Hamra the porphyry mountains and quarries begin, the stone of which is at first soft and brittle; but the quantity is immense, as a whole day was taken up in passing by them. These porphyry mountains begin in the latitude of nearly 24 degrees, and continue along the coast of the Red Sea to about 22° 30', when they are succeeded by the marble mountains; these again by others of alabaster, and these last by basaltic mountains. From the marble mountains our author selected twelve kinds, of different colours, which he brought along with him. Some of the mountains appeared to be composed entirely of red and others of green marble, and by their different colours afforded an extraordinary spectacle. Not far from the porphyry mountains the cold was so great, that his camels died on his return from Abyssinia, though the thermometer stood no lower than 42°.

Near to Coffeir he discovered the quarries whence the ancients obtained those immense quantities of marble with which they constructed so many wonderful works. The first place where the marks of their operations were very perceptible, was a mountain much higher than any they had yet passed, and where the stone was so hard that it did not even yield to the blows of a hammer. In this quarry he observed that some ducts or channels for conveying water terminated; which, according to him, shows that water was one of the means by which these hard stones were cut. In four days, during which our author travelled among these mountains, he says, that he had "passed more granite, porphyry, marble, and jasper, than would build Rome, Athens, Corinth, Syracuse, Memphis, Alexandria, and half a dozen such cities." It appeared to him that the passages between the mountains and which he calls defiles, were not natural but artificial openings; where even whole mountains had been cut out, in order to preserve a gentle slope towards the river. This descent our author supposes not to be above one foot in 50; so that the carriages must have gone very easily, and rather required something to retard! tard their velocity than any force to pull them forward. Concerning the mountains in general, he observes, that the porphyry is very beautiful to the eye, and is discovered by a fine purple sand without any glofs. An unvariegated marble of a green colour is generally met with in the same mountain; and where the two meet, the marble becomes soft for a few inches, but the porphyry retains its hardness. The granite has a dirty brown appearance, being covered with sand; but on removing this, it appears of a grey colour with black spots, with a reddish cast all over it. The granite mountains lie nearer to the Red Sea, and seem to have afforded the materials for Pompey's pillar. The redness above mentioned seems to go off on exposure to the air; but reappears on working or polishing the stone farther. The red marble is next to the granite, though not met with in the same mountain. There is also a red kind with white veins, and vast quantities of the common green serpentine. Some samples of that beautiful marble named Isabella were likewise observed; one of them of that yellowish cast called quaker-colour, the other of the bluish kind named dove-colour. The most valuable kind is that named verde antico, which is found next to the Nile in the mountains of serpentine. It is covered by a kind of blue fleaky stone, somewhat lighter than a slate, more beautiful than most kinds of marble, and when polished having the appearance of a volcanic lava. In these quarries the verde antico had been uncovered in patches of about 20 feet square. There were small pieces of African marble scattered about in several places, but no rocks or mountains of it; so that our author conjectures it to lie in the heart of some other kind. The whole is situated on a ridge with a descent to the east and west; by which means it might easily be conveyed either to the Nile or Red Sea, while the hard gravel and level ground would readily allow the heaviest carriages to be moved with very little force.

Travellers have talked of an emerald mine in these deserts; but from the researches of Mr Bruce, it does not appear to have any existence. In the Red Sea indeed, in the latitude of $25^\circ 3'$, at a small distance from the southern-western coast, there is an island called the Mountain of Emeralds; but none of these precious stones are to be met with there. Here, as well as on the continent, there were found many pieces of a green pellucid substance; but veined, and much softer than rock-crystal, though somewhat harder than glass. A few yards up the mountain he found three pits, which are supposed to have been the mines whence the ancients obtained the emeralds; but though many pieces of the green substance above mentioned were met with about these pits, no signs of the true emerald could be perceived. This substance, however, he conjectures to have been the smaragdus of the Romans. In the mountains of Coifeir, as well as in some places of the deserts of Nubia, our author found some rocks exactly resembling petrified wood.

The only metal said by the ancients to be produced in Egypt is copper. On the road to Suez are found great numbers of those stones called Egyptian flints and pebbles, though the bottom is a hard, calcareous, and porous stone. Here also M. Volney tells us, that the stones above mentioned, and which resemble petrified wood, are to be met with. These, he says, are in the form of small logs cut slanting at the ends, and might easily be taken for petrifications, though he is convinced that they are real minerals.

F. Sicard mentions two lakes, from the water of which is produced annually a great quantity of salt containing much mineral alkali; and M. Volney informs us, that the whole soil of this country is impregnated with salt; so that, upon digging to some depth in the ground, we always meet with brackish water impregnated in some degree with the mineral alkali as well as with common salt. The two lakes mentioned by Sicard are situated in the desert to the west of the Delta; and are three or four leagues in length, and about a quarter of a league in breadth, with a solid and stony bottom. For nine months in the year they are without water; but in the winter time there oozes out of the earth a reddish violet-coloured water, which fills the lakes to the height of five or six feet. This being evaporated by the return of the heat, there remains a bed of salt two feet thick and very hard, which is broken in pieces with iron bars; and no less than 30,000 quintals are procured every year from these lakes. So great is the propensity of the Egyptian soil to produce salt, that even when the gardens are overflowed for the sake of watering them, the surface of the ground, after the evaporation and absorption of the water, appears glazed over with salt. The water found in the wells contains mineral alkali, marine salt, and a little nitre. M. Volney is of opinion that the fertile mould of Egypt, which is of a black mould of colour, differs essentially from that of the other parts; and is derived from the internal parts of Ethiopia along with the waters of the Nile. This seems to contradict what he had before advanced against M. Savary concerning the increase of the land of Egypt by means of the waters of this river; but there is no reason at all to suppose this kind of earth to be of a foreign origin; it being always the result of vegetation and cultivation. Even the most barren and sandy spots in the world, if properly watered, and such vegetables planted in them as would grow there, in time would be covered with this black earth as well as others; and of this kind of artificial formation of soil travellers give us a remarkable instance in the garden of the monks at Mount Sinai, where the country is naturally as barren as in any place of the world. "The monks of Sinai (says Dr Shaw), in a long process of time, have covered over with dung and the sweepings of their convent near four acres of naked rocks; which produce as good cabbage, roots, salad, and all kinds of pot-herbs, as any soil and climate whatsoever. They have likewise raised olive, plum, almond, apple, and pear trees, not only in great numbers, but of excellent kinds. The pears particularly are of such esteem at Cairo, that there is a present of them sent every year to the bashaw and persons of the first quality. Neither are their grapes inferior in size and flavour to any whatsoever: it being fully demonstrated, by what this little garden produces, how far an indefatigable industry can prevail over nature; and that several places are capable of culture and improvement which were intended by nature to be barren, and which the lazy and slothful have always suffered to be so."

