the southern division of the island of Great Britain. Including Wales, it is of a triangular form, and lies between the 50th and 55th degrees of north latitude, extending about 400 miles in length from south to north, and in some places it is 300 miles in breadth. It is bounded by Scotland on the north; by the English Channel on the south, dividing it from France; by the German Sea on the east; and on the west by St George's, or the Irish Channel.

At what time the island of Britain was peopled is Whence uncertain; nor do we know whether the southern or northern parts were first inhabited. We have no accounts that can be depended upon before the arrival of Julius Cesar, and it is certain he found the southern parts full of people of a very warlike disposition. These people, according to Cesar, were a colony of the Gauls; and this opinion is embraced by most of the ancient as well as modern writers. It is chiefly founded on the agreement observed by the Romans between the two nations in their customs, manners, language, religion, government, way of fighting, &c. The more northern inhabitants, according to Tacitus, England, came from Germany. This he infers from the make of their limbs; but Cæsar simply calls them Aborigines.

Inhabited by 17 different nations.

England, including the principality of Wales, when first invaded by the Romans, was divided into 17 petty states. 1. The Danmonii, called also Dunmonii and Domnonii, inhabiting the counties of Cornwall and Devonshire. 2. The Durotriges, who inhabited the track now called Dorsetshire. 3. The Belgae possessed Somersetshire, Wiltshire, and Hampshire. 4. The Atrebati, or inhabitants of Berkshire. 5. The Regni, whose country bordered on that of the Atrebati, and comprehended Surrey, Sussex, and part of the sea-coast of Hampshire. 6. The Cantii, inhabiting the county now called Kent. 7. The Dobuni are placed by Ptolemy on the north side of the Thames, near its head, in the counties of Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire. 8. The Cattieuchlani, Calyceuchlani, Cattidudani, or Caithedulani, inhabited Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, and Hertfordshire. 9. The Trinobantes, who possessed the counties of Essex and Middlesex. 10. The Iceni, whose country comprehended Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdonshire. These are by Ptolemy called Simeni, and by others Tigenci. Camden is of opinion, that they were the same whom Cæsar calls Cenomagni. 11. The Coritani, whose country comprehended Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, Rutlandshire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Derbyshire. 12. The Cornavii possessed Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Cheshire. 13. The Silures inhabited the counties of Radnorshire, Brecknockshire, Glamorganshire, with Herefordshire and Monmouthshire. 14. The Demetae inhabited part of Carnarvonshire, Pembrokeshire, and Cardiganshire. 15. The country of the Ordovices comprehended Montgomeryshire, Merionethshire, Caernarvonshire, Denbighshire, and Flintshire. 16. The Brigantes possessed the countries of Yorkshire, the bishopric of Durham, Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. 17. The county of Northumberland was held by the Ottadini, Ottadeni, or Ottalini. Their country, according to some, reached from the Tine to the river Forth; though the most common opinion is, that it reached only to the Tweed.

The above-mentioned names of these nations are plainly Roman, but the etymology of them is not easily ascertained. Some attempt to derive them from words in the Old British language; but as this subject at best must be very obscure and uncertain, we shall not enter into it.

Before the time of Julius Cæsar, the Romans had scarcely any knowledge of Britain; but that conqueror having subdued most of the Gallic nations on the opposite side of the channel, began to think of extending his conquests by the reduction of Britain. The motive for this expedition, ascribed to him by Suetonius, was a desire of enriching himself by the British pearls, which were then very much esteemed. The pretence, however, which he made use of in order to justify his invasion was, that the Britons had sent assistance to the Gauls during his wars with them.

Cæsar undertook his first expedition against Britain when the summer was already far spent, and therefore he did not expect to finish the conquest of the country that campaign. He thought, however, that it would be a considerable advantage to view the island, and learn something of the manners and customs of the natives; after which he could more easily take such measures as would ensure a permanent conquest on his return. Having marched all his forces into the country of the Morini, now the province of Picardy, from whence was the shortest passage into Britain; he ordered at the same time all the vessels that lay in the neighbouring ports, and a fleet which he had built the year before for an expedition against the Morini, to attend him. The Britons, alarmed at his preparations, sent ambassadors with offers of submission; but Cæsar, though he received them with great kindness, did not abandon his intended scheme of an invasion. He waited till the arrival of C. Volusenus, whom he had sent out with a single galley to make discoveries on the coast. Volusenus did not think proper to land; but, having made what observations he could, returned after five days absence, and Cæsar immediately set sail for Britain. His force consisted of two legions embarked on board 80 transports; and he appointed 18 more which lay wind-bound about eight miles off, to convey over the cavalry; but these last orders were too slowly executed, which occasioned some difficulty in his landing.

The Britons at this time, according to Cæsar and other Roman historians, were very numerous, and had customs &c. of the Britons.

Their houses resembled those of the Gauls; and they used copper or iron plates weighed by a certain standard instead of money. Their towns were a confused parcel of huts placed at a small distance from one another, generally in the middle of a wood, to which all the avenues were slightly guarded with ramparts of earth, or with trees. All the nations were in a state of the most wretched barbarism, even when compared with the barbarous Gauls on the continent. The use of clothes was scarce known in the island. Only the inhabitants of the southern coast covered their nakedness with the skins of wild beasts; and this rather to avoid giving offence to the strangers who came to trade with them, than out of any principle of decency. It was a general custom among the Britons to paint their bodies with the juice of woad; but whether this was designed as ornament, or for any other purpose, is not known. They shaved their beards, all except their upper lip, and wore long hair. They also had their wives in common, a custom which made them detectable to all other nations.

The arms of the Britons were a sword, a short lance, and a shield. Breast-plates and helmets they looked upon rather to be incumbrances, and therefore made no use of them. They usually fought in chariots, some of which were armed with scythes at the wheels; they were fierce and cruel, and exceedingly blood-thirsty. When driven to distress, they could subsist themselves even on the bark and roots of trees; and Dio Cassius tells us, that they had ready, on all occasions, a certain kind of food, of which, if they took but the quantity of a bean, they were not troubled with hunger or thirst for a considerable time after. The southerners, however, were somewhat more civilized; and the Cantii, or inhabitants of Kent, more so than any of the rest.

All the British nations at this time were very brave and resolute, owing to the continual dissensions among themselves. They proved therefore very formidable enemies to the Romans; but the same dissensions which had taught them the art of war, also prevented them from uniting in the defence of their country. As soon as they perceived Cæsar's fleet approaching, a number of cavalry and chariots were dispatched to oppose his landing, while a considerable body of infantry hastened after. What chiefly embarrassed the Romans in their attempt to land, was the largeness of their ships, which required a considerable depth of water. The soldiers therefore were obliged to leap into the sea while loaded with their armour; and at the same time to encounter the enemy, who were quite disengaged, as they either stood on dry ground, or waded but a little way into the water. Cæsar perceiving this disadvantage, ordered his galleys to advance, with their broad sides towards the shore, in order to drive the Britons from the water-side with their slings and arrows. On this the Britons, surprised at the galleys, a sort of shipping they had never before seen, began to give ground. The fight, however, continued for some time, greatly to the disadvantage of the Romans; till at last Cæsar, observing the distress of his men, caused several boats to be manned, and sent them to the assistance of those who were most exposed to the enemy's assault. The Romans then soon got the better of the undisciplined barbarians, however brave, and made good their landing; but they were unable to pursue the enemy for want of cavalry, which had not yet arrived.

The Britons were so disheartened with this bad success, that they immediately sent ambassadors to sue for peace; which was granted, on condition of their delivering a certain number of hostages for their fidelity. Part of these they brought immediately; and promised to return in a few days with the rest, who, they said, lived at some distance. But, in the mean time, the transports which carried Cæsar's cavalry, being driven back by a violent storm, and the fleet which lay in the road being greatly damaged by the same, the Britons thought proper to break their engagements. Having therefore privately assembled their forces, they fell unexpectedly on the seventh legion while at a distance from the rest and busied in foraging. Cæsar being apprised of their danger, hastened to their assistance with two cohorts, and at last repulsed the enemy.—This, however, proved only a temporary deliverance; for the Britons, thinking it would be possible for them to cut off all the Romans at once, dispatched messengers to inform several of the neighbouring nations of the weakness of the enemy's forces, and the happy opportunity that offered itself of destroying all these invaders at one blow.—On this, they drew together a great body of horse and foot, which boldly advanced to the Roman intrenchments. But Cæsar came out to meet them; and the undisciplined Britons being by no means able to cope with the Romans, were put to flight with great slaughter. Having burnt several towns and villages, the victors returned to their camp, where they were soon followed by new deputies from the Britons. Cæsar being in want of horse, and afraid lest another storm should destroy the remainder of his fleet, granted them peace, on condition of their sending him double the number of hostages into Gaul which they had before promised. The same night he set sail, and soon arrived safe in Gaul.

The Britons no sooner perceived the Romans gone, than, as before, they broke through their engagements. Of all the states who had promised to send hostages, only two performed their promises; and this neglect provoked Cæsar, that he determined to return the year following with a far greater force. Ha, Cæsar relying, therefore, caused his old vessels to be refitted, and a great many new ones to be built, he arrived off the coast of Britain with a fleet of 600 ships and 28 galleys. The Britons made no opposition to his landing; but Cæsar, getting intelligence that an army was assembled at no great distance, marched in quest of them. He found them encamped on the banks of a river, supposed to be the Stour, about 12 miles distant from the place where he had landed. They attempted to oppose his passage; but being briskly attacked by the Roman cavalry, they were obliged to retire into a wood, all the avenues of which were blocked up by trees cut down for that purpose. This fortification, however, proved insufficient to protect them. The Britons, seventh legion having cast themselves into a testudo, and thrown up a mound against their works, drove them from their asylum; but as the day was far spent, a pursuit was not thought advisable.

Next morning Cæsar, with the greatest part of his army, which he divided into three bodies, marched out in quest of the enemy. But when he was already come in sight of their rear, he was overtaken by messengers, who informed him, that his fleet was greatly damaged by a violent storm which had happened the preceding night. This put an end to the pursuit for that time; but Cæsar having employed all the carpenters he had with him, and sent for others from Gaul, in order to repair the damage, resolved to prevent misfortunes of this kind for the future. He therefore drew all his ships ashore, and inclosed them within the fortifications of his camp. This arduous undertaking employed his whole army for 10 days; after which he again set out in quest of the enemy.

The Britons had made the best use they could of the respite afforded them by the storm. They were headed by Cassibelanus king of the Trinobantes. He had formerly made war upon his neighbours; and having rendered himself terrible to them, was looked upon to be the most proper person for leading them on against the common enemy; and as several states had now joined their forces, the British army was very numerous. Their cavalry and chariots attacked the Roman army while on their march; but were repulsed with loss, and driven into the woods. The Romans pursued them too eagerly, and thus lost some of their own men; which encouraged the Britons to make another fierce attack; but in this also they were finally unsuccessful, and obliged to retire, though their loss seems not to have been great.

Next day the Britons suddenly attacked the Roman legions as they were foraging; but meeting with a vigorous resistance, they soon betook themselves to flight. The Romans pursued them so closely, that having neither time to rally nor get down from their chariots according to custom, great numbers of them were cut in pieces; and this overthrow had such an effect upon the auxiliaries... England. auxiliaries of Cassibelaunus, that all of them abandoned him; nor did the Britons ever afterwards engage Caesar with united forces. Caesar, pursuing his victory, marched towards the Thames, with a design to cross that river, and enter the territories of the Trinobantes. The river was fordable only at one place, and that not without great difficulty; but when he came to it, he found the enemy's forces drawn up in a considerable body on the opposite bank, which was fortified with sharp stakes. They had likewise driven many flares of the same kind into the bottom of the river, the tops of which were covered with water. These flares are visible to this day at a place called Walton in Surrey. They are made of oak; and though they have been so long in the water, are as hard as Brazil, and as black as jet; and have sometimes been pulled out in order to make knife-handles of them.

Caesar was not at all dismayed at these difficulties, but he had intelligence of prisoners and deserters. He ordered the cavalry to enter first, and the foot to follow. His orders were obeyed, and the soldiers advanced with such resolution, that though the infantry were up to the chin in water, the enemy, unable to sustain their assault, abandoned the bank and fled. After this defeat, Cassibelaunus himself despairing of success, and therefore dismissed all his forces except about 4000 chariots, with which he observed the motions of the Romans, harassing them by cutting off straggling parties, &c. This, however, was not sufficient to keep up the spirits of his countrymen. On the contrary, they deposed him from the kingdom, and chose Mandubratius, whose father had been murdered by Cassibelaunus, who thereupon usurped the kingdom. The young prince had fled to Caesar, who gave him protection; and the Trinobantes now offered to submit to the conqueror, provided he would give them Mandubratius for their king.

Caesar readily complied with the request of the Trinobantes upon their sending him 40 hostages: and the submission of the Trinobantes was soon followed by that of other states and tribes; for each of the 17 nations already mentioned were composed of several different tribes, of which no particular account can be given.—Caesar next marched to Verulanium, or Canterbury, which was Cassibelaunus's capital, and which he still kept possession of; but tho' the place was strongly fortified both by nature and art, the Britons were unable to bear the assault of the Romans, and therefore soon fled out at one of the avenues. Many were taken as they attempted to make their escape, and many more cut in pieces.

After this loss, Cassibelaunus, as his last resource, found means to draw into confederacy with him four kings of the Cantii. But though Caesar gives them the title of kings, it is probable that they were only petty princes, tributary to the king of that nation. Their names were Cingetorix, Corvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax. These, having raised what forces they could, attacked the camp where the ships were laid up: but the Romans having made a sally, repulsed them with great slaughter, and then returned to their trenches without any loss; after which, Cassibelaunus thought proper to submit to the conqueror. As the summer was already far spent, Caesar hearkened to his proposals. A peace was concluded on the following terms, viz. that the Britons should pay an annual tribute to the Romans, that Cassibelaunus should leave Mandubratius in peaceable possession of his dominions, that he should not molest the Trinobantes, and that he should deliver a certain number of hostages. These terms being agreed to, Caesar set sail with his whole fleet from Britain, to which he never returned.

Such is the account given by Caesar himself of his two expeditions into Britain; but other authors have spoken very doubtfully of his victories in this island. Dio Cassius tells us, that the Britons utterly defeated the Roman infantry, but were at last put in disorder by their cavalry. Horace and Tibullus, in many parts of their works, speak of the Britons as a people not yet conquered. Tacitus says, that Caesar rather showed the Romans the way to Britain, than put them in possession of it; and Lucan tells us plainly, that Caesar turned his back to the Britons and fled. This last, however, considering the consummate military genius of Caesar, is by no means probable. That he left Britain during the winter, was, in all probability, to prevent insurrections among the Gauls, which might very readily have happened; and that he did not return to finish his conquest can be no wonder, seeing his ambition would certainly be more gratified by being called emperor of Rome, than conqueror of Britain.

The departure of Julius Caesar, which happened about 53 years before Christ, left the Britons without any fear of a foreign enemy. We are not, therefore, to imagine, that they would regard their promises of paying tribute; nor was it probably demanded for a good number of years afterwards. Augustus, however, when he had got himself fully established on the throne, had twice a design of invading Britain and forcing the inhabitants to pay the tribute promised to Julius Caesar. Both times, however, he was prevented by revolts in different provinces in the empire, so that the Britons still continued to enjoy their liberty. They thought proper, however, to court the favour of the Romans as much as they could by pretended submissions; but, in the reign of Claudius, the Romans set about reducing them to subjection in good earnest. The occasion of why this war is related by Dio Cassius as follows. "Cu., war with nobelius, the third in succession from Cassibelaunus, was renewing dead, his two sons, Togodunnus and Caractacus, succeeded to the throne; but whether they reigned jointly or separately, is not known. In their reign one Bericus, of whom we also know very little, being driven out of the island, for attempting to raise a sedition, fled with some of his partisans to Rome, and persuaded Claudius to make war on his countrymen. The Britons, on the other hand, resented the behaviour of Claudius in receiving these vagabonds, and therefore prohibited all intercourse with the Romans. A much smaller offence than this would have been sufficient at any time to provoke that haughty nation to declare war. An army was therefore immediately ordered into Britain, under the command of Plautius praetor in Gaul. The soldiers at first refused to embark, from a superstitious notion, that they were going to be sent without the compass of the world; and this mutiny being related to the Britons, they did not make the necessary preparations for their own defence. The Roman soldiers were soon brought to a sense of their duty; and set out from three different ports, in order..." to land in three different places of Britain at once. Being driven back by contrary winds, their fears began to return; but they refused their courage on the appearance of a meteor shooting from the east, which they imagined was sent from heaven to direct their course. They landed without opposition; and the Britons, not having drawn together a sufficient army, kept in small bodies behind their marshes, and in woods, in order to spin out the war till winter; which they imagined Plautius would, like Caesar, spend in Gaul.

The Roman general marched first in quest of the two kings Togodumnus and Caractacus; both of whom he found out, and defeated one after another. He then reduced part of the Dobuni, at that time subject to the Cattieuchlani; and leaving a garrison to keep them in awe, he advanced to a river where the Britons lay carelessly encamped, supposing that the Romans could not pass it without a bridge. But the Germans in the Roman army had been accustomed to swim across the strongest currents in their heavy armour. They therefore passed the river first; and having, according to their orders, fallen only upon the enemy's horses which drew their chariots, these formidable machines were rendered entirely useless; and the Britons were put to flight as soon as another part of the forces could pass the river.

The Britons were not disheartened with this defeat, but engaged the Romans next day with great bravery. Victory continued long doubtful; but at length the Romans prevailed, and the Britons were forced to take themselves to flight. This battle is thought to have been fought on the banks of the Severn. From thence the Britons fled to the mouth of the Thames. They were closely pursued by the Romans; but the latter being unacquainted with the flats and shallows of the river, were often in great danger. The Germans, however, crossed by swimming as before, and the rest on a bridge somewhat farther up the river; so that the Britons were in a short time surrounded on all sides, and great numbers of them cut in pieces. Many of the Romans, also, pursuing the fugitives with too great eagerness, were lost in the marshes.—In one of these battles Togodumnus was killed; but the Britons were so far from being disheartened, that they showed more eagerness than ever to oppose the Romans, in order to revenge his death. Plautius, therefore, did not think proper to penetrate farther into the country, but contented himself with putting garrisons in the places he had already conquered. He then wrote to the emperor himself; who no sooner received an account of his success, than he set out for Britain; where, having landed after a short voyage, he joined Plautius on the banks of the Thames.

Soon after the arrival of Claudius, the Romans passed the Thames, attacked the British army, and totally defeated it. The consequence of this was the taking of Cunobelinus's capital, and the submission of several of the neighbouring states. The emperor, however, did not make a long stay in the island, but left Plautius to pursue his conquests. This he did with such success, that, on his return to Rome, he was met without the gates by the emperor himself, who, at his solemn entry, gave him the right hand.—The Britons seem to have made a very obstinate resistance to the Roman arms about this time. Vespasian, who was afterwards emperor, is said to have fought 30 battles with them; and the exploits of Titus his son are also much celebrated by the Roman historians.

In the ninth year of Claudius, P. Ostorius Scapula was sent into Britain. By far the greater part of the nations formerly mentioned were at this time unconquered. Some of these had broken into the Roman territories; but Ostorius falling unexpectedly upon them, put great numbers to the sword, and dispersed the rest. To prevent them for the future from making incursions into the territories of the Romans or their allies, he built several forts on the Severn, the Avon, and the Nen, reducing the country south of these rivers to a Roman province. This so highly offended the Iceni, that, being joined by the neighbouring nations, they raised a considerable army, and encamped in an advantageous situation, in order to prevent the Romans from penetrating farther into the island. Ostorius, however, soon advanced against them. The Romans, as usual, got the victory, and the enemy were pursued with great slaughter. The Roman general then, having quelled an insurrection among the Brigantes, led his army against the Silures. They were headed by their king Caractacus, a most renowned warrior. He showed his military talents by choosing a very advantageous place for engaging the enemy. Tacitus tells us, "it was on the ridge of an exceeding steep mountain; and where the sides of it were inclining and accessible, he reared walls of stone for a rampart. At the foot of the mountain flowed a river dangerous to be forded, and an army of men guarded his entrenchments." This hill is thought to be one called Caer-Caradoc in Shropshire, situated near the confluence of the rivers Colun and Teme, and where the remains of ancient entrenchments are still visible.—On the approach of the enemy, Caractacus drew up his troops in order of battle, animating them with the following speech, according to Tacitus. "That from this day, and this battle, they must date their liberty restored, or their slavery for ever established." He then invoked the shades of those heroes who had expelled Caesar the dictator; those brave men by whose valour they still enjoyed freedom from Roman tribute and taxes, and by which their wives and children were as yet preserved from prostitution." The whole army then took a solemn oath either to conquer or die, and prepared for the charge with the most terrible shouts. Ostorius was somewhat dismayed when he considered the uncommon fierceness of the enemy, and the other difficulties which he had to encounter. He led on his men, however, to the charge; and the Romans were attended with their usual good fortune. The Britons were put to flight. Vast numbers fell on the field of battle and in the pursuit, and many more were taken prisoners. Among the latter were the wife, the daughter, and the brothers, of Caractacus. The unfortunate prince himself fled to Cartimundua queen of the Brigantes, by whom he was delivered up to the Roman general, who sent him in chains to Rome. Caractacus bore his misfortunes with magnanimity; and when he came before the emperor, addressed him in the following terms. "If my moderation in prosperity, O His speech Claudius! had been as conspicuous as my birth and to the fortune, I should now have entered this city as a friend, and not as a prisoner; nor would you have disdained the friendship of a prince descended from such illustrious ancestors, and governing so many nations. My present condition, I own, is to you honourable, to me humiliating. I was lately possessed of subjects, horses, arms, and riches. Can you be surprised that I endeavoured to preserve them? If you Romans have a desire to arrive at universal monarchy, must all nations, to gratify you, tamely submit to servitude? If I had submitted without a struggle, how much would it have diminished the lustre of my fall, and of your victory? And now, if you resolve to put me to death, my story will soon be buried in oblivion; but if you think proper to preserve my life, I shall remain a lasting monument of your clemency."—This speech had such an effect upon Claudius, that he immediately pardoned Caratacus and his whole family, and commanded them to be set at liberty.

The Silures, notwithstanding this terrible blow, continued the war with great vigour, and gained considerable advantages over the Romans; which so much affected Ostorius, that he died of grief. He was succeeded by A. Didius, who restrained the incursions of the Silures, but was not able to restore Cartimundua queen of the Brigantes, who had been deposed by her subjects. Didius was succeeded by Veranius, and he by Suetonius Paulinus, who reduced the island of Anglesey, as related under that article. But while Paulinus was employed in the conquest of this island, he was alarmed by the news of an almost universal revolt among those nations which had submitted to the Romans. The Britons, thus conquered, had still a desire of returning to their former state of independence; and the Roman yoke became every day more unfavourable to them through the insolence and oppressions of the Roman soldiers. The Britons had been long discontented, and were already in a very proper disposition for a revolt, when an event happened which kindled these discontented into an open flame. Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, a prince renowned for opulence and grandeur, had, by his last will, left the Roman emperor joint-heir with his two daughters, in hopes of obtaining his favour and protection by so great an obligation. But the event turned out very different. No sooner was he dead, than his houses and possessions were all plundered by the Roman soldiers. The queen Boadicea remonstrated against this injustice; but, instead of obtaining any redress, she herself was publicly whipped, her daughters ravished, and all the relations of the late king reduced to slavery. The whole country also was plundered, and all the chiefs of the Iceni deprived of their possessions.

Boadicea was a woman of too haughty a spirit tamely to bear such indignities. She therefore persuaded the Iceni to take up arms, which they very readily did. Then, being joined by the Trinobantes, and some other nations, they poured like a torrent on the Roman colonies. Every thing was destroyed with fire and sword. The ninth legion, which had been left for the defence of the country under Petilius Cerealis, was defeated, the infantry totally cut in pieces, and the commander himself with the cavalry escaped with the utmost difficulty. Suetonius, alarmed at this news, immediately left Anglesey, and marched with the greatest expedition to London. The inhabitants were overjoyed at his arrival, and used their utmost endeavours to detain him for their defence. But he refused to stay, and in a short time left the place, notwithstanding the intreates of the inhabitants. The whole city lamented his departure; and they had reason. They knew that Boadicea with her Britons entered, and put all they found in it to the sword. None were taken prisoners, nor was any sex or age spared, and many were tortured in the most cruel manner. Seventy thousand persons are said to have perished on this occasion at London and other Roman colonies.

The Britons, now elated with success, assembled from all quarters in great numbers, so that Boadicea's army soon amounted to 230,000 men. They despised the Romans; and became so confident of victory, that utterly defeated, they brought their wives and children along with them in waggons to be spectators of the destruction of their enemies. The event was what might naturally have been expected from such ill-judged confidence. The Britons were overthrown with most terrible slaughter, no fewer than 80,000 being killed in the battle and pursuit; while the Romans had not above 400 killed, and not many more wounded. Boadicea, not able to survive so great a calamity, put an end to her life by poison.

By this overthrow the Britons who had once been subdued were thoroughly prevented from raising any more insurrections, and even those who had not yet submitted to the Roman yoke seemed to be intimidated from making incursions into their dominions. Nothing remarkable therefore happened for some time. In the time of Vespasian, Petilius Cerealis being appointed governor of Britain, attacked the Brigantes, defeated them in several battles, and reduced great part of their country. He was succeeded by Julius Frontinus; who not only maintained the conquests of his predecessor, but reduced entirely the warlike nation of the Silures. Frontinus was succeeded by the celebrated Cnlius Julius Agricola, who completed the conquest of all the southern Britons.

Just before the arrival of Agricola, the Ordovices had cut in pieces a band of horse stationed on their confines, after which the whole nation had taken arms. Agricola. The summer was pretty far spent, and the Roman army was quite separated and dispersed, the soldiers having afforded themselves of rest for the remaining part of the year. Agricola, however, was no sooner landed, than, having drawn together his legions, he marched against the enemy without delay. The Britons kept upon the ridges of the mountains; but Agricola led them in person up the ascents. The Romans were victorious; and such a terrible slaughter was made of the Britons that almost the whole nation of Ordovices was cut off. Without giving the enemy time to recover from the terror which this overthrow had occasioned, Agricola resolved upon the immediate reduction of Anglesey, which had been lost by the revolt of Boadicea. Being destitute of ships, he detached a chosen body of auxiliaries who knew the coasts, and were accustomed to manage their arms and horses in the water. The Britons, who had expected a fleet and transports, were so terrified by the appearance of the Roman forces on their island, that they immediately submitted, and Anglesey was once more restored to the Romans.

With the conquest of Anglesey ended the first campaign. paign of Agricola; and he employed the winter in reconciling the Britons to the Roman yoke. In this he met with such success, through his wife and equitable conduct, that the Britons, barbarous as they were, began to prefer a life of security and peace, to that independency which they had formerly enjoyed, and which continually exposed them to the tumults and calamities of war. The succeeding campaigns of Agricola were attended with equal success; he not only subdued the 17 nations inhabiting England, but carried the Roman arms almost to the extremity of Scotland. He also caused his fleet to sail round the island, and discovered the Orcades, or Orkney islands, which had before been unknown to the rest of the world. His expedition took him up about six years, and was completed in the year of Christ 84.

Had this commander been continued in Britain, it is probable that both Scotland and England would have been permanently subdued; but he was recalled by Domitian in the year 85, and we are then almost totally in the dark about the British affairs till the reign of the emperor Adrian. During this interval the Caledonians had taken arms, and not only refused subjection to the Roman power themselves, but ravaged the territories of the Britons who continued faithful to them. Adrian, for what reason is not well known, abandoned to them the whole track lying between the Tyne and the Forth. At the same time, in order to restrain them from making incursions into the Roman territories, he built a wall 80 miles in length from the river Eden in Cumberland to the Tyne in Northumberland *. He was succeeded by Antoninus Pius, in whose reign the Brigantes revolted; and the Caledonians, having in several places broken down the wall built by Adrian, began anew to ravage the Roman territories. Against them the emperor sent Lollius Urbicus, who reduced the Brigantes; and having defeated the northern nations, confined them within narrower bounds by a new wall †, extending probably between the friths of Forth and Clyde. From the time of Antoninus to that of Severus, the Roman dominions in Britain continued to be much infested by the inroads of the northern nations. That emperor divided Britain into two governments, the southern and northern; but the governor of the northern division was so harassed by continual incursions of the Caledonians, that he was at length obliged to purchase a peace with money. The Caledonians kept the treaty for 15 years; after which, breaking into the Roman territories anew, they committed terrible ravages. Viri Lupus the governor, not being in a condition to withstand them, acquainted the emperor with his distress, intreating him to send powerful and speedy supplies. Upon this Severus resolved to put an end to the perpetual incursions of the enemy by making a complete conquest of their country; for which purpose he set out for Britain, together with his two sons Caracalla and Geta, at the head of a numerous army. The Caledonians no sooner heard of his arrival, than they sent ambassadors offering to conclude a peace upon honourable terms. But these the emperor detained till he was ready to take the field, and then dismissed them without granting their request.

As soon as the season was fit for action, Severus marched into the territories of the Caledonians, where he put all to fire and sword. He advanced even to the most northerly parts of the island; and though no battle was fought in this expedition, yet through the continual ambuscades of the enemy, and the inhospitable nature of the country, he is said to have lost 50,000 men. At last the Caledonians were obliged to sue for peace; which was granted them on condition of their yielding part of their country, and delivering up their arms. After this the emperor returned to York, leaving his son Caracalla to command the army, and finish the new wall which had been begun between the friths of Forth and Clyde. But the emperor being taken ill at York, the Caledonians no sooner heard of his indisposition, than they again took up arms. This provoked Severus to such a degree, that he commanded his son Caracalla to enter their country anew with the whole army, and to put all he met to the sword without distinction of sex or age. Before these orders, however, could be put in execution, his two sons, having concluded a shameful peace with the Caledonians, returned to Rome.

A long chain now takes place in the history of the Roman dominions in Britain. In the beginning of Diocletian's reign, Carausius a native of Gaul, passing over into Britain, took upon him the title of emperor, and was acknowledged by all the troops quartered here. He was, however, killed in a battle with one of Constantius's officers, after he had enjoyed the sovereignty for five or seven years. Constantine the Great began his reign in this island; and returned soon after he had left it, probably with a design to put a stop to the daily incursions of the Caledonians. He altered the division of that part of Britain subject to the Romans. Severus had divided it only into two provinces; but Constantine increased the number to three: viz. Britannia Prima, Britannia Secunda, and Maxima Caesariensis; and this last was afterwards divided into two, viz. Maxima Caesariensis and Flavia Caesariensis. The removal of the imperial seat from Rome to Constantinople, which happened in the reign of Constantine, gave the northern nations an opportunity of making frequent incursions into the Roman provinces; the emperor having carried with him, first into Gaul, and then into the East, not only most of the Roman troops, but likewise the flower of the British youth.

About the latter end of the reign of Constantius son to Constantine the Great, the government of the province of Britain and other western parts of the empire, was committed to Julian, afterwards called the apostate. While he was in his winter-quarters at Paris, he was informed that the Scots and Picts, about this time first distinguished by these names, had broken into the Roman territories and committed everywhere dreadful ravages. Against them Julian dispatched a body of troops under the command of Lupicinius. He embarked from Bologna in the depth of winter, but was no sooner arrived at London than he was recalled; the enemy having probably found means to appease Julian by their submissions. Till the reign of Valentinian I., these nations still continued to infest the Roman territories in Britain, and had now reduced the country to a most deplorable condition by their continual ravages. Valentinian sent against them Theodosius, father to the emperor of that name. That gene- England. ral having divided his forces into several bodies, advanced against the enemy, who were roving up and down the country. The Scots and Picts were obliged to yield to the superior valour and discipline of the Romans. Great numbers were cut in pieces; they were forced to abandon all the booty and prisoners they had taken, and to retire beyond the friths of Forth and Clyde. Theodosius then entered London in triumph, and restored that city to its former splendor, which had suffered greatly by the former incursions of the northern Britons. To restrain them from breaking anew into the provinces, Theodosius built several forts or castles between the two friths; and having thus recovered all the country between Adrian's wall and the friths of Forth and Clyde, he formed of it a fifth province which he called Valonia.

Though Britain was now reduced to a state of temporary tranquillity, yet as the Roman empire was daily declining, it is not to be supposed that sufficient care could be taken to secure such a distant province. In the reign of the emperor Honorius, the provincial Britons found themselves annoyed not only by the Scots and Picts, but also by the depredations of the Saxons, who began to commit ravages on the sea-coasts. By the care, however, of Stilicho, prime minister to Honorius, matters were once more settled, and a particular officer was appointed to guard the coast against the attempts of the Saxons, with the title of Comes Britanniae Saxonici. But, not long after, the empire being overrun by barbarians, most of the Roman troops quartered in Britain were recalled, and the country left quite open to the attacks of the Scots and Picts. Upon this the provincials expecting no more affluence from Honorius, resolved to set up an emperor of their own. Accordingly they invested with the imperial dignity one Mark, an officer of great credit among them. Him they murdered in a few days, and placed on the throne one Gratian a native of Britain. After a reign of four months, Gratian underwent the fate of his predecessor; and was succeeded by Constantine, a common soldier, who was chosen merely for the sake of his name. He seems, however, to have been a man of some knowledge and experience in war. He drove the Scots and Picts beyond the limits of the Roman territories; but being elated with this success, he would now be satisfied with nothing less than the conquest of the whole Roman empire. He therefore passed over into Gaul; and took with him not only the few Roman forces that had been left, but such of the provincial Britons as were most accustomed to arms. That unhappy people, being now left entirely defenceless, were harassed in the most cruel manner by their enemies; who broke into the country, and destroyed all with fire and sword. In this miserable situation they continued from the year 407, when the usurper Constantine passed over into Gaul, till the year 410. Having during the last three years frequently implored affluence from Rome without receiving any, they now resolved to withdraw their allegiance from an empire which was no longer able to protect them. Honorius himself applauded their conduct; and advised them by letters to provide for their own safety, which was in effect an implicit resignation of the sovereignty of the island.

The provincial Britons now regained their liberty; but they had lost the martial spirit which had at first rendered them so formidable to the Romans. They seem, however, to have met with some success in their first enterprises; for Zosimus tells us, that they delivered their cities from the insults of an haughty enemy. But being at last overpowered, they were again obliged to have recourse to the Roman emperor, to whom they promised a most perfect submission, provided they were delivered from the hands of their merciless and implacable enemies. Honorius, touched with compassion, sent a legion to their relief. The Roman forces landed in Britain unexpectedly; and having destroyed great numbers of the Scots and Picts, they drove them beyond the friths of Forth and Dunbritton. After this they advised the natives to build a wall on the isthmus from sea to sea, and to reanimate their courage, and defend themselves from their enemies by their own valour. The Romans then quitted the country; being obliged to return, in order to repulse those barbarians who had broken into the empire from all quarters.