From this general account of the country, we may reasonably conclude, that the natural fertility of Egypt Egypt is not diminished in modern times, provided the same pains were taken in the cultivation of it as formerly; but this is not to be expected from the present degenerate race of inhabitants. "The Delta (says Mr Savary) is at present in the most favourable state for agriculture. Washed on the east and west by two rivers formed by the division of the Nile, each of which is as large and more deep than the Loire, intersected by innumerable rivulets; it presents to the eye an immense garden, all the different compartments of which may be easily watered. During the three months that the Thebais is under water, the Delta possesses fields covered with rice, barley, vegetables, and winter fruits. It is also the only part of Egypt where the same field produces two crops of grain within the year, the one of rice, the other of barley."

The only cause of all this fertility is the Nile, without which the whole country would soon become an uninhabitable desert, as rain falls very seldom in this part of that world. It flows with a very gentle stream through the flat country, and its waters are very muddy, so that they must have time to settle, or even require filtration before they can be drunk. For purifying the water, the Egyptians, according to M. Volney, use bitter almonds, with which they rub the vessel containing it, and then the water becomes light and good; but on what principle this ingredient acts, we cannot pretend to determine. Unglazed earthen vessels filled with water are kept in every apartment; which by a continual evaporation through their porous substance, render the contained fluid very cool even in the greatest heats*. The river continues muddy for six months; and during the three which immediately precede the inundation, the stream being reduced to an inconsiderable depth, becomes heated, green, fetid, and full of worms. The Egyptians in former times paid divine honours to the Nile, and still hold it in great veneration. They believe its waters to be very nourishing, and that they are superior to any in the world; an opinion very excusable in them, as they have no other, and large draughts of cold water are among their highest luxuries.

This river, swelled by the rains which fall in Abyssinia, begins to rise in Egypt about the month of May; but the increase is inconsiderable till towards the end of June, when it is proclaimed by a public crier thro' the streets of Cairo. About this time it has usually risen five or six cubits; and when it has risen to 16, great rejoicings are made, and the people cry out Waf-fah Allah, that is, that God has given them abundance. This commonly takes place about the latter end of July, or at farthest before the 20th of August; and the sooner it takes place, so much the greater are the hopes of a good crop. Sometimes, though rarely, the necessary increase does not take place till later. In the year 1705, it did not swell to 16 cubits till the 19th of September; the consequence of which was, that the country was depopulated by famine and pestilence.

We may easily imagine that the Nile cannot overflow the whole country of itself in such a manner as to render it fertile; for which reason there are innumerable canals cut from it across the country, as has already been observed, by which the water is conveyed to distant places, and almost every town or village has one of these canals. In those parts of the country where the inundation does not reach, and where more water is required than it can furnish, as for watering of gardens, they must have recourse to artificial means for raising it from the river. In former times they made use of Archimedes's screw*; but that is now See fly dispersed, and in place of it they have chosen the Persian wheel. This is a large wheel turned by oxen, having a rope hung with several buckets which fill as it goes round, and empty themselves into a cistern at the top. Where the banks of the river are high, they frequently make a balon in the side of them, near which they fix an upright pole, and another with an axle across the top of that, at one end of which they hang a great stone, and at the other a leather bucket; this bucket being drawn down into the river by two men, is raised by the descent of the stone, and emptied into a cistern placed at a proper height. This kind of machine is used chiefly in the upper parts of the country, where the raising of water is more difficult than in places near the sea. When any of their gardens or plantations want water, it is conveyed from the cisterns into little trenches, and from thence conducted all round the beds in various rills, which the gardener easily flops by raising the mould against them with his foot, and diverts the current another way as he sees occasion.

The rise of the inundation is measured, as has already been observed, by an instrument adapted for the purpose, and called mikes, which we translate nilometer. Mr Bruce informs us, that this is placed between Giza and Cairo, on the point of an island named Rhoda, about the middle of the river, but somewhat nearer to Giza. It is a round tower with an apartment, in the middle of which is a cistern neatly lined with marble. The bottom of this cistern reaches to that of the river, and there is a large opening by which the water has free access to the inside. The rise of the water is indicated by an octagonal column of blue and white marble, on which are marked 20 pecks or cubits of 22 inches each. The two lowermost of these have no subdivisions; but each of the rest is divided into 24 parts call digits; the whole height of the pillar being 36 feet 8 inches.

When the river has attained its proper height, all Of the canals are opened, and the whole country laid under water. During the time of the inundation a certain vortical motion of the waters takes place; but notwithstanding this, the Nile is so easily managed that many fields lower than the surface of its waters are preserved from injury merely by a dam of moistened earth not more than eight or ten inches in thickness. This method is made use of particularly in the Delta when it is threatened with a flood.

As the Nile does not always rise to an height sufficient for the purposes of agriculture, the former sovereigns of Egypt were at vast pains to cut proper canals in order to supply the deficiency. Some of these are still preserved; but great numbers are rendered useless through the indolence or barbarity of their successors. Those which convey the water to Cairo, into the province of Fayoom, and to Alexandria, are best taken care of by government. The last is watched by an officer appointed for that purpose, whose office it is to hinder the Arabs of Bahria, who receive this superfluous water, from turning it off before Alexandria be- provided for, or opening it before the proper time, which would hinder the increase of the river. In like manner, that which conveys the water to Fayoom is watched, and cannot be opened before that of Cairo, which is called the Canal of Trajan. A number of other canals, only taken care of by those who derive advantage from them, proceed from that arm of the Nile which runs to Damietta, and fertilize the province of Sharkia; which, making part of the isthmus of Suez, is the most considerable of Egypt, and the most capable of a great increase of cultivation. The plains of Gaza which lie beyond, and are possessed by the Arabs, would be no less fertile, were it not for the excessive inclination these people have to destroy, so that they make war even with the spontaneous productions of the earth. A number of other canals run through the Delta; and the vestiges of those which watered the provinces to the eastward and westward, show that in former times these were the best cultivated parts of Egypt. "We may also presume (says the Baron de Tott), from the extent of the ruins of Alexandria, the construction of the canal, and the natural level of the lands which encompass the lake Mareotis, and extend themselves westward to the kingdom of Barca, that this country, at present given up to the Arabs, and almost deserted, was once sufficiently rich in productions of every kind to furnish the city of Alexandria with its whole subsistence."

The air and climate of Egypt are extremely hot, not only from the height of the sun, which in summer approaches to the zenith, but from the want of rain and from the vicinity of those burning and sandy deserts which lie to the southward. In the months of July and August, according to M. Volney, Reamur's thermometer stands, even in the most temperate apartments, at the height of 24 or 25 degrees above the freezing point; and in the southern parts it is said to rise still higher. Hence, he says, only two seasons should be distinguished in Egypt, the cool and the hot, or spring and summer. The latter continues for the greatest part of the year, viz. from March to November or even longer; for by the end of February the sun is insensible to an European at nine o'clock in the morning. During the whole of this season, the air seems to be inflamed, the sky sparkles, and everyone sweats profusely, even without the least exercise, and when covered with the lightest dress. This heat is tempered by the inundation of the Nile, the fall of the night-dews, and the subsequent evaporation; so that some of the European merchants, as well as the natives, complain of the cold in winter. The dew we speak of does not fall regularly throughout the summer, as with us; the parched state of the country not affording a sufficient quantity of vapour for this purpose. It is first observed about St John's day (June 24th), when the river has begun to swell, and consequently a great quantity of water is raised from it by the heat of the sun, which being soon condensed by the cold of the night air, falls down in copious dews.