The Britons immediately set about building the wall, as they had been desired, with great alacrity. But as it was constructed only of turf, the Scots and Picts soon broke it down in several places; and, pouring in upon the defenceless and effeminate provincials, committed more cruel ravages than ever. At last, after sending many and grievous calamities, the latter sent ambassadors once more to Rome. These appeared with their garments rent and dust on their heads; and at last prevailed on the emperor, by their earnest intreasures, to send another legion to their relief. The troops arrived in Britain before the enemy had the least knowledge of their having set sail. They were therefore quite unprepared for an attack, and roving up and down the country in the utmost disorder. The Romans made a terrible havoc among them, and drove the remainder into their own country. As Honorius had sent them not with any ambitious view of retaining the island in subjection, but merely out of compassion to the unhappy provincials, the Romans told them, they had now no farther assistance to expect from them. They informed them, that the legion must immediately return to the continent, to protect the empire from the barbarians, who had extended their ravages almost to every part of it; and therefore, that they must now take their last farewell of Britain, and totally abandon the island. After this declaration Gallio, the commander of the Roman troops, exhorted the provincials to defend themselves, by fighting bravely for their country, wives, and children, and what ought to be dearer than life itself, their liberty; telling them, at the same time, that their enemies were no stronger than themselves, provided they would but lay aside their fears, and exert their ancient courage and resolution. That they might the better withstand the attacks of the enemy, he advised them to build a wall, not of turf, but of stone; offering to assist them with his soldiers, and to direct them himself in the execution. Upon this the Britons immediately fell to work; and with the assistance of the Romans, finished it in a short time, though it was no less than eight feet thick, and twelve feet in height. It is thought to have been built on the same place where Severus's wall formerly stood. Towers were also built at convenient England. convenient distances on the east coast, to prevent the descents of the Saxons and other barbarians that came from Germany. Gallio employed the rest of his time in teaching the provincials the art of war. He left them patterns of the Roman weapons, which he also taught them to make; and after many encouraging exhortations, he took his last farewell of Britain, to which the Romans never returned. There is a great disagreement among chronologers as to the year in which the Romans finally abandoned Britain; some placing it in 422; others in 423, or 426; and some in 431, 435, or 437.

The final departure of the Romans was no sooner known to the Scots and Picts, than they poured in upon the provincial Britons from all quarters, like hungry wolves breaking into a sheep-fold. When the Scots approached the new built-wall, they found it completely finished, and guarded by great numbers of armed men. But so little had the provincial Britons profited by the military instructions of the Romans, that instead of placing proper guards and centinels, and relieving one another by turns, their whole number had laid several days and nights upon the ramparts without intermission. Being therefore quite benumbed and wearied out, they were able to make but very little resistance. Many were pulled down with hooks from the battlements, and dashed in pieces. The rest were driven from their stations with showers of darts and arrows. They betook themselves to flight; but that could not save them. The Scots and Picts pursued them close, made a dreadful havoc among the fugitives, and took possession of the frontier towns, which they found deserted by the inhabitants. As they now met with no more opposition, they over-ran the whole country, putting every thing to fire and sword. Their ravages soon occasioned a famine; and this was followed by a kind of civil war. The provincials, unable to support themselves, were obliged to plunder each other of the little the common enemy had left them. The whole country at last became so incapable of supporting those who were left in it, that many fled into the woods, in order to subsist themselves there by hunting. In this extremity of distress, they had once more recourse to the Romans; and wrote in the most mournful style that can possibly be imagined to Aetius, who was then consul the third time. Their letter they directed thus: "The groans of the Britons to the consul Aetius." The contents of this letter were answerable to the direction. "The barbarians (say they) drive us to the sea; the sea drives us back to the barbarians; between which we have only the choice of two deaths, either to be swallowed up by the waves, or to be cruelly massacred by the enemy."

To this letter the Roman general gave no satisfactory answer, and the provincials were therupon reduced to despair. Great numbers of them fled over to Armorica, where they settled along with others who had formerly gone over with an usurper called Maximus; while others submitted to the Scots and Picts. Some, however, more resolute than the rest, had once more recourse to arms. They fell out in parties from the woods and caves where they had been obliged to hide themselves, and, falling unexpectedly on the enemy, cut great numbers of them in pieces, and obliged the rest to retire. Having thus obtained some respite, they began again to cultivate their lands; which, having lain fallow for a long time, now produced all sorts of corn in the greatest plenty. This plenty, according to the historian Gildas, occasioned the most consummate wickedness and corruption of manners among all ranks of men. The clergy, says he, who should have reclaimed the laity by their example, proved the ringleaders in every vice; being addicted to drunkenness, contention, envy, &c.—It is possible, however, that this description might be exaggerated by Gildas, who was himself a monk. But however this was, the Britons had not long enjoyed peace, when they were alarmed by a report, that the Scots and Picts were about to return with a far greater force than before, utterly to extirpate the name of their southern neighbours, and seize upon the country for themselves. This report threw them into a terrible consternation; and to add to the rest of their misfortunes, they were now visited by a dreadful plague, which raged with such violence, that the living were scarce sufficient to bury the dead. The contagion no sooner ceased, than they found their country invaded by the Scots and Picts, who destroyed every thing with fire and sword; so that the provincials were soon reduced to the same miserable state they had formerly been in.

At this time the chief, if not the only, king of the southern division of Britain, was one Vortigern. He is said to have been a cruel, debauched tyrant, regardless of the public welfare, and totally incapable of promoting it. Being now routed from his sensibility, however, by a sense of his own danger, he summoned a council of the chief men of the nation, in order to deliberate about the proper means for delivering the country from those calamities under which it groaned. In this council the most pernicious measure was adopted that could possibly have been resolved on; namely, to invite to their affiance the Saxons, a people famous for their piracies and cruelty, and justly dreaded by the Britons themselves. This fatal expedient being agreed upon, ambassadors were immediately dispatched into Germany with advantageous proposals to the Saxons in case they would come over to their affiance.

The British ambassadors soon arrived in Germany, and, according to Witchind, a Saxon historian of the ninth century, made the following speech before an assembly of the Saxons.—"Illustrious Saxons, the fame of your victories having reached our ears, the distressed Britons, harassed by the continual inroads of a neighbouring enemy, send us to implore your affiance. We have a fertile and spacious country, which we are commanded to submit to you. We have hitherto lived under the protection of the Roman empire; but our ancient matters having abandoned us, we know no nation more powerful than you, and better able to protect us. We therefore recur to your valour. Forsake us not in our distress, and we shall readily submit to what terms you yourselves shall think fit to preferre to us."—If this abject and shameful speech was really made, it must give us a very strange idea of the national spirit of the provincial Britons at that time. It is, however, probable that the whole is a fiction, designed only to excuse the perfidious treatment which these Britons afterwards received from the Saxons. Saxons. The most respectable even of the Saxon historians make no mention of such a speech; and it is certain, that when the Saxons themselves wanted to quarrel with the Britons, they never inflicted upon the promise made by the British ambassadors; which they most certainly would have done, had any such promise ever been made.

The British ambassadors were very favourably received by the Saxons. The latter embraced their proposal with joy; and the rather, because their footslayers foretold that they should plunder their British allies for 150 years, and reign over them for twice that time. Three long ships, in the Saxon language called chules, were therefore fitted out, under the conduct of Hengift and Horfa. These were two brothers much celebrated both for their valour and nobility. They were sons of Witigifil, said to be great-grandson to the Saxon god Woden; a circumstance which added much to their authority. Having embarked about 1600 men on board their three vessels, the two brothers arrived in the isle of Thanet, in the year 449 or 450.

They were received by the inhabitants with the greatest demonstrations of joy; the isle in which they had landed was immediately appointed for their habitation; and a league was concluded, in virtue of which the Saxons were to defend the provincial Britons against all foreign enemies; and the provincials were to allow the Saxons pay and maintenance, besides the place allotted them for their abode. Soon after their arrival, king Vortigern led them against the northern nations who had lately broke into the kingdom, and advanced as far as Stanford in the county of Lincolnshire. Here a battle was fought, in which the Scots and Picts were utterly defeated, and obliged to relinquish their booty.

Vortigern was so highly pleased with the behaviour of his new allies, that he bestowed large possessions in the country they had newly delivered, upon the two commanders Hengift and Horfa. It is said, that, even at this time, Hengift was taken with the wealth and fertility of the country; and at the same time observing the inhabitants to be quite enervated with luxury, began to entertain hopes of conquering part of it. He therefore, with Vortigern's consent, invited over some more of his countrymen; giving them notice at the same time of the fruitfulness of the country, the effeminacy of the inhabitants, and how easily a conquest might be effected.

The Saxons readily complied with the invitation; and, in 452, as many more arrived in 17 vessels, as, with those already in Britain, made up an army of 5000 men. Along with these, according to Nennius, came over Rowena the daughter of Hengift. Vortigern fell in love with this lady; and in order to obtain her in marriage, divorced his lawful wife. Hengift pretended to be adverse to the match; but Vortigern obtained his consent by inveigling him with the love-reign of Kent. The Saxon historians, indeed, make no mention of Rowena; but rather inferinate, that their countrymen made themselves masters of Kent by force of arms. It seems most probable, however, that Vortigern had as yet continued in friendship with the Saxons, and even put more confidence in them than in his own subjects. For, not long after the arrival of this first reinforcement, Hengift obtained leave to send for a second, in order, as was pretended, to defend the king from the attempts of his rebellious subjects, as well as of the Scots and Picts. These embarked in 40 ships, under the command of Oeta and Ebula, the son and nephew, or, according to some, the brother and nephew of Hengift. They landed at the Orkney islands; and having ravaged them, as well as all the northern coasts of Scotland, they conquered several places beyond the Frith, and at last obtained leave to settle in Northumberland.

The pretence made for this settlement was, that the Saxons under Oeta and Ebula might defend the northern frontiers of the kingdom, as those under Hengift and Horfa did the southern parts. Many more Saxons were, under various pretences, invited over; till at last the countries from which they came were in a manner depopulated. And now their numbers being greatly increased, the Saxons began to quarrel with the natives. They demanded larger allowances of corn, and other provisions; threatening to lay waste the whole country if their demands were not complied with. The Britons, instead of complying with these demands, desired them to return home, since their numbers exceeded what they were able to maintain. Upon this, the Saxons concluded a peace with the Scots and Picts; and, turning their arms against the unhappy provincials, over-ran the whole country. The Saxons committed everywhere the greatest cruelties. All buildings, whether public or private, they levelled with the ground. The cities were pillaged and burnt; and the people massacred without distinction of sex or age, and that in such numbers, that the living scarce sufficed to bury the dead. Some of those who escaped the general slaughter, took refuge among inaccessible rocks and mountains; but there great numbers perished with hunger, or were forced to surrender themselves as slaves to their enemies. Some crossed the sea and settled either in Holland or in Armorica, now the province of Brittany in France.

Vortigern, we are told by Nennius, was so far from being reclaimed by these calamities, that he added incest to his other crimes, and married his own daughter. At last, his own subjects provoked at his enormous wickedness, and the partiality he showed to the Saxons, deposed him, and raised his son Vortimer to the throne. He was a young man of great valour, and willingly undertook the defence of his distressed country. He first fell upon the Saxons with what troops he could assemble, and drove them into the isle timer of Thanet. Here they were besieged, till, being reinforced by fresh supplies from Germany, they opened themselves a way through the British troops. Vortimer, however, was not yet disheartened. He engaged the Saxons on the banks of the Derwent in Kent, where he obtained a complete victory, and cut in pieces great numbers of the enemy. Another battle was fought at Aylesford in Kent. Some ascribe the victory at this time to the Saxons, and some to the Britons. It is certain, however, that Horfa the brother of Hengift was killed in this engagement. He is said to have been buried at a place in the neighbourhood, which from him obtained the name of Horsted.—A third battle was fought, in which the victory was uncertain, as is also the place where it happened. The fourth battle, however, according to Nennius, proved decisive. England. decisive in favour of the Britons. Vortimer engaged his enemies, according to some, at Folkestone; according to others, at a place called Stonar, in the isle of Thanet. The Saxons were defeated with great slaughter, and driven back to their ships. So complete is this victory said to have been, that the Saxons quitted the island, without making any attempt upon it for five years afterwards. These battles, however, rest entirely upon the credit of Nennius, and the historians who have followed him. They are taken notice of neither by Gildas nor Bede. The former only acquaints us, that the Saxons retired. This, by most historians, is understood of their returning home; tho' it is possible he might mean no more, than that, after they had laid waste the country, they retired into the territories allotted them by Vortigern, in Kent and Northumberland.

Vortimer is said to have died after a reign of six years. On his deathbed, he desired his servants to bury him near the place where the Saxons used to land; being persuaded, that the virtue of his bones would effectually prevent them from ever touching the British shore. This command, however, was neglected; and Vortimer was buried at Lincoln, according to some, or London, according to others. Hengist was no sooner informed of his death, than he invaded Britain anew with a numerous body of Saxons. He was opposed by Vortigern, who had been restored to the throne after the death of his son Vortimer. Several battles were fought on this occasion; but at last the provincials being overthrown at a place called Creacanford, with the loss of 4000 men, were obliged to abandon Kent to their enemies, and retire to London. This happened about the year 458 or 459; and from this time most historians date the erection of the first Saxon kingdom in Britain, viz. that of Kent. Hengist assumed the title of king, and chose Etk his son for his colleague.

The Britons under Vortigern still continued the war. Hengist finding himself unable to gain a decisive advantage over them in the field, had recourse to treachery. He pretended to be desirous of concluding a peace with the British monarch, and of renewing his ancient friendship with him; and therefore required an interview. To this Vortigern readily consented, and accepted of an entertainment prepared for him by Hengist. The king was attended by 300 nobility all unarmed, but the Saxons had concealed daggers below their garments. The British nobility were all treacherously massacred in the height of their mirth; Vortigern himself was taken and put in fetters; nor could his liberty be procured, but by ceding to the Saxons those provinces now called Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Thus the Saxons got such a footing in Britain that they could never afterwards be expelled. Vortigern, after being set at liberty, is said to have retired to a vast wilderness near the fall of the Wye in Radnorshire, where he was some time after consumed by lightning, together with a city called Kaer Gourtigern which he had built in that place.

On the retreat of Vortigern, the command of the British forces devolved upon Aurelius Ambrosius, or, as Gildas calls him, Ambrosius Aurelianus. He was a Roman, and perhaps the last that remained in the island. He is said to have gained several victories over the Saxons. Nonwithstanding this, however, they still continued to gain ground; and in the year 491, the foundation of a second Saxon kingdom was laid in Britain. This at first comprehended only the county of Sussex, but soon after extended over most of the countries lying south of the Humber. It was called the kingdom of the South Saxons.

The German nations being now informed of the good success which had attended the Saxons in Britain, new adventurers daily flocked over to share the good fortune of the others. They were chiefly composed of three nations, the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes. All these passed under the common appellation sometimes of Saxons, sometimes of Angles. They spoke the same language, and agreed very much in their customs and institutions, so that all of them were naturally led to combine against the natives. The most active of these adventurers was Cerdic a Saxon, said to be the tenth in descent from Woden. He landed with his son Cenric, and as many men as he could convey in five ships, at Yarmouth in Norfolk. The provincials immediately attacked him with great vigour; but after a short engagement, they were totally defeated. Many other battles were fought, the event of which was always favourable to the Saxons, so that the Britons were forced to abandon their sea-coasts to them.

In 497, Porta, another Saxon, with his two sons Bleda and Magla, arrived at Portsmouth, so called, as some imagine, from this chieftain. The provincials, under the command of a young prince a native of the country, attempted to oppose the landing of the Saxons; but his army was defeated with great slaughter, and he himself killed in the engagement; after which Porta made himself master of all the neighbouring country. The progress of Cerdic, however, alarmed the Britons more than that of all the other Saxon princes. About the year 508, therefore, Nazaloed, styled, by Henry of Huntingdon, the greatest of all the British kings, assembled almost the whole strength of the provincial Britons in order to drive him out of the island. Cerdic on the other hand took care to strengthen himself by procuring assistance from all the Saxons already in the island. He then advanced against the Britons, commanding the right wing himself, and his son Cenric the left. As the two armies drew near each other, Nazaloed perceived the enemy's right wing to be much stronger than the left. He therefore attacked it with the flower of his army; and after an obstinate resistance, obliged Cerdic to save himself by flight. Being too eager in the pursuit, however, Cenric fell upon his rear, and the battle was renewed with great vigour. The British army was at last entirely defeated; and 5000 men, among whom was Nazaloed himself, were left dead on the spot.

Who succeeded Nazaloed in the kingdom of Britain, is not known. The Welsh annals leave an interregnum of about six years; after which they place the beginning of the reign of Arthur, the most renowned British prince mentioned in history. The history of whether king Arthur is so much obscured by fables, and many such a pernicious, romantic, and ridiculous stories, that some have supposed that no such person ever existed. On this subject Milton gives the following reasons against the existence of king Arthur: 1. He is not mentioned by Gildas, England. Gildas, or any British historian except Nennius, who is allowed on all hands to have been a very credulous writer, and to have published a great many fables. 2. Though William of Malmesbury and Henry of Huntingdon have both related his exploits, yet the latter took all he wrote from Nennius; and the former, either from the same fabulous writer, or some Monkish legends in the abbey of Glastonbury; for both these writers flourished several centuries after king Arthur.

3. In the pretended history of Geoffrey of Monmouth, such contradictions occur concerning this monarch's victories in France, Scotland, Ireland, Norway, Italy, &c. as must cause us to look upon him as an hero altogether fabulous and romantic.

In answer to this it has been said, 1. That his not being mentioned by Gildas cannot seem strange to us, seeing it was not that author's design to write an exact history of his country, but only to give a short account of the causes of its ruin by the Scots, Picts, and Saxons. He had also a particular system to support, namely, That the ruin of the Britons was owing to the judgments of God upon them for their wickedness. He lies therefore under a great temptation to conceal the successes of the Britons, and to relate only their misfortunes. 2. Though Nennius was a credulous writer, it is unreasonable to think that the whole history of king Arthur was an invention of his. It is more probable that he copied it from other more ancient authors, or took it from the common tradition of his countrymen. That the Saxon annals make no mention of this king is not to be wondered at, seeing it is natural to think that they would wish to conceal the many defeats he gave their nation. 3. The most convincing proof of the existence of king Arthur is, that his tomb was discovered at Glastonbury in Somersetshire, and his coffin dug up, in the reign of Henry II., with the following inscription upon it in Gothic characters: "Hic jacet sepultus inclitus rex Arturius in insula Avalonia." We are told that on his body were plainly to be seen the marks of 10 wounds, only one of which seemed to be mortal.

This renowned prince is said to have defeated the Saxons under Cerdic in 12 pitched battles. The last of these was fought on Badon-hill, supposed to be Banffdown near Bath; in which the Saxons received such a terrible overthrow, that for many years they gave the Britons no further molestation. As new supplies of Saxons, however, were continually flocking over, a third and fourth kingdom of them were soon formed. The third kingdom comprehended the counties of Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire, Hampshire, and Berkshire; to which was afterwards added Cornwall. This was called the kingdom of the West Saxons.

The other kingdom, which was called the kingdom of the East Saxons, comprehended Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire.

In the year 542, happened the death of the great king Arthur, said to have been killed in battle with a treacherous kinsman of his own. Five years afterwards, was erected the Saxon kingdom of Northumberland. It extended, however, much farther than the present bounds of that country; for it comprehended all Yorkshire, Lancashire, Durham, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Northumberland, with part of Scotland, as far as the frith of Forth. Between these Saxons, kings frequent contentions now arose; by which means the Britons enjoyed an uninterrupted tranquility for at least 44 years. This interval, however, according to Gildas, they employed only in corrupting their manners more and more, till at last they were roused from their security by the setting up of a fifth Saxon kingdom, called the kingdom of the East Angles. It was founded in 575, and comprehended the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Ely. The Saxons once more attacked the Britons, and overthrew them in many battles. The war was continued for ten years; after which, another Saxon kingdom called Mercia was set up. It comprehended 17 counties; viz. Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester, Warwick, Leicester, Rutland, Northampton, Lincoln, Huntington, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxford, Stafford, Nottingham, Derby, Shropshire, Cheshire, and part of Hertfordshire.

The provincial Britons were now confined within very narrow bounds. However, before they entirely gave up the best part of their country to their enemies, they once more resolved to try the event of a battle. At this time they were assisted by the Angles, who were jealous of the overgrown power of the West Saxons. The battle was fought in Wiltshire, at Woden's Bearth, a place near the ditch called Wandlike or Wodenfside; which runs through the middle of the county. The battle was very obstinate and bloody; but at last the Saxons were entirely defeated, and almost their whole army cut off. The victory, however, proved of little service to the Britons; for being greatly inferior in number to the Saxons, and harassed by them on the one side, and by the Scots and Picts on the other, they were daily more and more confined; and at last obliged to take refuge among the craggy and mountainous places in the west of the island, where their enemies could not pursue them. At first they possessed all the country beyond the rivers Dee and Severn, which anciently divided Cambria, or Wales, from England; the towns which stand on the eastern banks of these rivers having mostly been built in order to restrain the incursions of the Welsh. But the English, having passed the Severn, by degrees seized on the country lying between that river and the Wye. Nay, in former times, some parts of Flintshire and Denbighshire were subject to the kings of Mercia; for Uffa, the most powerful king of that country, caused a deep ditch to be drawn, and a high wall built, as a barrier between his dominions and the territories of the Welsh, from the mouth of the Dee, a little above Flint-castle, to the mouth of the Wye. This ditch is still to be seen in several places; and is called by the Welsh Claudb Uffa, or the Ditch of Uffa. The inhabitants of the towns on the east side of this ditch are called by the same people Guyr y Mers; that is, the men of Mercia.

Thus, after a violent contest of near 150 years, the Saxons entirely subdued the Britons whom they had hitherto come to defend, and had erected seven independent kingdoms in England, now commonly denominated the Saxon Heptarchy. By these conquerors the country was now reduced to a degree of barbarity almost as great as it had been in when first invaded by the Romans. The provincial Britons, during their subjection to that people, had made considerable advances in civilization. England. vilization. They had built 28 considerable cities, besides a number of villages and country-seats; but now these were all levelled with the ground, the native inhabitants who remained in England were reduced to the most abject slavery, and every art and science totally extinguished among them.

Before these fierce conquerors could be civilized in any degree, it was necessary that all the seven kingdoms should be reduced under one head; for as long as they remained independent, their continual wars with each other still kept them in the same state of barbarity and ignorance.

The history of these seven kingdoms affords no event that can be in the least interesting. It consists only of a detail of their quarrels for the sovereignty. This was at last obtained by Egbert king of the West Saxons, or Wessex, in 827. Before this time, Christianity had been introduced into almost all the kingdoms of the heptarchy; and however much corrupted it might be by coming through the impure channel of the church of Rome, and misunderstanding through the ignorance of those who received it, it had considerably softened the barbarous manners of the Saxons. It had also opened a communication between Britain and the more polite parts of Europe, so that there was now some hope of the introduction of arts and sciences into this country. Another effect was, that, by the ridiculous notions of preserving inviolable chastity even between married people, the royal families of most of the kingdoms were totally extinct; and the people, being in a state of anarchy, were ready to submit to the first who assumed any authority over them.

All these things contributed to the success of Egbert in uniting the heptarchy under his own dominion. He was of the royal family of Wessex; and a nearer heir than Brithric, who had been raised to the kingdom in 784. As Egbert was a prince of great accomplishments, Brithric, knowing that he had a better title to the crown than himself, began to look upon him with a very jealous eye. Young Egbert, sensible of his danger, privately withdrew to France; where he was well received by Charlemagne, the reigning monarch. The French were reckoned at this period the most valiant and polite people in Europe; so that this exile proved of great service to Egbert.

He continued at the court of France till he was recalled by the nobility to take possession of the kingdom of Wessex. This recall was occasioned by the following accident. Brithric the king of Wessex had married Eadburga, natural daughter of Offa king of Mercia; a woman infamous for cruelty and incontinence. Having great influence over her husband, she often persuaded him to destroy such of the nobility as were obnoxious to her; and where this expedient failed, she herself had not scrupled to become their executioner. She had mixed a cup of poison for a young nobleman, who had acquired a great share of her husband's friendship; but, unfortunately, the king drank of the fatal potion along with his favourite, and soon after expired. By this and other crimes Eadburga became odious to the people, that she was forced to fly into France, whence Egbert was at the same time recalled, as above mentioned.

Egbert ascended the throne of Wessex in the year 799. He was the sole descendant of those conquerors who first invaded Britain, and who derived their pedigree from the god Woden. But though this circumstance might have given him great advantages in attempting to subdue the neighbouring kingdoms, Egbert for some time gave them no disturbance; but turned his arms against the Britons, who had retired into Cornwall, whom he defeated in several battles. He was recalled from his conquests in that country, by hearing that Bernulf king of Mercia had invaded his dominions. Egbert quickly led his army against the invaders, whom he totally defeated at Ellendun in Wiltshire. He then entered their kingdom on the side of Oxfordshire with an army, and at the same time sent his eldest son Ethelwolf with another into Kent. The young prince expelled Baldred the tributary king of Kent, and soon made himself master of the country. The kingdom of Essex was conquered with equal ease; and the East Angles, who had been reduced under subjection by the Mercians, joyfully put themselves under the protection of Egbert. Bernulf himself marched against them, but was defeated and killed; and Ludican his successor met with the same fate two years after.

These misfortunes greatly facilitated the reduction of Mercia. Egbert soon penetrated into the very heart of the Mercian territories, and gained an easy victory over a dispirited and divided people; but in order to engage them to submit with the least reluctance, he allowed Wigleif, their countryman, to retain the title of king, whilst he himself exercised the real power of a sovereign. Northumberland was at present in a state of anarchy; and this tempted Egbert to carry his victorious arms into that kingdom also. The inhabitants, being desirous of living under a settled form of government, readily submitted, and owned him for their sovereign. To them, however, he likewise allowed the power of electing a king; who paid him a tribute, and was dependent on him.

Egbert became sole master of England about the year 827. A favourite opportunity was now offered first king of the Anglo-Saxons of becoming a civilized people, as they were at peace among themselves, and seemed free from any danger of a foreign invasion. But this flattering prospect was soon overcast. Five years after Egbert had established his new monarchy, the Danes landed in the isle of Sheppey, plundered it, and then made their escape with safety. Encouraged by this Danish success, next year they landed from a fleet of 35 ships, valon. They were encountered by Egbert at Charmouth in Dorsetshire. The battle was obstinate and bloody. Great numbers of the Danes were killed, but the rest made good their retreat to their ships. They next entered into an alliance with the Britons of Cornwall; and landing two years after in that country, they made an irruption into Devonshire. Egbert met them at Henfieldown, and totally defeated them; but before he had time to form any regular plan for the defence of the kingdom, he died, and left the government to his son Ethelwolf.

The new king was weak and superstitious. He began with dividing the kingdom; which had so lately been united, with his son Athelstan. To the young prince he gave the counties of Essex, Kent, and Sussex. But though this division might have been productive, England, of bad consequences at another time, the fear of the Danes kept every thing quiet for the present. These barbarians had some how or other conceived such hopes of enriching themselves by the plunder of England, that they scarce ever failed of paying it an annual visit. The English historians tell us, that they met with many severe repulses and defeats; but on the whole it appears that they had gained ground: for in 851 a body of them took up their winter-quarters in England. Next year they received a strong reinforcement of their countrymen in 350 vessels; and advancing from the isle of Thanet, where they had stationed themselves, they burnt the cities of London and Canterbury. Having next put to flight Brichtric the governor of Mercia, they marched into the heart of Surrey, laying waste the whole country through which they passed.

Ethelwolf, though naturally little fitted for military enterprises, was now obliged to take the field. He marched against the Danes at the head of the West Saxons, and gained an indecisive and bloody victory over his enemies. The Danes still maintained their settlement in the isle of Thanet. They were attacked by Ealher and Huda, governors of Kent and Surrey; both of whom they defeated and killed. Afterwards they removed to the isle of Sheppey, where they took up their winter-quarters, with a design to extend their ravages the next year.

The deplorable state of the kingdom did not hinder Ethelwolf from making a pilgrimage to Rome, whither he carried his fourth and favourite son Alfred, then only five years of age. He passed a twelvemonth in that city; made presents to the principal ecclesiastics there; and made a grant of 300 mancuses (a silver coin about the weight of our half-crown) annually to the see of Rome. One-third of this was to support the lamps of St Peter's, another those of St Paul's, and the third was for the Pope himself. In his return to England, Ethelwolf married Judith, daughter of the emperor Charles the Bald; but when he landed, he found himself deprived of his kingdom by his son Ethelbald. That prince assumed the government of Athelstan's dominions, who was lately dead; and, with many of Ethelwolf's nobles, formed a design of excluding him from the throne altogether, on account of his weakness and superstitions. Ethelwolf, however, delivered the people from the calamities of a civil war, by dividing the kingdom with his son. He gave to Ethelbald the government of the western, and referred to himself that of the eastern part of the kingdom. Immediately after this, he summoned the states of the whole kingdom, and conferred on the clergy a perpetual donation of tythes, for which they had long contended, and which had been the subject of their sermons for several centuries.

This conception was deemed so meritorious by the English, that they now thought themselves sure of the favour of heaven; and therefore neglected to use the natural means for their safety which they might have done. They even agreed, that notwithstanding the desperate situation of affairs at present, the revenues of the church should be exempted from all burdens, though imposed for the immediate security and defence of the nation. Ethelwolf died two years after he had made the above mentioned grant, and left the kingdom to his two eldest sons Ethelbald and Ethelbert. Both these princes died in a few years, and left the kingdom to Ethelred their brother, in the year 866.

The whole course of Ethelred's reign was disturbed by the irruptions of the Danes. The king defended himself against them with great bravery, being seconded in all his military enterprizes by his younger brother Alfred, who afterwards ascended the throne. In this reign, the Danes first landed among the East Angles. That people treacherously entered into an alliance with the common enemy; and furnished them with horses, which enabled them to make an irruption into Northumberland. There they seized upon the city of York. Offricht and Ella, two Northumbrian princes who attempted to rescue the city, were defeated and killed. Encouraged by this success, the Danes penetrated into the kingdom of Mercia, took up their winter-quarters at Nottingham, and thus threatened the kingdom with a final subjection. From this post, however, they were dislodged by Ethelred and Alfred, who forced them to retire into Northumberland. Their retreats and savage disposition, however, did not suffer them to continue long in one place. They broke into East Anglia; defeated and took prisoner Edmund the tributary king of that country, whom they afterwards murdered; and committed everywhere the most barbarous ravages. In 871, they advanced to Reading; from whence they infested the neighbouring country by their incursions. The Mercians, desirous of recovering their independency, refused to join Ethelred with their forces; so that he was obliged to march against the Danes, attended only by the West Saxons, who were his hereditary subjects. Several actions ensued, in which the Danes are said to have been unsuccessful; but being continually reinforced from their own country, they became every day more and more formidable to the English. During the confusion and distress in which the nation was now necessarily involved, king Ethelred died of a wound he had received in an action with the Danes; and left to his brother Alfred the kingdom almost totally subdued by a foreign power.

Alfred, who may properly be called the founder of the English monarchy, ascended the throne in the year Great 871, being then only 22 years of age. His great virtues and shining talents saved his country from ruin, which seemed almost unavoidable. His exploits against the Danes, his dangers and distresses, are related under the article Alfred. Having settled the nation in a much better manner than could have been expected, he died in 901, leaving the kingdom to his second son Edward the Elder.

The beginning of this monarch's reign was disturbed by those intestine commotions from which the wise and elder politic Alfred had taken so much pains to free the nation. Ethelwald, son to king Ethelbert, Alfred's elder brother, claimed a right to the throne. Having armed his partisans, he took possession of Winburne, where he seemed determined to hold out to the last extremity. On the approach of Edward, however, with a powerful army, he first fled into Normandy, and afterwards into Northumberland. He hoped to find the Northumbrians ready to join him, as most of them were Danes, lately subdued by Alfred, and very impatient of peace. The event did not disappoint his expectations. The Northumbrians declared for him; and Ethelwald having thus connected himself with the Danish tribes, went beyond sea, whence he returned with a great body of these banditti. On his return, he was joined by the Danes of East Anglia and Mercia. Ethelwald, at the head of the rebels, made an irruption into the counties of Gloucester, Oxford, and Wilts; and having ravaged the country, retired with his booty before the king could approach him. Edward, however, took care to revenge himself, by conducting his forces into East Anglia, and ravaging it in like manner. He then gave orders to retire; but the Kentish men, greedy of more plunder, flaid behind, and took up their quarters at Bury. Here they were assaulted by the Danes; but the Kentishmen made such an obstinate defence, that though their enemies gained the victory, it was bought by the loss of their bravest men, and, among the rest, of the usurper Ethelwald himself.

The king, now freed from the attempts of so dangerous a rival, concluded an advantageous peace with the East Angles. He next set about reducing the Northumbrians; and for this purpose equipped a fleet, hoping that thus they would be induced to remain at home to defend their own country, without attempting to invade his territories. He was disappointed in his expectations. The Northumbrians were more eager to plunder their neighbours than to secure themselves. Imagining that the whole of Edward's forces were embarked on board his fleet, they entered his territories with all the troops they could raise. The king, however, was better prepared for them than they had expected. He attacked them on their return at Tettenhall in the county of Stafford, put them to flight, recovered all the booty, and pursued them with great slaughter into their own country.

The rest of Edward's reign was a scene of continued and successful action against the Northumbrians, East Angles, the Danes of Mercia, and those who came from their native country in order to invade England. He put his kingdom in a good posture of defense, by fortifying the towns of Chester, Eddesbury, Warwick, Cherbury, Buckingham, Towcester, Maldon, Huntingdon, and Colchester. He vanquished Thurketill a Danish chieftain, and obliged him to retire with his followers into France. He subdued the East Anglians, Northumbrians, and several tribes of the Britons; and even obliged the Scots to make submissions. He died in 925, and was succeeded by Athelstan his natural son.

This prince, notwithstanding his illegitimate birth, ascended the throne without much opposition, as the legitimate children of Edward were too young to rule a nation so much liable both to foreign invasions and domestic troubles as England at present was. One Alfred, however, a nobleman of considerable power, entered into a conspiracy against him. It is said, that this nobleman was seized upon strong suspicions, but without any certain proof. He offered to swear to his innocence before the pope; and in those ages it was supposed that none could take a false oath in presence of such a sacred person, without being visited by an immediate judgment from God. Alfred was accordingly conducted to Rome, and took the oath required of him before Pope John. The words were no sooner pronounced, than he fell into convulsions, of which he expired in three days. The king, fully convinced of his guilt, confiscated his estate, and made a present of it to the monastery of Malmesbury.

This accident proved the means of establishing the authority of Athelstan in England. But finding the Northumbrians bore the English yoke with impatience, he gave Sithric, a Danish nobleman, the title of king of Northumberland; and in order to secure his friendship, gave him his own sister Editha in marriage. This was productive of bad consequences. Sithric died the year after his marriage with Editha; upon which Anlaf and Godfrid, Sithric's sons by a former marriage, assumed the sovereignty without waiting for Athelstan's consent. They were, however, soon obliged to yield to the superior power of that monarch. The former fled to Ireland; and the latter to Scotland, where he was protected by Constantine king of that country. The Scottish monarch was continually importuned by Athelstan to deliver up his guest, and even threatened with an invasion in case he did not comply. Constantine, detecting this treachery, advised Godfrid to make his escape. He did so, turned pirate, and died soon after. Athelstan, however, resenting this conduct of Constantine, invaded his kingdom, and reduced him, it is said, so low, that he was obliged to make the most humble submissions. This, however, is denied by all the Scottish historians.

Constantine, after the departure of Athelstan, entered into a confederacy with Anlaf, who subsisted by his piracies, and with some of the Welsh princes who were alarmed at the increase of Athelstan's power. All these defeats his confederates made an irruption into England at once; but Athelstan meeting them at Brunxfbury in Northumberland, gave them a total overthrow. Anlaf and Constantine made their escape with difficulty, leaving the greatest part of their men dead on the field of battle. After this period, Athelstan enjoyed his crown in tranquility. He died in 941, after a reign of 16 years. He passed a remarkable law, for the encouragement of commerce; viz., that a merchant, who had made three long sea-voyages on his own account, should be admitted to the rank of a thane or gentleman.

Athelstan was succeeded by his brother Edmund. On his accession, he found the kingdom disturbed by the restless Northumbrians, who watched for every opportunity of rising in rebellion. They were, however, soon reduced; and Edmund took care to ensure the peace of the kingdom, by removing the Danes from the towns of Mercia, where they had been allowed to settle, because it was found that they took every opportunity to introduce foreign Danes into the kingdom. He also conquered Cumberland from the Britons. This country, however, he bestowed upon Malcolm king of Scotland, upon condition that he should do homage for it, and protect the north of England from all future incursions of the Danes.

Edmund was unfortunately murdered in Glocester, by one Leolf a notorious robber. This man had been by Leolf, formerly sentenced to banishment; yet had the boldness to enter the hall where the king himself dined, and to sit at table with his attendants. Edmund immediately ordered him to leave the room. The villain refused to obey; upon which the king leaped upon him, him, and seized him by the hair. Leolf then drew a dagger, and gave the king a wound, of which he instantly died, A.D. 946, being the sixth year of his reign.

As the children of Edmund were too young at the time of his decease, his brother Edred succeeded to the throne. The beginning of his reign, as well as those of his predecessors, was disturbed by the rebellions and incursions of the Northumbrian Danes, who looked upon the succession of every new king to be a favourable opportunity for shaking off the English yoke. On the appearance of Edred with an army, however, they immediately submitted; but before the king withdrew his forces, he laid waste their territories as a punishment for their offence. He was no sooner gone, than they rose in rebellion a second time. They were again subdued; and the king took effectual precautions against their future revolts, by placing English garrisons in all their towns, and appointing an English governor to watch their motions, and suppress their insurrections on the first appearance. In the reign of Edred, celibacy of the clergy began to be preached under the patronage of St Dunstan. This man had obtained such an ascendant over Edred, who was naturally superstitious, that he not only directed him in affairs of conscience, but in the most important matters of state. He was placed at the head of the treasury; and being thus possessed of great power at court, he was enabled to accomplish the most arduous undertakings. He professed himself a partisan of the rigid monastic rules; and having introduced celibacy among the monks of Glastonbury and Abingdon, he endeavoured to render it universal among the clergy throughout the kingdom. The monks in a short time generally embraced the pretended reformation; after which they inveighed bitterly against the vices and luxury of the age. When other topics of defamation were wanting, the marriages of clergymen became a sure object of invective. Their wives received the appellation of concubines or some other more opprobrious name. The secular clergy, on the other hand, who were numerous and rich, defended themselves with vigour, and endeavoured to retaliate upon their adversaries. The people were thrown into the most violent ferments; but the monks, being patronised by king Edred, gained ground greatly upon their opponents. Their progress, however, was somewhat retarded by the king's death, which happened in 955, after a reign of nine years. He left children; but as they were infants, his nephew Edwy, son to Edmund, was placed on the throne.

The new king was not above 16 or 17 years of age at the time of his accession. His reign is only remarkable for the tragic story of his queen Elgiva. She was a princess of the royal blood, with whom Edwy was deeply enamoured. She was his second or third cousin, and therefore within the degrees of affinity prohibited by the canon law. Edwy, however, hearkening only to the dictates of his passion, married her, contrary to the advice of the more dignified ecclesiastics. The monks on this occasion were particularly violent; and therefore Edwy determined not to second their ambitious projects. He soon found reason to repent his having provoked such dangerous enemies. On his coronation day, while his nobility were indulging themselves in riotous mirth in a great hall where they had assembled, Edwy withdrew to another apartment to enjoy the company of his beloved queen and her mother. Dunstan justified the reason of his absence. With unparalleled impudence, he burst into the queen's apartment; and upbraiding Edwy with his lasciviousness, as he termed it, pushed him back to the hall where the nobles were assembled. The king determined to resent such a daring insult. He required from Dunstan an account of his administration of the treasury during the late reign. The monk, probably unable to give a just account, refused to give any; upon which Edwy accused him of malversation in his office, and banished him the kingdom.

This proved the worst step that could possibly have been taken. Dunstan was no sooner gone than the whole nation was in an uproar about his sanctity and the king's impiety. These clamours, as they had been begun by the clergy, so they were kept up and increased by them, till at last they proceeded to the most outrageous violence. Archbishop Odo sent a party of soldiers to the palace. They seized the queen, and burned her face with a red-hot iron, in order to destroy her beauty by which she had enticed her husband; after which they carried her by force into Ireland, there to remain in perpetual exile. The king, finding it in vain to resist, was obliged to consent to a divorce from her, which was pronounced by Archbishop Odo. A catastrophe still more dismal awaited Elgiva. She had been cured of her wounds, and had even found means to efface the scars with which her persecutors had hoped to destroy her beauty. She then came to England, with a design to return to the king, whom she still considered as her husband. Unfortunately, however, she was intercepted by a party of soldiers sent for that purpose by the primate. Nothing but her most cruel death could now satisfy that wretch and his accomplices. She was hamstringed at Gloucester, and expired in a few days.

The minds of the English were at this time so much sunk in superstition, that the monstrous inhumanity above mentioned was called a judgment from God upon Edwy and his spouse for their dissolute life, i.e., their love to each other. They even proceeded to rebellion against their sovereign; and having rallied to the throne Edgar, the younger brother of Edwy, at that time only 13 years of age, they soon put him in possession of Mercia, Northumberland, and East Anglia. Edwy being thus confined to the southern counties, Dunstan returned, and took upon him the government of Edgar and his party; but the death of Edwy soon removed all difficulties, and gave Edgar peaceable possession of the government.

The reign of Edgar proved one of the most fortunate mentioned in the ancient English history. He took the most effectual methods both for preventing tumults at home and invasions from abroad. He quartered a body of disciplined troops in the north, in order to repel the incursions of the Scots, and to keep the Northumbrians in awe. He built a powerful navy; and that he might keep the seamen in the practice of their duty, as well as present a formidable armament to his enemies, he commanded the fleet from time to time, to make the circuit of his dominions. The greatness of king Edgar, which is very much celebrated by the English historians, was owing to the harmony which reigned between him and his subjects; and the reason of this good agreement was, that the king sided with Dunstan and the monks, who had acquired a great ascendancy over the people. He enabled them to accomplish their favourite scheme of dispossessing the secular canons of all the monasteries; and he consulted them not only in ecclesiastical, but also in civil affairs. On these accounts, he is celebrated by the monkish writers with the highest praises; though it is plain, from some of his actions, that he was a man who could be bound neither by the ties of religion nor humanity. He broke into a convent, and carried off by force, and ravished, a nun called Editha. His spiritual instructor, Dunstan, for this offence, obliged the king, not to separate from his mistress, but to abstain from wearing his crown for seven years!

Edgar, however, was not to be satisfied with one mistress. He happened once to lodge at the house of a nobleman who had a very beautiful daughter. Edgar, inflamed with desire at the sight of the young lady, without ceremony asked her mother to allow her to pass a night with him. She promised compliance; but secretly ordered a waiting-maid, named Elfleda, to steal into the king's bed when the company were gone, and to retire before day-break. Edgar, however, detained her by force, till daylight discovered the deceit. His love was now transferred to the waiting-maid; who became his favourite mistress, and maintained a great ascendancy over him till his marriage with Elfrieda.

The circumstances of this marriage were still more singular and criminal than those above mentioned. Elfrieda was daughter and heiress to Olgar Earl of Devonshire. She was a person of such exquisite beauty, that her fame was spread all over England, though she had never been at court. Edgar's curiosity was excited by the accounts he had heard of her, and therefore formed a design of marrying her. He communicated his intention to Earl Athelwold his favourite; and ordered him, on some pretence or other, to visit the Earl of Devonshire, and bring him a certain account concerning Elfrieda. Athelwold went as he was desired; but fell so deeply in love with the lady herself, that he resolved to sacrifice his fidelity to his passion. He returned to Edgar, and told him, that Elfrieda's charms were by no means extraordinary, and would have been totally overlooked in a woman of inferior station. After some time, however, turning the conversation again upon Elfrieda, he told the king that he thought her parentage and fortune made her a very advantageous match; and therefore, if the king gave his consent, he would make proposals to the Earl of Devonshire on his own behalf. Edgar consented, and Athelwold was married to Elfrieda.—After his marriage, he used his utmost endeavours to keep his wife from court, that Edgar might have no opportunity of observing her beauty. The king, however, was soon informed of the truth; and told Athelwold that he intended to pay him a visit in his castle, and be made acquainted with his new-married wife. The Earl could make no objections; only he desired a few hours to prepare for the visit. He then confessed the whole to Elfrieda, and begged of her to appear before the king as much to the disadvantage as possible. Instead of this, she dressed herself to the greatest advantage. Edgar immediately conceived a violent passion for her; and, in order to gratify it, seduced Athelwold into a wood under pretence of hunting, where he stabbed him with his own hand, and afterwards married his widow.

The reign of Edgar is remarkable among historians for the encouragement he gave to foreigners to reside at his court and throughout the kingdom. These foreigners, it is said, corrupted the former simple manners of the nation. Of this simplicity, however, there seems to be no great reason to boast; seeing it could not preserve them from treachery and cruelty, the greatest of all vices: so that their acquaintance with foreigners was certainly an advantage to the people, as it tended to enlarge their views, and cure them of those illiberal prejudices and rustic manners to which illanders are often subject.—Another remarkable incident, is the extirpation of wolves from England. The wolves took great pleasure in hunting and destroying the animals themselves. At last he found that they had all taken shelter in the mountains and forests of Wales. Upon this he changed the tribute imposed upon the Welsh princes by Athelstan, into an annual tribute of 300 wolf heads; and this produced such diligence in hunting them, that the animal has never since appeared in England.

Edgar died in 957, after a reign of 16 years. He left a son named Edward, whom he had by his first martyr wife the daughter of Earl Ordmer; and another, named Ethelred, by Elfrieda. The mental qualifications of this lady were by no means answerable to the beauty of her person. She was ambitious, haughty, treacherous, and cruel. The principal nobility, therefore, were greatly averse from the succession of her son Ethelred, which would unavoidably throw too much power into the hands of his mother, as he himself was only seven years of age. Edward, afterwards named the Martyr, was therefore pitched upon; and was certainly the most proper person, as he was 15 years of age, and might soon be able to take the government into his own hands. Elfrieda opposed his advancement with all her might; but Dunstan overcame every obstacle, by anointing and crowning the young prince at Kingston; upon which the whole kingdom submitted without farther opposition.

The only remarkable occurrence in this reign was the complete victory gained by the monks over the secular clergy, who were now totally expelled from the convents. Though this had been pretty nearly accomplished by Edgar, the secular clergy still had partisans in England who made considerable opposition; but these were all silenced by the following miracles. In one synod, Dunstan, finding the majority of votes against him, rose up, and declared that he had that infant received from heaven a revelation in favour of the monks. The whole assembly was so much overawed by this intelligence, that they proceeded no farther in their deliberations. In another synod, a voice issued from the crucifix, acquainting the members, that the establishment of the monks was founded on the will of heaven, and could not be opposed without impiety. But the third miracle was still more alarming. In another other synod the floor of the hall sunk, and great numbers of the members were killed or bruised by their fall. It was remarked that Dunstan had that day prevented the king from attending the synod, and that the beam on which his own chair stood was the only one which did not sink. These circumstances, instead of making him suspected as the author of the miracle, were regarded as proofs of the interposition of Providence in his favour.

Edward lived four years after he was raised to the throne, in perfect innocence and simplicity. Being incapable of any treacherous intention himself, he suspected none in others. Though his stepmother had opposed his succession, he had always behaved towards her with the greatest respect; and expressed on all occasions the most tender affection for his brother Ethelred. Being one day hunting in the neighbourhood of the castle where Elfrida resided, he paid her a visit unattended by any of his retinue. After mounting his horse with a design to return, he desired some liquor to be brought him. But while he was holding the cup to his head, a servant of Elfrida stabbed him behind. The king, finding himself wounded, clapped spurs to his horse; but soon becoming faint by the loss of blood, he fell from the saddle, and his foot being entangled in the stirrup, he was dragged along till he expired. His body was found and privately interred at Woreham by his servants. The English had such compassion for this amiable prince, that they bestowed on him the appellation of Martyr, and even fancied that miracles were wrought at his tomb. Elfrida built monasteries, and submitted to many penances, in order to atone for her guilt; but, even in that barbarous age, she could never regain the good opinion of the public.

After the murder of Edward, his brother Ethelred succeeded to the throne without opposition. As he was a minor when he was raised to the throne, and, even when he came to man's estate, never discovered any vigour or capacity of defending the kingdom against invaders, the Danes began to renew their incursions. Before they durst attempt anything of importance, however, they first made a small incursion by way of trial. In the year 981, they landed in Southampton from seven vessels; and having ravaged the country, they retired with impunity, carrying a great booty along with them. In 987, they made a similar attempt on the west coast, and were attended with the like success. Finding that matters were now in a favourable situation for their enterprises, they landed in Essex under the command of two chieftains; and, having defeated and killed Brithnot duke of that county, laid waste all the neighbouring provinces. In this extremity, Ethelred, furnishing, on account of his preposterous conduct, the Unready, bribed the enemy with L.10,000 to depart the kingdom. This advice was given by Siricius archbishop of Canterbury, and some of the degenerate nobility; and was attended with the success that might have been expected. The Danes appeared next year off the eastern coast. But, in the meantime, the English had determined to assemble at London a fleet capable of repelling the enemy. This failed of success through the treachery of Alfric Duke of Mercia. Having been formerly banished the kingdom, and found great difficulty in getting himself restored to his former dignity, he trusted thenceforth, not to his services or the affections of his countrymen, but to the influence he had over his vassals, and to the public calamities. These last he determined always to promote as far as he could; because in every revolution his assistance would be necessary, and consequently he must receive a continual accession of power. The English had formed a plan for surrounding and destroying the Danish fleet in the harbour; but Alfric not only gave the enemy notice of this design, but also deserted with his squadron the night before the engagement. The English by this means proved unsuccessful; and Ethelred, in revenge, took Alfgar, Alfric's son, and ordered his eyes to be put out. This piece of cruelty could be productive of no good effect. Alfric had become so powerful, that notwithstanding his treachery, it was found impossible to deprive him of the government of Mercia.

In 993, the Danes under the command of Sweyn their king, and the Norwegians conducted by Olave king of that country, sailed up the Humber, and destroyed all around them. A powerful army was assembled to oppose these invaders; but through the treachery of the three leaders, all men of Danish extraction, the English were totally defeated. Encouraged by this success, the Danes entered the Thames in 94 vessels, and laid siege to London. The inhabitants, however, made such a brave defence, that the besiegers were finally obliged to give over the attempt. Out of revenge for this disappointment, they laid waste Essex, Sussex, and Hampshire. In these counties they procured horses; by which means they were enabled to penetrate into the more inland parts, and threatened the kingdom with total subjection. Ethelred and his nobles had now recourse to their former expedient. They sent ambassadors to the two northern kings, to whom they promised subsistence and tribute, provided they would, for the present, put an end to their ravages, and soon after depart the kingdom. They agreed to the terms, and peaceably took up their quarters at Southampton. Olave even paid a visit to Ethelred, and received the rite of confirmation from the English bishops. The king also made him many presents; and Olave promised never more to infest the English territories; which promise it is said he afterwards religiously observed.

After the departure of Olave with his Norwegians, Sweyn, though less scrupulous than the king of Norway, was obliged to leave the kingdom also. But this shameful composition procured only a short relief to the nation. The Danes soon after appeared in the Severn; and having ravaged Wales as well as Cornwall and Devon, they sailed round, and, entering the mouth of the Tamar, completed the ruin of these two counties. Then, returning to the Bristol channel, and penetrating into the country by the Avon, they overran all that country, and carried fire and sword even into Dorsetshire. In 995, they changed the feet of war; and, after ravaging the isle of Wight, they entered the Thames and Medway, where they laid siege to Rochester, and defeated the Kentish men in a great battle. After this victory, the whole province of Kent was made a scene of slaughter and devastation. The extremity of these miseries forced the English into councils for common defence both by sea and land; but the weakness of the king, the divisions among the nobility, the treachery of some, the cowardice of others, the want of concert in all, frustrated every endeavour; and their fleets and armies either came too late to attack the enemy, or were repulsed with dishonour. The English, therefore, devoid both of prudence and unanimity in council, had recourse to the expedient which by experience they had found to be ineffectual. They offered the Danes a large sum if they would conclude a peace and depart the kingdom. These ravagers continually rose in their demands; and now required the payment of £24,000, which the English submitted to give. The departure of the Danes procured them a temporary relief; which they enjoyed as if it was to be perpetual, without making any effectual preparations for giving them a more vigorous reception upon their next return.

Besides the receiving this sum, the Danes were at present engaged by another motive to depart from England. They were invited over by their countrymen in Normandy, who at this time were hard pressed by Robert king of France, and who found it difficult to defend their settlements against him. It is probable also, that Ethelred, observing the close connection of all the Danes with one another, however they might be divided in government or situation, was desirous of procuring an alliance with that formidable people. For this purpose, being at present a widower, he made his addresses to Emma, sister to Richard II. Duke of Normandy. He soon succeeded in his negotiations; the princess came over to England, and was married to the king in the year 1001.

Though the Danes had been for a long time established in England, and though the similarity of their language with the Saxon had invited them to an early coalition with the natives; they had as yet found no little example of civilized manners among the English, that they retained all their ancient ferocity, and valued themselves only on their national character of military bravery. The English princes had been well acquainted with their superiority in this respect, that Athelstan and Edgar had been accustomed to keep in pay large bodies of Danish troops, who were quartered about the country, and committed many violences upon the inhabitants. These mercenaries had attained to such an height in luxury, according to the old English writers, that they combed their hair once a day, bathed themselves once a week, changed their clothes frequently; and by all these arts of effeminacy, as well as by their military character, had rendered themselves agreeable to the fair sex, that they debauched the wives and daughters of the English, and had dishonoured many families. But what most provoked the inhabitants was, that, instead of defending them against invaders, they were always ready to betray them to the foreign Danes, and to associate themselves with every straggling party which came from that nation.

The animosities between the native English and the Danes who inhabited among them, had from these causes risen to a great height; when Ethelred, from a policy commonly adopted by weak princes, took the cruel resolution of massacring the Danes throughout the kingdom. On the 13th of November 1002, secret orders were dispatched to commence the execution every where on the same day; and the festival of St Brice, which fell on a Sunday, the day on which the Danes usually bathed themselves, was chosen for this purpose. These cruel orders were executed with the utmost exactness. No distinction was made betwixt the innocent and the guilty; neither sex nor age was spared; nor were the cruel executioners satisfied without the tortures, as well as death, of the unhappy victims. Even Gunilda, sister to the king of Denmark, who had married Earl Paling, and had embraced Christianity, was, by the advice of Edric Earl of Wiltshire, seized and condemned to death by Ethelred, after seeing her husband and children butchered before her face. This unhappy princess foretold, in the agonies of despair, that her murder would soon be avenged by the total ruin of the English nation (a).

The prophecy of Gunilda was exactly fulfilled. In New Year's Day, Sweyn and his Danes, who wanted only a pretence by force to renew their invasions, appeared off the western coast, and threatened revenge for the slaughter of their countrymen. The English took measures for repelling the enemy; but these were defeated through the treachery first of Alfric; and then of Edric, a still greater traitor, who had married the king's daughter, and succeeded Alfric in the command of the British armies. The Danes therefore ravaged the whole country. Agriculture was neglected, a famine ensued, and the kingdom was reduced to the utmost degree of misery. At last the infamous expedient of buying a peace was recurred to; and the departure of the Danes was purchased, in 1007, at the expense of £30,000.

The English endeavoured to employ this interval in making preparations against the return of the Danes, which they had reason soon to expect. A law was made, ordering the proprietors of eight hides of land to provide themselves of a horseman and a complete suit of armour; and those of 310 hides to equip a ship for the defence of the kingdom. By this means a formidable armament was raised. There were 243,600 hides in England; consequently the ships equipped must be 785. The cavalry was 30,450 men. All hopes of success from this equipment, however, were disappointed by the factions, animosities, and divisions.

(a) On the subject of this massacre, Mr Hume has the following observations: "Almost all the ancient historians speak of this massacre of the Danes as if it had been universal, and as if every individual of that nation throughout England had been put to death. But the Danes were almost the sole inhabitants in the kingdoms of Northumberland and East Anglia, and were very numerous in Mercia. This representation of the matter was absolutely impossible. Great resistance must have been made, and violent wars ensued; which was not the case. This account given by Wallingford, though he stands single, must be admitted as the only true one. We are told that the name of lurdane, lord Dane, for an idle lazy fellow who lives at other peoples expense, came from the conduct of the Danes who were put to death. But the English princes had been entirely masters for several generations; and only supported a military corps of that nation. It seems probable, therefore, that these Danes only were put to death." England.

Edric had caused his brother Brightric to advance an accusation of treason against Wolfnoth governor of Sussex, the father of the famous Earl Godwin; and that nobleman, knowing the power and malice of his enemy, consulted his own safety by deserting with 20 ships to the Danes. Brightric pursued him with a fleet of 80 sail; but his ships being shattered in a tempest, and stranded on the coast, he was suddenly attacked by Wolfnoth, and all his vessels were burnt or otherwise destroyed. The treachery of Edric frustrated every plan of future defence; and the whole navy was at last scattered into the several harbours.

By these fatal miscarriages, the enemy had leisure to overrun the whole kingdom. They had now got such a footing, indeed, that they could hardly have been expelled though the nation had been ever so unanimous. But so far did mutual disaffection and dissension prevail, that the governors of one province refused to march to the assistance of another; and were at last terrified from assembling their forces for the defence of their own. At last the usual expedient was tried. A peace was bought with L.48,000; but this did not procure even the usual temporary relief. The Danes, knowing that they were now masters of the kingdom, took the money, and continued their devastations. They levied a new contribution of L.8000 on the county of Kent alone; murdered the archbishop of Canterbury, who had refused to countenance this evasion; and the English nobility submitted everywhere to the Danish monarch, swearing allegiance to him, and giving hostages for their good behaviour. At last, Ethelred himself, dreading equally the violence of the enemy and the treachery of his own subjects, fled into Normandy, whither he had already sent queen Emma and her two sons Alfred and Edward. The Duke received his unhappy guests with a generosity which does honour to his memory.

The flight of king Ethelred happened in the end of the year 1013. He had not been above six weeks in Normandy, when he heard of the death of Sweyn, which happened at Gainsborough before he had time to establish himself in his new dominions. At the same time he received an invitation from the prelates and nobility to resume the kingdom; expressing also their hopes, that, being now better taught by experience, he would avoid those errors which had been so fatal to himself and his people. But the misconduct of Ethelred was incurable; and, on his refusing the government, he behaved in the very same manner that he had done before. His son-in-law Edric, notwithstanding his repeated treasons, retained such influence at court, that he instilled into the king jealousies of Sigefert and Morcar, two of the chief nobles of Mercia. Edric enticed them into his house, where he murdered them; while Ethelred partook of the infamy of this action, by confiscating their estates, and confining the widow of Sigefert in a convent. She was a woman of singular beauty and merit; and in a visit which was paid her, during her confinement, by prince Edmund the king's eldest son, she inspired him with so violent an affection, that he released her from the convent, and soon after married her without his father's consent.

In the mean time, Canute, the son and successor of Sweyn, proved an enemy no less terrible to the English than his father had been. He ravaged the eastern coast with merciless fury; and put ashore all the English hostages at Sandwich, after having cut off their hands and noses. He was at last obliged, by the necessity of his affairs, to return to Denmark. In a short time, however, he returned, and continued his depredations along the southern coast. He then broke into the counties of Dorset, Wilts, and Somerset; where an army was assembled against him under the command of Prince Edmund and Duke Edric. The latter still continued his perfidious machinations; and after endeavouring in vain to get the prince into his power, found means to dissipate the army, and then deserted to Canute with 40 vessels.

Edmund was not disheartened by this treachery. He again assembled his forces, and was in a condition to give the enemy battle. Ethelred, however, had now had frequent experience of the treachery of his subjects, that he had lost all confidence in them. He remained in London, pretending sickness, but in reality from an apprehension that they intended to buy their peace by delivering him into the hands of his enemies. The army called aloud for their sovereign to march at their head against the Danes; and on his refusal to take the field, they were so discouraged, that all the preparations which had been made became ineffectual for the defence of the kingdom. Edmund, deprived of all regular resources for the maintenance of the soldiers, was obliged to commit similar ravages to those practised by the Danes; and after making some fruitless expeditions into the north, which had submitted entirely to Canute's power, he returned to London, where he found everything in confusion by the death of the king.

Ethelred died in 1016, after an unhappy reign of 35 years; and was succeeded by his eldest son Edmund Ironside on account of his great strength and valour. He possessed abilities sufficient to have saved his country from ruin, had he come sooner to the throne; but it was now too late. He bravely opposed the Danes, however, notwithstanding every disadvantage; till it left the nobility of both nations obliged their kings to come to a compromise, and divide the kingdom between them by treaty. Canute referred to himself Mercia, East Anglia, and Northumberland, which he had entirely subdued. The southern parts were left to Edmund. This prince survived the treaty only about a month; being murdered at Oxford by two of his chamberlains, accomplices of Edric.

After the death of Edmund, nothing was left for Canute, the English but submission to Canute. The least scrupulous of mankind, however, dare not at all times openly commit injustice. Canute, therefore, before he seized the dominions of Edwin and Edward, the two sons of Edmund, suborned some of the nobility to depose, that, in the last treaty with Edmund, it had been verbally agreed, that, in case of Edmund's death, Canute should either be successor to his dominions, or tutor to his children; for historians differ with regard to this particular. This evidence, supported by the great power of Canute, was sufficient to get him elected king of England. Immediately after his accession to the throne, he sent the two sons of Edmund to the court of Sweden, on pretence of being there educated; but but charged the king to put them to death as soon as they arrived. The Swedish monarch did not comply with this request; but sent them to Solomon king of Hungary, to be educated in his court. The elder, Edwin, was afterwards married to Solomon's sister; but he dying without issue, that prince gave his sister-in-law, Agatha, daughter of the emperor Henry II., in marriage to Edward, the younger brother; and she bore him Edgar Atheling; Margaret, afterwards queen of Scotland; and Christina, who retired into a convent.

Canute was obliged at first to make great concessions to the nobility; but he afterwards put to death many of those in whom he could not put confidence; and, among the rest, the traitor Edric himself, who was publicly executed, and his body thrown into the Thames. In order to prevent any danger from the Normans, who had threatened him with an invasion, he married Emma the widow of Ethelred, and who now came over from Normandy; promising that he would leave the children he should have by that marriage heirs to the crown after his decease. The English were at first displeased with Emma for marrying the mortal enemy of her former husband; but at the same time were glad to find at court a sovereign to whom they were accustomed, and who had already formed connections with them; and thus Canute, besides securing by his marriage the alliance with Normandy, gradually acquired by the same means the confidence of his own people.

The most remarkable transaction in this prince's reign, besides those mentioned under the article CANUTE, is his expedition to Scotland against Malcolm king of that country, whom he forced to do homage for the county of Cumberland, which the Scots at that time possessed. After this enterprise, Canute passed four years in peace, and died at Shaftesbury; leaving three sons, Sweyn, Harold, and Hardicanute. Sweyn, whom he had by his first marriage with Aelfwen, daughter of the earl of Hampshire, was crowned in Norway; Hardicanute, whom Emma had born, was in possession of Denmark; and Harold, who was of the same marriage with Sweyn, was at that time in England.

Harold succeeded to the crown of England; though it had been stipulated that Emma's son, Hardicanute, should be heir to that kingdom. This advantage Harold obtained by being on the spot, and getting possession of his father's treasures, while Hardicanute was at a distance. As Hardicanute, however, was supported by earl Godwin, a civil war was likely to ensue, when a compromise was made; by which it was agreed, that Harold should enjoy London, and all the provinces north of the Thames, while the possession of the south should remain to Hardicanute; and till that prince should appear and take possession of his dominions, Emma fixed her residence at Winchester, and ruled her son's part. Harold reigned four years; during which time, the only memorable action he performed was a most infamous piece of treachery.—Alfred and Edward, the two sons of Emma by Ethelred, paid a visit to their mother in England. But, in the mean time, earl Godwin being gained over by Harold, a plan was laid for the destruction of the two princes. Alfred was accordingly invited to London by Harold, with many professions of friendship; but when he had reached Guildford, he was set upon by Godwin's vassals; about 600 of his train were murdered in the most cruel manner; he himself was taken prisoner, his eyes were put out, and he was conducted to the monastery of Ely, where he died soon after. Edward and Emma, apprised of the fate which awaited them, fled beyond sea, the former into Normandy, the latter into Flanders; while Harold took possession of all his brother's dominions without opposition.—He died in April 1039.

Hardicanute succeeded his brother Harold without opposition. His government was extremely violent and tyrannical. However, it was but of short duration. He died, in 1041, of a debauch at the marriage of a Danish lord. After his death, a favourable opportunity was offered to the English for shaking off the Danish yoke. Sweyn, king of Norway, the eldest son of Canute, was absent; and as the two last kings had died without issue, there appeared none of that race whom the Danes could support as successor to the throne. For this reason, the eyes of the nation were naturally drawn towards prince Edward, who happened to be at court when the king died. There were some reasons, however, to fear, that Edward's succession would be opposed by earl Godwin, who was by far the most powerful nobleman in the kingdom. A declared animosity subsisted between Edward and Godwin, on account of the hand which the latter had in the murder of his brother Alfred; and this was thought to be an offence of so grievous a nature, that Edward could never forgive it. But here their common friends interposed; and representing the necessity of their good correspondence, obliged them to lay aside their animosities, and to concur in restoring liberty to their native country. Godwin only stipulated that Edward, as a pledge of his sincere reconciliation, should promise to marry his daughter Editha. This proposal was agreed to; Edward was crowned king of England, and married Conessor Editha as he had promised. The marriage, however, proved rather a source of discord than otherwise between the king and Godwin. Editha, though a very amiable woman, could never obtain the confidence and affection of her husband. It is even said, that, during the whole course of her life, he abstained from all matrimonial converse with her; and this ridiculous behaviour was highly celebrated by the monkish writers of the age, and contributed to the king's acquiring the title of Saint and Conessor.

Though the neglect of his daughter could not fail to awaken Godwin's former enmity against king Edward, it was necessary to choose a more popular ground before he could vent his complaints against the king in a public manner. He therefore chose for his theme the influence which the Normans had on the affairs of the king government; and a declared opposition took place between him and these favourites. In a short time, this animosity openly broke out with great violence. Euflace count of Bologna having paid a visit to the king, passed by Dover on his return. One of his train being refused access to a lodging which had been appointed for him, attempted to make his way by force, and wounded the matter of the house in the contest. The townsmen revenged this insult by the death of the stranger; the count, and his train took arms, and murdered the townsman in his own house. A tumult ensued; near 20 persons were killed on each side; and Eustace being overpowered with numbers, was at last obliged to fly. He complained to the king; who gave orders to earl Godwin, in whose government Dover lay, to punish the inhabitants. But this nobleman refused to obey the command, and endeavoured to throw the whole blame on count Eustace and his followers. The king was displeased; and threatened to make him feel the utmost effects of his resentment, in case he finally refused to comply. Upon this, Godwin assembled a powerful army, on pretence of repelling some disorders on the frontiers of Wales; but, instead of this, marched directly to Gloucester, where the king at that time was without any military force, as suspecting no danger.

Edward perceiving his danger, applied to Siward duke of Northumberland, and Leofric duke of Mercia, two very powerful noblemen. They hastened to him with such followers as they could assemble, issuing orders at the same time for all the forces under their respective governments to march without delay to the defence of the king. Godwin, in the mean time, suffered himself to be deceived by negotiations, till the king's army became so powerful, that he was not able to cope with it. He was therefore obliged to fly with his family to Flanders. Here he was protected by Baldwin earl of that country, together with his three sons Gurnth, Sweyn, and Tosti; the last of whom had married Baldwin's daughter. Harold and Leofwin, two other sons of Godwin, took shelter in Ireland.

After the flight of earl Godwin, he was proceeded against as a traitor by king Edward. His estates, and those of his sons, were confiscated; his governments given to others; queen Editha was confined in a monastery; and the great power of this family, which had become formidable to the crown itself, seemed to be totally overthrown. Godwin, however, soon found means to retrieve his affairs. Having hired some ships, and manned them with his followers, he attempted to make a descent at Sandwich. The king, informed of his preparations, equipped a fleet which Godwin could not resist, and he therefore retreated into the Flemish harbours. On his departure, the English dismissed their armament. This Godwin had expected, and therefore kept himself in readiness for the favourable opportunity. He immediately put to sea, and sailed to the Isle of Wight, where he was joined by Harold with a squadron which he had collected in Ireland. Being thus master of the sea, Godwin entered the harbours on the southern coast; seized all the ships; and being joined by great numbers of his former vassals, he sailed up the Thames, and appeared before London.

The approach of such a formidable enemy threw everything into confusion. The king alone seemed resolute to defend himself to the last extremity; but the interposition of many of the nobility, together with the submissions of Godwin himself, at last produced an accommodation. It was stipulated, that Godwin should give hostages for his good behaviour, and that all the foreigners should be banished the kingdom; after which, Edward, sensible that he had not power sufficient to detain the earl's hostages in England, sent them over to his kinsman the young duke of Normandy.

Soon after this reconciliation, Godwin died as he was sitting at table with the king. He was succeeded in the government of Westsex, Suffex, Kent, and to the Effex, and in the office of steward of the household, a crown place of great power, by his son Harold. The son was no less ambitious than his father had been; and as he was a man of much greater abilities, he became a more dangerous enemy to Edward than even Godwin had been. Edward knew no better expedient to prevent the increase of Harold's power, than by giving him a rival. This was Algar son of Leofric duke of Mercia, whom he invested with the government of East Anglia, which had formerly belonged to Harold. The latter, however, after some broils, finally got the better of his rival, and banished him the kingdom. Algar returned soon after with an army of Norwegians, with whom he invaded East Anglia; but his death in a short time freed Harold from all further apprehensions from that quarter. His power was still further increased in a short time after by the accession of his brother Tosti to the government of Northumberland; and Edward now declining in years, and apprehensive that Harold would attempt to usurp the crown after his death, resolved to appoint a successor. He therefore sent a deputation into Hungary, to invite over his nephew, Edward, son to his elder brother, who was the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. That prince accordingly came over with his children, Edgar Atheling, Margaret, and Christina; but died a few days after his arrival. His death threw the king into greater perplexity than ever. Being resolved to exclude Harold if possible, he secretly cast his eye on his kinsman William duke of Normandy; a person of whose power, character, and capacity, he had justly a very high opinion. This advice had formerly been given him by Robert archbishop of Canterbury, who was himself a Norman, and had been banished along with the rest upon the return of earl Godwin. But Edward finding that the English would more easily acquiesce in the restoration of the Saxon line, had in the mean time invited his brother's descendants from Hungary as already mentioned. The death of his nephew, and the inexperience and unpromising qualities of young Edgar, made him refuse his former intentions in favour of the duke of Normandy, though his aversion to hazardous enterprises engaged him to postpone the execution, and even to keep his purpose concealed from all his ministers.

Harold in the mean time increased his popularity by all possible means, in order to prepare his way for being advanced to the throne after the death of Edward, which now seemed to be fast approaching. He had no suspicion of the duke of Normandy as a rival; but as he knew that a son and grandson of the earl Godwin were in the hands of that prince as hostages, he feared that they might be made use of as checks upon his ambition, in case he attempted afterwards to ascend the throne. He therefore prevailed upon Edward to release these hostages unconditionally; and having obtained his consent, he set out for Normandy himself, attended by a numerous retinue. He was driven by a tempest on the territory of Guy count of England. Pontius, who detained him prisoner, and demanded an exorbitant sum for his ransom: Harold found means to acquaint William with his situation. The duke of Normandy, desirous of gaining Harold over to his party, commanded Guy to restore his prisoner to his liberty. Upon this Harold was immediately put into the hands of the Norman ambassador, who conducted him to Rouen. William received him with great demonstrations of respect and friendship; but soon took an opportunity of acquainting him with his pretensions to the crown of England, and asked his affiance in the execution of his scheme. Harold was surprized with this declaration of the duke; but being entirely in his power, he feigned a compliance with his desires, and promised to second to the utmost of his ability the will of king Edward. William, to secure him as much as possible to his interest, promised him his daughter in marriage, and required him to take an oath that he would fulfil his promises. Harold readily complied; but to make the oath more binding, William privately conveyed under the altar where the oath was taken, relics of some of the most revered martyrs; and when Harold had taken the oath, he showed him the relics, and admonished him to observe religiously such a solemn engagement.