It might naturally be imagined, that as for three months in the year Egypt is in a wet and marshy situation, the excessive evaporation and putrefaction of the stagnating waters would render it very unhealthy. But this is by no means the case. The great dryness of the air makes it absorb vapours of all kinds with the utmost avidity; and these rising to a great height, are carried off by the winds either to the southward or northward, without having time to communicate any of their pernicious effects. This dryness is so remarkable in the internal parts of the country, that flesh meat exposed to the open air does not putrefy even in summer, but soon becomes hard and dry like wood. In the deserts there are frequently dead carcases thus dried in such a manner, and become so light, that one may easily lift that of a camel with one hand. In the maritime parts, however, this dryness of the air is not to be expected. They discover the same degree of moisture which usually attends such situations. At Rosetta and Alexandria, iron cannot be exposed to the air for 24 hours without rusting. According to M. Volney, the air of Egypt is also strongly impregnated with salts; for which opinion he gives the following reason. "The stones are corroded by natrum (mineral alkali), and in moist places long crystallizations of it are to be found, which might be taken for salt-petre. The wall of the Jesuits' garden at Cairo, built with earth and bricks, is everywhere covered with a crust of this natrum as thick as a crown-piece: and when this garden has been overflowed by the waters of the kalidj (canal), the ground, after they have drained off, appears sparkling on every side with crystals, which certainly were not brought thither by the water, as it shows no sign of salt either to the taste or by distillation."—But whatever may be the quantity of salt contained in the earth, it is certain that M. Volney's opinion of its coming thither from the air cannot be justified. The salt in question is excessively fixed, and cannot be diffused into the air without the violent heat of a glaiss-house furnace; and even after this has been done, it will not remain diffused through the atmosphere, but quickly falls back again. No experiments have ever shown that any salt was or could be diffused in the air, except volatile alkali, and this is now known to be formed by the union of two permanently elastic fluids; and it is certain that a saline air would quickly prove fatal to the animals who breathed it. The abundance of this kind of salt in Egypt therefore only shows, that by some unknown operation the heat of the sun forms it from the two ingredients of earth and water, though we do not yet understand the manner, nor are able to imitate this natural operation.

To this saline property of the earth M. Volney attributes the excessive quickness of vegetation in Egypt, which is so great, that a species of gourd called karabat thrive will, in 24 hours, send forth shoots of four inches in length; but for the same reason, in all probability, it is that no exotic plant will thrive in Egypt. The merchants are obliged annually to send to Malta for their garden seeds; for though the plants thrive very well at first, yet if the seed of them is preserved, and sown a second year, they always come up too tall and slender.

By reason of the great dryness of the air, Egypt is exempted from the phenomena of rain, hail, snow, thunder and lightning. Earthquakes are also seldom heard of in this country; though sometimes they have been very fatal and destructive, particularly one in the year 1112. In the Delta, it never rains in summer. summer, and very seldom at any other time. In 1761, however, such a quantity of rain unexpectedly fell, that a great number of houses, built with mud-walls, tumbled entirely down by being soaked with the water, to which they were unaccustomed. In the Higher Egypt the rain is still less frequent; but the people, sensible of the advantages which accrue from it, always rejoice when any falls, however insufficient to answer the purpose. This deficiency of rain is supplied by the inundation and dews already mentioned. The latter proceed, as has already been said, partly from the waters of the inundation and partly from the sea. At Alexandria, after sunset, in the month of April, the clothes exposed to the air and the terraces are soaked with them as if it had rained. These dews are more or less copious according to the direction of the wind. They are produced in the greatest quantity by the westerly and northerly winds, which blow from the sea; but the south and south-east winds, blowing over the deserts of Africa and Arabia, produce none.

The periodical return of winds from a certain quarter is a very remarkable phenomenon in this country. When the sun approaches the tropic of Cancer, they shift from the east to the north; and, during the month of June, they always blow from the north or north-west. They continue northerly all the month of July, varying only sometimes towards the east, and sometimes the contrary way. About the end of this month, and during the whole of August and September, they blow directly from the north, and are but of a moderate strength, though somewhat weaker in the night than in the day. Towards the end of September they return to the east, though they do not absolutely fix on that point, but blow more regularly from it than any other except the north. As the sun approaches the southern tropic, they become more variable and tempestuous, blowing most commonly from the north, north-east, and west, which they continue to do throughout the months of December, January, and February; and, during that season, the vapours raised from the Mediterranean condense into mist, or even sometimes into rain. Towards the end of February, and in the succeeding month, they more frequently blow from the south than from any other quarter. During some part of the month of March and in that of April, they blow from the south, south-east, and south-west; sometimes from the north and east, the latter becoming most prevalent about the end of that month, and continuing during the whole of May.

It is to the long continuance of the north winds, formerly called the Etesian winds, that Egypt probably owes its extreme dryness, as well as part of the inundation by which it is fertilized. From the month of April to July, there appear to be two immense currents in the atmosphere, the one blowing from the north, and the upper from the south. By the former the vapors are raised from the Mediterranean and southern parts of Europe, where they are carried over Abyssinia, dissolving there in immense deluges of rain; while by the latter the superfluous vapors, or those raised from the country of Abyssinia itself, are carried northward toward the sources of the Euphrates. Here the clouds coming from the south, descending into the lower part of the atmosphere, dissolve in like manner into rain, and produce an inundation of the Euphrates similar to that of the Nile, and immediately succeeding it. Mr Bruce had an opportunity of ascertaining this fact in the month of June 1768; for at that time, while on a voyage from Sidon to Alexandria, he observed great numbers of thin white clouds moving rapidly from the south, and in direct opposition to the Etesian winds.