Harold was no sooner at liberty, than he found himself master of casuistry sufficient to excuse the breaking of his oath, which had been extorted from him, and which, if kept, might be attended with the subjection of his country to a foreign power. He continued to practise every art to increase his popularity; and about this time, two accidents enabled him to add much to that character which he had already so well established. The Welsh had for some time made incursions into the English territories, and had lately become so troublesome, that Harold thought he could not do a more acceptable piece of service to the public, than undertake an expedition against these invaders. Having therefore prepared some light-armed foot to pursue the natives into their fortresses, some cavalry to secure the open country, and a squadron of ships to attack the sea-coasts, he employed all these forces against the enemy at once; and thus reduced them to such distress, that they were obliged to purchase peace by sending their prince's head to Harold, and submitting to the government of two Welsh noblemen appointed by Edward.

The other incident was no less honourable to Harold. Tosti his brother had been created duke of Northumberland; but being of a violent tyrannical temper, had treated the inhabitants with such cruelty, that they rose in rebellion against him, and drove him from his government. Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, grandsons of the great duke Leofric, joined in the insurrection; and the former being elected duke, advanced with an army to oppose Harold, who had been commissioned by the king to reduce and punish the Northumbrians. Before the armies engaged, Morcar endeavoured to justify his conduct, and represented to Harold, that Tosti had behaved in such a manner, that no one, not even a brother, could defend him without participating of the infamy of his conduct: that the Northumbrians were willing to submit to the king, but required a governor that would pay some attention to their privileges; and they trusted that Harold would not defend in another that violent conduct from which his own government had always kept at so great a distance. This speech was accompanied by such a detail of well-supported facts, that Harold abandoned his brother's cause; and returning to Edward, prevailed him to pardon the Northumbrians, and confirm Morcar in his government. He even married the sister of that nobleman; and by his interest procured Edwin the younger brother to be chosen governor of Mercia. Tosti, in a rage, departed the kingdom, and took shelter in Flanders with Baldwin his father-in-law; while William of Normandy saw that now he had nothing to expect from Harold, who plainly intended to secure the crown for himself.

Edward died in 1067, and was succeeded by Harold with as little opposition as though he had been the lawful heir. The very day after Edward's death, he was anointed and crowned by the archbishop of York. The whole nation seemed joyfully to swear allegiance to him. But he did not long enjoy the crown, to obtain which he had taken so much pains, and which he seemed to have such capacity for wearing. His brother Tosti, provoked at his success, flared up against him every enemy he could have any influence with. The duke of Normandy also was enraged to the last degree at the perfidy of Harold; but before he commenced hostilities, he sent an embassy to England, upbraiding the king with his breach of faith, and summoning him to resign the kingdom immediately. Harold replied, that the oath, with which he was approached, had been extorted by the well-grounded fear of violence, and for that reason could never be regarded as obligatory: that he never had any commission either from the late king or the states of England, who alone could dispose of the crown, to make any tender of the succession to the duke of Normandy; and if he, a private person, had assumed so much authority, and had even voluntarily sworn to support the Duke's pretensions, the oath was unlawful, and it was his duty to take the first opportunity of breaking it: that he had obtained the crown by the unanimous suffrages of the people; and should show himself totally unworthy of their favour, did he not strenuously maintain those liberties with which they had entrusted him; and that the Duke, if he made any attempt by force of arms, should experience the power of an united nation, conducted by a prince, who, sensible of the obligations imposed on him by his royal dignity, was determined, that the same moment should put a period to his life and to his government.

This answer was according to William's expectations; and therefore he had already made preparations for invading England. He was encouraged and assisted in this enterprise by Howel count of Brittany, Baldwin earl of Flanders, the emperor Henry IV. and pope Alexander II. The latter declared Harold a perjured usurper; denounced excommunication against him and his adherents; and the more to encourage William in his enterprises, sent him a consecrated banner, and a ring with one of St Peter's hairs in it. Thus he was enabled to assemble a fleet of 3000 vessels, on board of which were embarked 60,000 men, chosen from among those numerous supplies which were sent him from all quarters. Many eminent personages were enlisted under der his banners. The most celebrated were Eustace count of Boulogne, Aimery de Thouars, Hugh d'Étampes, William d'Everux, Geoffroy de Rotrou, Roger de Beaumont, William de Warenne, Roger de Montgomery, Hugh de Grantmesnil, Charles Martel, and Geoffroy Gifford.

In order to embarrass the affairs of Harold the more effectually, William also excited Tosti, in concert with Halifager king of Norway, to infest the English coasts. These two having collected a fleet of 350 ships, sailed up the Humber, and disembarked their troops, who began to commit great depredations. They were opposed by Morcar earl or duke (n) of Northumberland, and Edric earl of Mercia, who were defeated. Harold, on the news of this invasion, assembled a considerable army, engaged the enemy at Stamford, and after a bloody battle entirely defeated them. Tosti and Halifager were killed in the action, and all the fleet fell into the hands of the victors; but Harold generously allowed Olave the son of Halifager to depart with 20 vessels.

The king of England had scarce time to rejoice on account of his victory, when news were brought him that the Normans were landed in Sussex. Harold's victory had considerably weakened his army. He lost many of his bravest officers and soldiers in the action; and he disgusted the rest, by refusing to distribute the Danish spoils among them. He hastened, however, by quick marches, to repel this new invader; but though he was reinforced at London and other places with fresh troops, he found himself weakened by the defection of his old soldiers, who, from fatigue and discontent, secretly withdrew from their colours. Guth, the brother of Harold, a man of great conduct as well as bravery, became apprehensive of the event; and entreated the king to avoid a general engagement for some time, or at least not to hazard his person. But though this advice was in itself evidently proper, and enforced by all the arguments which Guth could suggest, Harold continued deaf to every thing that could be said. Accordingly, on the 14th of October 1066, the two armies engaged near Hastings, a town of Sussex. After a most obstinate and bloody battle*, the English were entirely defeated, Harold and his two brothers killed, and William left master of the kingdom of England.

Nothing could exceed the terror of the English upon the news of the defeat and death of Harold. As soon as William passed the Thames at Wallingford, Stigand, the primate, made submissions to him in the name of the clergy; and before he came within sight of London, all the chief nobility, and even Edgar Atheling himself, who, being the rightful heir to the throne, had just before been declared king, came and submitted to the conqueror. William very readily accepted of the crown upon the terms that were offered by the English historians complain of the most grievous opprobrium by William and his Normans. Whether by his conduct the conqueror willingly gave the grievously English opportunities of rebelling against him, in order to have a pretence for oppressing them afterwards, is not easy to say; but it is certain that the beginning of his reign cannot justly be blamed. The first difficulty against his government was excited among the clergy. William could not avoid the rewarding of those numerous adventurers who had accompanied him in his expedition. He first divided the lands of the English barons who had opposed him among his Norman barons; but as these were found insufficient, he quartered the rest on the rich abbeys, of which there were many in the kingdom, until some other opportunity of providing for them offered itself.

Though this last step was highly resented by the clergy, it gave very little offence to the laity. The whole nation, however, was soon after disgusted, by seeing all the real power of the kingdom placed in the hands of the Normans. He disarmed the city of London, and other places which appeared most warlike and populous, and quartered Norman soldiery wherever he dreaded an insurrection. This was indeed acting as a conqueror, and not as an elected king; but the event showed the necessity of such precautions. The king having thus secured, as he imagined, England from any danger of a revolt, determined to pay a visit to his Norman dominions. He appointed his brother Odo, bishop of Bayeaux, and William Fitz-Oborne, regents in his absence; and to secure himself yet farther, he resolved to carry along with him much of the English nobility as he put the least confidence in.

Having taken all these methods to ensure the tranquillity of his new kingdom, William set sail for Normandy in March 1067; but his absence produced the most fatal consequences. Dissentions and murmurings were multiplied everywhere; secret conspiracies were entered into against the government; hostilities were commenced in many places; and every thing seemed to threaten a speedy revolution. William of Poitiers, a Norman historian, throws the blame entirely on the English. He calls them a fickle and mutinous race, while he celebrates with the highest encomiums the justice and lenity of Odo's and Fitz-Oborne's administration. On the other hand, the English historians tell us, that these governors took all opportunities of oppressing the people, either with a view to provoke them to rebellion, or in case they tamely submitted to their impositions, to grow rich by plundering them. Be this as it will, however, a secret conspiracy was formed among the English for a general massacre of the Normans, like what had formerly been made of the Danes. This was prosecuted with so much animosity, that the vassals of the earl of Essex put him to death because he refused to head them in the enterprise. The conspirators had already taken the resolution, and fixed the day for their intended massacre, which was to be on Ash-Wednesday, during the time of divine service,

(b) Anciently these two titles were synonymous. vice, when all the Normans would be unarmed as penitents, according to the discipline of the times. But the presence of William disconcerted all their schemes. Having got intelligence of their bloody purpose, he hastened over to England. Such of the conspirators as had been more open in their rebellion, consulted their safety by flight; and this served to confirm the proofs of an accusation against those who remained. From this time the king not only lost all confidence in his English subjects, but regarded them as irrevocable enemies. He had already raised such a number of fortresses in the country, that he no longer dreaded the tumultuous or transient efforts of a discontented multitude. He determined therefore to treat them as a conquered nation. The first instance of this treatment was his revival of the tax of Danegelt, which had been imposed by the Danish conquerors, and was very odious to the people. This produced great discontentments, and even insurrections. The inhabitants of Exeter and Cornwall revolted; but were soon reduced, and obliged to implore the mercy of the conqueror. A more dangerous rebellion happened in the north; but this was also soon quashed, and the English became sensible that their destruction was intended. Their easy submission after the battle of Hastings had inspired the Normans with contempt; their commotions afterwards had rendered them objects of hatred; and they were now deprived of every expedient which could make them either regarded or beloved by their sovereign. Many fled into foreign countries; and among the rest Edgar Atheling himself, who made his escape to Scotland, and carried thither his two sisters Margaret and Christina. They were well received by Malcolm, who soon after married Margaret, the elder sister, and also received great numbers of other exiles with the utmost kindness.

The English, though unable to make any resistance openly, did not fail to gratify their resentment against the Normans in a private manner. Seldom a day passed, but the bodies of assassinated Normans were found in the woods and highways, without any possibility of bringing the perpetrators to justice. Thus, at length, the conquerors themselves began again to wish for tranquillity and security; and several of them, though entrusted with great commands, desired to be dismissed from the service. In order to prevent these defections, which William highly resented, he was obliged to allure others to flay by the largeness of his bounties. The consequences were, fresh exactions from the English, and new insurrections on their part against their cruel masters. The Norman power, however, was too well founded to be now removed, and every attempt of the English to regain their liberty served only to rivet their chains the more firmly. The county of Northumberland, which had been most active in these insurrections, now suffered most severely. The whole of it was laid waste, the houses were burned, the instruments of agriculture destroyed, and the inhabitants forced to seek new places of abode. On this occasion it is said that above 100,000 persons perished either by the sword or famine; and the country is supposed, even to this day, to retain the marks of its ancient depopulation. The estates of all the English gentry were next confiscated, and bestowed on the Normans. By this means all the ancient and honourable families were reduced to beggary; and the English found themselves totally excluded from every road that led either to honour or preferment.

By proceeding in this manner, William at last broke the spirit of the English nation, and received no farther trouble from them. In 1076, however, he found that the latter part of his life was likely to be unhappy through dissensions in his own family. He had four sons, Robert, Richard, William, and Henry, besides several daughters. Robert, his eldest son, was named Curthys, from the shortness of his legs, was a prince who inherited all the bravery and ambition of his family. He had formerly been promised by his father the government of the province of Maine in France, and was also declared successor to the dukedom of Normandy. He demanded from his father the fulfillment of these promises; but William gave him a flat denial, observing that "it was not his custom to throw off his clothes till he went to bed." Robert declared his resentment; and openly expressed his jealousy of his two brothers William and Henry, (for Richard was killed, in hunting, by a stag). An open rupture was soon commenced. The two young princes one day took it into their heads to throw water on their elder brother as he passed through the court after leaving their apartment. Robert construed this frolic into a studied indignity; and having these jealousies still further inflamed by one of his favourites, he drew his sword, and ran up stairs with an intent to take revenge. The whole castle was quickly filled with tumult, and it was not without some difficulty that the king himself was able to appease it. But he could not allay the animosity which from that moment prevailed in his family. Robert, attended by several of his confederates, withdrew to Rouen that very night, hoping to surprise the castle; but his design was defeated by the governor. The popular character of the prince, however, engaged all the young nobility of Normandy, as well as of Anjou and Brittany, to espouse his quarrel; even his mother is supposed to have supported him in his rebellion by secret remittances. The unnatural contest continued for several years; and William was at last obliged to have recourse to England for support against his own son. Accordingly, he drew an army of Englishmen together; he led them over to Normandy, where he soon compelled Robert and his adherents to quit the field, and was quickly reinstated in all his dominions. Robert then took shelter in the castle of Gerberoy, which the king of France had provided for him, where he was shortly after besieged by his father. As the garrison was strong, and conscious of their treason, they made a gallant defence; and many skirmishes and duels were fought under its walls. In one of these the king and his son happened to meet; but being both concealed by their helmets, they attacked each other with mutual fury. The young prince wounded his father in the arm, and threw him from his horse. The next blow would probably have put an end to his life, had he not called for assistance. Robert instantly recollected his father's voice, leaped from his horse, and raised him from the ground. He prostrated himself in his presence, asked pardon for his offences, and promised for the future a strict adherence to his duty. The king was not so easily appeased; and perhaps his resentment was heightened England by the disgrace of being overcome. He therefore gave his malediction to his son; and returned to his own camp on Robert's horse, which he had assisted him to mount. After some recollection, however, he was reconciled to Robert, and carried him with him into England.

William returned in 1081; and being now freed from his enemies both at home and abroad, began to have more leisure to attend to his own domestic affairs. For this purpose the Doomsday-Book was composed by his order, of which an account is given under that article. He reserved a very ample revenue for the crown; and in the general distribution of land among his followers, kept possession of no fewer than 1400 manors in different parts of the country. No king of England was ever so opulent; none was able to support the splendor and magnificence of a court to such a degree; none had so many places of trust and profit to bestow; and consequently none ever had such implicit obedience paid to his commands. He delighted greatly in hunting; and to indulge himself in this with the greater freedom, he depopulated the county of Hampshire for 30 miles, turning out the inhabitants, destroying all the villages, and making the wretched outcasts no compensation for such an injury. In the time of the Saxon kings, all noblemen without distinction had a right to hunt in the royal forests; but William appropriated all these to himself, and published very severe laws to prohibit his subjects from encroaching on this part of his prerogative. The killing of a boar, a deer, or even an hare, was punished with the loss of the delinquent's eyes; at the time when the killing of a man might be atoned for by paying a moderate fine or composition.

As the king's wealth and power were so great, it may reasonably be supposed, that the riches of his ministers were in proportion. Odo, bishop of Bayeux, William's brother, was become so rich, that he resolved to purchase the papacy. For this purpose, taking the opportunity of the king's absence, he equipped a vessel in the Isle of Wight, on board of which he sent immense treasures, and prepared for his embarkation. He was detained, however, by contrary winds; and, in the mean time, William, being informed of his designs, resolved to prevent the exportation of so much wealth from his dominions. Returning therefore from Normandy, where he was at that time, he came to England the very instant his brother was stepping on board. He immediately ordered him to be made prisoner; but his attendants, respecting the bishop's ecclesiastical character, scrupled to execute his commands; so that the king was obliged to seize him with his own hand. Odo appealed to the Pope; but the king replied, that he did not seize him as bishop of Bayeux, but as earl of Kent; and, in that capacity, he expected, and would have, an account of his administration. He was therefore sent prisoner to Normandy; and, notwithstanding all the remonstrances and threats of pope Gregory, was detained in custody during the remainder of William's reign.

Soon after this, William felt a severe blow in the death of Matilda his queen; and, almost at the same time, received information of a general insurrection in Maine, the nobility of which had always been adverse to his government. Upon his arrival on the continent, he found that the insurgents had been secretly assisted and excited by the king of France, who took all opportunities of lessening the Norman power, by creating dissensions among the nobles. His displeasure on this account was very much increased, by notice he received of some railleries thrown out against him by the French monarch. It seems that William, who was become corpulent, had been detained in bed some time by sickness; and Philip was heard to say, that he only lay in of a big belly. This provoked the English monarch, that he sent him word, he would soon be up, and would, at his churching, present such a number of tapers as would set the kingdom of France in a flame.

To perform this promise, he levied a powerful army; and, entering the Isle of France, destroyed every thing with fire and sword. He took the town of Mante, and reduced it to ashes. But a period was soon put to the conquests and to the life of this great warrior by an accident. His horse happening to put his fore-feet on some hot ashes, plunged so violently, that the rider was thrown forward, and bruised his belly on the pommel of the saddle. Being now in a bad habit of body, as well as somewhat advanced in years, he began to be apprehensive of the consequences, and ordered himself to be carried in a litter to the monastery of St Germaine. Finding his illness increase, and being sensible of the approach of death, he discovered at last the vanity of all human grandeur; and was struck with remorse for those many cruelties and violences of which he had been guilty. He endeavoured to make compensation by presents to churches and monasteries, and gave orders for the liberation of several English noblemen. He was even prevailed upon, though not without reluctance, to release his brother Odo, against whom he was very much incensed. He left Normandy and Maine to his eldest son Robert. He wrote to Lanfranc the primate of England, desiring him to crown William king of England. To Henry he bequeathed nothing but the possessions of his mother Matilda; but foretold, that one day he would surpass both his brothers in power and opulence. He expired on the 9th September 1087, in the 63rd year of his age, in the 21st of his reign over England, and 54th of that over Normandy.

William, surnamed Rufus, from his red hair, was in Normandy at the time of his father's illness. He no sooner received the letter for Lanfranc, than, leaving his father in the agonies of death, he set out for England; where he arrived before intelligence of the decease of the Conqueror had reached that kingdom. Being sensible that his brother Robert, as being the eldest son, had a preferable title to himself, he used the utmost dispatch in getting himself firmly established on the throne. The English were so effectually subdued, that they made no opposition; but the Norman barons were attached to Robert. This prince was brave, open, honest, and generous; and even his predominant fault of indolence was not disagreeable to those haughty barons, who affected an almost total independence of their sovereign. The king, on the other hand, was violent, haughty, and tyrannical. A powerful conspiracy was therefore carried on against William; and Odo, bishop of Bayeux, undertook to conduct it. Many of the most powerful nobility were concerned; and as the conspirators expected to be in a short time supported by powerful succours from Normandy, they retired to their castles, and put themselves in an offensive posture.

William, sensible of his danger, engaged the English on his side, by promising some mitigation of their hardships, and liberty to hunt in the royal forests; Robert, in the mean time, through his natural indolence, neglected to give his allies proper assistance. The conspirators were obliged to submit. Some of them were pardoned; but most of them confiscated, and their estates bestowed on the barons who had continued faithful to the king.

William, freed from this danger, thought no more of his promises to the English. He proved a greater tyrant than his father; and, after the death of Lanfranc, who had been his preceptor, and kept him within some bounds, he gave full scope to his violent and rapacious disposition. Not content with oppressing the laity, he invaded the privileges of the church; which, in those days, were held most sacred. He seized the temporalities of all the vacant bishoprics and abbeys, and openly put to sale those fees and abbeys which he thought proper to dispose of.

These proceedings occasioned great murmurs among the ecclesiastics, which were quickly spread through the nation, but the terror of William's authority prevented the public tranquillity. In 1090, the king thought himself strong enough to attempt the conquest of Normandy, which at that time was in the greatest confusion through the indolent and negligent administration of Robert. Several of the barons had revolted, and these revolts were encouraged by the king of France. Robert also imagined he had reason to fear the intrigues of his other brother Henry, whom for 3000 merks he had put in possession of Cotentin, near a third part of the duchy of Normandy. He therefore threw him into prison; but finding himself threatened with an invasion from the king of England, he gave Henry his liberty, and even made use of his assistance in suppressing the insurrections of his rebellious subjects. William, however, was no sooner landed in Normandy, than the nobility on both sides interposed, and a treaty of peace was concluded. In this treaty Henry finding his interests entirely neglected, retired to St. Michael's Mount, a strong fortress on the coast of Normandy, and infested the neighbourhood with his incursions. He was besieged by his two brothers, and obliged to capitulate in a short time; after which, being deprived of all his dominions, he wandered about for some time with very few attendants, and often in great poverty.

The peace with Robert was of no long duration. In the interval some hostilities with Scotland succeeded, and these terminated in the death of Malcolm king of that country; after which new broils ensued with Normandy. The rapacious temper of William prompted him to encroach upon his brother's territories, and the same rapacity prompted him to use a very extraordinary expedient in order to accomplish his designs. Having gone over to Normandy to support his partisans, he ordered an army of 20,000 men to be raised in England, and conducted to the sea-coast as if they were to be immediately embarked; but when they came there, instead of embarking, they were forced to pay the king ten shillings a man; after which they were dismissed to their several counties. With this money William engaged the king of France to depart from the protection of Robert; and also bribed many of the Norman barons to revolt. He was called from Normandy, however, by an irruption of the Welsh; and having repulsed them, he was prevented from attempting other enterprises by a conspiracy of his barons.

In 1096, however, the superstition of Robert put the king of England in possession of those dominions which he had not been able to conquer by force or offer of arms. The crusades were now commenced, and Robert was desirous of undertaking an expedition into the Holy Land. As money for this purpose was wanting, he mortgaged his dominions to his brother for 10,000 merks. The king raised the money by violent extortions on his subjects; forcing even the convents to melt their plate, in order to furnish the quota demanded of them. He was then put in possession of Normandy and Maine; and Robert with a magnificent train set out for the Holy Land.

After the death of Lanfranc, the king had retained in his own hands the revenues of Canterbury, as he had done those of many other bishoprics; but falling into a dangerous illness, he was seized with remorse; and the clergy represented to him that he was in danger of eternal perdition if he did not make atonement for those impieties and sacrileges of which he had been guilty. He therefore instantly resolved to supply the vacancy of Canterbury; he sent for Anselm, a Piedmontese by birth, abbot of Bec in Normandy, who was much celebrated for his piety and devotion. The abbot refused the dignity with great earnestness; fell on his knees, wept, and intreated the king to change his purpose; and when he found him obstinate in forcing the pastoral staff upon him, he kept his fist so hard clenched, that it required the utmost violence of the bystanders to open it, and force him to receive that ensign of his spiritual dignity. William soon after recovered his health, and with it his violence and rapacity. As he now spared the church no more than before, a quarrel with Anselm soon ensued; and this was with the more dangerous to the king, on account of the primate's great character for piety which the primate had acquired by his zeal against abuses of all kinds, particularly those of dress and ornament.

At this time there was a mode which prevailed not only in England, but throughout Europe, both among men and women, of giving an enormous length to their shoes, drawing the toe to a sharp point, and affixing to it the figure of a bird's bill, or some such ornament, which was turned upwards, and which was often fastened by gold or silver chains tied to the knee. The ecclesiastics took exception at this ornament, which they said was an attempt to bely the figure, where it is affirmed, that no man can add a cubit to his stature; and they not only declaimed against it with vehemence, but assembled some synods, in which the fashion was absolutely condemned. Such, however, are the contradictions in human nature, that all the influence of the clergy, which at that time was sufficient to send vast multitudes of people into Asia to butcher one another, was not able to prevail against those long-pointed shoes. The fashion, contrary to what hath happened to almost all others, maintained its ground for several centuries; and even Anselm found his endeavours deavours against it ineffectual. He was more successful in decrying the long hair and curled locks then worn by the courtiers. He refused the ashes on Ash Wednesday to such as were so accoutred; and his authority and eloquence had such influence, that the young men universally abandoned that ornament, and appeared in the cropped hair recommended to them by the sermons of the primate. For this reformation Anselm is highly celebrated by his historian Eadmer, who was also his companion and secretary.

When William's profaneness returned with his health, he was engaged in almost perpetual contests with this austere prelate *. These were pretty well settled, when the king, who had undertaken an expedition into Wales, required Anselm to furnish him with a certain number of soldiers. The primate regarded this as an invasion of the rights of the church; and therefore, though he durst not refuse compliance, sent the men to miserably accoutred, that the king was exceedingly displeased, and threatened him with a prosecution. Anselm demanded restitution of all his revenues which the king had seized, and appealed to the Pope. The quarrel, however, ran too high for the primate found it dangerous to remain in England. He desired and obtained the king's permission to retire beyond sea. His temporalities were confiscated immediately on his departure; but pope Urban received him as a martyr in the cause of religion, and even threatened the king with sentence of excommunication. William, however, proceeded in his projects of ambition and violence, without regarding the threats of the Pope; who he knew was at that time too much engaged with the crusades to mind any other business. Though his acquisition of Maine and Normandy had brought him into perpetual contests with the haughty and turbulent barons who inhabited those countries, and raised endless tumults and insurrections; yet William seemed still intent on extending his dominions either by purchase or conquest. William Earl of Poictiers and Duke of Guienne had resolved upon an expedition to the Holy Land; and, for this purpose, had put himself at the head of a vast multitude, confining, according to some historians, of 60,000 horse, and a much greater number of foot. Like Robert of Normandy, he offered to mortgage his dominions for money sufficient to conduct this multitude into Asia. The king accepted his offer; and had prepared a fleet and army to take possession of these dominions, when an unfortunate accident put an end to his projects and his life. He was engaged in hunting, the sole amusement, and indeed the principal occupation, of princes in those rude times. Walter Tyrel, a French gentleman remarkable for his skill in archery, attended him in this recreation, of which the new forest was the scene. William had dismounted after a chase; and Tyrel, impatient to show his dexterity, let fly an arrow at a stag which suddenly started before him. The arrow glanced from a tree, and struck the king to the heart. He instantly fell down dead; and Tyrel, terrified at the accident, clapt spurs to his horse, hastened to the sea-shore, and embarked for France, where he joined the crusade that was setting out from that country. This happened on the 2d of August 1100, after the king had reigned 13 years, and lived about 40. His body was found in the woods by the country-people, and buried without ceremony at Winchester.

After the death of William, the crown of right devolved to Robert his eldest brother; for William had no legitimate children. But what Robert had formerly lost by his indolence, he was again deprived of by his absence at the holy war. Prince Henry was in the forest with William Rufus at the time the latter was killed. He no sooner heard the important news, Prince than he hurried to Winchester, and secured the royal treasure. William de Breteuil, keeper of the treasure, arrived almost the same instant, and opposed his pretensions; telling him, that the treasure belonged to his elder brother, who was now his sovereign, and for whom he was determined to keep it. But Henry, drawing his sword, threatened him with instant death if he dared to disobey him; and others of the late king's retinue, who came every moment to Winchester, joining the prince's party, he was obliged to desist. Henry lost no time in fully accomplishing his purpose. In less than three days he got himself crowned king of England by Maurice bishop of London. Present possession supplied every deficiency of title; and no one dared to appear in defence of the absent prince.

The beginning of king Henry's reign promised to be favourable to the English liberty; owing chiefly to his fear of his brother. To conciliate the affections of his subjects, he passed a charter calculated to remove many of the grievous oppressions which had been complained of during the reigns of his father and brother. He promised, that at the death of any abbot or bishop, he never would seize the revenues of the see or abbey during the vacancy, but would leave the whole to be reaped by the successor; and that he would never let to farm any ecclesiastical benefice, or dispose of it for money. To the laity he promised, that, upon the death of any earl, baron, or military tenant, his heir should be admitted to the possession of his estate, on paying a just and lawful relief; without being exposed to those enormous exactions which had been formerly required. He remitted the wardship of minors; and allowed guardians to be appointed, who should be answerable for the trust. He promised not to dispose of any heiress in marriage but by advice of all the barons; and if any baron intended to give his daughter, sister, niece, or kinswoman, in marriage, it should only be necessary for him to consult the king, who promised to take no money for his consent, nor ever to refuse permission, unless the person to whom it was proposed to marry her should happen to be his enemy. He granted his barons and military tenants the power of bequeathing by will their money or personal estates; and if they neglected to make a will, he promised that their heirs should succeed to them. He renounced the right of impounding moneys, and of levying taxes at pleasure, on the farms which the barons kept in their own hands. He made some general professions of moderating fines; he offered a pardon for all offences; and remitted all debts due to the crown. He also required, that the vassals of the barons should enjoy the same privileges which he granted to his own barons; and he promised a general confirmation and observance of the laws of king Edward *. To give greater authenticity to these concessions, a system... copy of the charter was lodged in some abbey of each county.

King Henry, farther to increase his popularity, degraded and committed to prison Ralph Flambard bishop of Durham, who had been the chief instrument of oppression under his brother. He sent for Anselm, who was then at Lyons, inviting him to return and take possession of his dignities. Anselm returned; but when Henry proposed to him to do the same homage to him which he had done to his brother, the king met with an absolute refusal. During his exile, Anselm had assisted at the council of Bari; where, besides fixing the controversy between the Greek and Latin churches concerning the procession of the Holy Ghost, the right of election to church-preferences was declared to belong to the clergy alone, and spiritual censures were denounced against all ecclesiastics who did homage to laymen for their fees and benefices, and on all laymen who exacted it. The rite of homage by the feudal customs was, that the vassal should throw himself on his knees, put his joined hands between those of his superior, and should in that posture swear fealty to him. But the council declared it execrable, that pure hands, which could create God, and offer him up for the salvation of mankind, should be put, after this humiliating manner, between profane hands, which, besides being injured to rapine and bloodshed, were employed day and night in impure purposes and obscene contacts. To this decree therefore Anselm appealed; and declared, that so far from doing homage for his spiritual dignity, he would not even communicate with any ecclesiastic who paid that submission, or who accepted of investitures from laymen. Henry durst not insist; and therefore desired that the controversy might be suspended, and that messengers might be sent to Rome to accommodate matters with the Pope, and to obtain his confirmation of the laws and customs of England.

Henry now took another step which seemed capable of confirming his claims to the crown without any danger of a rival. The English remembered with regret their Saxon monarchs, when they compared the liberty they enjoyed under them with the tyranny of the Normans. Some descendants of that favourite line still remained; and among the rest, Matilda, the niece of Edgar Atheling. Upon her the king fixed his eyes as a proper comfort, by whose means the breach between the Saxons and Normans might be cemented. A difficulty, however, occurred, because she had been educated in a nunnery. The affair was examined by Anselm in a council of prelates and nobles summoned at Lambeth. Matilda there proved, that she had put on the veil, not with a design of entering into a religious life, but merely in imitation of a custom familiar to the English ladies, who protected their chastity from the brutal violence of the Normans by taking shelter under that habit, which amid the horrid licentiousness of the times was yet generally revered. The council, sensible that even a princess had otherwise no security for her honour, admitted this reason as valid. They pronounced that Matilda was still free to marry; and her nuptials with Henry were celebrated by Anselm with great solemnity and pomp.

While Henry was thus rendering himself popular at home, his brother Robert, who had loitered away a twelvemonth in Italy, where he married Sibylla daughter of the count of Conversano, arrived in England, in 1101, in order to put in his late and ineffectual claim to the crown. His fame, however, on account of the exploits he had performed in Palestine, was so great, claimed by that even yet he was joined by many noblemen of the first rank, and the whole nation flocked prepossessed in his favour. But Henry, having paid his court to Anselm, by his means retained the army in his interests, and marched with them to Portsmouth, where Robert had landed his forces a few days before. The armies lay for some time in sight of each other; when an accommodation was effected through the mediation of Anselm and other great men. By this treaty it was agreed, that Robert should resign his pretensions to England, and receive in lieu of them an annual pension of 3000 marks; that if either of the princes died without issue, the other should succeed to his dominions; that the adherents of each should be pardoned, and restored to all their possessions either in Normandy or England; and that neither Robert nor Henry should thenceforth encourage, receive, or protect, the enemies of each other.

The two princes separated with mutual marks of friendship; but next year, Henry, under various pretences confiscated the estates of almost all the noblemen who had favoured his brother's pretensions. Robert, enraged at the fate of his friends, ventured to come to England in order to remonstrate with his brother in person. But he met with such a bad reception, that, apprehending his liberty to be in danger, he was glad to make his escape by resigning his pension.

This infringement of the treaty was followed the ensuing year by an invasion of Normandy, at the desire invaded by of Robert's own subjects, whom he was totally incapable of governing. The event of this war was the defeat and captivity of Robert, who was henceforth deprived not only of all his dominions, but of his personal liberty. He lived 28 years a prisoner, and died in the castle of Cardiff in Glamorganshire. It is even said by some, that he was deprived of his sight by a red-hot copper-baton applied to his eyes, and that king Henry appeased his conscience by founding the monastery of Reading.

The conquest of Normandy was completed in 1106; and next year the controversy between the king and primate, concerning the investitures of clergymen and their doing homage to princes, was resumed. The king was very sensible that it was not his interest to quarrel with such a powerful body as the clergy were at that time; and on the other hand he fully understood the necessity of guarding the prerogatives of the crown from their encroachments. While, therefore, he avoided an open rupture with Anselm, he obstinately refused to give up the privileges which had been enjoyed by his predecessors. On the first arrival of Anselm, the king had avoided the dispute in the manner already mentioned. A messenger was dispatched to Rome, in order to compromise matters with the Pope. The messenger returned with an absolute refusal of the king's demands. One of the reasons given by the Pope on this occasion, was expressed in the following words: "It is monstrous that a son should pretend to beget his father, or a man to create his God; priests are called..." called gods in scripture, as being the vicars of God; and will you, by your abominable pretensions to grant them their investiture, assume the right of creating them?" Henry was not yet convinced; but as he was determined to avoid, or at least to delay, the coming to any dangerous extremity with the church, he persuaded Anselm, that by farther negociation he should be able to compound matters with the Pope. Messengers were therefore dispatched to Rome a second time from the king; and also from Anselm, who wanted to be fully assured of the Pope's intentions. They returned with letters written in the most arrogant and positive manner, both to the king and primate. The king suppressed the letter sent to himself; and persuaded the three bishops, by whom it was sent, to assert, upon their episcopal faith, that the Pope had assured them of his private good intentions towards king Henry, and of his resolution not to resent any future exertion of his prerogative in granting investitures; though he himself scrupled to give this assurance under his hand, lest other princes should copy the example and assume a like privilege. Anselm's two messengers, who were monks, affirmed that it was impossible this story could have any foundation; but their word was not deemed equivalent to that of three bishops; and the king, as if he had finally gained his cause, proceeded to fill the sees of Hereford and Salisbury, and to invest the new bishops in the usual manner. Anselm, however, gave no credit to the assertions of the king's messengers; and therefore refused not only to consecrate them, but even to communicate with them; and the bishops themselves, finding they were become universally odious, returned the ensigns of their spiritual dignity.

The quarrel continued between the king and primate, till the latter, sensible of his dangerous situation, desired leave to make a journey to Rome, in order to lay the case before the Pope. This permission was easily obtained; but no sooner was the primate gone, than Henry confiscated all his revenues, and sent another messenger to negotiate with the Pope. The new messenger told his holiness, that his master would sooner part with his crown than the right of granting investitures. "And I (replied the Pope) would rather lose my head than allow him to retain it." This quarrel now became very dangerous to the king; as he was threatened by the Pope with excommunication, which would have been attended with terrible consequences. At last, however, a compromise was made in the following manner. Before bishops took possession of their dignities, they had formerly been accustomed to pass through two ceremonials: They received, from the hands of the sovereign, a ring and crozier as the symbols of their office; and this was called their investiture: they also made those submissions to the prince, which were required of the vassals by the rites of the feudal law, and which received the name of homage. The Pope, therefore, was for the present contented with Henry's resigning his right of granting investitures, by which the spiritual dignity was supposed to be conferred; and he allowed the bishops to do homage for their temporal properties and privileges. After this, the Pope allowed Anselm to communicate with the prelates who had already received investitures from the crown; and he only required of them some submissions for their past conduct. He also granted to Anselm a plenary power of remedying every disorder, which he said might arise from the barbarousness of the country. About the same time the marriage of priests was prohibited; and even laymen were not allowed to marry within the seventh degree of affinity. By this contrivance the Pope augmented the profits which he reaped from granting dispensations, and likewise those from divorces. For as the art of writing was then rare, and parish registers were not regularly kept, it was not easy to ascertain the degrees of affinity even among people of rank; and any man who had money to pay for it, might obtain a divorce, on pretence that his wife was more nearly related to him than was permitted by the canons. A decree was also published, prohibiting the clergy to wear long hair; and the king, though he would not resign his prerogatives to the church, very willingly cut his hair in the form which was required of him, obliging all the courtiers at the same time to follow his example.

From the time of this compromise, which happened in 1107, to the year 1120, nothing remarkable happened except some slight commotions in Normandy; but this year, prince William, the king's only son, was unfortunately drowned off the coast of Normandy; and Henry was so much affected, that he is said never afterwards to have smiled or recovered his wonted cheerfulness. It is very doubtful, however, whether the death of this prince was not an advantage to the British nation, since he was often heard to express the utmost hatred to the natives; insomuch that he had threatened, that when he came to the throne, he would make them draw the plough, and would turn them into beasts of burden. These prophecies he inherited from his father; who, though he was wont, when it might serve his purposes, to value himself on his birth as a native of England, showed, in the course of his government, an extreme prejudice against that people. All hopes of preferment to ecclesiastical as well as civil dignities are denied to the English during this whole reign; and any foreigner, however ignorant or worthless, was sure to have the preference in every competition. The charter formerly mentioned, which the king granted at the beginning of his reign, was no more thought of; and the whole fell so much into neglect and oblivion, that in the following century, when the barons, who had heard an obscure tradition of it, desired to make it the model of the great charter which they exacted from king John, they could only find one copy of it in the whole kingdom; while the grievances proposed to be redressed by it, continued still in their full extent.

As Henry had now no legitimate children except Matilda, whom in 1110 he had betrothed, though only eight years of age, to the emperor of Germany, he was induced to marry a second time in hopes of having sons. He made his addresses accordingly to Adelais the daughter of Godfrey Duke of Lovaine, and niece to Pope Calixtus; a young princess of an amiable person. But Adelais brought him no children; and in 1135, the king died in Normandy, from eating Death of too plentifully of lampreys; having lived 67 years, and King Henry reigned 35.

By the will of king Henry; his daughter Matilda became heiress of all his dominions. She had been married, after her first husband's death, to Geoffrey Plantagenet eldest son of the count of Anjou, by whom she had a son named Henry; but as Geoffrey had given umbrage to the king of England in several instances, no notice was taken of him in the will. The nobility had already sworn fealty to her; and the foremost to show this mark of submission to the king's will had been Stephen, son of the count of Blois (who had married Adela the daughter of William the Conqueror). He had been married to Matilda daughter and heiress of Eustace Count of Boulogne; who brought him, besides that feudal sovereignty of France, a vast property in England, which in the distribution of lands had been conferred by the Conqueror on the family of Boulogne. By this marriage Stephen acquired a new connection with the royal family of England: for Mary, his wife's mother, was sister to David the present king of Scotland, and to Matilda the first wife of Henry and mother of the empress. The king also, imagining that by the aggrandizement of Stephen he strengthened the interest of his own family, had enriched him with many possessions; but instead of this, it appeared by the event that he had only put it more and more in his power to usurp the throne.

No sooner was Henry dead, than Stephen hastened from Normandy into England. The citizens of Dover and Canterbury, apprized of his purpose, shut their gates against him; but when he arrived at London, some of the lower class of people, instigated by his emissaries, immediately proclaimed him king. The archbishop of Canterbury refused to give him the royal unction; but this difficulty was got over by Stephen's brother the bishop of Winchester. Hugh Bigod, steward of the household, made oath before the primate, that the late king, on his deathbed, had discovered a dissatisfaction with his daughter Matilda, and had expressed his intention of leaving the Count of Boulogne heir to all his dominions; and the bishop, either believing, or pretending to believe, this testimony, gave Stephen the royal unction. Very few of the nobility attended his coronation; but none opposed his usurpation, however unjust or flagrant.

Stephen, in order to establish himself on the throne as firmly as possible, passed a charter, in which he made liberal promises to all ranks of men. To the clergy he promised, that he would speedily fill all the vacant benefices, and never would levy any of the rents during the vacancy. To the nobility he gave liberty to hunt in their own forests; and to the people he promised to remit the tax of danegelt, and to restore the laws of Edward the Confessor. He seized the king's treasure at Winchester, amounting to £100,000; with part of which money he hired mercenary soldiers from the continent; and with another part procured a bull from the Pope, confirming his title to the English throne.

Matilda, in the mean time, endeavoured to recover her just rights of which Stephen had deprived her; but for some time she met with no success either in England or Normandy. Her husband Geoffrey himself was obliged to conclude a peace with Stephen, on condition of the king's paying him during that time an annual pension of £500.

Robert Earl of Gloucester was the first who shook the power of Stephen. He was natural son to the late king; a man of great honour and ability, and was very much attached to the interests of Matilda. When Stephen usurped the throne, he offered to do him homage, and take the oath of fealty; but with an express condition, that the king should maintain all his stipulations, and never invade any of Robert's rights or dignities. With this condition Stephen was obliged to comply, on account of the great power of that nobleman, though he knew that it was meant only to afford him a favourable opportunity of revolting when occasion served. The clergy imitated Robert's example; and annexed to their oath of allegiance the following condition, namely, that they were only bound as long as the king defended the ecclesiastical liberties, and supported the discipline of the church.

The barons, in return for their submission, exacted terms of still more pernicious tendency. Many of them required to have the right of fortifying their castles, kingdom, and putting themselves in a posture of defence; and with this exorbitant demand the king was forced to comply. All England was immediately filled with these fortresses; which the noblemen garrisoned either with their vassals, or with licentious soldiers, who flocked to them from all quarters. The whole kingdom now became a scene of rapine and devastation. Wars were carried on by the nobles in every quarter; the barons even assumed the right of coining money, and of exercising, without appeal, every act of jurisdiction; and the inferior gentry, as well as the people, finding no defence from the laws, during this total dissolution of sovereign authority, were obliged, for their immediate safety, to pay court to some neighbouring chieftain, and to purchase his protection, both by submitting to his exactions, and by assisting him in his rapine upon others.

In 1137, the Earl of Gloucester having projected an insurrection, retired beyond sea, sent the king a defiance, and solemnly renounced his allegiance. The next year David king of Scotland appeared with an army in defence of his niece's title; and penetrating into Yorkshire, committed the greatest devastations. He was defeated, however, with great slaughter, at Northallerton, by some of the northern barons, who had raised a powerful army; and this success so much overawed the malecontents in England, that Stephen's power might have received some stability, had he not unfortunately engaged himself in a contest with the clergy. He had already seen the mischief arising from the liberty he had granted of fortifying so many castles in different parts of the kingdom. He therefore determined to abridge this liberty as much as possible; and for that purpose he began with the castles erected by the clergy, who seemed to have less right to these military securities than the barons. Taking advantage therefore of a fray which had arisen at court between the retinue of the bishop of Salisbury and the Earl of Brittany, he seized the bishops both of Salisbury and Lincoln, threw them into prison, and obliged them to deliver up the castles which they had lately erected. This produced such a violent commotion, that the opportunity seemed favourable to the pretensions of Matilda. On the 22nd of September 1139, she Matilda landed in England with Robert Earl of Gloucester, attended only by 140 knights; but her partizans daily increased, and she was soon in a condition to face Stephen. phen with equal forces in the field. Numberless encounters happened, the detail of which could afford very little entertainment to the reader. War was spread through every quarter; and the turbulent barons having, in a great measure, shaken off all restraint of government, and now obtained the sanction of fighting in the cause of their country, redoubled their oppressions, tyrannies, and devastations. The castles of the nobility became receptacles of licensed robbers; who, falling forth day and night, spoiled the open country, plundered the villages, and even cities. They tortured the captives to make them reveal their treasures; sold their persons to slavery; and set fire to the houses, after they had pillaged them of everything valuable. In consequence of this destruction, the land was left untilled; the instruments of husbandry were abandoned; and a grievous famine reduced the nation to the most deplorable state that can be imagined.

After a multitude of indecisive conflicts, a battle ensued which seemed likely to ensure the public peace for some time. Stephen had marched his forces to relieve the city of Lincoln; the Earl of Gloucester led a body of troops to assist those of Matilda's party, who were besieging that place. The two armies engaged on the 2d of February within sight of the city, and a desperate battle ensued. At last Stephen's army was defeated. He himself was for some time left without attendants; and fought on foot in the midst of his enemies, assaulted by multitudes, and resisting all their efforts with astonishing intrepidity. Being hemmed in on every side, he forced a way for some time with his battle-axe; but that breaking, he drew his sword, and with it furiously assailed his antagonists for some time longer. But at length the sword also flying in pieces, he was obliged to surrender himself a prisoner. He was conducted to Gloucester; and though at first treated with respect, he was in a short time, upon some suspicions, thrown into irons.

About a month after, Matilda was crowned at Winchester with great solemnity; but soon showed herself totally incapable of governing such a turbulent nation. She determined to repress the power of the nobles, who had now left only the shadow of authority to their sovereign. But being destitute of policy or prudence sufficient to accomplish so difficult an undertaking, a conspiracy was soon formed against her, and the bishop of Winchester detached a party of his friends and vassals to block up the city of London where the queen resided. At the same time measures were taken to inflame the Londoners to a revolt, and to seize the queen's person. Matilda, having timely notice of this conspiracy, fled to Winchester. Here she was soon after besieged by the bishop; but the town being distressed by famine, she with difficulty made her escape; while her brother the Earl of Gloucester, endeavouring to follow, was taken prisoner, and exchanged for Stephen.

Matilda was now obliged to take shelter in Oxford, while Stephen reascended the throne. The civil war broke out with redoubled fury. Many battles were fought, and both parties were involved in many distresses. Matilda escaped from Oxford at a time when the fields were covered with snow, by being dressed all in white, with four knights her attendants dressed in the same colour. Another time Stephen was surprised by the earl of Gloucester at Wilton, and made his escape with the utmost difficulty. At last Matilda was obliged to quit the kingdom; and the death of the earl of Gloucester soon after seemed to give a fatal blow to her interests. In 1153, however, prince Henry, Matilda's son by her second husband Geoffrey, came over to England, in order once more to dispute Stephen's pretensions to the crown. After some success on his first landing, he was opposed by Stephen with a powerful army, and matters seemed likely to come to the decision of a general engagement. But while the two armies continued within a quarter of a mile of each other, a treaty was set on foot by the intervention of William earl of Arundel, for terminating the dispute in an amicable manner. The death of Eustace, Stephen's son, whom he had designed for the throne, which happened during the course of the treaty, facilitated its conclusion. It was agreed, that Stephen should reign during his life, and that justice should be administered in his name; that Henry, on Stephen's death, should succeed to the kingdom; and that William, Stephen's son, should inherit Boulogne and his patrimonial estate. This treaty filled all Europe with joy; and after the barons had sworn to it, Henry left England, and Stephen returned to the peaceful enjoyment of his throne. His reign, however, was but of short continuance; his death happening on the 25th of October 1154.

Henry was on the continent besieging a castle of one of the mutinous barons, when news was brought him of Stephen's death. But, as he was sensible of the goodness of his title, he did not abandon his enterprise till the place was reduced. He then set out on his journey, and was received in England with the utmost joy. The first acts of his reign seemed to promise an Henry II., happy and prosperous administration. He instantly dismissed the mercenary soldiers who had committed the greatest disorders throughout the nation. He ordered all the castles which had been erected since the death of Henry I. to be demolished, except a few which he retained in his own hands for the protection of the kingdom. The adulterated coin which had been struck during the reign of Stephen was cried down, and new money struck of the right value and standard. He refused many of those benefactions which had been made to churches and monasteries in the former reigns. He gave charters to several towns, by which the citizens claimed their freedom and privileges independent of any superior but himself. These charters were the ground-work of the English liberty; for thus a new order, namely, the more opulent of the people, began to claim a share in the administration, as well as the nobility and clergy. Thus the feudal government was at first impaired; and liberty began to be more equally diffused throughout the nation.

Henry II. on his accession to the English throne, found himself possessed of very extensive dominions on the continent. In the right of his father, he possessed Anjou, Touraine, and Maine; in that of his mother, Normandy; in that of his wife, Guienne, Poitou, Xaintogne, Auvergne, Perigord, Angoumois, and the Limousin. Soon after, he annexed Brittany to his other states, by marrying his son, who was yet a child, to the heiress of Brittany, who was a child also. England also, and was already in possession of the superiority over that province. These territories composed above a third of the French monarchy, and were by far the most opulent part of it; so that Henry, though vassal to the king of France, was greatly superior to him in power: and when England was added to all these, the French king had great reason to apprehend some disfavor to himself and family. The king of England, however, refused at too great a distance to be able to employ this formidable power with success against the French monarch. He soon became a kind of stranger in his continental dominions; and his subjects there considered their allegiance as more naturally due to their superior lord, who lived in their neighbourhood, and who was acknowledged to be the supreme head of their nation. Their immediate lord was often at too great a distance to protect them; and a commotion in any part of Henry's extensive dominions gave great advantages against him. The wife and vigorous administration of Henry, however, counterbalanced in a great measure these disadvantages; and he maintained a surprising tranquillity throughout his extensive dominions during the greatest part of his reign.

Henry found no great difficulty in circumscribing the power of the barons; but when he attempted to do the same thing with the clergy, he met with the most violent opposition. That body had carried their independence on the civil power so far, that now they seemed to aim at nothing less than a liberty to commit all manner of crimes with impunity. During the reign of Stephen, they had extorted an immunity from all but ecclesiastical penalties; and that grant they were resolved to maintain for the future. It may easily be supposed, that a law which thus screened their wickedness, contributed to increase it; and we accordingly find upon record, not less than 100 murders committed by men in holy orders, in the short period since the king's accession, not one of which was punished even with degradation; while the bishops themselves seemed to glory in this horrid indulgence. The king did not make any attempts against them during the life of Theobald archbishop of Canterbury, who was a man of a mild character, and besides had great merit; because, during the former reign, he had refused to put the crown on the head of Eustace, Stephen's son. He died in 1162; and the king, after his death, advanced to the see of Canterbury Thomas a Becket, his chancellor, on whose compliance he thought he might entirely depend.

The new archbishop was the first man of English pedigree, who, since the Norman conquest, had risen to any considerable station. Before his installation in the see of Canterbury, Becket had been exceedingly complaisant, good-humoured, and agreeable to his master; and had also been accustomed to live very freely. But no sooner was he invested with this high dignity, than he totally altered his conduct, and put on all those airs of affected and ostentatious humility which could recommend him to the superstitious and ignorant multitude in that age. The first step taken by this hypocrite after his advancement, was to resign the office of chancellor. This he did without consulting the king: the reason he gave was, that henceforth he must detach himself from secular affairs, and be solely employed in the duties of his sacred function; but in reality, that he might break off all connexion with Henry. As he knew that the king intended to abridge the ecclesiastical power, he thought the best method would be to become himself the aggressor. He therefore summoned the earl of Clare to surrender the barony of Tunbridge; which, ever since the Conquest, had remained in the family of that nobleman; but which, as it had formerly belonged to the see of Canterbury, the primate pretended that his predecessors were prohibited by the canons from alienating.—William de Eynsford, a military tenant of the crown, was patron of a living which belonged to a manor that held of the archbishop of Canterbury; and Becket, without regard to William's right, presented, on a new and illegal pretence, one Laurence to that living, who was violently expelled by Eynsford. Upon this, Eynsford was excommunicated. He complained to the king, that he, who held in capite of the crown, should, contrary to the practice established by the Conqueror and maintained ever since by his successors, be subjected to that terrible sentence, without the previous consent of the sovereign. Henry, by a messenger, commanded Becket to absolve Eynsford. The haughty primate answered, that it belonged not to the king to inform him whom he should absolve, and whom to communicate; but, after all, he was obliged to comply with the king's orders, though with the worst grace imaginable.

As Henry perceived that the crown was now in danger, through the superstition of the people, of falling totally under the power of the clergy, he resolved to exert himself to the utmost against their scandalous usurpations. Among their other inventions to obtain money, they had now inculcated the necessity of penance as an atonement for sin; and having again introduced the practice of paying them large sums as an equivalent for these penances, the sins of the people had thus become a revenue to the priests; and the king computed, that, by this invention alone, they levied more money from his subjects than what flowed by all the funds and taxes into the royal exchequer. To ease the people of so heavy and arbitrary an imposition, the king required, that a civil officer of his appointment should be present in all ecclesiastical courts, and should for the future give his consent to every composition made for spiritual offences. About this time also the king had an opportunity of proceeding against the clergy on another footing. A clerk in Worcestershire, having debauched a gentleman's daughter, murdered her father. The king required that the clerk should be delivered up to the magistrate. Becket pleaded the privileges of the church; confined the criminal in the bishop's prison, lest he should be seized by the king's officers; and maintained that no greater punishment could be inflicted on him than degradation. The king then required, that immediately after he was degraded, he should be tried by the civil powers; but the primate asserted, that it was iniquitous to try a man twice upon the same accusation, and for the same crime. Upon this, Henry summoned an assembly of all the prelates in England; and put to them this decisive question, Whether or not they were willing to submit to the ancient laws and customs of the kingdom? The bishops unanimously replied, that they were willing, saving their own order. The king was provoked to the last degree at this equivocal answer. He left the assembly with evident marks of displeasure; and required the primate instantly to surrender the castles of Eye and Berkham. The other prelates were terrified; but Becket continued inflexible: however, he was at last prevailed upon, by the interposition of Philip the pope's legate and almoner, to retract the saving clause, and promise without any reserve to observe the ancient customs.

The king was not now to be satisfied with general promises from the clergy. He was determined that the ancient laws and customs should be defined, as well as the privileges of the clergy. He therefore summoned another great council of the clergy and nobility at Clarendon, to whom he submitted this important affair. A number of regulations was there drawn up, which were afterwards well known by the title of the Constitutions of Clarendon. By these it was enacted, that clergymen accused of any crime should be tried in the civil courts; that laymen should not be tried in spiritual courts, except by legal and reputable witnesses; that the king should ultimately judge in ecclesiastical and spiritual appeals; that the archbishops and bishops should be regarded as barons, and obliged to contribute to the public expenses like other persons of their rank; that the goods forfeited to the king, should not be protected in churches or church-yards by the clergy; and that the sons of villeins should not take orders without the consent of their lord. These, with some others of less consequence, to the number of 16, were subscribed by all the bishops present, and even by Becket himself; who, at first, showed some reluctance.

Nothing now remained but to get the constitutions ratified by the Pope; but in this the king was disappointed. The Pope rejected them with the utmost indignation; and, out of 16, admitted only six, which he thought were not important enough to deserve censure.—Becket was now mortified to the highest degree. He retracted his consent to the constitutions, redoubled his austerities, and even refused to execute any part of his clerical function till he had obtained absolution from his holiness. Henry, considering these humilities as insults offered to himself, desired the Pope to send him a legate. He did so; but annexed a clause to his commission, by which he was prohibited from acting against the archbishop of Canterbury. The king sent back the commission to the Pope; and being now exasperated beyond all patience, commenced furious prosecutions against Becket. He first sued him for some lands belonging to his primacy; and Becket being detained by sickness from coming into court, his non-attendance was construed into disrespect. The primate afterwards defended his cause in person; but all his goods and chattels were confiscated, and the bishop of Winchester was obliged to pronounce the sentence. Another suit was commenced against him for L300, which he had levied on the honours of Eye and Berkham, and the primate agreed to give securities for the payment of the sum. The next day a third suit was commenced against him for 1000 marks, which the king had lent him upon some former occasion; and, immediately upon the back of these, a still greater demand was made; namely, that Becket should give an account of the money he had received and expended during the time he was chancellor. The money was computed at no less than 40,000 marks; and the primate, unable either to give an account, or find securities, took the following extraordinary method of evading the king's designs. He arrayed himself in his episcopal vestments; and with the crois in his hand, went forward to the palace. Having entered the royal apartments, he sat down, holding up the crois as his banner and protection. The king, who sat in an inner apartment, ordered by proclamation all the prelates and nobility to attend him; to whom he loudly complained of Becket's insolence. The whole council joined in condemning this instance of his unaccountable pride; and determined to expostulate with him about his inconsistency concerning the constitutions of Clarendon. But all their messages, threats, and arguments, were to no purpose. Becket put himself, in the most solemn manner, under the protection of the supreme pontiff, and appealed to him against any penalty which his iniquitous judges might think proper to inflict. Then leaving the palace, he asked the king's immediate permission to quit the continent; but being refused, he secretly withdrew in disguise, and at last found means to cross over to the continent.

Becket was received with the greatest marks of esteem, first by the king of France (who hated Henry on account of his great power), and then by the Pope, whose cause he had so strenuously defended in England. Henry at the same time sent ambassadors to the Pope, who were treated with coolness and contempt, while Becket was honoured with the greatest marks of distinction. These favours bestowed upon an exile and a perfidious traitor (for such had been Becket's sentence of condemnation in England), irritated the king to such a degree, that he resolved to throw off at once all dependence upon the Pope. He accordingly issued out orders to his justiciaries; inhibiting, under severe penalties, all appeals to the Pope or the archbishop; and forbidding any of them to receive mandates from them, or to apply to their authority. He declared it treasonable to bring over from either of them any interdict upon the kingdom. This he made punishable in secular clergymen by the loss of their livings, and, by calumny; in regulars, by the amputation of their feet; and in laymen, by death. On the other hand, the Pope and the archbishop did not fail to issue forth their fulminations in such a manner as to shake the very foundation of the king's authority. Becket excommunicated by name all the king's chief ministers, who had been concerned in sequestrating the revenues of his fees, and all who obeyed or favoured the constitutions of Clarendon. He even threatened to excommunicate the king if he did not speedily repent; and had not the Pope himself been threatened every day with the machinations of an antipope, whose pretensions he was afraid the king of England might support, the sentence of excommunication would certainly have been denounced.

At first, Henry paid little regard to these fulminations; but afterwards, when he found that his authority over his subjects began to decline on that account, and that his rivals on the continent were endeavouring to disturb the tranquillity of his dominions, he began sincerely to desire a reconciliation. This the Pope and Becket also became desirous of, because they saw that their utmost endeavours were insufficient to draw Henry's subjects into a revolt against him. The treaty of accommodation, however, was often broke off, through the extreme jealousy of each of the parties; but at length, by the mediation of the Pope's legate, all differences were adjusted, and Becket was reinstated in the see of Canterbury.

On the recovery of his dignity, the primate behaved with all his usual arrogance. Instead of retiring quietly to his diocese when he landed in England, he made a progress through Kent with all the splendor and magnificence of a sovereign pontiff. As he approached Southwark, the clergy, the laity, and all ranks of people, came forth to meet him, and celebrated his triumphal entry with hymns of joy. Being thus confident of the support of the people, he resolved to make his enemies feel the severest effects of his vengeance. He suspended the archbishop of York, who had crowned Henry's eldest son in his absence. He excommunicated the bishops of London and Salisbury, with some of the principal nobility and prelates who had assisted at the coronation. One man he excommunicated for having spoken against him, and another for having cut off the tail of one of his horses. The excommunicated and degraded prelates immediately made their complaints to the king; and he having dropped some passionate expressions, intimating a desire to have Becket's life taken away, the supposed will of the king was instantly accomplished; nor could the king's express orders to the contrary arrive time enough to hinder the execution of this fatal purpose. See Becket.

The king was thrown into the utmost consternation on hearing of Becket's murder. He knew that the primate's death would accomplish what his most violent opposition during his life could never have done, and therefore he gave himself up to sorrow; for three days he even refused all nourishment; till at last his courtiers were obliged to break in upon his solitude, and induce him to acquiesce in an event which could not possibly be recalled. The pope was with some difficulty made sensible of the king's innocence; but refused to grant him a pardon, except on condition that he should make every future submission and perform every injunction the holy see thought proper to demand. When things were thus adjusted, the assassins who had murdered Becket were allowed to retire in safety to the enjoyment of their former dignities; and the king, with a view to divert the minds of the people to a different object, undertook an expedition into Ireland, and totally reduced that island. See Ireland.

The king was scarce freed from the war with Ireland, and the dangerous controversy which he had engaged in with the church of Rome, when he found himself involved in the most unnatural contests with his children, to whom he had always behaved in the most tender and affectionate manner. He had ordered Henry his eldest son to be anointed king; and had destined him for his successor in the kingdom of England, the duchy of Normandy, and the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine; territories which lay contiguous, and which might thus easily lend their assistance to one another. Richard his second son was invested in the duchy of Guienne and county of England. Poitou; Geoffrey, his third son, inherited, in right of his wife, the duchy of Brittany; and the new conquest of Ireland was destined for the appendage of John his fourth son, for whom he had negotiated a marriage with Adelais the only daughter of Humbert count of Savoy and Maurienne; and with whom he was to receive as a dowry very considerable demesnes in Piedmont, Savoy, Bresse, and Dauphiny. This greatness of Henry's family alarmed the king of France; and he therefore excited young prince Henry to demand of his father, either the immediate resignation of the crown of England, or the duchy of Normandy. The king refused to comply with such an extravagant demand; upon which the prince made his escape to Paris, where he was protected by the French king. This happened in 1173; and the same year, queen Eleanor, finding that she was now grown very disagreeable to the king, communicated her discontent to her two younger children Geoffrey and Richard, whom she engaged also to demand the territories assigned them, and then fly to the court of France. The Queen herself was meditating an escape to the same court, and had put on man's apparel for that purpose, fixed when she was seized and confined by Henry's order. The licentious barons in the mean time wished for a change of government; hoping to have liberty, under young and unexperienced princes, to commit those rapines and violences which they could not do with safety when governed by such a prudent and vigilant king as Henry. In the midst of this universal defection, however, the English monarch still retained his usual intrepidity, and prepared with as much vigour as possible for the contest. As he could depend on the fidelity of very few of his nobility, he was obliged to enlist in his service a number of desperate ruffians called Brabencorns, and sometimes Rouliers or Cottereaus, though for what reason is not mentioned in history. These banditti were very numerous during the times of the feudal government, when many private wars were carried on between the nobles; and 20,000 of these, with a few forces furnished by his faithful barons, composed the whole of Henry's army on this occasion.

With this force the king of England totally overthrew the schemes of his enemies on the continent; but being very desirous of putting an end to the war, he this very year (1173) agreed to a conference with the king of France. At this interview, Henry offered his children the most advantageous terms. He insisted only on retaining the sovereign authority in all his dominions. To Henry he offered half the revenues of the crown of England, with some places of security in that kingdom; or if he chose rather to reside in Normandy, half the revenues of that duchy, with all those of Anjou. He made a like offer to Richard in Guienne; he promised to resign all Brittany to Geoffrey; and if these concessions were not deemed sufficient, he agreed to add to them whatever the Pope's legates, who were present, should require of him. The conference, however, was broke off by the violence of the earl of Leicester; who not only reproached Henry in the most indecent manner, but even put his hand to his sword, as if he intended to attempt some violence against him. In the meantime, the most of the English nobility united in opposition against their sovereign; and an insurrection at this time by the king of Scotland assisted their rebellious schemes. The earl of Leicester soon after invaded Suffolk at the head of a body of Flemings; but they were repulsed with great slaughter, and the earl himself was taken prisoner. Soon after, William king of Scotland, who had been repulsed, and agreed to a cessation of arms, broke the truce, and invaded England with an army of 80,000 men, committing the most terrible devastations. Henry in the meantime, to reconcile himself thoroughly to the church, performed the penances at the tomb of Thomas a Becket which he had formerly promised to do. As soon as he came within sight of the church of Canterbury, he alighted from his horse, walked barefoot towards the town, and prostrated himself before the shrine of the saint. He remained a whole day in prayer and fasting, watched the holy relics all night, made a grant of 50l. a-year to the convent for a constant supply of tapers to illuminate the shrine; and not satisfied with these submissions, he assembled a chapter of monks, disrobed himself before them, put a scourge into each of their hands, and pretended his bare shoulders to their strokes. Next day he received absolution; and, departing for London, had the agreeable news of the defeat and captivity of William king of Scotland, which happened on the very day of his abdication.

This victory proved decisive in Henry's favour. The English barons who had revolted, or were preparing for a revolt, instantly delivered up their castles to the victor, and the kingdom was in a few weeks restored to perfect tranquillity. Prince Henry, who was ready to embark with a great army to join the English rebels, abandoned all thoughts of the enterprise. Soon after a treaty was concluded with the king of France; in which Henry granted his children much less advantageous terms than he had offered them before. The principal were, some pensions for their support, castles for their residence, and an indemnity to all their adherents. The greatest sufferer by this war was William king of Scotland. He was compelled to sign a self Henry treaty, by which he obliged himself to do homage to Henry for the kingdom of Scotland. It was agreed, that his barons and bishops should do the same; and that the fortresses of Edinburgh, Stirling, Berwick, Roxburgh, and Jedburgh, should be delivered into the hands of the conqueror till the articles were performed. This treaty was executed most punctually and rigorously on the 10th of August 1175. The king, barons, and prelates of Scotland, did homage to Henry in the cathedral of York; the greatest humiliation to which the Scottish nation had ever been subjected.

Henry was now freed from all troubles either at home or abroad, for five years; during which time he made several salutary laws for the good of his kingdom. But, in 1180, the ambitious spirits of his children involved him in fresh calamities. Richard, who had been invested by his father with the sovereignty of Guienne, refused to do homage to his elder brother, as king Henry had required him to do. Young Henry and Geoffrey, uniting their arms, invaded their brother's dominions; and while the king was endeavouring to compose their differences, he found himself conspired against by them all. The conspiracy, however, was defeated by the death of prince Henry in 1182. He had retired to Martel, a castle near Turenne, where he was seized with a fever; and perceiving the approaches of death, he was at last struck with remorse for his undutiful behaviour towards his father. He sent a messenger to the king, who was not far distant; expressed his contrition for his faults; and intreated the favour of a visit, that he might at least die with the satisfaction of having received his forgiveness. The king, who had so often experienced his son's ingratitude and violence, apprehended that his sickness was entirely a feint, and dared not trust himself in the prince's hands. But soon after, receiving certain intelligence of his death, and proofs of his sincere repentance, the good old king was affected with the deepest sorrow. He thrice fainted away; he accused his own hard-heartedness in refusing the dying request of his son; and he lamented that he had deprived the prince of the last opportunity of making atonement for his offences.

Prince Henry, who died in the 28th year of his age, left no posterity. His brother Richard succeeded to his dominions, and soon discovered as turbulent a spirit as that which had actuated his brother. He refused to give up Guienne, which Henry had designed for his fourth son John; and even made preparations for carrying on war against his father, and brother Geoffrey. Henry sent for Eleanor his queen, the heiress of Guienne; to whom Richard, either dreading an insurrection in her favour, or out of a sense of duty, willingly yielded up the territory, and retired peaceably to his father's court. This breach, however, was no sooner made up, than Geoffrey demanded Anjou to be added to his dominions in Brittany. This the king refused; upon which he fled to the court of France, and prepared to levy an army against his father. Henry, however, was freed from the danger which threatened him from that quarter, by his son's death, who was killed in a tournament at Paris. The loss of this prince gave few, except the king himself, any uneasiness; for he was universally hated, and went among the people by the name of the Child of Perdition. The widow of Geoffrey, soon after his decease, was delivered of a son, who received the name of Arthur, and was invested in the duchy of Brittany, under the guardianship of his grandfather, who, as duke of Normandy, was also superior lord of that territory. Philip, as lord paramount, disputed for some time his title to this wardship; but was obliged to yield to the inclinations of the Bretons, who preferred the government of Henry. Some other causes inflamed the dissension between these two monarchs, and Philip once more seduced Richard from his duty. He insisted, that his marriage with Adelais, Philip's sister, should be immediately completed, and threatened to enforce his pretensions with a formidable army. This occasioned another conference between Gisors and Trie, the usual place of meeting, under a vast elm that is said to have shaded more than an acre. In the midst of this conference the archbishop of Tyre appeared before the assembly in the most miserable habit, and begged assistance against the infidels, who, under Saladin, had almost totally expelled the Christians from Asia. His intelligence gence appeared so very dismal, that the kings of France and England laid aside their animosity. Both of them immediately took the oaths; but Richard, who had long wished to have all the glory of such an expedition to himself, could not bear to have even his father for a partner in his victories. He therefore entered into a confederacy with the king of France; so that Henry found himself at last obliged to give up all thoughts of the crusade, in order to defend himself against this unnatural combination. The event of the war proved very unfortunate for Henry, who lost several towns, and narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the enemy himself. At last a treaty was concluded at the intercession of the duke of Burgundy, the count of Flanders, and the archbishop of Rheims; but upon terms very humiliating to the king of England. It was agreed, that Richard should marry the princess Adelais, and be crowned king of England during the lifetime of his father; that Henry should pay 20,000 marks to the king of France, as a compensation for the charges of the war; that his own barons should engage to make him observe this treaty, and in case of violating it, to join Philip and Richard against him; and that all his vassals who had espoused the cause of Richard should receive an indemnity for their offence. These griefs, mortifying as they were, Henry bore with patience; but when, upon receiving a list of the barons that were to be pardoned, he found his own son John, who was his favourite among them, he could no longer support his grief. He broke out into the most lamentable expressions of despair; cursed the day in which he received his miserable being; and bestowed on his ungrateful children a malediction which he could never afterwards be prevailed upon to retract. Soon after, he fell into a lingering fever occasioned by his grief; and of this he died on the 6th of July 1189, in the 58th year of his age and 35th of his reign. His natural son Geoffrey, who alone had behaved dutifully towards him, attended his corpse to the nunnery of Fontevrault, where it lay in state in the abbey-church. Next day Richard, who came to visit the dead body of his father, was struck with horror at the sight. At his approach, the blood was seen to gush out at the mouth and nostrils of the corpse; and this accident was, by the superstition of the times, interpreted as the most dreadful rebuke. Richard could not endure the sight. He exclaimed that he was his father's murderer; and expressed a strong, though too late, sense of his undutiful conduct.

Richard succeeded to the throne without opposition, immediately after his father's death; and, on his accession, set his mother Eleanor (who had been again confined) at liberty. A romantic desire for strange adventures, and an immoderate zeal for the external rites of religion, were the ruling passions of the times. By the first of these Richard was inflamed to the highest degree, and therefore behaved as if the whole design of his government had been to attempt the recovery of the Holy Land from the Infidels. The superstition of the people showed itself in a most violent and tragical manner on the very day of the king's coronation. The Jews were the objects of universal hatred, so that Richard had issued out orders forbidding any of them from appearing at his coronation. But some of them bringing him large presents from their nation, presumed, notwithstanding these orders, to approach the hall in which the king dined. Being discovered, they were exposed to the insults and injuries of the bystanders; in consequence of which they fled, and were pursued by the people. A report was spread, that the king had given orders to massacre all the Jews. This supposed command was executed in the most cruel manner. Multitudes were slaughtered in the city of London, and this example was followed in most of the cities in England. Five hundred Jews had retired into York castle for safety; but finding themselves unable to defend the place, they murdered their wives and children; threw the dead bodies over the wall against their enemies who attempted to scale it; and then, setting fire to the houses, perished in the flames. The gentry in the neighbourhood, who were all indebted to the Jews, ran to the cathedral where their bonds were kept, and made a solemn bonfire of them before the altar.