Besides the ordinary winds here spoken of, Egypt is infested with the destructive blasts common to all warm countries which have deserts in their neighbourhood. These have been distinguished by various names, such as poisonous winds, hot winds of the desert, Samiel, the wind of Damacus, Kamfin, and Simoon. In Egypt they are denominated "winds of 50 days," because they most commonly prevail during the 50 days preceding and following the equinox; though, should they blow constantly during one half of that time, an universal destruction would be the consequence. Of these travellers have given various descriptions. M. Volney says, that the violence of their heat may be compared to that of a large oven at the moment of drawing out the bread. They always blow from the south; and are undoubtedly owing to the motion of the atmosphere over such vast tracts of hot land, where it cannot be supplied by a sufficient quantity of moisture. When they begin to blow, the sky loses its usual serenity, and assumes a dark, heavy, and alarming aspect, the sun himself laying aside his usual splendor, and becoming of a violet colour. This terrific appearance seems not to be occasioned by any real haze or cloud in the atmosphere at that time, but solely to the vast quantity of fine sand carried along by those winds, and which is so excessively minute that it penetrates everywhere. The motion of this wind is always rapid, but its heat is not intolerable till after it has continued for some time. Its pernicious qualities are evidently occasioned by its excessive avidity of moisture. Thus it dries and shrivels up the skin; and by doing the same to the lungs, will in a short time produce suffocation and death. The danger is greatest to those of a phlegmatic habit of body, or who have been exhausted by fatigue; and putrefaction soon takes place in the bodies of such as are destroyed by it. Its extreme dryness is such, that water sprinkled on the floor evaporates in a few minutes; all the plants are withered and stripped of their leaves; and a fever is instantly produced in the human species by the suppression of perspiration. It usually lasts three days, but is altogether insupportable if it continue beyond that time. The danger is greatest when the wind blows in squalls, and to travellers who happen to be exposed to its fury without any shelter. The best method in this case is to stop the nose and mouth with a handkerchief. Camels, by a natural instinct, bury their noses in the sand, and keep them there till the squall is over. The inhabitants, who have an opportunity of retiring to their houses, instantly shut themselves up in them, or go into pits made in the earth, till the destructive blast be over.

The description of a blast of this kind which overtook Mr Bruce in the desert of Nubia is still more terrible than that just given from M. Volney. We have already mentioned something of the pillars of moving sand raised by the winds in the desert. These were observed by our traveller on this occasion in all their terrific Sometimes they appeared to move slowly; at other times with incredible swiftness, so that they could not have been avoided by the fleetest horse. Sometimes they came so near, that they threatened destruction to the whole company. Frequently the tops, when arrived at an immense height, so that they were lost in the clouds, suddenly separated from the bodies, and dispersed themselves in the air; and sometimes the whole column broke off near the middle, as if it had received a cannon shot; and their size was such, that, at the distance of about three miles, they appeared ten feet in diameter. Next day they appeared of a smaller size, but more numerous, and sometimes approached within two miles of the company. The sun was now obscured by them, and the transmission of his rays gave them a dreadful appearance, resembling pillars of fire. This was pronounced by the guide to be a sign of the approaching Simoom or hot wind; and he directed, that, when it came, the people should fall upon their faces and keep their mouths on the sand, to avoid the drawing in this pernicious blast with their breath. On his calling out that the Simoom was coming, Mr Bruce turned for a moment to the quarter from whence it came, which was the south-east. It appeared like a haze or fog of purple colour, but less bright than the purple part of the rainbow; seemingly about 20 yards in breadth, and about 12 feet high from the ground. It moved with such rapidity, that before he could turn about and fall upon his face, he felt the vehement heat of its current upon his face; and even after it passed over, which was very quickly, the air which followed was of such an heat as to threaten suffocation. Mr Bruce had unfortunately inspired some part of the pernicious blast; by which means he almost entirely lost his voice, and became subject to an asthmatic complaint, from which he did not get free for two years. The same phenomenon occurred twice more on their journey thro' this desert. The second time, it came from the south-west to the east; but it now seemed to have a shade of blue along with the purple, and its edges were less perfectly defined; resembling rather a thin smoke, and having about a yard in the middle tinged with blue and purple. The third time, it was preceded by an appearance of sandy pillars more magnificent than any they had yet observed; the sun shining through them in such a manner as to give those which were nearest a resemblance of being spangled with stars of gold. The Simoom which followed had the same blue and purple appearance as before, and was followed by a most suffocating wind for two hours, which reduced our travellers to the lowest degree of weakness and despondency. It was remarkable that this wind always came from the south-east, while the sandy pillars, which prognosticated its approach, affected to keep to the westward, and to occupy the vast circular space inclosed by the Nile to the west of their route, going round by Chaigie towards Dongola. The heaps of sand left by them when they fell, or raised by the whirlwinds which carried them up, were 12 or 13 feet high, exactly conical, tapering to a fine point, and their bases well proportioned.

The inhabitants of Egypt may now be distinguished into four distinct races of people.

1. The Arabs, who may be subdivided into three classes. 1. The posterity of those who settled here immediately after the conquest of the country by Amrou Ebn Al As the khalif Omar's general. 2. The Magrebians, or Western Arabs, who at different times have migrated from the countries to the westward of Egypt, and are descended from the Saracen conquerors of Mauritania. 3. The Bedouins, or Arabs of the desert, known to the ancients by the name of Scenites, or dwellers in tents. The first of these classes are now found among the husbandmen and artisans; and are distinguished from the others by being of a more robust habit of body, as well as of a larger stature than the others. They are in general five feet four inches high; and many of them attain two or three inches more, and are muscular without being fleshy. Their countenances are almost black, but their features are not disagreeable; and as those of the country do not ally themselves in marriage but with the people of their own tribe, their faces have all a strong resemblance to each other. This is not the case with such as live in towns, by reason of their promiscuous marriages. The second class are more numerous in the Said, where they have villages and even distinct sovereigns of their own. Like the former, they apply themselves to agriculture and mechanical occupations. The Bedouins pass their lives among the rocks, ruins, and sequestrated places where they can find water; sometimes uniting in tribes and living in low smoky tents, and shifting their habitations from the desert to the banks of the river and back again, as best suits their convenience. Their time of inhabiting the desert is the spring; but after the inundation they take up their residence in Egypt, in order to profit by the fertility of the country. Some farms lands in the country which they cultivate, but change annually. In general, all these Bedouins are robbers, and are a great terror to travellers as well as to the husbandmen; but though their number is estimated at not less than 30,000, they are dispersed in such a manner that they cannot attempt anything of consequence.

II. The Copts are descendants of those inhabitants of Egypt whom the Arabs subdued, and who were composed of original Egyptians, Persians, and Greeks. M. Volney is of opinion that their name of Copts is only an abbreviation of the Greek word Aigouptios, an Egyptian. They are principally to be met with in the Said, though some also inhabit the Delta. They have all a yellowish dusky complexion, puffed up visage, fowls eyes, flat noses, and thick lips; and in fact the exact countenance of a mulatto. M. Volney, from a view of the sphinx, and finding its features to be such as is just now described, concludes, that the ancient Egyptians were real negroes; which he thinks is likewise confirmed by a passage in Herodotus, where he concludes, that the inhabitants of Colchis were descended from the Egyptians, "on account of the blackness of their skins and frizzled hair." M. Volney also remarks, that the countenance of the negroes is such as exactly represents that state of contraction assumed by our faces when strongly affected by heat. The eye-brows are knit, the cheeks rise, the eye-lids are contracted, and the mouth distorted; and this state of contraction to which the features of the negroes are perpetually exposed in the hot climates they inhabit, is become particularly characteristic. Excessive cold and snow produces the same effect; and hence this kind of countenance is also common among the Tartars; while, in the temperate climates, the features are proportionably lengthened, and the whole countenance expanded.