Richard immediately began to take measures for his expedition into Palestine. His father had left him preparations for his 100,000 marks; and this sum he augmented by all expedients he could think of, however pernicious to the public, or dangerous to the royal authority. He set up to raise the revenues and manors of the crown, and several offices of the greatest trust and power. Liberties, charters, castles, were given to the best bidders. His friends warned him of the danger attending this venality; but he told them he would sell the city of London itself, if he could find a purchaser. Numerous exactions were also practised upon all ranks and stations; menaces, promises, and expostulations, were used to fright the timid, and allure the avaricious. A zealous preacher of those times was emboldened to remonstrate against the king's conduct; and advised him to part with his three daughters, which were pride, avarice, and sensuality. To this Richard readily replied, "You counsel right, my friend; and I have already provided husbands for them all. I will dispose of my pride to the templars; my avarice to the monks; and as for my sensuality, the clergy shall share that among them." At length the king having got together a sufficient supply for his undertaking, and even sold his superiority over Scotland for a moderate sum, set out for the Holy Land; whither he was impelled by repeated messages from the king of France, who was ready to embark in the same enterprise.

An account of Richard's exploits in this expedition is given under the articles Egypt, Sicily, Cyprus, &c.—Having at last concluded a truce with Saladin, he set out on his return for England. He was, however, at a loss how to proceed. He durst not return by the way he came, as this would put him in the power of the king of France, between whom and the king of England an irreconcilable enmity had taken place. No way therefore was left, but by going more to the north; for which reason he took shipping for Italy, but was wrecked near Aquileia. From thence he travelled towards Ragusa, and resolved to make his way through Germany in the habit of a pilgrim. But taken prisoner, his expenses and liberalities having betrayed him not, on his return, this disguise, he was arrested by Leopold duke of Austria, who commanded him to be loaded with shackles. This prince had served under Richard. at the siege of Acres (the ancient Ptolemais), where having received some disquiet, he took this base method of revenging himself. Henry VI., emperor of Germany, was then equally an enemy to Richard on account of his having married Berengaria the daughter of Tancred king of Sicily. He therefore required the royal captive to be delivered up to him, and stipulated a large sum of money to the duke as a reward for his service.

The kingdom of England in the mean time was in great confusion. Richard had left it under the direction of Hugh bishop of Durham, and Longchamp bishop of Ely. The tempers of these prelates being very different, an animosity between them soon took place. Longchamp at last arrested his colleague, and obliged him to resign his power in order to obtain his liberty. The king, by many letters, commanded Longchamp to replace his coadjutor, but to no purpose. When the situation of the king became uncertain, Longchamp tyrannized to such a degree, that John the king's brother thought proper to oppose him. He then left the kingdom; and upon this the archbishop of Rouen was made justiciary in his room. The king of France being informed of these difficulties, strove to increase them as much as possible; and had even almost prevailed upon John to throw off his allegiance, by promising to put him in possession of all Richard's continental dominions.

When the English first received the news of Richard's captivity, a general indignation was excited through the whole nation. The greatest, and almost the only traitor in the kingdom, was the king's own brother John. On the very first invitation from the court of France, he went abroad, and held a consultation with Philip, the object of which was the perpetual ruin and captivity of his unhappy brother. He promised to deliver into Philip's hands a great part of Normandy; and, in return, he received the investiture of all Richard's transmarine dominions: it is even said, that he did homage to the French king for the crown of England.

In consequence of this treaty, Philip invaded Normandy, and made considerable progress in the conquest of it. He was, however, at last repulsed by the Earl of Leicester, who was now returned from the Holy Land; and a truce was concluded on condition of paying the French king 20,000 marks, and putting four cattles into his hands by way of security for the payment.—John, who had come over to England, met with still less success in his enterprises. He was only able to make himself master of the castles of Windsor and Wallingford; but when he came to London, and demanded the kingdom as heir to his brother, of whose death he pretended to have received certain intelligence, he was rejected by all the barons, and measures were taken to oppose and subdue him. The defence of the kingdom was so well provided for, that John, after some fruitless efforts, was obliged to conclude a truce with his opponents; and, before the expiration of it, he thought proper to retire to France, where he openly acknowledged his alliance with Philip.

All the efforts of Richard's enemies proved ineffectual to detain him in captivity. He was brought before the diet of the empire at Worms, where the emperor Henry brought against him a charge of many crimes and misdemeanours; but to this the king replied with so much spirit and eloquence, that the German princes exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the emperor; the Pope threatened him with excommunication; and Henry, who had hearkened to the proposals of the king of France and prince John, found that it would be impossible for him to execute his and their base purposes, and detain the king of England any longer in captivity. He therefore concluded a treaty with him for his ransom; and agreed to restore him to his liberty for 150,000 marks, about £300,000 of our money, of which 100,000 marks were to be paid immediately, and 67 hostages delivered for the remainder.

The money for the king's ransom was most cheerfully raised by the English. The churches and monasteries melted down their plate to the amount of captivity, 30,000 marks; the bishops, abbots, and monks, paid a fourth part of their yearly rent; the parochial clergy contributed a tenth part of their tythes; and the requisite sum being thus collected, queen Eleanor and Walter archbishop of Rouen set out with it for Germany, paid the money to the emperor and duke of Austria at Mentz, delivered them hostages for the remainder, and freed Richard from his captivity. His escape was very critical. Henry had been detected in the assassination of the bishop of Liege, and in an attempt of the like nature on the duke of Louvain; and finding himself extremely obnoxious to the German princes on account of these odious practices, he had determined to seek support from an alliance with the French king, and to detain Richard in perpetual captivity, notwithstanding the sum he had already received for his ransom. He therefore gave orders that Richard should be pursued and arrested; but the king making all imaginable haste, had already embarked at the mouth of the Scheldt, and was out of sight of land when the emperor's messengers reached Antwerp. The king of France no sooner heard of Richard's deliverance, than he wrote to John his confederate in these terms: "Take care of yourself: the devil is broke loose."

The king of England returned from captivity on the 20th of March 1194, and was received with the utmost joy by his subjects. He had been but one day landed, when his treacherous brother John came to make his submission. At the intercession of queen Eleanor he was received into favour. "I forgive him (said the king), and hope I shall as easily forget his offences as he will my pardon." Richard was impatient to revenge himself on the king of France, and therefore instantly made war upon him. But though both kings were inflamed with the most violent resentment against each other, they found it impossible to engage their powerful barons heartily in their cause. The war, therefore, produced no remarkable event; and, in 1195, was concluded by a truce for five years. On some slight occasion it was ready to break out anew, when the pope's legate interposed, and a treaty was about to be concluded. King Richard in the mean time was wounded by an arrow at the siege of Chalus, a castle of Limoges. The wound was not in itself dangerous; but being unskilfully treated, a mortification ensued, and the king expired on the 6th of April 1199, in the 10th year of his reign and 42d of his England. By his will he left the kingdom to his brother John, but distributed a fourth part of his treasure among his servants.

John succeeded to the crown of England without opposition, but soon found his affairs embarrassed on the continent. The king of France, who, during the life of king Richard, had always supported the pretensions of John, now gave a like support to the claims of prince Arthur the son of Geoffrey, who, though only 12 years of age, promised to be delivering of the kingdom. But in this matter the king of France showed so much regard to his own interest, that Constantia the mother of the young prince, thinking that her ally designed to keep for himself the provinces which he pretended to conquer for Arthur, submitted herself and her son to John, who detained them in Mans; and thus became undisputed master of the whole empire.

The new king was weak, tyrannical, cruel, and treacherous. In short, he seemed to be endowed with almost every bad quality that can fall to the share of man. His conduct, therefore, soon rendered him universally odious. Imagining himself now secure on the side of France, he indulged his passion for Isabella the daughter and heiress of the count of Angouleme, with whom he was much enamoured. His queen, the heiress of the family of Glocester, was still alive; and Isabella was married to the count de la Marche, tho', by reason of her youth, the marriage had not been consummated. John persuaded the count de Angouleme to carry off his daughter from her husband; at the same time that he procured, under some pretence or other, a divorce from the queen. Thus he incurred the displeasure of the pope, and also of the count de la Marche, and a powerful confederacy was formed against him.

As John had neither courage nor policy sufficient to keep his barons in awe, he took a method for that purpose equally base and cruel. This was by hiring a set of ruffians, whom he called his champions, to fight duels with them, in cafes where they required to clear themselves from any charge by fighting a duel, according to the custom of those times. Thus he proposed to get rid of his refractory barons; but they, despising opponents who were so far below their rank, refused to fight with them, and a dangerous combination was formed among the barons against him.

The murder of prince Arthur rendered John still more generally detested. The young prince with his mother had fled to the court of France, where they were received with the greatest kindness, and found their interests more vigorously supported than before. Their enterprises were attended with considerable success, when Arthur himself had the misfortune to be taken prisoner. All the other captives were sent to England; but the prince was shut up in the castle of Falaise, and from that time was never heard of. It was universally believed that John had murdered him with his own hand; and this inflamed the general resentment against him to such a degree, that he soon after lost all his French provinces. In 1205, the duchy of Normandy itself was also conquered by Philip, and John was forced to fly with disgrace to England.

The king was resolved to wreak his vengeance upon the barons, who, he pretended, had deserted his standard in Normandy. For this reason, he levied large sums on their estates; in order, as he said, to undertake an expedition to the continent. This expedition, however, he several times capriciously deferred; and once having ventured out to sea, returned again without making the smallest attempt. At last, he landed at Rochelle, and burnt the city of Angiers; but hearing that the enemy were preparing to oppose him, he returned without attempting anything else.

This irrefutable and cowardly behaviour of John made him contemptible in the eyes of his subjects; but the Norman princes had so far extended the prerogatives of the English crown, that the barons, however discontented, durst not yet attempt to change the form of government. John, by entering into a controversy with his council, the church, completed his ruin. The clergy, who for some time had acted as a community totally independent of the civil power, had their elections of each other generally confirmed by the pope, to whom alone they owed subjection. The election of archbishops, however, had been a subject of continual dispute between the suffragan bishops and the Augustinian monks. In the mean time the archbishop of Canterbury died; and the Augustinian monks, in a very private manner, elected Reginald, their superior, in his place. The bishops exclaimed against this election, as a manifest innovation of their privileges; and a furious theological contest was likely to ensue. John very imprudently took a side in this controversy, and espoused the cause of the suffragan bishops; in consequence of which, John de Grey bishop of Norwich was chosen. The cause was appealed to Rome; and Pope Innocent III., seizing with avidity an opportunity of extending his power, commanded the monks to choose cardinal Stephen Langton, an Englishman, then at the court of Rome. The being able to nominate an archbishop of Canterbury (a person of almost equal authority with the king), was an acquisition that would effectually give the court of Rome an unlimited authority over England. John therefore was resolved not to submit to this imposition; but he had not judgment sufficient to conduct him. He violently expelled the monks from their convent, and seized upon their revenues. The pope, perceiving from this absurd conduct, that John was unequal to the task he had undertaken, after some intreacies, threatened to put the whole kingdom under an interdict. The prelates threw themselves on their knees before the king, and in the most earnest manner intreated him to avoid the resentment of the holy tribunal, by receiving the primate, and restoring the monks to their convent. John, however, broke out into the most violent invectives. He swore by God's teeth (his usual oath), that if the kingdom was put under an interdict, he would banish the whole body of the clergy, and confiscate all their possessions. The pope at last, finding he might do it with safety, issued forth this terrible sentence so much dreaded by the whole nation. A stop was immediately put to divine service, and the administration of all the sacraments laid except baptism. The church-doors were shut, and under the images of the saints laid on the ground. The interdict dead were refused Christian burial; and were thrown into ditches and on the highways, without any funeral solemnity. Marriage was celebrated in the churchyards, and the people prohibited the use of meat as England in times of public penance. They were debarred from all pleasance; even from shaving their beards, saluting each other, or paying any regard to their apparel. The clergy deplored the unhappy state of the nation in the most lamentable manner; while John, in revenge, imprisoned all their concubines, and treated the adherents of Langton with the utmost rigour.

The furious and imprudent efforts of John proved totally ineffectual. He had scarce a friend left in the whole nation; and therefore, in 1209, the pope denounced a sentence of excommunication against him. This was soon followed by another still more terrible; namely, the absolving all the subjects of the king of England from their allegiance, and declaring every one to be excommunicated who had any commerce with him at his table, council, or even in private conversation. The king, rendered quite furious by these repeated indignities, wreaked his vengeance on his unhappy subjects, whose affections he ought rather to have attempted to conciliate. The pope, therefore, proceeded to execute the full measure of his wrath on this devoted prince, by giving away his kingdom to Philip of France. He published a crusade all over Europe against king John; exhorting the nobility, the knights and men of every condition, to take up arms against him, and enlist under the French banner. Philip was not less active on his part. He summoned all the vassals of the crown to attend him at Rouen; and having collected a fleet of 1700 vessels, was ready, in 1213, to invade England.

The pope had now overthrown his power; and had the English nation been governed by a prince of any degree of prudence or resolution, the power of the clergy would in all probability have been totally broken. The people, however superstitious and ready to obey in matters of religion, could not tamely submit to be given away by the pope as slaves from one master to another; and therefore this consideration, added to the natural antipathy subsisting between the French and English, put John, notwithstanding all his offences, at the head of an army of 60,000 men. But the pope was too great a politician to suffer matters to be carried to extremities. He promised himself many more advantages from the submission of John than from an alliance with Philip; and therefore came over in person, or, according to some, sent over his legate, to England, under pretence of conferring with the barons, but in reality to hold a conference with John. He there repented to this forlorn prince, the numbers of the enemy, the hatred of his own subjects, and the secret confederacy there was against him in England. He intimated, that there was but one way to secure him from the impending danger; namely, to put himself under the protection of the pope, who was a merciful father, and still willing to receive a repenting sinner. The abject and irrefutable spirit of John submitted to this last piece of arrogance, and he took an oath to obey whatever the pope should command. In consequence of this oath, he took another, the most extraordinary mentioned in the records of history; and which, as it was taken while he commanded an army of 60,000 men, discovers a meanness of spirit almost incredible. The terms imposed by it were expressed in the following words: "I John, by the grace of God king of England and lord of Ireland, in order to expiate my sins, from my own free will, and the advice of my barons, give to the church of Rome, to pope Innocent and his successors, the kingdom of England, and all other prerogatives of my crown. I will hereafter hold them as the pope's vassal. I will be faithful to God, to the church of Rome, to the pope my mother, and his successors legitimately elected. I promise to pay him a tribute of 1000 merks; to wit, 700 for the kingdom of England, and 300 for the kingdom of Ireland."

This oath was taken by the king before all the people, kneeling, and with his hands held up between those of the legate. Having then agreed to reinstate Langton in the primacy, he received the crown which he had been supposed to have forfeited; while the legate, to add to his former insolence, trampled under his feet the tribute which John had consented to pay. — The king of France was enraged at this behaviour of the pope; and resolved to execute his project of conquering England, in spite of him and all his censures. His fleet, however, was attacked in their harbours by the English, who took 300 vessels, and destroyed about 100 more; while Philip, finding it impossible to prevent the rest from falling into the hands of the enemy, set fire to them himself, and thus was obliged to give up all hopes of success.

John being thus freed from all danger, continued to follow the same cruel and tyrannical measures which attempt had hitherto rendered him odious to his subjects. His reduction of the scandalous subjection to the clergy, now gave the barons an opportunity of exerting themselves, in order to reduce the enormous prerogatives of the crown. Their designs were greatly facilitated by the concurrence of Langton the primate, who on all occasions showed a sincere regard for the interests of the kingdom. At a synod of his prelates and clergy, convened in St Paul's, on pretence of examining into the losses of some bishops who had been exiled by John, he privately conferred with a number of barons, to whom he expatiated upon the vices and injustice of their sovereign. He showed them a copy of Henry the first's charter; (being the only one in the kingdom, and which had been buried in the rubbish of an obscure monastery). Langton exhorted the barons to insist on a renewal of it; and this they solemnly swore to perform. The same agreement was afterwards renewed at a more numerous meeting of barons summoned by Langton at St Edmundsbury. Here it was resolved, that at Christmas they would prefer their common petition in a body; and in the mean time they separated with a design to put themselves in a posture of defence, enlist men, and fortify their castles. In the beginning of January 1215, they repaired to London, accoutred in their military garb and equipments, and presented their petition to the king, alleging that he had promised to grant a confirmation of the laws of Edward the Confessor, at the time he was absolved from his excommunication. John refused their presumption; and required a promise under their hands and seals, that they would never demand, or attempt to extort, such privileges for the future. This they refused with such unanimity and resolution, that the king delayed time to consider of their demands. He promised, that, at the festival of Easter, he would give a positive answer to their petition; and offered them the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Ely, Ely, and the earl marischal, as sureties for fulfilling his engagements.

The barons accepted of his securities, and departed peaceably; but John had no design of complying with their desires. He had recourse to the clergy, whose power he had seen and felt in so many instances. He courted their favour, by granting them a charter establishing all those rights of which they were already in the possession, and which he now pretended to confirm when he had not the liberty to refuse. To ingratiate himself still farther with this body, he took the cross, and appealed to the pope against the usurpation of the barons. The pope wrote letters to England, reproaching the primate and bishops with favouring these dissensions; and commanded them to promote peace between the two parties. He exhorted the barons to conciliate the king, not with menaces, but with humble intreates; and promised, upon their obedience, to interpose his own authority in favour of such of their petitions as he should find to be just. At the same time he annulled their association, and forbade them to enter into any confederacy for the future.

The barons paid no regard to the pope's remonstrances; knowing that the fulminations of the court of Rome would be of little avail, unless they were seconded by the clergy of England. After waiting till Easter, when the king promised to return them an answer, they met by agreement at Stamford. There they assembled a force of above 2000 knights, and a prodigious number of foot. Thence they marched to Brackley, about 15 miles from Oxford, the place where the court then resided. John, hearing of their approach, sent the archbishop of Canterbury, the earl of Pembroke, and others of his council, to know the particulars of their request, and what those liberties were which they so much importuned him to grant. The barons delivered a schedule containing the chief articles of their demands, founded on the charters of Henry and Edward; but which were in the highest degree displeasing to the king. He burst into a furious passion, asked the barons why they did not also demand his kingdom, and swore that he would never comply with such exorbitant demands. The confederates then chose Robert Fitzwalter for their general; whom they dignified with the title of "Marischal of the army of God and of the holy church." They laid siege to Northampton, took Bedford, and were joyfully received into London. They wrote letters to all the nobility and gentry who had not yet declared in their favour, threatening their estates with devastation in case of refusal or delay.

In the mean time the king was left at a place called Odham in Surrey, attended only by seven knights. He vainly endeavoured to avert the storm by the mediation of his bishops and ministers. He appealed to Langton against the barons, not suspecting that he was engaged in the confederacy; and desired him to fulminate the church-censures against those who had made war upon their lawful prince. Langton declared that he would pass no censure where he found no delinquent; but said, that much might be done if the king would dismiss some foreign auxiliaries which he had lately brought over. Upon this John disbanded a great body of Germans and Flemings whom he had hitherto retained in his service, and Langton refused to excommunicate a single baron. The king, being now quite defenceless, was obliged at last to comply with the demands of his subjects. A conference was accordingly appointed, and all things were adjusted for this most important treaty.

The king's commissioners met the barons at a place called Runmede, between Staines and Windsor; and him to sign which is yet held in reverence as the spot where the standard of freedom was first erected in England. Here the king signed the charter called Magna Charta; which continues in force to this day, and is still regarded as the great bulwark of British liberty. See MAGNA Charta.

This charter, however, at the time that it was made, secured liberty to the clergy, barons, and gentlemen, of much more than to the bulk of the people, who did not for a long time obtain any privileges of importance. Freedom of elections was secured to the clergy; and it was determined, that fines on them for any offence, should be laid on in proportion to their estates, and not the value of their benefices. The privileges secured to the barons were, either abatements in the rigour of the feudal laws, or relief from arbitrary and ambiguous decisions before the courts. It was also decreed, that barons should recover the lands of their vassals, even though forfeited by felony, after having been in the possession of the crown for a year and a day; and no tax was to be imposed without consent of the great council of the nation, excepting in case of the captivity of the king, the knighting of his eldest son, or marrying his eldest daughter. No land belonging to any baron was to be seized for a crown debt, unless the possessor had not personal property enough to pay it; neither was any vassal to be allowed to sell so much of his land as to incapacitate him from performing the necessary service to his lord. It was also determined, that when the great council of the nation was called, the prelates, earls, and barons, should be summoned by a particular writ, and the lesser barons should receive a summons from the sheriff. In favour of the people it was stipulated, that they should have from the barons all the immunities and privileges granted by the king to the former. Merchants were to be allowed to carry on their businesses without any arbitrary tolls or impositions, and to go out of the kingdom and return at pleasure. The goods of every freeman were to be disposed of according to his will; or if he died intestate, the nearest heir should succeed him. No carts, horses, or wood, were to be taken by the crown officers without the consent of the owner. The king's courts were to be stationary, and no delay to be made in doing justice to every one; no freeman should be taken or imprisoned, dispossessed of his free tenement, outlawed or banished, unless by the legal judgment of his peers, &c. It was likewise stipulated, that London should remain in the hands of the barons, and the tower be configned to the primate, till the 15th of August following; or till the articles of the charter should be fulfilled. To give the more security for this, the king allowed them to choose 25 of their own number, to whose authority no limits were set either in extent or duration. If any complaint were made of a violation of the charter, either by the king or his officers, any four of the barons might admonish the king to redress the grievance; and if satisfaction were not obtained, obtained, they might assemble the whole council of 25; and they, in conjunction with the great council, were empowered to compel him to fulfil the charter. In case of his resistance, they had liberty to levy war against him, attack his castles, and use every kind of violence, except against his person, or those of the queen or children. All men throughout the kingdom were bound, under the penalty of confiscation, to swear obedience to the 25 barons; and the freeholders of each county were to choose 12 knights, whose business it was to report such evil customs as ought to be redressed in terms of Magna Charta.

But although John had thus obliged himself, by writing, to allow liberty to his subjects, he had no mind that they should enjoy it in reality. The sense of his subjection to his own vassals sunk deep in his mind. He became full, silent, and reserved. He shunned the society of his former friends; and retired into the Isle of Wight, as if to hide his disgrace in solitude; but, in reality, to meditate revenge against the barons. He sent to the continent to enlist a large body of mercenary troops, and made complaints to the pope of the insurrections of the barons against him. The pontiff very warmly espoused his cause; a bull was sent over, annulling the whole charter; and at the same time the foreign troops arriving, the king once more found himself in a condition to demand his own terms from his subjects.

The barons had made no preparations for war, not suspecting the introduction of a foreign army. The king, therefore, was for some time undisturbed matter of the field, and the most horrid cruelties were committed by his army. The nobility who had been most active in procuring the great charter, fled with their families to Scotland, where they obtained the protection of king Alexander by doing homage to him. The barons being totally unable to raise an army capable of contending with that of John, applied to their old enemy Philip of France, offering to acknowledge his eldest son Louis for their sovereign, on condition of his protecting them from the fury of John and his mercenaries. The French king accepted their proposal with joy; and twenty-five hostages which he demanded being sent over, began to make the most diligent preparations for this expedition, regardless of the menaces of the pope, who threatened him with excommunication, and actually excommunicated his son Louis some time after.

The first troops who came to the assistance of the barons, were only a body of 7000 men; but, soon after, Louis with a powerful army landed at Sandwich. The first effect of this invasion was, that most of John's foreign troops deserted, refusing to serve against the heir of their monarchy. Many considerable noblemen also deserted his cause, and Louis daily gained ground. This prince advanced to London, where the barons and burgheers did him homage, and took the oath of allegiance, after he had sworn to confirm the liberties and privileges of the people. His imprudence, however, in preferring on all occasions his French subjects to the English, soon excited a jealousy against him, which proved very prejudicial to his cause. This jealousy was greatly increased by the deathbed confession of the count de Melun, one of his courtiers, who declared to those about him, that it was Louis's design to exterminate the English barons as traitors, and to bestow their dignities and estates upon his French subjects, on whose fidelity he could more safely rely. This caused a considerable defection among Louis's party; so that John once more found himself in a condition to make an effort for his crown. He resolved to penetrate into the heart of the kingdom; and, for this purpose, he departed from Lynn, and took the road towards Lincolnshire at the head of a great body of troops. His road lay along the shore, which was overflowed at high water; but the king, not being apprised of this, or being ignorant of the tides of the place, lost all his carriages, treasure, and baggage by their influx. He himself escaped with the utmost difficulty, and arrived at the abbey of Swinfield; where his grief for the loss he had sustained, and the distracted state of his affairs, threw him into a fever, which soon appeared to be attended with fatal symptoms. He died at Newark in the year 1216, the death of 51st of his age, and 18th of his reign. He left two legitimate sons: Henry, who succeeded him on the throne, and was about nine years of age; and Richard, who was about seven. He left also three daughters: Jane, married to Alexander king of Scotland; Eleanor, married to the Earl of Pembroke; and Isabella, married to the emperor Frederic II.

When John died, the Earl of Pembroke was marshal of England. By this office he was at the head of the army, and of consequence, in times of such turbulence, at the head of the state. He was a nobleman of great honour and fidelity, and had continued faithful to John in his greatest reverses of fortune. He now determined to support the authority of the infant prince Henry; and therefore carried him immediately to Gloucester, where the ceremony of coronation was performed, in the presence of Gualo the legate and a very few noblemen, by the bishops of Winchester and Bath. The young prince was obliged to swear fealty to the pope, and renew the homage which his father had done for the kingdom; after which the Earl of Pembroke was chosen protector.

Till the king arrived at the years of maturity, the transactions of his reign can only be considered as the consequences of the disposition of his tutors. Pembroke caused him grant a new charter of liberties, consisting of the concessions extorted from John, with some alterations; and the next year it was renewed, with the addition of some other articles. Thus these famous charters were brought very nearly to the shape in which they have ever since stood; and they were, during many generations, esteemed the most sacred rampart to national liberty and independence. As they secured the rights of all orders of men, they were anxiously defended by all, and became in a manner the basis of the English monarchy, and a kind of original contract, which both limited the authority of the king, and ensured the conditional allegiance of his subjects. Though often violated, they were still claimed and recalled by the nobility and people; and as no precedents were supposed valid that infringed them, they rather acquired, than lost, authority, from the frequent attempts made against them, in several ages, by regal and arbitrary power.

These charters were made use of by Pembroke as arguments to draw off the malecontent barons from their allegiance to Louis. He represented to them, that, whatever... whatever jealousy they might have entertained against the late king, a young prince, the lineal heir of their ancient monarchs, had now succeeded to the throne, without succeeding either to the resentments or principles of his predecessor: That the desperate expedient, which they had employed, of calling in a foreign potentate, had, happily for them, as well as for the nation, failed of entire success; and it was still in their power, by a quick return to their duty, to restore the independence of the kingdom, and to secure that liberty for which they so zealously contended: That, as all past offences of the barons were now buried in oblivion, they ought, on their part, to forget their complaints against their late sovereign; who, if he had been anywise blameable in his conduct, had left to his son the salutary warning to avoid his paths, which had led to such fatal extremities: And that, having now obtained a charter for their liberties, it was their interest to show, by their conduct, that that acquisition was not incompatible with their allegiance; and that the rights of the king and people, so far from being hostile and opposite, might mutually support and sustain each other.

These considerations, enforced by Pembroke's known character of constancy and fidelity, had a very great influence on the barons. Most of them began to negotiate with him, and many actually returned to their duty. At the same time Louis continued to disgust those of his own party by the preference which he visibly gave to the French. Though he went over to France, therefore, and brought fresh succours from thence, he found that his party was greatly weaker than before, by the defection of his English confederates; and that the death of king John had, contrary to his expectations, occasioned the total ruin of his affairs. In a short time Pembroke was so much strengthened by defectors from Louis's party, that he ventured to invest Mount-Sorel; though upon the approach of the count de Perche with the French army, he desisted from that enterprise. The French general immediately marched to Lincoln; and, being admitted into the town, laid siege to the castle, and soon reduced it to extremity. Pembroke summoned his forces from every quarter, in order to relieve this important place; and he appeared to much superior to the French, that they shut themselves up within the city, resolving to take shelter there. But the garrison of the castle, having received a strong reinforcement, made a vigorous sally upon the besiegers, while the English army assaulted them from without. The French army was totally routed; the count de Perche with only two persons more were killed; but many of the chief commanders, and about 400 knights, were made prisoners. On the news of this fatal event, Louis raised the siege of Dover, and retired to London; where he received intelligence of a new disaster, which put an end to all his hopes. A French fleet, which carried a strong reinforcement, had appeared on the coast of Kent; where they were attacked and repulsed with considerable loss, by Philip D'Albini. He is said to have gained the victory by the following stratagem. Having got the wind of the French, he came down upon them with violence; and throwing on their faces a great quantity of quicklime, which he purposely carried on board, they were so blinded that they were

N° 116. enemy to the Christian faith than any Saracen. A tenth on all the ecclesiastical benefices in England was levied for three years; and orders were given to excommunicate the bishops who did not make punctual payment. A grant was made to the king of the goods of intestate clergymen, as well as of the revenues of vacant benefices and those of non-residents. These taxations, however grievous, were submitted to with little murmuring; but another suggestion by the bishop of Hereford excited the most violent clamours. This prelate, who at that time resided at the court of Rome, drew bills on all the abbots and bishops of the kingdom, to the amount of no less than £150,540 marks, which he granted to Italian merchants in consideration of the money they had advanced or pretended to advance for the support of the Sicilian war. As it was apprehended that the English clergy would not easily submit to such an extraordinary demand, a commission was given to Rufford, the Pope's legate, to use his authority. An assembly of the prelates and abbots was accordingly summoned; who, on hearing the proposal sanctioned with the names both of the Pope and King, were struck with the utmost surprise and indignation. A violent altercation took place; during which the legate told them, that all ecclesiastical benefices were the property of the Pope, and that he might dispose of them as he pleased. The affair ended, however, in the submission of the clergy; but the barons still continued refractory, and for some time answered the king's demands of supplies with expostulations; urging the king's partiality to foreigners, and the various injuries the nation had sustained from the servants of the crown.

The great council of the nation, which had lately obtained the name of parliament, was therefore dissolved, and another called, but with as little success as before. The king, however, had involved himself in so much debt, that a large supply was become absolutely necessary; and as that could by no means be obtained from parliament, he was now reduced to the humiliating expedient of going about among such of his subjects as he thought most attached to him, and begging assistance from them at their own houses. At length his barons, perceiving the exigencies to which he was reduced, seemed willing to afford him aid; and, upon his promising to grant them a plenary redress of grievances, a very liberal supply was obtained, for which he renewed their charter with more than usual solemnity. All the prelates and abbots were assembled with burning tapers in their hands; the magna charta was read in their presence; and they denounced sentence of excommunication upon all who should infringe upon its decisions. They then put out their tapers on the ground, and exclaimed, "May every soul that proves false to this agreement to sink and corrupt in hell." The king rejoined, "So help me God, I will inviolably keep all these things, as I am a man, as I am a Christian, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crowned and anointed."

No sooner had the king received the supplies of which he stood so much in need, than he forgot all his engagements, put his confidence entirely in foreign counsellors, and evaded or broke through in numberless instances the charters he had given. This conduct rendered him so obnoxious to the barons, that Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester, a man of a very violent and ambitious temper, determined to attempt an innovation in the government. He formed a powerful confederacy against the king, and the designs of the conspirators were effectually put in execution in the year 1258. Henry had summoned a parliament in expectation of receiving supplies for his Sicilian project; when the barons appeared in the hall, clad in complete armour, with their swords by their sides. The king, struck with this unusual appearance, asked them what was their purpose, and whether they pretended to make him their prisoner? Roger Bigod, Earl Marshal, answered in name of the rest, that he was not their prisoner; that they even intended to grant him large supplies, in order to fix his son on the throne of Sicily; that they only expected some return for this expense and service; and that as the king had frequently made submissions to the parliament, had acknowledged his past errors, and had still allowed himself to be carried into the same path, which gave them such reason of complaint, he must now yield to more strict regulations, and confer authority on those who were able and willing to redress the public grievances. Henry instantly assured them of his intentions to grant them all possible satisfaction; and for that purpose summoned another parliament at Oxford, to digest the new plan of government, and to elect proper persons who were to be entrusted with the chief authority. This assembly, afterwards called the mad parliament, went very expeditiously to work on the business of reformation. Twenty-four barons were appointed, with supreme authority, to reform the abuses of the state; and Leicester was placed at their head. Their first step was to order four knights to be chosen out of each county, who should examine into the state of their respective constituents, and should attend at the ensuing parliament to give information of their complaints. They ordained that three sessions of parliament should be regularly held every year; that a new high sheriff should be elected annually; that no wards nor castles should be entrusted to foreigners, no new forests made, nor the revenues of any counties let to farm.

These constitutions were so just, that some of them Bad con- remain to this day. But the parliament having once obtained the sovereign power, took care not to part with it again. They not only protracted the time of their sitting under various pretences; but at last had the effrontery to impose an oath upon every individual of the nation, declaring an implicit obedience to all the statutes executed or to be yet executed by the barons who were thus appointed as rulers. They not only abridged the authority of the king, but the efficacy of parliament also; giving up to 12 persons the whole parliamentary power between each session.

Their usurpations were first opposed by the knights of the shire, whom they themselves had appointed. These had for some time begun to be regularly assembled in a separate house, to consider of the national grievances; the first of which was the conduct of the 24 rulers. They represented, that though the king had performed all that was required of him, the barons had hitherto done nothing on their part that showed an equal regard for the people; that their own interest and power seemed the only aim of all their decrees; and they even called upon the king's eldest son prince Edward. Edward to interpose his authority, and save the sinking nation.

The prince was at this time about 22 years of age, and by his active and resolute conduct had inspired the nation with great hopes. He told those who made the application to him, that he had sworn to the late constitutions; and, on that account, though they were contrary to his own private opinions, he was resolved not to infringe them. At the same time, however, he sent a message to the barons, requiring them to bring their undertaking to an end, or otherwise to expect the most vigorous resistance to their usurpations. On this the barons were obliged to publish a new code of laws, which, though it contained scarce anything material, yet, it was supposed, would for a while dazzle the eyes of the people, until they could take measures to establish their authority upon firmer foundations. In this manner, under various pretences, they continued their power for three years; while the whole nation loudly condemned their treachery, and the Pope himself at last absolved the king and his subjects from the oath they had taken to obey their injunctions. Soon after this, a parliament was called, and the king reinstated in his former authority. The barons were obliged to submit for a time; but the Earl of Leicester having joined the Welsh, who at this time made an irruption into England, the kingdom was reduced to the most deplorable situation. The pusillanimity of the king prevented any proper or judicious method from being pursued for extricating the people from their distresses; and at last a treaty was concluded with the barons on the most disadvantageous terms that can be imagined. They were restored to the sovereignty of the kingdom, took possession of all the royal castles and fortresses, and even named the officers of the king's household. They summoned a parliament to meet at Oxford, in order more fully to settle the plan of government; and by this assembly it was enacted, that the authority of the 24 barons should continue not only during the life of king Henry, but also during that of prince Edward.

These scandalous conditions would have been easily complied with by king Henry; but they were utterly rejected by prince Edward, and a civil war immediately ensued. The prince was at first successful; but, through his impetuosity, occasioned the loss of a great battle, in which his father and uncle were taken prisoners, and he himself was obliged soon after to surrender to the earl of Leicester. The king was now reduced to the most deplorable situation. His partisans were totally disarmed, while those of the earl of Leicester still kept themselves in an offensive posture. Leicester seized the estates of no fewer than 18 barons; engrossed to himself the ransom of all the prisoners; monopolized the sale of wool to foreign markets; and at last ordained that all power should be exercised by nine persons, who were to be chosen by three others, or the majority of them; and these three were the earl of Leicester himself, the Earl of Glocester, and the bishop of Chichester.