The Copts profess the Christian religion, but follow the hereof of the Eutychians, whence they have been persecuted by the Greeks; but having at last got the better of their adversaries, they are become the depositaries of the regifters of the lands and tribes. At Cairo they are called writers; and are the intendants, secretaries, and collectors for government. The head of their clas is writer to the principal chief; but they are all hated by the Turks to whom they are slaves, as well as by the peasants whom they oppress. Their language bears a great resemblance to the Greek; but they have five letters in their alphabet, as well as a number of words in their language, which may be considered as the remains of the ancient Egyptian. They are found to bear a near resemblance to the dialects of some of the neighbouring nations, as the Arabic, Ethiopian, Syriac, &c. and even of those who lived on the banks of the Euphrates. The language of the Copts, however, has fallen into disuse for upwards of 300 years. On the conquest of the country by the Saracens, the latter obliged the people to learn their language; and about the year 722 the use of the Greek tongue was prohibited throughout the whole of their empire: the Arabic language then of course became universal; while the others, being only met with in books, soon became totally neglected. The true Coptic, therefore, though there is a translation of the scriptures and many books of devotion written in it, is understood by nobody, not even the monks and priests.

III. The Turks, who have the title of being masters of Egypt, but are chiefly to be met with at Cairo, where they possess the religious and military employments. Formerly they possessed also the posts under government; but these are now occupied by the fourth race of inhabitants, viz.

IV. The Mamlouks. Of the origin of these we have already given some account: we have only, therefore, to relate some of the most remarkable particulars concerning their constitution and government, manners, &c.

These people, as has already been mentioned, are the real masters of Egypt; and in order to secure themselves in the possession of the country, they have taken several precautions. One of the principal of these is the degradation of the two military corps of azabs and janizaries, both of which were formerly very formidable. They have been able to effect this only in consequence of the corrupt and wretched government of the Turks; for before the revolt of Ibrahim Kiaya, the Turkish troops, which ought to have consisted of 40,000, were reduced to less than half that number through the avarice and malversation of their officers. Their degradation was completed by Ali Bey; who having first displaced all the officers who gave him any umbrage, left their places vacant, and so reduced the consequence of the whole, that the azabs and janizaries are now only a rabble of vagabonds, who dread the Mamlouks as much as the meanest of the populace. The principal body of the Mamlouks reside at Cairo; but many of them are dispersed through the country, in order to keep up their authority, collect the tribute, and oppress the people: yet it should seem very easy for the Porte to dispossess them of this usurped authority, as their number is supposed not to exceed 8500, including among these a great many youth under 20 years of age.

The Mamlouks are all horsemen; and as war is accounted the only honourable employment among them, it is reckoned disgraceful to walk on foot, none but cavalry being accounted soldiers. The other inhabitants are allowed only the use of mules and asses; and the same mark of indignity is imposed upon Europeans; though, by proper management and liberal presents, this may be got over. In the year 1776 lord Algernon Percy afterwards lord Louvaine, and the earl of Charlemont, obtained permission to ride upon horseback. The Mamlouks, however, are not incited to this continual appearance on horseback merely by their supposed superiority to the rest of the inhabitants; it is rendered necessary by their dres, which is extremely unwieldy and cumbersome. It consists of a wide absurd shirt of thin yellowish-coloured cotton; over which is tied a gown of Indian linen, or some of the light stuffs of Damascus or Aleppo. Over this is a second covering of the same form and width, with sleeves reaching down to the ends of the fingers. The former covering is called antari, and the latter caftan. The caftan is usually made of silk or some finer stuff than the under garments; and both of them are fastened by a long belt, which divides the whole dres into two bundles. Over all these they have a third, named djouha, consisting of cloth without lining, and made nearly similar to the others, but that the sleeves are cut in the elbow. This coat is lined, sometimes even in summer, with fur; and as if all this was not sufficient, they have an outer covering called the beniche, which is the cloak or robe of ceremony; and so completely covers the body, that even the ends of the fingers are not to be seen. Thus, when the beniche and other accoutrements are on, the whole body appears like a long sack, with a bare neck and bald head covered with a turban thrust out of it. This turban is called a kaouk; and is of a cylindrical form, yellow, and turned up on the outside with a roll of muslin artificially folded up. On their feet they have a fock of yellow leather reaching up to the heels, slippers without any quarters, which consequently are always ready to be left behind in walking. Lastly, to complete this extraordinary dres, they have a kind of pantaloon or trousers, long enough to reach up to the chin, and so large that each of the legs is big enough to contain the whole body; but that they may walk more at their ease under such a number of impediments, they tie all the loose parts of their dres with a running girth.

Thus swaddled (says M. Volney), we may imagine the Mamlouks are not very active walkers; and those who are not acquainted by experience with the prejudices of different countries, will find it scarcely possible to believe that they look on this dres as exceedingly commodious. In vain we may object that it hinders them from walking, and encumbers them unnecessarily on horseback; and that in battle a horseman once dismounted is a lost man. They reply, "It is the custom, and every objection is answered."

In the accoutrements of their horses, the Mamlouks are almost equally absurd. The saddle is a clumsy piece of furniture, weighing with the saddle-cloths not less than than 25 pounds; while the weight of the stirrups is never less than 9 or 10 pounds, nay, frequently exceeds 13. On the back-part of the saddle rises a tru- fequin about eight inches in height, while a pummel before projects four or five inches, in such a manner as to endanger the break of the horseman if he should happen to stoop. Instead of a stuffed frame, they have three thick woollen coverings below the saddle; the whole being fastened by a surcingle, which, instead of a buckle, is tied with leather thongs in very complicated knots, and liable to slip. Instead of a crupper they have a large martingale which throws them upon the horse's shoulders. The stirrups are made of copper, longer and wider than the foot, having circular edges an inch high in the middle, and gradually declining toward each end. The edges are sharp, and used instead of spurs, by which means the poor animal's sides are much wounded. The weight of the furniture has already been mentioned; and is the more ridiculous as the Egyptian horses are very small. The bridle is equally ill contrived, and greatly injures the horse's mouth, especially by reason of the violent method they have of managing the animal. Their usual way is to put the horse to a full gallop, and suddenly stop him when at full speed. Thus checked by the bit, he bends in his hind legs, stiffens the fore ones, and moves along as if he scarce had joints in his body: yet notwithstanding all those disadvantages, our author acknowledges that they are vigorous horsemen, having a martial appearance which pleases even strangers.

In the choice of their arms they have shown themselves more judicious. Their principal weapon is an English carbine about 30 inches long; but so large in the bore, that it can discharge 10 or 12 balls at a time, which can scarce fail of doing great execution even from the most unskillful hand. Besides two large pistols carried in the belt, they have sometimes a heavy mace at the bow of the saddle for knocking down their enemy; and by the shoulder-belt they suspend a crooked sabre measuring 24 inches in a straight line from the hilt to the point, but 30 at least in the curve. The reason of the preference given to the crooked blade is, that the effect of a straight one depends merely on the force with which it falls, and is confined to a small space, but that of a crooked one is continued longer by the action of the arm in retiring. The Mamlouks commonly procure their sabres from Constantinople, or other parts of Europe; but the beys rival each other in those of Persia and such as are fabricated of the ancient steel of Damascus. For these they frequently pay as high as 40l. or 50l. Sterling; but though it must be allowed that the edge of these weapons is exquisitely keen, yet they have the defect of being almost as brittle as glaives. The whole education and employment of the Mamlouks consists in the exercise of their weapons, or what is conducive to it; so that we should imagine they might at last become altogether irresistible. Every morning the greater part of them exercise themselves in a plain near Cairo, by firing their carbines and pistols in the most expeditious manner, having an earthen vessel for a mark to shoot at; and the person who breaks it is highly applauded by the beys who attend in order to encourage them. Here also they exercise themselves in the use of the sabre, as well as of the bow and arrows; though they do not any longer make use of these last in their engagements. Their favourite diversion is throwing the djerid; a word properly signifying a reed, but which is generally made use of to signify any staff thrown by the hand after the manner of the Roman pilum. In this exercise they make use of the branches of the palm-tree fresh stripped. These branches, which have the form of the stalk of an artichoke, are about four feet long, and weigh five or six pounds. With these the cavaliers enter the lists, riding full speed, and throwing them afterwards at each other from a considerable distance. As soon as the assailant has thrown his weapon, he turns his horse, and his antagonist pursues in his turn. The diversion, however, frequently turns out very serious, as some are capable of throwing these weapons with force sufficient to wound their antagonists mortally. Ali Bey was particularly dexterous at this kind of sport, and frequently killed those who opposed him. All these military exercises, however, are by no means sufficient to render the Mamlouks formidable in the field. In their engagements they have neither order, discipline, nor even subordination; so that their wars are only scenes of robbery, plunder, and tumultuary encounters, which begin very often suddenly in the streets of Cairo without the least warning. If the contention happens to be transferred to the country, it is still carried on in the same manner. The strongest or most daring party pursues the other. If they are equal in courage, they will perhaps appoint a field of battle, and that without the least regard to advantages of situation, but fighting in platoons, with the boldest champions at the head of each. After mutual defiance the attack begins, and every one chooses out his man. After discharging their fire-arms, if they have an opportunity they attack with their sabres; and such as happen to be dismounted are helped up again by their servants; but if nobody happens to be near, the servants will frequently kill them for the sake of the money they carry about them. Of late, however, the ordinary Mamlouks, who are all slaves to the rest, seem convinced that their patrons are the persons principally interested; for which reason they reasonably enough conclude that they ought to encounter the greatest dangers. Hence they generally leave them to carry on the dispute by themselves; and being always sure of finding a matter who will employ them, they generally return quietly to Cairo until some new revolution takes place.

The mode of living among the Mamlouks is exceedingly expensive, as may easily be conceived from what has already been related. There is not one of them who does not cost above 100l. Sterling annually, and many of them upwards of 200l. At every return of the fast of Ramadan, their masters must give them a new suit of French and Venetian cloths, with stuffs from India and Damascus. Frequently they require new horses and harnesses; they must likewise have pistols and sabres from Damascus, with gilt stirrups, and saddles and bridles plated with silver. The chiefs are distinguished from the vulgar by the trinkets and precious stones they wear; by riding Arabian horses of 200l. or 300l. value, wearing shawls of Cashmere in value from 25l. to 50l. each, with a variety of pelisses, the cheapest of which costs above 20l. Even the European merchants have given into this kind of extravagance. wagance; so that not one of them looks upon his war- dobe to be decently furnished unless it be in value 500l. or 600l.

Anciently it was customary for the women to adorn their heads with sequins; but this is now rejected as not sufficiently expensive. Instead of these, diamonds, emeralds, and rubies, are now substituted; and to these they add French stuffs and laces. In other respects the character of the Mamlouks is almost the worst that can be imagined. Without affection, tie, or connection with each other or with the rest of man- kind, they give themselves up without control to the most enormous vices; and, according to M. Volney, they are at once ferocious, perfidious, seditious, base, deceitful, and corrupted by every species of debauchery, not excepting even the unnatural vice; of which he tells us not one is free, this being the very first lesson each of them receives from his master, all being originally slaves, as has already been mentioned.

As these are the present governors of Egypt, we may easily judge that the condition of the common people cannot be very agreeable. The greater part of the lands indeed are in the hands of the Mamlouks, beys, and professors of the law, the property of all others being very precarious. Contributions are to be paid, or damages repaired, every moment; and there is neither right of succession nor inheritance for real property, but everything must be purchased from go- vernment. The peasants are allowed nothing but what is barely sufficient to sustain life. They cultivate rice and corn indeed, but are not at liberty to use either. The only food allowed them is dora or Indian millet, from which they make a kind of taffeta bread; and of this, with water and raw onions, consists all their fare throughout the year. They esteem themselves happy, therefore, if along with these they can sometimes procure a little honey, cheese, sour milk, or a few dates. They are very fond of flesh meat and fat; nei- ther of which, however, they have an opportunity of taking except at extraordinary festivals. Their ordi- nary dress consists of a shirt of coarse blue linen, and a clumsy black cloak; with a sort of black bonnet over their heads; and over all they wear a long red woollen handkerchief. Their arms, legs, and breasts, are naked, and most of them do not even wear draw- ers. They live in mud-walled huts of the most miser- able construction, where they are exposed to the in- conveniences of smoke, heat, and unwholesome air; to all which are to be added the continual fears they live in of being robbed by the Arabs, oppressed by the Mamlouks, or some other grievous calamity. The on- ly conversation is concerning the intestine troubles and misery of the country, murders, banditti, and execu- tions. Here sentence of death is executed without the least delay or form of trial. The officers who go the rounds in the streets either by night or day, are attended by executioners, who carry along with them leather bags for receiving the heads they cut off in these expeditions. Even the appearance of guilt is not necessary to infer a capital punishment; for fre- quently nothing more is requisite than the possession of wealth, or being supposed to possess it. In this case the unfortunate person is summoned before some bey; and when he makes his appearance, a sum of money is demanded of him. If he denies that he possesses it, he is thrown on his back, and receives two or three hundred blows on the soles of his feet, nay perhaps is put to death without any ceremony. The only security of those who possess any wealth in this country there- fore is, to preserve as great an appearance of poverty as possible.