The miserable situation to which the kingdom was now reduced, proved at last the means of settling the government on a more proper foundation. Leicester, in order to secure himself, was obliged to have recourse to an aid, till now, entirely unknown in England, namely, that of the body of the people. He called a parliament, where, besides the barons of his own party, and several ecclesiastics who were not proper tenants of the crown, he ordered returns to be made of two knights from every shire; and also deputies from the boroughs, which had been hitherto considered as too inconsiderable to be allowed any share in the legislation. This parliament was called on the 20th of January 1365; and here we find the first outline of an English House of Commons; an institution which has ever since been considered as the bulwark of British liberty.

The new parliament was far from being so compliant to Leicester as he had desired or expected. Many of the barons who had hitherto steadfastly adhered to his party, were disgusted with his boundless ambition; and the people, who found that a change of masters was not a change from misery to happiness, began to wish for the re-establishment of royal authority. Leicester at last, to make a merit of what he could not prevent, released prince Edward from his confinement, and had him introduced at Westminster-hall, where his freedom was confirmed by the unanimous voice of the barons. But though Leicester had all the popularity of restoring the prince, he was yet politic enough to keep him guarded by his emissaries, who watched all his actions. At last, however, he found means to make his escape in the following manner. The Duke of Glocester, being disgusted with Leicester, retired from court, and went to his estates on the borders of Wales. His antagonist pursued him thither; and to give the greater authority to his arms, carried the king and prince of Wales along with him. This furnished young Edward with the opportunity he had so long desired. Being furnished by the Earl of Glocester with a horse of extraordinary swiftness, he took leave of his attendants, who were in fact his guards, but were not able to come up with him. They pursued him, however, for some time; but the appearance of a body of troops belonging to Glocester soon put an end to their pursuit.

The prince no sooner recovered his liberty, than the Prince Edward royalists joined him from all quarters, and an army was raised, which Leicester could not withstand, vers his li. This nobleman now found himself in a remote quarter of the kingdom; surrounded by his enemies; and deprived of all communication with his friends by the river Severn, whose bridges Edward had broken down. In this extremity, he wrote to his son to hasten to his assistance from London, with a considerable army which he had under his command. With this view his son advanced to Kenilworth; but here he was surprised, and his army entirely dispersed by prince Edward. The young prince, immediately after this victory, advanced against Leicester himself; who, ignorant of the fate of his son's army, had passed the Severn in boats. He was by no means able to cope with the royalists; his men being inferior both in numbers and resolution to their antagonists. His army was defeated with great slaughter. Leicester himself was slain Earl of Leicestershire, together with his eldest son Henry, and about 160 knights and other noblemen. The old king had been purposely placed by the rebels in the front of the battle, where he was wounded, and in great danger of being killed; but, crying out, "I am Henry of Winchester your king," he was saved and put in a place of security by his son, who who had flown to his assistance. The body of Leicester being found among the dead, was barbarously mangled by one Roger Mortimer; and then sent to his widow, as a testimony of the royal party's barbarity and success.

This victory, gained at Evesham, proved decisive in favour of the royal party. Almost all the castles, garrisoned by the barons, hastened to make their submissions, and opened their gates to the king. The Isle of Axholme alone, and that of Ely, trusting to the strength of their situation, ventured to make resistance; but were at last reduced, as well as the castle of Dover, by the valour and activity of prince Edward. Adam de Gourdon, a courageous baron, maintained himself some time in the forests of Hampshire, committing depredations in the neighbourhood; and obliged the prince to lead a body of troops into that country against him. Edward attacked the camp of the rebels; and being transported by the ardour of action, leaped over the trench with a few followers, and encountered Gourdon himself in single combat. The victory was long disputed between these two valiant combatants; but ended at last in the prince's favour, who wounded his antagonist, threw him from his horse, and took him prisoner. He not only granted him his life; but introduced him that very night to the queen at Guildford, procured his pardon, and was ever after faithfully served by him.

In 1271, prince Edward, having settled the affairs of the kingdom, undertook an expedition to the Holy Land, where he signalized himself by many acts of valour. The king's health declined visibly after the departure of his son; and at last, worn out with cares and the infirmities of age, he expired at St Edmondsbury on the 16th of November 1272, in the 64th year of his age and the 56th of his reign.

Prince Edward had reached Sicily in his return from the Holy Land, when he received an account of his father's death; at which he expressed much concern. As he knew that England was at that time in a state of perfect tranquillity, he was in no haste to return, but spent near a year in France before he made his appearance in England. He was received by his subjects with the utmost joy, and crowned at Westminster by Robert archbishop of Canterbury on the 19th of August 1274. He immediately applied himself to the correcting of those disorders which the civil commotions, and weak administration of his father, had introduced. A system of strict justice, bordering on severity, was introduced and kept up through the whole of this reign. The Jews were the only part of his subjects whom Edward oppressed. Many arbitrary taxes were levied upon them; 280 of them were hanged at once for adulterating the coin; the goods of the rest were confiscated, and all of them banished the kingdom.

In 1276, the king undertook an expedition against Lewellyn prince of Wales, who had refused to do homage for his crown. The conquest of that country was not fully accomplished till the year 1283; after which the principality of Wales was annexed to the crown of England, and thenceforth gave a title to the king's eldest son.*—In 1286, the settlement of Wales appeared so complete, that the king went abroad in order to make peace between Alfonso king of Arragon and Philip le Bel king of France, who had a difference about the kingdom of Sicily. He succeeded in his negotiations; but, staying abroad three years, he found that many disorders had been introduced in his absence. Many instances of robbery and violence had broken out in all parts of England; but the corruption of the judges, by which the fountains of justice were poisoned, was of still more dangerous consequence. Edward, in order to remedy this prevailing abuse, summoned a parliament, and brought the judges to a trial; where all of them except two, who were clergymen, were convicted of this flagrant iniquity, were fined, and deposed from their office. The amount of the fines levied upon them is of itself a sufficient proof of their guilt, being above 100,000 marks; an immense sum in those days, sufficient to defray the expenses of a war betwixt two great nations. The king afterwards made all the new judges swear that they would take no bribes; but the depoing and fining the old ones was the more effectual remedy.

In 1291, king Edward began to meditate the conquest of Scotland, which employed him during the rest of his life; but which, though that kingdom was scotland, by him reduced to the greatest distress, he was never able to accomplish *. At the same time, he was engaged in expensive contests with France; and these multiplied wars and preparations for war, by obliging him to have frequent recourse to parliamentary supplies, became the remote causes of great and important changes in the government. The parliament was modelled into the form which has continued ever since. As a great part of the property of the kingdom, by the introduction of commerce and improvements in agriculture, was transferred from the barons to the lower class of people, so their consent was thought necessary for raising the supplies. For this reason, the king issued writs to the sheriffs, enjoining them to send to parliament, along with two knights of the shire, two deputies from each borough within their county; and these provided with sufficient powers from their constituents to grant such demands as they should think reasonable for the safety of the state. The charges of these deputies were to be borne by the boroughs which sent them; and so far were they from considering this deputation as an honour, that nothing could be more displeasing to any borough than to be thus obliged to send a deputy, or to any individual than to be thus chosen. The authority of these commoners, however, increased through time. Their union gave them weight; and it became customary among them, in return for the supplies which they granted, to prefer petitions to the crown for the redress of those grievances under which the nation was supposed to labour. The more the king's necessities increased, the more he found it necessary to give them an early redress; till, from requesting, the commons proceeded to requiring; and having all the property of the nation, they by degrees began also to be possessed of the power.

Edward I. died of a dysentery at Carlisle on the 7th of July 1307, as he was leading a great army into Scotland, against the inhabitants of which he had vowed the most dreadful vengeance. He was succeeded by his son Edward II., whom he had charged with his dying breath to prosecute the war against Scotland, and never to desist till he had finally subdued the kingdom. But the new king was of a very different disposition from his father. The Scots gradually recovered their power; and in 1314 gave the English such a terrible defeat at Bannockburn, that for many years no superiority of numbers could encourage them to look the Scots in the face. See SCOTLAND.

The reign of Edward II. affords no particulars of great moment. Being a prince of a weak understanding, though endued with no remarkable bad qualities, his reign was one continued series of quarrels with his turbulent subjects. His favourites were the most general causes of discontent. The first of these was one Piers Gaveston, the son of a Gascon knight of some distinction, who had honourably served the late king, and who, in reward for his services, had obtained an establishment for his son in the family of the prince of Wales.—To be the favourite of any king whatever, is no doubt in itself a sufficient offence to the rest of the courtiers. Numberless faults were therefore found with Gaveston by the English barons. When the king went over to France to espouse the princess Isabella, to whom he had been long contracted, Gaveston was left guardian of the realm, with more ample powers than had usually been conferred in such a case. But when the queen, who was of an imperious and intriguing spirit, arrived, Gaveston had the misfortune to fall under her displeasure also, on account of the ascendancy he had acquired over the king. A conspiracy was therefore soon formed against the favourite; at the head of which were, the queen, and the Earl of Lancaster cousin-german to the king, and the most opulent and powerful nobleman in England. The king, unable to resist such a combination, was at last obliged to banish Gaveston; but recalled him some time after. This was sufficient to spread an alarm over the whole kingdom; a civil war ensued; and the nobility having got Gaveston into their hands, soon freed themselves of any farther apprehensions from him, by putting him to death.

After the unfortunate defeat at Bannockburn, king Edward chose a new favourite named Hugh Le Despenser. He was a young man of a noble English family; some merit, and very engaging accomplishments. His father was a person of a much more respectable character than the son; but the being admitted to a share of king Edward's favour was a sufficient crime. The king imprudently dispossessed some lords of their estates, in order to bestow them upon this favourite; and this was a sufficient pretence for openly attacking both the father and son. The Earls of Lancaster and Hereford flew to arms. Sentence was procured from parliament of perpetual exile against the two Despensers, with a forfeiture of all their estates. At last the king took the field at the head of 30,000 men, and pressed the Earl of Lancaster so closely, that he had not time to collect his forces together; and, flying from one place to another, he was at last flopped in his way towards Scotland, and made prisoner. He was immediately condemned by a court-martial; and executed on an eminence near Pomfret, with circumstances of the greatest indignity.

Despenser now triumphed for some time over his enemies; most of the forfeitures were seized for his use, and he is said to have been guilty of many acts of rapine and injustice. But he was soon opposed by a more formidable enemy. Queen Isabella fled to France, and refused to return to England till Despenser was removed from the royal presence, and banished the kingdom; him by the thus made herself popular in England, where queen Despenser was universally disliked; and she had the pleasure of enjoying the company of a young nobleman named Mortimer, upon whom she had lately placed her affections. The queen's court, therefore, became a sanctuary for all the malecontents who were banished their own country, or who chose to come over. When she thought matters were ripe for her purpose, she fell from Dort harbour, accompanied by 3000 armed men. She landed without opposition on the coast of Suffolk, on the 24th of September 1326; and she no sooner appeared, than there seemed to be a general revolt in her favour. The unfortunate king found the spirit of disloyalty spread over the whole kingdom. He had placed some dependence on the garrison of Bristol, which was under the command of the elder Despenser; but they mutinied against their governor; and that unfortunate favourite was delivered up, and condemned by the tumultuous barons to the most ignominious death. He was hanged on a gibbet in his armour; his body was cut in pieces and thrown to the dogs; and his head was sent to Winchester, where it was set on a pole, and exposed to the insults of the populace. Young Despenser did not long survive his father. He was taken, with some others who had followed the fortunes of the wretched king, in an obscure convent in Wales. The queen had not patience to wait the formality of a trial; but ordered him to be immediately led forth before the insulting populace, and seemed to take a savage pleasure in beholding his distresses. He was executed on a gibbet 50 feet high; his head was sent to London, where it was received by the citizens with brutal triumph, and fixed on the bridge.

In the mean time the king, who hoped to find refuge in Wales, was quickly discovered, and delivered up to his adversaries, who insulted him in the grossest manner. He was conducted to the capital amidst the insults and reproaches of the people, and confined in the tower. A charge was soon exhibited against him; in which no other crimes but his incapacity to govern, his indolence, his love of pleasures, and his being swayed by evil counsellors, were objected against him. His deposition, however, was quickly voted by parliament; he was assigned a pension for his support; his son Edward, a youth of 14, was chosen to succeed him, and the queen was appointed regent during the minority. The deposed monarch did not long survive the loss of his crown. He was at first consigned to the custody of the Earl of Lancaster; but this nobleman showing some marks of respect and pity, he was taken out of his hands, and delivered over to the lords Berkeley, Mautravers, and Gournay, who were entrusted alternately, each for a month, with the charge of guarding him. While he was in Berkeley's custody, he was still used with some degree of humanity; but when the turn of Mautravers and Gournay came, every species of indignity was practised upon him, as if they had designed to accelerate his death by the bitterness of his sufferings. It is reported, that one day when... Edward was to be shaved; they ordered cold and dirty water to be brought from a ditch for that purpose; and when he desired it to be changed, and was still denied his request, he burst into tears and exclaimed, That in spite of their insolence he would be shaved with clean and warm water. As his persecutors, however, saw that his death might not arrive, even under every cruelty they could practise, and were daily afraid of a revolution in his favour, they determined to rid themselves of their fears by destroying him at once. Mortimer, therefore, secretly gave orders to the two keepers, who were at his devotion, instantly to dispatch the king; and these ruffians contrived to make the manner of his death as cruel and barbarous as possible. Taking advantage of Berkeley's sickness, in whose custody he then was, and who was thereby incapacitated from attending his charge, they came to Berkeley-castle, and put themselves in possession of the king's person. They threw him on a bed, and held him down with a table which they had placed over him. They then ran a hot pipe up his body, through which they conveyed a red-hot iron; and thus burnt his bowels without disfiguring his body. By this infernal contrivance they expected to have their crime concealed; but the horrid shrieks of the king, which were heard at a distance from the castle, gave a suspicion of the murder; and the whole was soon after divulged by the confession of one of the accomplices. Gourney and Mautravers were held in detestation by all mankind; and when the ensuing revolution deprived their protectors of power, they found it necessary to fly the kingdom. Gourney was afterwards seized at Marfeilles, delivered over to the seneschal of Guienne, and put on board a ship with a view of carrying him over to England; but he was beheaded at sea, by secret orders, as was supposed, of some nobles and prelates in England, anxious to prevent any discovery which he might make of his accomplices. Mautravers concealed himself for some years in Germany; but having found means of rendering some services to Edward III., he ventured to approach his person, threw himself on his knees before him, and received a pardon.

By the death of Edward II., the government fell entirely into the hands of the queen and her paramour Mortimer. The parliament, which raised young Edward to the throne, had indeed appointed 12 persons as his privy-council, to direct the operations of government. Mortimer excluded himself, under a show of moderation; but at the same time secretly influenced all the measures that came under their deliberation. As this influence began very soon to be perceived, and the queen's criminal attachment to Mortimer was universally known, these governors soon became very obnoxious to the people. The first stroke given to Mortimer's power was during an irruption of the Scots, when the favourite prevented the young king from attacking the enemy. Though it is very probable that the English army would have been destroyed by making an attack on an army situated in such an advantageous post as the Scots at that time occupied, Mortimer incurred great blame on that account. He was accused of having allowed the Scots to make their escape; and the general disgust on this account was increased by his concluding a peace with that kingdom, wherein the English renounced all title to the sovereignty of Scotland for the sum of 30,000 marks. Soon after Mortimer seized and executed the earl of Kent, brother to the late king; who, supposing Edward II. to be still alive, had formed a design of reinstating him in his kingdom. The execution was so sudden, that the young king had not time even to interpose in his behalf; and Mortimer soon after seized this nobleman's estate for his own use, as he did also the immense fortunes of the Spencers.

Edward, finding the power of Mortimer a continual restraint upon himself, resolved to shake off an authority that was likewise grown odious to the whole nation. The queen and Mortimer had for some time chosen the castle of Nottingham for their residence. It was strictly guarded, the gates were locked every night, and the keys carried to the queen. It was therefore agreed between the king and some of the barons, who secretly entered into his designs, to seize upon them in this fortress. Sir William Elland the governor was induced to admit them through a subterraneous passage, which had been formerly contrived for an outlet, but was now choked up with rubbish, and known only to one or two. Through this passage the noblemen in the king's interest entered the castle in the night-time; and Mortimer, without having it in his power to make any resistance, was seized in an apartment adjoining to that of the queen. The parliament, which was then sitting, condemned him, without either permitting him to make his defence, or examining a single witness against him. He was hanged on a gibbet at a place called Elmes, about a mile from London. A similar sentence was passed against some of his adherents, particularly Gourney and Mautravers, who found an opportunity of escaping as above mentioned. The queen, who was perhaps the most culpable of the whole, was screened by the dignity of her station. She was, however, deposed from all share of power; and confined for life to the castle of Ringtons, with a pension of 3000 pounds a-year. From this confinement she was never set free, though the king paid her an annual visit of ceremony. She lived 25 years after her deposition.

Edward III. proved the greatest warrior that ever sat on the English throne. He first attempted to raise Edward Baliol to the sovereignty of Scotland; but this he found impossible fully to accomplish. Edward next formed a project of invading and conquering France, to the sovereignty of which he pretended a successful right. His first expectations were attended with very little success, that on his return to England he found the nation very much discontented, and himself harassed by his numerous creditors without any sufficient resource for paying them. Being determined, however, not to bear any blame himself if he could throw it anywhere else, he took the first opportunity of wreaking his vengeance upon his subjects. Finding his arbitrary behaviour thereupon the tower of London negligently guarded on his arrival, he imprisoned the constable and all his inferior officers, treating them with the greatest severity. He then fell upon the sheriffs and collectors of the revenue, whom he dismissed from their employments, and appointed an inquiry into their conduct to be made by persons who, knowing the king's humour, were sure to find everyone guilty who came before them. The keeper of the privy-seal, the chief-justice, the mayor of London, England, the bishops of Chichester and Litchfield, with the chancellor and treasurer, were deposed and imprisoned. In this career of resentment and cruelty, however, he found himself opposed by the archbishop of Canterbury, whom he had appointed to collect the taxes laid on for the support of the French war. That prelate happening to be absent at the time of the king's arrival, did not immediately feel the effects of his resentment. Being informed, however, of the humour in which his sovereign was, he issued a sentence of excommunication against all who, on any pretence whatever, should exercise violence against the persons or estates of clergymen, or who infringed those privileges secured by the great charter, or who accused a prelate of treason, or any other crime, in order to bring him under the king's displeasure. A regular combination was formed against the king by the clergy, with the primate at their head; who, to execute the indignation of the people as much as possible, reported, that the king intended to recall the general pardon and the remission to old debts which had been granted, and to impose new and arbitrary taxes without consent of parliament. The archbishop also, in a letter to the king, informed him, that there were two powers by which the world was governed, viz. the holy pontifical apostolical dignity and the regal authority; of which the clerical power was evidently the supreme, as the priests were to answer even for the conduct of kings at the last judgment; and were besides the spiritual fathers of all the faithful, kings and princes not excepted; having, besides, a heavenly charter, intitling them to direct their wills and actions, and to censure their transgressions. On this the king resolved to mortify him, by sending no summons to him when the parliament was called: but the prelate, undaunted by this mark of resentment, appeared before the gates of the parliament-house with his crozier in his hand, demanding admittance as the first peer of the realm. This application was rejected for two days, but at last complied with; and the parliament now seemed inclined to abridge the king's authority considerably. They began with observing, that as the great charter had been violated in many points, particularly by the illegal imprisonment of many freemen and the seizure of their goods, it was necessary to confirm it anew, and to oblige all the chief officers of the law and others to swear to the observance of it. It was also required, that whenever any of the great offices became vacant, the king should fill them up by the advice of his council and the consent of such barons as should at the time be found to reside in the neighbourhood of the court. They enacted also, that on the third day of every session the king should resume all such offices into his own hand, excepting those of the justices of the two benches and the barons of exchequer; that the ministers should for the time be reduced to private persons; that they should in that condition answer before parliament to any accusation preferred against them; and that, if they were found in any respect guilty, they should be finally deprived of their offices, and others appointed in their stead. In return for such ample concessions, the king was offered a grant of 20,000 sacks of wool; and such was his urgent necessity, that he was compelled to accept of it even upon these terms. Still, however, he determined to adhere to his engagements no longer than till this necessity was removed. Though the agreement therefore was ratified in full parliament, he secretly entered a protest, that, as soon as his convenience permitted, he would from his own authority revoke what had been extorted from him. This protest was afterwards confirmed by a public edict; in which he affirmed, that that statute had been made contrary to law; that it was prejudicial to the prerogatives of the crown, which he had only diffembled when he seemed to ratify it; and that in his own breast he had never allotted to it; and declared, that from thenceforth it had no force or authority. This exertion of arbitrary power, which it might have been imagined would have occasioned a prodigious clamour, was not taken notice of by any of the subsequent parliaments; so that in the course of two years Edward had entirely regained his authority, and obtained a repeal of the obnoxious statute just mentioned. Having thus fettered matters to his satisfaction, the king resumed his great expedition against France, where he gained great advantages. In his absence the Scots invaded England; but were entirely defeated at Durham, and their king himself taken prisoner. The English king in the meantime continued his victories on the continent; in which he was greatly assisted by Edward surnamed the Black Prince, the greatest hero recorded in the English annals. But for the wars of Edward III. and the exploits of this famous prince, see the articles Scotland and France. The Black Prince died on the 8th of June 1376, and the king survived only about a year. He expired on the 21st of June 1377, and was succeeded by his second son Richard.

As the new king was only eleven years old when he ascended the throne, the government was vested in the hands of his three uncles the dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester. The different dispositions of these noblemen, it was thought, would cause them check the designs of each other. Lancaster was neither popular nor enterprising; York was indolent and weak; and Gloucester turbulent, popular, and ambitious. Difficulties first arose among the common people. They had now acquired a share of liberty sufficient to inspire them with a desire for more, and this desire was greatly encouraged by the discourses of one John Ball a seductive preacher. He went about the country, and inculcated on his audience, that mankind were all derived from one common stock; and that all of them had equal right to liberty and the goods of nature, of which they had been deprived by the ambition of a few insolent rulers.

These doctrines were greedily swallowed by the populace, who were farther inflamed by a new imposition of three groats a-head upon every person in the kingdom above 15 years of age. This had been granted as a supply by parliament, and was no doubt necessary on account of the many expensive wars in which the kingdom was engaged; but its apparent injustice, in laying no more burden upon the rich than the poor, excited the utmost resentment of the people. The manner, too, of collecting this tax, soon furnished them with an occasion of revolt. It began in Essex, where a report was industriously spread that the peasants were to be destroyed, their houses burned, and their farms plundered. A blacksmith, well known by the name of of Wat Tyler, was the first that excited them to arms. The tax-gatherers coming to this man's house while he was at work, demanded payment for his daughter. This he refused, alleging that she was under the age mentioned in the act. One of these fellows offered to produce a very indecent proof to the contrary, and at the same time laid hold of the maid. This the father resenting, immediately knocked out the ruffian's brains with his hammer. The bystanders applauded the action; and exclaimed that it was high time for the people to take vengeance on their tyrants, and to vindicate their native liberty. The whole country immediately took arms, and the insurgents soon amounted to about 100,000 men. They advanced to Blackheath, where they sent a message to the king, who had taken shelter in the tower, desiring a conference with him. The king was furious of complying with their demands, but was intimidated by their fierce behaviour. In the meantime they entered the city, burning and plundering the houses of such as were obnoxious for their power or riches. Their animosity was particularly levelled against the lawyers, to whom they showed no mercy. The king at last, knowing that the tower was not able to resist their assaults, went out among them, and desired to know their demands. To this they made a very humble remonstrance; requiring a general pardon, the abolition of slavery, freedom of commerce in the market-towns, and a fixed rent instead of those services required by the tenure of villainage. The king granted all their requests; and charters were made out by which the grant was ratified. In the mean time, however, another body of these insurgents had broke into the tower, and murdered the chancellor, the primate, and the treasurer, with some other officers of distinction. They then divided themselves into bodies, and took up their quarters in different parts of the city. At the head of one of these was Wat Tyler, who led his men into Smithfield, where he was met by the king, who invited him to a conference under pretence of hearing and redressing his grievances. Tyler ordered his companions to retire till he should give them a signal, and boldly ventured to begin a conference with the king in the midst of his retinue. His demands were, That all slaves should be set free; that all commonages should be open to the poor as well as to the rich; and that a general pardon should be passed for the late outrages. Whilst he made these demands, he now and then lifted up his sword in a menacing manner: which insolence so raised the indignation of William Walworth lord mayor of London, that, without considering the danger to which he exposed his majesty, he fanned Tyler with a blow of his mace; while one of the king's knights riding up, dispatched him with his sword. The mutineers, seeing their leader fall, prepared themselves to take revenge. Their bows were already bent for execution; when Richard, though not yet 16 years of age, rode up to the rebels, and with admirable presence of mind cried out: "What, my people, will you kill your king? Be not concerned for the loss of your leader. I myself will now be your general. Follow me into the field, and you shall have whatever you desire." The multitude immediately desisted, and followed the king into the fields, where he granted them the same charters that he had before granted to their companions. These charters, however, were soon after revoked, and the common people reduced to the same situation in which they had formerly been.

The courage, address, and presence of mind, which the king had discovered in quelling such a dangerous tumult, gave great hopes to the nation: but, in proportion as Richard advanced in years, these hopes were blasted; and his want of capacity, or at least of solid judgment, appeared in every enterprise he attempted. The king had unluckily lost the favour of the common people after the insurrection just mentioned. He allowed the parliament to revoke the charters of enfranchisement and pardon which had been granted; the people of some of the ringleaders in the late disorders had been severely punished, and some even put to death without any form of process or trial. Thus the popular leaders were greatly exasperated by this cruelty, though probably the king did not follow the dictates of his own mind so much in it as the advice of his counsellors. But having thus lost the favour of one party, he quickly after fell under the displeasure of the other also. Supposing himself to be in too great subjection to his uncles, particularly the Duke of Gloucester, he attempted to shake off the yoke, by raising others to such a degree of power as might enable them to rival them. His first favourite was Robert His excellent Earl of Oxford, a young man of an agreeable person, but dissolute in his behaviour, who soon acquired an absolute ascendant over him. So much was he determined to show his attachment to this nobleman, that he first created him Marquis of Dublin, a title never known in England before; then Duke of Ireland; transferring to him the entire sovereignty of that island by patent for life. He gave him in marriage his cousin-german, the daughter of the Earl of Bedford; but soon after permitted him to divorce her for another lady with whom he had fallen in love. This nobleman soon became the dispenser of all the king's favours to such a degree, that a conspiracy was formed against him. At the head of which were, Mowbray Earl of Nottingham, Fitz Alan Earl of Arundel, Percy Earl of Northumberland, Montacute Earl of Salisbury, and Beauchamp Earl of Warwick. Vere was impeached in parliament; and though nothing of moment was even alleged against him, he was condemned and deprived of his office. They next proceeded to attack the royal authority itself. Under pretence that the king was yet unable to govern the kingdom, though at that time 21 years of age, they appointed a commission of 14 persons to whom the sovereignty was to be transferred for a year. This measure was driven forward by the duke of Gloucester, and none but his own faction were admitted as members of the committee. The king could not without regret perceive himself thus totally deprived of authority. He first endeavoured to gain over the parliament to his interests, by influencing the sheriffs of each county, who were then the only returning officers. This measure failing, he next applied to the judges. They declared, that the commission which had deprived the king of his authority was unlawful, and that those who procured or advised it were punishable with death. Their sentence was quickly opposed by declarations from the lords. The Duke of Gloucester armed his partisans; and appeared at Haringey park near Highgate, Highgate, at the head of a body of men sufficient to intimidate the king and all his adherents. These insurgents, sensible of their own power, began by demanding of the king the names of those who had advised him to his late rash measures. A few days afterwards they appeared armed in his presence, and accused by name the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, and Sir Robert Trefilian, one of the judges who had declared in his favour, together with Sir Nicholas Bember, as public and dangerous enemies to the state. The duke of Ireland fled into Chester, where he attempted to raise a body of forces; but was quickly obliged to fly into Flanders, on the arrival of the Duke of Gloucester with a superior army. Soon after, the king was obliged to summon a parliament, where an accusation was drawn up against five of his counsellors. Of these only Sir Nicholas Bember was present; and he was quickly found guilty, condemned, and executed, together with Sir Robert Trefilian, who had been discovered and taken during the interval. Lord Beauchamp of Holt was soon after condemned and executed; and Sir Simon Burley, who had been appointed the king's governor, shared the same fate, though the queen continued for three hours on her knees before the Duke of Gloucester, imploring his pardon.

Such unparalleled insolence and barbarity in a subject could not go unpunished. In 1389, the king, at an extraordinary council of the nobility assembled after Easter, to the astonishment of all present, desired to know his age. Being told that he was turned of two and twenty, he alleged that it was then time for him to govern without help; and that there was no reason why he should be deprived of those rights which the meanest of his subjects enjoyed. The lords answered in some confusion, that he had certainly an undisputed right to take upon himself the government of the kingdom. "Yes (replied the king), I have long been under the government of tutors; and I will now first show my right to power by their removal." He then ordered Thomas Arundel, whom the commissioners had lately appointed chancellor, to give up the seals; which he next day delivered to William Wickham bishop of Winchester. He next removed the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Warwick, and other lords of the opposition, from the council; and all the great officers of the household, as well as the judges, were changed.

The king being thus left at liberty to govern as he thought proper, for some time behaved in such a manner as to gain the affections of the people. It does not appear indeed that he ever gave much cause of complaint; but it was impossible for any prince in those days to keep himself secure on the throne but by a very active and vigorous administration. The Duke of Gloucester, perceiving that Richard was not of a warlike disposition, frequently spoke with contempt of his person and government; and deliberated concerning the lawfulness of throwing off all allegiance to him. The king being informed of his conduct by spies appointed for that purpose, at last formed a resolution of ridding himself of Gloucester and his faction at once. He therefore ordered that nobleman to be immediately arrested and sent over to Calais, where there was no danger of his being rescued by his numerous adherents. The earls of Arundel and Warwick were seized at the same time; and a new parliament, which the king knew would be perfectly obedient to his will, was summoned to Westminster. Here the commission of 14, who had usurped on the royal authority, was annulled for ever; all those acts which had condemned his former ministers were repealed; and the general pardon which the king had formerly given when he assumed the government into his own hands, was revoked. Several of Gloucester's party were condemned and executed, and Duke of Gloucester himself was called for to take his trial as well as the rest; but he had before been privately dispatched in prison.

After the destruction of the Duke of Gloucester and the heads of his party, a misunderstanding arose among the noblemen who had joined in the prosecution. The Duke of Hereford appeared in parliament, and accused the Duke of Norfolk of having spoken seditious words against his majesty in a private conversation. Norfolk denied the charge, gave Hereford the lie, and offered to prove his innocence by single combat. The challenge was accepted; but on the day appointed for the duel, the king would not suffer the combatants to engage, but commanded both of them to leave the kingdom. The Duke of Norfolk he banished for life, but the Duke of Hereford only for ten years. The former retired to Venice, where in a short time he died of a broken heart. Hereford behaved in a resigned and submissive manner; which so pleased the king, that he consented to shorten the time of his banishment four years; he also granted him letters patent, ensuring him of the enjoyment of any inheritance which should fall to him during his absence; but upon the death of his father the Duke of Lancaster, which happened shortly after, Richard revoked those letters, and kept the estate to himself.

This last injury inflamed the resentment of Hereford to such a degree, that he formed a design of deposing the king. He was a great favourite both dethroning with the army and people; he was immensely rich, the king, and connected by blood or alliance with all the great families of the nation. The king at the same time, it is said, gave himself up to an idle, effeminate life; and his ministers following his example, the national honour was lost. The number of malecontents daily increased, and only waited for the absence of the king, in order to put their schemes in execution; and this opportunity soon offered.

The Earl of March, presumptive heir to the crown, having been appointed the king's lieutenant in Ireland, was slain in a skirmish with the natives of that country; which so incensed Richard, that, unmindful of his precarious situation at home, he went over to Ireland with a considerable army, in order to revenge his death in person. The Duke of Lancaster (for that was the title which Hereford assumed on the death of his father) hearing of the king's absence, instantly embarked at Nantes; and with a retinue only of 60 persons in three small vessels, landed at Ravenspur in Yorkshire. The Earl of Northumberland, who had long been a malecontent, together with Henry Percy his son, who from his ardent valour was nicknamed Hotspur, immediately joined him with their forces; and the people flocked to him in such numbers, that in a few days his army amounted to 60,000 men. Richard, in the mean time, continued in perfect security in Ireland for some time. Contrary winds for three weeks together prevented his receiving any news of the rebellion which was begun in his native dominions. He landed therefore at Milford Haven without suspicion, attended by a body of 20,000 men; but immediately found himself opposed by a power which he could by no means resist. His army gradually deserted him, till at last he was obliged to acquaint the duke, that he would submit to whatever terms he pleased to prescribe. The duke did not think proper to enter into any treaty with the king; but carried him to London, where he was confined close prisoner in the tower, formally deposed by parliament, or rather by the Duke of Lancaster, and at last put to death. The manner of his death is variously related. According to some, eight or nine ruffians were sent to the castle of Pomfret, whither the unhappy prince had been removed, in order to dispatch him. They rushed unexpectedly into his apartment; but Richard, knowing their design, resolved to sell his life as dear as possible. He wrestled a pole-axe from one of the murderers, with which he killed four of them; but was at length overpowered and killed. Others relate that he was starved in prison; and that, after he was denied all nourishment, he prolonged his life 14 days, by feeding on the flecks of his bed. He died in the year 1399, in the 34th year of his age, and 23d of his reign.—It was during the reign of Richard II. that Wickliff, the noted reformer, published his doctrines in England. See WICKLIFF.

After sentence of deposition had been pronounced on Richard by both houses of parliament, the throne being then vacant, the Duke of Lancaster stepped forth; and having crossed himself on the forehead and on the breast, and called on the name of Christ, gave in his claim to the throne in the following words, which we shall give in the original language. "In the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I Henry of Lancaster, challenge this realm of England, and the crown, with all the members and the appurtenances; as I that am descended by right line of the blood, coming from the good King Henry therde, and thronge that right that God of his grace hath sent me, with help of kyn, and of my frendes to recover it; the which realm was in point to be undone by defect of governance, and disobeying of the good laws."

The right which the duke here claimed by descent from Henry III. proceeded on a false story that Edmund Earl of Lancaster, son of Henry III., was really the elder brother of Edward I.; but that, by reason of some deformity in his person, he had been postponed in the succession, and Edward the younger brother imposed on the nation in his stead. The present Duke of Lancaster inherited from Edmund, by his mother, the right which he now pretended to the crown; though the falsehood of the story was so generally known, that he thought proper to mention it only in general terms.—No opposition, however, was made to the validity of this title in parliament; and thus commenced the differences between the houses of York and Lancaster, which were not terminated but by many bloody and ruinous wars.