Though the climate of Egypt is far from being un- healthy; yet there are not a few diseases which seem to prevalent be peculiar to it, and to have their origin either from the constitution of the atmosphere, or the manner of living of the inhabitants. One of these till lately has been supposed to be the plague; which opinion we find supported by Dr Mead, who has endeavoured to assign a natural reason why it should take its origin in this country. But it is now universally agreed, that the plague never originates in the interior parts of E- gypt, but always begins at Alexandria, passing succes- sively from thence to Rosetta, Cairo, Damietta, and the rest of the Delta. It is likewise observed, that its appearance is always preceded by the arrival of some vessel from Smyrna or Constantinople; and that, if the plague has been very violent in either of these cities, the danger to Egypt is the greater. On proper in- quiry, it is found to be really a native of Constantinople; from whence it is exported by the absurd negligence of the Turks, who refuse to take any care to prevent the spreading of the infection. As they fell even the clothes of the dead without the least ceremony, and ships laden with this pernicious commodity are sent to Alexandria, it is no wonder that it should soon make its appearance there. As soon as it has reached Cairo, the European merchants shut themselves up with their families in their khans or lodgings, taking care to have no further communication with the city. Their provi- sions are now deposited at the gate of the khan, and are taken up by the porter with iron tongs; who plunges them into a barrel of water provided for the purpose. If they have occasion to speak to any per- son, they take care to keep at such a distance as to avoid touching or even breathing upon each other. By these precautions they certainly escape the general calamity, except by accident; and it not long ago happened that the disease was conveyed by a cat into the dwellings of the French merchants in Cairo; by which two were infected, and one died. In this man- ner they are imprisoned for three or four months, without any other amusement than walking on their terraces in the evenings, cards, or conversation with one another. There is a remarkable difference betwixt the plague at Constantinople and in Egypt. In the former, it is most violent in summer; and in the latter in winter, ending there always in the month of June. It is also remarkable, that the water-carriers of Egypt, whose backs are constantly wet from the nature of their occupation, never have the plague. It ap- pears in Egypt every fourth or fifth year, when it makes such ravages as would depopulate the country, were it not for the vast concourse of strangers which arrive here every year from all parts of the Turkish empire.

A malady which seems in reality to be peculiar to Egypt is blindness. This is so common at Cairo, as M. Volney informs us, that out of 100 people whom he has met on the street, he might reckon 20 quite blind; 10 without the sight of one eye; and 20 oth- ers with their eyes red, purulent, or blemished. Almost every one, says he, wears a fillet, a token of an approaching or convalescent ophthalmic. In considering the causes of this disorder, he reckons the sleeping upon terraces to be a principal one. The south wind, he says, cannot be the cause; otherwise the Bedouins would be equally subject to it with the Egyptians themselves: but what is with the greatest probability to be assigned as the cause, according to our author, is the very poor and little nutritive food which the natives are obliged to use. "The cheese, sour milk, honey, confection of grapes, green fruits, and raw vegetables (says he), which are the ordinary food of the people, produce in the stomach a disorder which physicians have observed to affect the sight; the raw onions, especially, which they devour in great quantities, have a peculiar heating quality, as the monks of Syria made me remark on myself. Bodies thus nourished, abound in corrupted humours, which are constantly endeavouring a discharge. Diverted from the ordinary channels, by habitual perspiration, these humours fly to the exterior parts, and fix themselves where they find the least resistance. They therefore naturally attack the head, because the Egyptians, by shaving it once a week, and covering it with a prodigiously hot head-dress, principally attract to it the perspiration; and if the head receives ever so slight an impression of cold on being uncovered, this perspiration is suppressed, and falls upon the teeth, or still more readily on the eyes as being the tenderest part. It will appear the more probable that the excessive perspiration of the head is a principal cause, when we reflect that the ancient Egyptians, who went bare-headed, are not mentioned by physicians as being so much afflicted with ophthalmies; though we are informed by historians that some of the Pharaohs died blind. The Arabs of the desert also, who cover the head but little, especially when young, are also very little subject to them."

In this country blindness is often the consequence of the small-pox, a disorder very frequent and very fatal among the Egyptians; and no doubt the more dangerous on account of their absurd method of treating it, of which it is needless to enter into any discussion in this place. They are not unacquainted with inoculations but seem not to be sensible of its advantages, as they very seldom practise it.

To the same cause, viz., unwholesome food, M. Volney ascribes the general deformity of the beggars, and the miserable appearance of the children; which he says are no where so wretched. "Their hollow eyes, pale and puffed faces, swollen bellies, meagre extremities, and yellow skins, make them always seem as if they had not long to live. Their ignorant mothers pretend that this is the effect of the evil eye of some envious person, who has bewitched them; and this ancient prejudice is still general in Turkey; but the real cause is the badness of their food. In spite of the talismans, therefore, an incredible number of them perish; nor is any city more fatal to the population of the neighbouring country than Grand Cairo."

The venereal disease, which, for reasons best known to themselves, the inhabitants call the blest evil, is so general at Cairo, that one half of the inhabitants are infected. It is extremely difficult to cure, though the symptoms are comparatively very mild, insomuch that people who are infected with it will frequently live to the age of 80; but it is fatal to children born with the infection, and exceedingly dangerous to such as emigrate to a colder climate.

Besides these, there are two uncommon diseases met with in Egypt, viz., a cutaneous eruption which returns annually; and a swelling of the testicles, which often degenerates into an enormous hydrocele. The former comes on towards the end of June or beginning of July, making its appearance in red spots and pimples all over the body, occasioning a very troublesome itching. The cause of this distemper, in M. Volney's opinion, is the corruption of the waters of the Nile, which towards the end of April become very putrid, as has already been observed. After this has been drunk for some time, the waters of the inundation, which are fresh and wholesome, tend to introduce some change in the blood and humours; whence a cutaneous eruption is the natural consequence.

The hydrocele most commonly attacks the Greeks and Copts; and is attributed to the quantity of oil they make use of, as well as to their frequent hot-bathing. Our author remarks, that "in Syria as well as in Egypt, constant experience has shown, that brandy distilled from common figs, or from the fruit of the sycamore tree, as well as from dates and the fruit of the nopal, has a most immediate effect on the testicles, which it renders hard and painful the third or fourth day after it has been drunk; and if the use of it be not discontinued, the disorder degenerates into a confirmed hydrocele. Brandy distilled from dried raisins has not the same effect: this is always mixed with aniseeds; and is very strong, being distilled three times. The Christians of Syria and the Copts of Egypt make great use of it; the latter especially drink whole bottles of it at their supper. I imagined this an exaggeration; but I have myself had ocular proofs of its truth, though nothing could equal my astonishment that such excesses do not produce instant death, or at least every symptom of the most inflexible drunkenness."

In the spring season malignant fevers prevail in this country; concerning which our author mentions no remarkable particular, but that eggs are a kind of poison, and that bleeding is very prejudicial. He recommends a vegetable diet, and the bark in very large quantity.

Notwithstanding the oppression which the Egyptians labour under, a very considerable trade is carried on from Cairo. This flourishing state of commerce in the midst of the most desperate barbarity and despotism, is owing to three causes. 1. That all the commodities consumed in Egypt are collected within the walls of that city. 2. That the Mamlouks and all the people of property reside in that place, and there spend their whole revenues. 3. By the situation of this city it is a centre of circulation; corresponding with Arabia and India, by the Red Sea; with Abyssinia and the interior parts of Africa, by the Nile; and with Europe and the Turkish empire, by means of the Mediterranean. A caravan comes here annually from Abyssinia, bringing from 1000 to 1200 slaves, with gum, ivory, gold-dust, ostrich-feathers, parrots, and monkeys.—Another, which sets out from the extreme parts of Morocco, takes in pilgrims for Mecca from all that country as far south as the mouth of the river Senegal. It consists of not fewer than three or four thousand camels; mels; and, passing along the coasts of the Mediterranean, collects likewise the pilgrims from Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis, arriving at last at Alexandria by the way of the desert. Proceeding thence to Cairo, it joins the Egyptian caravan; and then setting out both together, they take their journey to Mecca, from whence they return in one hundred days; but the Morocco pilgrims, who have still 600 leagues to go, are upwards of a year in returning. The commodities they bring along with them are, India stuffs, thawls, gums, perfumes, pearls, and principally coffee. Besides the profits of this merchandize, considerable sums arise from the duties paid by pilgrims, and the sums expended by them.

The caravans above mentioned are not the only means by which these commodities are brought to Cairo. They arrive also at Suez, to which port the southerly winds bring in the month of May six or eight and twenty sail of vessels from Jedda. Small caravans likewise arrive from time to time from Damascus with silk and cotton stuffs, oils, and dried fruits. During the proper season there are also a number of vessels in the road of Damietta, unloading hogheads of tobacco from Latakia, vast quantities of which are consumed in this country. For this commodity rice is taken in exchange; while other vessels bring clothing, arms, furs, passengers, and wrought silk from Constantinople. There are other vessels which come from Marseilles, Leghorn, and Venice, with cloths, cochineal, Lyons stuffs and laces, grocery ware, paper, iron, lead, Venetian sequins, and German dahlers. These are conveyed to Rosetta in barks called by M. Volney djerm, but which seem to be the same mentioned by Mr Bruce under the name of canja, and which are particularly described by him. He informs us, that there is a peculiarity in the form of this vessel which makes it useful for navigating the river Nile; and that is, that the keel is not straight, but a portion of a parabola, whose curve is almost invisible to the eye. Hence, as sand-banks are very common in the Nile, and vessels are apt to strike them when the water becomes low, the middle of the canja will be aground while the extremities are afloat; and thus by means of oars and other affixtures, it is always possible to get clear; but were the keel straight, this would be altogether impossible, by reason of the vast sails those vessels carry, which would urge them on with too much force to be recovered. The accommodation on board those vessels is much better than what could be expected; but they are liable to the depredations of robbers, who either swim under water in the daytime, or upon goatskins during the night; though these seldom attack any boats where there are Europeans, whom they dread on account of their skill in fire-arms.

From so many sources we need not wonder that the commerce of Cairo should be in a very flourishing state. In 1783, according to the report of the commissioner-general of the customs, it amounted to no less than £250,000l. but notwithstanding this show of wealth, the trade carried on at Cairo contributes very little to the enriching of the people. This will readily appear, when we consider, that great part of the coffee and other merchandise brought from India is exported to foreign countries, the value being paid in goods from Turkey and other European countries; while the country consumption consists entirely, or mostly, in articles of luxury already finished, and the produce given in return is mostly in raw materials.

Schemes have frequently been projected of enlarging the commerce of Egypt by cutting through the Isthmus of Suez, and thus joining the Mediterranean and Red Seas by a canal. This is looked upon by M. Volney as impracticable. He owns, indeed, that no objection can arise from the distance, which is not more than 18 or 19 leagues; neither does any obstacle arise from mountains, or the inequality of levels, the whole being a sandy barren plain. The difficulty, which he considers as insuperable, proceeds from the nature of the corresponding coasts of the Mediterranean and Red Seas; both of which are low and sandy, where the water forms lakes, shoals, and morasses, so that ships cannot come within a considerable distance of either; and it would be scarce possible to cut a permanent canal amidst these shifting sands: not to mention, that the shore is destitute of harbours, which must be entirely the work of art. The country, besides, has not a drop of fresh water; which it would therefore be necessary to bring as far as from the Nile. The best method of effecting this junction therefore is by means of the river itself; and for this the ground is perfectly well calculated. This has been already done by several Egyptian princes, particularly Schoftris; and the canal is said to have been 170 feet wide, and deep enough for large vessels. After the Grecian conquest it was renewed by the Ptolemies, then by Trajan, and lately by the Arabs. Part of it still remains, running from Cairo to the north-east of the Berket-el-Hady, or Lake of the Pilgrims, where it loses itself. At present the commerce with Suez is only carried on by means of caravans, which set out towards the end of April or beginning of May, or in the months of July and August; waiting the arrival of the vessels, and setting out on their departure. The caravans are very numerous; that with which M. Volney travelled consisting of 5000 or 6000 men and 3000 camels. The country is as desert and barren as possible, without a single tree or the smallest spot of verdure; so that every necessary for those who accompany the caravan must be carried on the backs of the camels, wood and water not excepted.

The custom-houses of Egypt are in the hands of the Christians of Syria. Formerly they were managed by Jews; but these were completely ruined by the extortions of Ali Bey in 1769. The Syrian Christians came from Damascus somewhat more than 50 years ago; and having by their economy and industry gained possession of the most important branches of commerce, they were at length enabled to form the custom-houses, which is an office of great consequence. There were at first only three or four families of them; but their number has since increased to more than 500, and they are reckoned very opulent.

From what has already been said concerning the state of the Egyptians, we may naturally conclude, that the arts and all kinds of learning are at a very low ebb among them. Even the most simple of the mechanical professions are still in a state of infancy. The work of their cabinet-makers, gunsmiths, and locksmiths, is extremely clumsy. There are manufactures of gunpowder and sugar; but the quality of both are very indifferent. The only thing in which they can be said to arrive at any degree of perfection is the manu- Egyptians facture of silk stuffs; though even these are far less highly finished than those of Europe, and likewise bear a much higher price. One very extraordinary art indeed is still extant among the Egyptians, and appears to have existed in that country from the most remote antiquity; and that is a power of enchanting the most deadly serpents in such a manner, that they shall allow themselves to be handled, nay even hurt in the severest manner, without offering to bite the person who injures them. Those who have this art are named PSYLLI; to which article we refer for an account of what has been said on the subject by ancient and modern travellers.

For a description of those stupendous and almost indestructible monuments of human grandeur, the pyramids, so often taken notice of and described by travellers; see the article PYRAMIDS.