The reign of Henry IV. was little else than a continued series of insurrections. In the very first parlia-

ment he called, no fewer than 40 challenges were given and accepted by different barons; and though Henry had ability and address enough to prevent these duels from being fought, it was not in his power to prevent continual insurrections and combinations against himself. The most formidable one was conducted by the Earl of Northumberland, and commenced A.D. 1402. The occasion of it was, that Henry denied the Earl liberty to ransom some Scots prisoners which had been taken in a skirmish with that nation. The king was desirous of detaining them in order to increase his demands upon Scotland in making peace; but as the ransom of prisoners was in that age looked upon as a right belonging to those who had taken them, the earl thought himself grievously injured. The injury appeared still the greater, because Northumberland considered the king as indebted to him both for his life and crown. He resolved therefore to dethrone Henry; and to raise to the throne young Mortimer, who was the true heir to the crown, as being the son of Roger Mortimer Earl of March, whom Richard II. had declared his successor. For this purpose he entered into an alliance with the Scots and Welsh, who were to make an irruption into England at the same time that he himself was to raise what forces he could in order to join them. But when all things were prepared for this insurrection, the Earl found himself unable to lead on the troops, by a sudden fit of illness with which he was seized at Berwick. On this, young Piercy (surnamed Hotspur) took the command; and marched towards Shrewsbury, in order to join the Welsh. But the king had happily a small army with which he intended to have acted against the Scots; and knowing the importance of celerity in civil wars, instantly hurried down, that he might give battle to the rebels. He approached Shrewsbury before a junction with the Welsh could be effected; and the impatience of Piercy urged him to an engagement, which at that time he ought to have declined. The evening before the battle, he sent a manifesto to Henry; in which he renounced his allegiance, set the king at defiance, and enumerated all the grievances of which he imagined the nation might justly complain. He reproached him (and very justly) with his perjury; for Henry, on his first landing in England, had sworn upon the gospels, before the Earl of Northumberland, that he had no other intention but to recover possession of the duchy of Lancaster, and that he would ever remain a faithful subject to King Richard. He aggravated his guilt, in first dethroning and then murdering that prince; and in usurping on the title of the house of Mortimer; to whom, both by lineal succession and by declarations of parliament, the throne, then vacant by Richard's death, did of right belong. Several other heavy charges were brought against him; which, at that time, could be productive of no other effect than to irritate the king and his adherents to the utmost.

The armies on each side were in number about 12,000; so that they were not unmanageable by their commanders; and as both leaders were men of known bravery, an obstinate engagement was expected. The battle was fought on the 20th of July 1403; and we can scarce find in those ages any other in which the shock was so terrible and constant. At last Piercy being killed by an unknown hand, the victory was decided. England. sided in favour of the royalists. There are said to have fallen on that day near 2300 gentlemen, and 6000 private men, of whom near two thirds were of Piercy's army.

The Earl of Northumberland having recovered from his sickness, and levied an army, was on his march to join his son; but being opposed by the Earl of Westmorland, and hearing of the defeat at Shrewsbury, he dismissed his forces, and came with a small retinue to the king at York. He pretended that his sole intention was to mediate between the contending parties; and the king thought proper to accept of his apology, and grant him a pardon for his offence. The other rebels were treated with equal lenity; and none of them, except the Earl of Worcester and Sir Richard Vernon, who were regarded as the chief authors of the insurrection, perished by the hands of the executioner. This lenity, however, was not sufficient to keep the kingdom quiet; one insurrection followed another almost during the whole of this reign; but either through Henry's vigilance, or the bad management of the conspirators, they never could unite their forces in such a manner as was necessary for bringing their projects to bear.

This reign is remarkable for the first capital punishment inflicted on a clergyman of high rank. The Archbishop of York, having been concerned in an insurrection against the king, and happening to be taken prisoner, was beheaded without either indictment, trial, or defence; nor was any disturbance occasioned by this summary execution. But the most remarkable transaction of this reign was, the introduction of that absurd and cruel practice of burning people on account of their religion. Henry, while a subject, was thought to have been very favourable to the doctrines of Wickliffe; but when he came to the throne, finding his profession of it very insecure, he thought superfluous a necessary implement of his authority, and therefore determined by all means to pay court to the clergy. There were hitherto no penal laws against heresy; not indeed through the toleration of the court of Rome, but through the stupidity of the people, who could not perceive the absurdities of the established religion. But when the learning and genius of Wickliffe had once broken the fetters of prejudice, the ecclesiastics called aloud for the punishment of his disciples; and Henry, who was very little scrupulous in his conduct, resolved to gratify them. He engaged parliament to pass a law for this purpose: it was enacted, that when any heretic, who relapsed, or refused to abjure his opinions, was delivered over to the secular arm by the bishop or his commissaries, he should be committed to the flames before the whole people. This weapon did not remain long unemployed in the hands of the clergy. William Sautré, rector of St Olithes in London, had been condemned by the convocation of Canterbury; his sentence was ratified by the house of Peers; the king issued his writ for the execution; and the unhappy man was burnt alive in the year 1401. The doctrines of Wickliffe, however, seem to have already gained ground very considerably in England. In 1405, the commons, who had been required to grant supplies, proposed in plain terms to the king to seize all the temporalities of the church, and employ them as a perpetual fund to serve the exigencies of the state. They insisted that the clergy possessed a third of the lands of the kingdom; and they contributed nothing to the public burdens; and that their exorbitant riches tended only to disqualify them from performing their ministerial functions with proper zeal and attention. When this address was presented, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who then attended the king, objected that the clergy, though they went not in person to the wars, sent their vassals and tenants in all cases of necessity; while at the same time, they themselves who stood at home were employed night and day in offering up their prayers for the happiness and prosperity of the state. The speaker answered with a smile, that he thought the prayers of the church but a very slender supply. The archbishop, however, prevailed in the dispute; the king discouraged the application of the commons; and the lords rejected the bill which the lower house had framed for despoiling the church of her revenues. The commons were not discouraged by this repulse. In 1410, they returned to the charge with more zeal than before. They made a calculation of all the ecclesiastical revenues, which, by their account, amounted to 485,000 marks a-year, and included 18,400 ploughs of land. They proposed to divide this property among 15 new earls, 150 knights, 600 esquires, and 100 hospitals; besides 20,000 pounds a-year, which the king might keep for his own use; and they intimated that the clerical functions would be better performed than at present, by 15,000 parish-priests, at the rate of 7 marks a-piece of yearly stipend. This application was accompanied with an address for mitigating the statutes enacted against the Wycliffites or Lollards, so that the king knew very well from what source it came. He gave the commons, however, a severe reply; and further to satisfy the church that he was in earnest, ordered a Lollard to be burnt before the dissolution of parliament.

The king had been for some time subject to fits, which continued to increase, and gradually brought him to his end. He expired at Westminster in 1413, in the 46th year of his age, and the 13th of his reign. He was succeeded by his son Henry V., whose martial talents and character had at first occasioned unreasonable jealousies in the mind of his father, so that he thought proper to exclude him from all share of public business. The active spirit of Henry being thus restrained from its proper exercise, broke out in every kind of extravagance and dissipation. It is even reported, that, when heated with liquor, he scrupled not to accompany his riotous associates in attacking the passengers on the streets and highways, and robbing them of their goods. No sooner, however, did he ascend the throne, than he called together his former companions, acquainted them with his intended reformation, exhorted them to imitate his example; but strictly prohibited them, till they had given proofs of their sincerity in this particular, to appear any more in his presence: after which, he dismissed them with liberal presents. His father's wife ministers, who had checked his riots, found that they had, unknown to themselves, been paying the highest court to their sovereign; and were received with all the marks of favour and confidence. The chief justice, who had formerly imprisoned the prince himself, and therefore trembled to approach the royal presence, met with praises. praises instead of reproaches for his past conduct, and was exhorted to persevere in the same rigorous and impartial execution of the laws. The king was not only anxious to repair his own misconduct, but also to make amends for those iniquities into which policy or necessity of affairs had betrayed his father. He expressed the deepest sorrow for the fate of the unhappy King Richard, and even performed his funeral obsequies with pomp and solemnity, and heaped favours upon all those who had shown themselves attached to him. He took into favour the young Earl of March, though his competitor for the throne; and gained so far on his gentle and unambitious nature, that he remained ever after sincerely attached to him. The family of Piercy was restored to its fortune and honours; and the king seemed desirous to bury all distinctions in oblivion. Men of merit were preferred, whatever party they had been of; all men were unanimous in their attachment to Henry; and the defects of his title were forgotten amidst the personal regard which was universally paid him.

The only party which Henry was not able to overcome was the new sect of Lollards, or reformers of religion. These were now gaining such ground in England, that the Roman clergy were greatly alarmed, and Henry was determined to execute the laws upon them. The head of that party at present was Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham; a nobleman who had distinguished himself by his valour and military talents on many occasions, and acquired the esteem both of the late and present king. His high character and zeal for the new sect pointed him out to Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury as a proper object of ecclesiastical fury, and therefore he applied to Henry for permission to indict him. The king desired him first to try gentle methods, and undertook to convert with Lord Cobham himself upon religious subjects. He did so, but could not prevail, and therefore abandoned Cobham to his enemies. He was immediately condemned to the flames; but having found means to make his escape, he raised an insurrection; which was soon suppressed, without any other consequence than that of bringing a stain on the feet to which he belonged. Cobham himself made his escape, but four years afterwards was taken and executed as a traitor. Immediately after, the most severe laws were enacted against the Lollards. It was enacted, that whoever was convicted of Lollardy, besides suffering capital punishment according to the laws formerly established, should also forfeit his lands and goods to the king; and that the chancellor, treasurer, justices of the two benches, sheriffs, justices of the peace, and all the chief magistrates in every city and borough, should take an oath to use their utmost endeavours for the extirpation of heresy.

Notwithstanding these terrible laws, the very parliament which enacted them, namely that of 1414, when the king demanded a supply, renewed the offer formerly pressed upon Henry IV. and intreated the king to seize all the ecclesiastical revenues, and convert them to the use of the crown. The clergy were greatly alarmed. They could offer the king nothing of equal value. They agreed, however, to confer on him all the priories alien, which depended on capital abbeys in Normandy, and which had been bequeathed to them when that province was united to England. The most effectual method, however, of warding off the blow at present was by persuading the King to undertake a war with France, in order to recover the provinces in that kingdom which had formerly belonged to England. This was agreeable to the dying injunction of Henry IV. He advised his son never to let the English remain long in peace, which was apt to breed intestine commotions; but to employ them in foreign expeditions, by which the prince might acquire honour, the nobility in sharing his dangers might attach themselves to his person, and all the restless spirits find occupation for their inquietude. The natural disposition of Henry sufficiently inclined him to follow this advice, and the civil disorders of France gave him the fairest prospect of success. Accordingly, in 1415, France invaded France at the head of 30,000 men.

The great progress he made there is related at length under the article FRANCE. He had espoused the king's daughter, and conquered the greatest part of the kingdom. His queen was delivered of a son named Henry, whose birth was celebrated by the greatest rejoicings both at London and Paris; and the infant prince seemed to be universally regarded as heir to both monarchies. But Henry's glory, when it seemed to be approaching the summit, was blasted at once by death, and all his mighty projects vanished. He was seized with a fistula, a distemper which at that time the physicians had not skill enough to cure; and he expired on the 31st of Death of August, 1422, in the 34th year of his age, and the 10th of his reign.

Henry VI. succeeded to the throne before he was Henry VI., quite a year old, and his reign affords only the most dismal accounts of misfortunes and civil wars. His relations very soon began to dispute about the administration during the minority. The Duke of Bedford, one of the most accomplished princes of the age, was appointed by parliament protector of England, defender of the church, and first counsellor to the king. His brother, the Duke of Gloucester, was fixed upon to govern in his absence, while he conducted the war in France; and in order to limit the power of both brothers, a council was named, without whose advice and approbation no measure could be carried into execution.

The kingdom of France was now in the most desperate situation. The English were masters of almost the whole of it. Henry VI. though but an infant, was solemnly invested with regal power by legates from Paris; so that Charles VII. of France succeeded only to a nominal kingdom. With all these great advantages, however, the English daily lost ground; and in the year 1450 were totally expelled from France. It may easily be imagined, that such a train of bad success would produce discontents among the rulers at home. The Duke of Gloucester was envied by many on account of his high station. Among these was Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, great uncle to the king, and the legitimate son of John of Gaunt brother to Richard II. The prelate, to whom the care of the king's education had been committed, was a man of great capacity and experience, but of an intriguing and dangerous disposition. He had frequent disputes with the Duke of Gloucester, over whom he gained several advantages on account of his open temper. The Duke of Bed- England employed both his own authority and that of parliament to reconcile them, but in vain; their mutual animosities served for several years to embarrass government, and to give its enemies every advantage. The sentiments of the two leaders were particularly divided with regard to France. The bishop laid hold of every prospect of accommodation with that country; and the Duke of Gloucester was for maintaining the honour of the English arms, and regaining whatever had been lost by defeats or delay. Both parties called in all the auxiliaries they could. The bishop resolved to strengthen himself by procuring a proper match for Henry, at that time 23 years old; and then bringing over the queen to his interests. Accordingly, the Earl of Suffolk, a nobleman whom he knew to be steadfast in his attachments, was sent over to France, apparently to settle the terms of a truce which had then been begun, but in reality to procure a suitable match for the king.

The bishop and his friends had cast their eye on Margaret of Anjou, daughter of Regnier, titular king of Sicily, Naples, and Jerusalem; but without either real power or possessions. She was considered as the most accomplished princess of the age, both in mind and person; and it was thought would, by her own abilities, be able to supply the defects of her husband, who appeared weak, timid, and superstitious. The treaty was therefore hastened on by Suffolk, and soon after ratified in England. The queen came immediately into the bishop's measures: Gloucester was deprived of all real power, and every method taken to render him odious to the public. One step taken for this purpose was to accuse his duchess of witchcraft. She was charged with conversing with one Roger Bolingbroke, a priest and reputed necromancer; and also with one Mary Gourdein, who was said to be a witch. It was asserted that these three in conjunction had made an image of the king in wax, which was placed before a gentle fire; and as the wax dissolved, the King's strength was expected to wane; and upon its total dissolution, his life was to be at an end. This accusation was readily believed in that superstitious age. The prisoners were pronounced guilty; the duchess was condemned to do penance and suffer perpetual imprisonment; Bolingbroke the priest was hanged, and the woman burnt in Smithfield.

The bishop, called also the Cardinal, of Winchester, was resolved to carry his resentment against Gloucester to the utmost. He procured a parliament to be summoned, not at London, which was too well affected to the duke, but at St Edmundsbury, where his adherents were sufficiently numerous to overawe every opponent. As soon as Gloucester appeared, he was accused of treason and thrown into prison; and on the day on which he was to make his defence, he was found dead in his bed, though without any signs of violence upon his body.

The death of the Duke of Gloucester was universally ascribed to the Cardinal of Winchester, who himself died six weeks after, testifying the utmost remorse for the bloody scene he had acted. What share the queen had in this transaction, is uncertain; but most people believed that without her knowledge the duke's enemies durst not have ventured to take away his life. The king himself shared in the general ill-will, and he never had the art to remove the suspicion. His incapacity also began every day to appear more clearly, and a pretender to the throne soon made his appearance.

In the year 1450, Richard Duke of York began to think of preferring his claims to the crown. All the York's title males of the house of Mortimer were extinct; but to the crown, Anne, the sister of the last Earl of March, having espoused the Earl of Cambridge, who had been beheaded for treason in the reign of Henry V., had transmitted her latent, but not yet forgotten claim, to her son Richard. This prince, defended by his mother from Philippa only daughter of the Duke of Clarence, second son of Edward III., stood plainly in order of succession before the King; who derived his descent from the duke of Lancaster, third son of that monarch. The duke was a man of valour and abilities, as well as of some ambition; and he thought the weakness and unpopularity of the present reign afforded a favourable opportunity to assert his title. The enmity of Richard was a white rose, that of Henry a red one; and this gave names to the two factions, who were now about to drench the kingdom in blood.

After the Cardinal of Winchester's death, the Duke of Suffolk, who also had been concerned in the assassination of Gloucester, governed every thing with uncontrollable mirth, fway. His conduct soon excited the jealousy of the other nobility, and every odious or unsuccessful measure was attributed to him. The duke, however, imagining that his crimes were of such a nature as could not be proved, boldly called upon his enemies to show an instance of his guilt. The house of commons immediately opened against him a charge of corruption, tyranny, and treason. He was accused of being the cause of the loss of France; of persuading the French king, with an armed force, to invade England; and of betraying the secrets of state. The popular resentment against him was so strong, that Henry, in order to secure him as much as possible, sentenced him to five years banishment. This was considered by his enemies as an escape from justice. The captain of a ship was therefore employed to intercept him in his passage to France. He was seized near Dover, his head struck off on the side of a long boat, and his body thrown into the sea.

The complaints against Henry's government were heightened by an insurrection headed by one John of Johor Cade, a native of Ireland. He had been obliged to fly over into France for his crimes; but, on his return, feeling the people prepared for violent measures, he assumed the name of Mortimer; and, at the head of 20,000 Kentish men, advanced towards Blackheath. The king sent a message to demand the cause of their rising in arms. Cade in the name of the community answered, That their only aim was to punish evil ministers, and procure a redress of grievances for the people. On this a body of 15,000 troops were levied, and Henry marched with them in person against Cade, who retired on his approach, as if he had been afraid of coming to an engagement. He lay in ambush, however, in a wood; not doubting but he should be pursued by the king's whole army; but Henry was content with sending a detachment after the fugitives, and returning to London himself; upon which Cade issued from his ambuscade, and cut the detachment in pieces. Soon after, the citizens of London opened their gates to the victor; and Cade, for some time, maintained great order and regularity among his followers. He always led them out into the fields in the night-time, and published several edicts against plunder and violence of any kind. He was not, however, long able to keep his people in subjection. He beheaded the treasurer Lord Say, without any trial; and soon after, his troops committing some irregularities, the citizens resolved to shut their gates against him. Cade endeavouring to force his way, a battle ensued, which lasted all day, and was ended only by the approach of night. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and the chancellor, who had taken refuge in the Tower, being informed of the situation of affairs, drew up, during the night, an act of amnest, which was privately dispersed among the rebels. This had such an effect, that in the morning Cade found himself abandoned by his followers; and retreating to Rochester, was obliged to fly alone into the woods. A prize being set on his head by proclamation, he was discovered and slain by one Alexander Eden; who, in recompense for this service, was made governor of Dover castle.

The court now began to entertain suspicions that the insurrection of John Cade had not happened merely in consequence of his own machinations and ambition, but that he had been instigated thereto by the Duke of York, who, as we have already seen, pretended a right to the crown. As he was about this time expected to return from Ireland and a report took place that he was now to assert his supposed right by force of arms, orders were issued in the king's name to deny him entrance into England. This was prevented by his appearing with no more than his ordinary attendants; but though he thus escaped the danger for the present, he instantly saw the necessity of proceeding in support of his claim. His partizans were instructed to distinguish between his right by succession and by the laws of the kingdom. The adherents of Lancaster maintained, that though the advancement of Henry IV. might be looked upon as irregular, yet it was founded upon general consent; or even allowing it to have been at first invalid, it had now been for a long time established, and acquired solidity of consequence; nor could the right of succession at any rate be pleaded for the purpose of overthrowing the general peace and tranquillity of the kingdom. The principles of liberty as well as the maxims of true policy had been injured by the house of York; while the public were bound to those of Lancaster, no less by political than moral duty, in consequence of the oaths of fealty that had been so often sworn to them; the Duke of York himself having repeatedly sworn allegiance to them, and thus indirectly renounced those claims which he now brought forward to disturb the public tranquillity. On the part of the Duke of York, it was replied, that the good of the people required the maintenance of order in the succession of princes; that, by adhering constantly to this rule, a number of inconveniences would be prevented which might otherwise ensue; and though that order had been broken through in the case of Henry IV., it was never too late to remedy any pernicious precedent. It would indeed be a great encouragement to usurpers, if the immediate possession of power, or their continuance in it for a few years, could convert them into legal princes; and the people must be in a very miserable situation, if all restraints on violence and ambition were taken off, and full liberty given to every innovator to make what attempts he pleased. They did not indeed deny that time might confer solidity on a government originally founded in usurpation; but a very long course of years was not only required for this purpose, but a total extinction of those who had any just title. The deposition of Richard II. and advancement of Henry IV. were not legal acts, but the effects of mere levity in the people; in which the house of York had acquiesced from necessity, and not from any belief of the justice of their cause; nor could this be ever interpreted into any renunciation of their pretensions; neither could the restoration of the true order of succession be considered as an encouragement to rebellion and turbulence, but the correction of a former abuse by which rebellion had been encouraged. Besides, the original title of Henry IV. was founded entirely on present convenience; and even this was now entirely shifted to the house of York. The present prince was evidently incapable of governing the kingdom by reason of his imbecility; so that every thing was governed either by corrupt ministers or an imperious queen, who engaged the nation in foreign connections entirely contrary to its interests; while on the other hand, the true heir of the crown was a prince of approved judgment and experience, and a native of England, who, by his restoration, would undoubtedly correct all those abuses of which there was now such just reason to complain.

In this dispute it was evident that the house of York had the better in point of argument: nevertheless, as a prince of the house of Lancaster was in immediate possession of the throne, and could by no means be charged with any crime, the cause of the former was less generally interesting; especially as it must always have been uncertain, *a priori*, whether the Duke of York would have governed any better than King Henry. After his return from Ireland, however, the former Duke used all his power and influence to foment the discontent which had for some time prevailed in the kingdom; and the conduct of the next parliament manifested the success of his intrigues. A violent attack the king was made upon such noblemen as were known to be in parliament in favour with the king. The house of commons presented a petition against the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Suffolk, the Bishop of Chester, Lord Dudley, and several others of inferior rank; praying not only that the king would remove them from his council, but that he would prohibit them from coming within twelve miles of the court. Henry not daring to refuse this petition altogether, consented to banish all those of inferior rank, whom the commons had specified, but only for a year; and this too on condition that he had no use for their assistance in quelling any rebellion. But he rejected a bill for attainting the late Duke of Suffolk, and proposed some other measures which seemed to militate against the court, though it had passed both the house of lords and the house of commons.

Encouraged by this disagreement between Henry and... England.

Richard raised an army; but is obliged to retire.

and his parliament, the Duke of York raised an army of 10,000 men, with whom he marched towards London, demanding a reformation in matters of government, and the removal of the Duke of Somerset. This first enterprise, however, proved unsuccessful; the gates of the city were shut against him, and he was pursued by the king at the head of a superior army. On this he retired into Kent; and as there was a number of his own friends in the army of the king, a conference took place, in which Richard still insisted upon the removal of the Duke of Somerset, and his submitting to be tried in parliament. This request was in appearance complied with, and Somerset arrested: the Duke of York was then persuaded to wait upon the king in his royal pavilion; but, on repeating his charge against the duke, he was surprised to see the latter come out from behind the curtain, and offer to maintain his innocence. Richard perceiving that he had not sufficient interest to ruin his adversary, pretended to be satisfied, and retired to his seat at Wigmore in Wales; and during the time he resided there, a better opportunity was given him of accomplishing his designs than he could have hoped for. The king fell into a kind of lethargic disorder, which increased his natural imbecility to such a degree, that he could no longer retain a shadow of royalty. Richard now had interest enough to get himself appointed protector, with power to hold parliaments at pleasure; with which high office he was no sooner invested, than he turned out all the Lancastrian party from their offices, and sent the Duke of Somerset to the Tower; but on the recovery of the king, which happened in no long time after, he himself was dismissed from his employment, the Duke of Somerset released, and the administration once more put into his hands. On this the duke of York levied an army, merely, as he pretended, to enforce the reformation of government and the removal of the Duke of Somerset. Thus Henry, though sore against his will, was obliged to face him in the field. A battle ensued at St Albans; in which the royalists were defeated, and the Duke of Somerset, the chief partisan of their cause, killed in the action. The king himself was wounded, and took shelter in a cottage near the field of battle; where he was taken prisoner, but was afterwards treated with great respect and kindness by the Duke of York.

Henry, though he was now only a prisoner treated with the forms of royalty, was nevertheless pleased with his situation; but his queen, a woman of a bold and masculine spirit, could not bear to have only the appearance of authority, while others enjoyed all the real power. She therefore excited the king once more to assert his right by force of arms; and after several manoeuvres, the Duke of York was obliged to retire from court. A negotiation for peace was at first set on foot, but the mutual distrusts of both parties soon broke it off. The armies met at Bloreheath on the borders of Staffordshire, on the 23rd of September 1459; and the Yorkists at first gained some advantages. But when a more general engagement was about to ensue, a body of veterans who served under the Duke of York deserted to the king; and this so intimidated the duke's party, that they separated the next day without striking a blow. The Duke of York fled to Ireland; and the Earl of Warwick, one of his ablest and best supporters, escaped to Calais, with the government of which he had been entrusted during the late protectorship.

The York party, though thus in appearance suppressed, only waited a favourable opportunity of retrieving their affairs. Nor was this opportunity long wanting. Warwick having met with some successes at sea, landed in Kent; and being there joined by other barons, marched up to London amidst the acclamations of the people. The city immediately opened its gates to him, and he soon found himself in a condition to face the royal army. An engagement ensued at Northampton on the 10th of July 1460; in which the royalists were entirely defeated, and the king again taken prisoner. The Duke of York then openly laid claim to the crown; and on this occasion the first intimation of a spirit of national liberty is said to have appeared in the House of Lords. The cause of Henry and the Duke of York was solemnly debated; and the latter, though a conqueror, did not absolutely gain his cause. It was determined that Henry should possess the throne during his life; and that the Duke of York should be appointed his successor, to the utter exclusion of the Prince of Wales, who was then a child.

Though the royal party now seemed destitute of every resource, the queen still retained her intrepidity. She fled into Wales, where she endeavoured to raise another army. The northern barons, provoked at the southern ones for settling the government and succession to the crown without their consent, soon furnished her with an army of 20,000 men. Another battle was fought near Wakefield Green, on the 24th of December 1460. The Yorkists were defeated, and the Duke of York himself was killed in the action. His head was afterwards cut off by the queen's orders, and fixed on one of the gates of York, with a paper-crown, in derision of his pretended title. His son the Earl of Rutland, a youth of 17, was taken prisoner, and killed in cold blood by Lord Clifford, in revenge for his father's death, who had fallen in the battle of St Albans.

After this victory, Margaret marched towards London, in order to set the king at liberty; but the Earl of Warwick, who now put himself at the head of the Yorkists, led about the captive king, in order to give sanction to his proceedings. He engaged the queen's forces at St Albans; but through the treachery of Lord Lovelace, who deserted during the heat of the engagement with a considerable body of forces, Warwick was defeated, and the king fell once more into the hands of his own party.

The submission of the city of London seemed now to be the only thing wanting to complete the queen's success; but Warwick had secured it in his interests, and the citizens refused to open their gates to the queen. In the mean time, young Edward, eldest son of the late Duke of York, put himself at the head of his father's party. He was now in the bloom of youth, remarkable for the beauty of his person and his bravery, and was a great favourite of the people. He defeated Jasper Tudor Earl of Pembroke, at Mortimer's cross in Herefordshire. The earl himself was taken prisoner, and immediately beheaded by Edward's orders. After this, he advanced to London; and being joined by the remainder of Warwick's army, he soon obliged Margaret to retire, entered the city amidst the acclamations of the people, and was crowned king on the 5th of March 1461.

Notwithstanding all her misfortunes, however, Margaret still continued undaunted. She retired to the north, where she was soon joined by such numbers, that her army amounted to 60,000 men. She was opposed by young Edward and Warwick at the head of 40,000; and both armies met near Touton in the county of York, on the 29th of March 1461. A bloody battle ensued, in which the queen's army was totally defeated; and as Edward, prompted by his natural cruelty, had ordered no quarter to be given, 40,000 of the Lancastrians were slain in the field or in the pursuit. Edward is said to have gained this victory by means of a violent storm of snow, which blew full in the face of the queen's army, and so blinded them that they could scarce make any use of their arms. After this disaster the queen fled to Scotland with her husband and son; and notwithstanding all the misfortunes she had already met with, resolved once more to enter England at the head of 5000 men granted her by the king of France. But even here she was attended by her usual bad fortune. Her little fleet was dispersed by a tempest, and she herself escaped with the utmost difficulty by entering the mouth of the Tweed. Soon after, a defeat, which her few forces sustained at Hexham, seemed to render her cause entirely desperate; and the cruelties practised upon all her adherents rendered it very dangerous to befriend her.

By these repeated misfortunes the house of Lancaster was so effectually ruined, that Margaret was obliged to separate from her husband, and both of them to shift for themselves the best way they could. The king was still protected by some of his friends, who conveyed him to Lancashire, where he remained in safety for a twelvemonth; but being at last discovered, he was thrown into the Tower and kept close prisoner. The queen fled with her son to a forest, where she was set upon by robbers, who stripped her of her rings and jewels, treating her otherwise with the utmost indignity. A quarrel which happened among them about the division of the spoil afforded her an opportunity of escaping from their hands into another part of the forest, where she wandered for some time without knowing what to do. At last, when quite spent with hunger and fatigue, she saw a robber coming up to her with a drawn sword in his hand. Finding it altogether impossible to escape, she suddenly took the resolution of putting herself under his protection. Advancing towards him, therefore, and presenting the young prince, "Here (says she), my friend, I commit to your care the safety of your king's son." This address so much surprized the robber, that, instead of offering her any injury, he professed himself entirely devoted to her service. After living for some time concealed in the forest, she was at last conducted to the sea-side, where she found a ship which conveyed her to Flanders. On her arrival there, she went to her father's house, who, though very poor, gave her such entertainment as he could afford; and in this retreat she laid some years in expectation of finding an opportunity of retrieving her affairs.

Edward, in the mean time, thinking himself securely fixed on the throne, gave a loose to his favourite passions; one of which was an immoderate love of women. To divert him from this, the Earl of Warwick, to whom he was indebted for his crown, advised him to marry. Edward consented, and sent him over to the continent to negotiate a match with the princesses of Savoy. The negotiation proved successful; but, in the mean time, the king had privately espoused Elizabeth Woodville, daughter of Sir Philip Woodville, who had married the Duchess of Bedford after the death of her first husband. Edward had employed his arts of seduction against this lady in vain before he married her; but unfortunately the match was concluded just at the time that the Earl of Warwick had proved successful in his negotiation with the princesses of Savoy. The minister therefore returned full of indignation against his sovereign; and Edward, forgetting how great cause he had to be offended, determined to remove him entirely from his councils. Warwick was likewise disgusted by the favour shown to the queen's party; which, though certainly a piece of very commendable policy in Edward, was entirely disagreeable to the ambitious disposition of that nobleman. A plan of revenge was therefore thought of; and a most powerful combination was formed against Edward; to accomplish which, Warwick not only employed his own influence, which was very extensive, but likewise that of the Duke of Clarence, Edward's brother, to whom the earl had also lied himself by giving him his daughter in marriage; after which he persuaded him to embrace his cause. Some circumstances which took place about this time also favoured the scheme. The inhabitants about St Leonard's in Yorkshire complained, that the duties levied for that in-stitution, and which had been originally appointed for pious purposes, were secreted by the managers, who refused to contribute their part. As the clergy were concerned in this affair, they attempted to silence their antagonists by ecclesiastical fulminations against them; upon which the latter took up arms, fell upon the officers of the hospital, and having massacred them, proceeded towards York, to the number of 15,000. In the first skirmish, they had the misfortune to lose their leader, who was instantly executed. The rebels, however, still continued in arms, and in a short time appeared in such numbers as to become formidable to government. Henry Earl of Pembroke was sent against them with a body of 5000 men; and having taken Sir Henry Nevil, one of the leaders of the insurgents, prisoner, instantly put him to death; but this was soon revenged by a similar execution on himself, who happened to be defeated and taken prisoner a short time after. This defeat had been occasioned by a disagreement betwixt the Earls of Pembroke and Devonshire; in consequence of which the latter had gone off with his troops, leaving Pembroke to shift for himself the best way he could. The king, enraged at this, caused Devonshire to be executed in a like summary manner; but this was of no service to his cause; a new body of insurgents appeared under Sir Robert Welles, son to a nobleman of that name. The latter, in order to secure himself from all suspicions of disloyalty, fled to a monastery; but he was soon enticed from thence and put to death by the insidious promises of king Edward, whose treachery was equal to his cruelty. son soon after shared the same fate, being defeated and taken prisoner by Edward, who instantly ordered him to be beheaded, along with Sir Thomas Launde and other persons of distinction.

Notwithstanding such an appearance of a general insurrection, the king had so little suspicion of the loyalty of Warwick and Clarence, that he employed them in raising troops to quell the insurgents. Instead of executing their commission with fidelity, however, they joined the malecontents with all the forces they could raise; but being quite disconcerted by the defeat and death of Sir Robert Welles, they retired to Lancashire, in hopes of being joined by Lord Stanley, who had married the Earl of Warwick's sister. Being disappointed in this, they were obliged to disband their army, and fly into Devonshire, whence they set sail for Calais. Upon their arrival on the continent, matters seemed not to be much mended: the deputy-governor, whom Warwick had left, refused him admittance; nor would he even allow the Duchess of Clarence to land, though she had been delivered of a son on board only a very few days before, and was at that time extremely ill. Being well acquainted, however, with the uncertainty of the affairs of England at that time, he afterwards made an apology to Warwick for this behaviour. The latter pretended to be easily reconciled; but immediately left the place, having seized some Flemish vessels which he found lying in the neighbourhood.

As a very close alliance subsisted between Warwick and the Duke of Burgundy, the king of France became uneasy; and therefore, as soon as the earl landed on his dominions, received him with the greatest marks of esteem. The reconciliation between him and the unfortunate Queen Margaret now seemed to be natural, though, considering all circumstances, this must have formerly appeared in a manner impossible. The earl's father had been put to death by the orders of Margaret; and Warwick, in return, had twice taken prisoner King Henry, banished the queen, and put to death almost all their faithful adherents. By the mediation of the French monarch, however, all differences were accommodated. A fleet was prepared to reconduct them to England; and seizing a proper opportunity, they landed at Dartmouth with a small body of troops, while Edward was in the north suppressing an insurrection which had lately appeared there. Warwick was attended with astonishing success on his arrival in England, and in less than six days saw himself at the head of 60,000 men. Edward was now obliged in his turn to fly the kingdom. Having narrowly escaped an attempt made upon his person by the Marquis of Montague, he embarked on board a small fleet which lay off Lynn in Norfolk. While at sea, he was chased by some ships belonging to the Hans Towns that were then at war both with France and England; but at length, having escaped all dangers, Edward landed safely in Holland, where he met with but an indifferent reception from the Duke of Burgundy, with whom he had lately entered into an alliance.

Warwick in the meantime advanced to London, and once more released and placed on the throne the miserable king Henry VI. A parliament was called, which very solemnly confirmed Henry's title to the throne, and Warwick himself was dignified by the people with the title of the king-maker. All the adherents of the Lancastrians were reversed; and every one was restored who had lost either honours or fortune by his former adherence to Henry's cause. All the adherents of Edward fled to the continent, or took shelter in monasteries, where they were protected by the ecclesiastical privileges. But Edward's party was not yet destroyed. After an absence of nine months, being seconded by a small body of troops granted him by the Duke of Burgundy, he made a descent at Ravenspur in Yorkshire. At first he met with little success; but his army increasing on his march, he was soon in a condition to appear before the capital, which immediately opened its gates.

The unfortunate Henry was thus again plucked from the throne; and the hopes of Warwick were almost totally blasted by the defection of Clarence, Edward's brother. Nothing now remained but to come to an engagement as soon as possible. Warwick knew his forces to be inferior to those of Edward, but placed great dependence on his own generalship. He therefore advanced to Barnet, within ten miles of London, where he resolved to wait the coming of Edward. The latter soon came up with him, and on the 14th of April 1471, a most obstinate and bloody battle was fought. Edward, according to custom, had ordered no quarter to be given; and obtained the victory through a mistake of a body of Warwick's forces, who fell with fury on their own party instead of the enemy. The earl himself was slain, together with his brother, and 10,000 of his bravest followers.

The queen was just then returned with her son from France, where she had been soliciting supplies. She had scarce time to refresh herself from the fatigues of the voyage, when she received the fatal news of the death of Warwick, and the total destruction of her party. All her resolution was not able to support her under such a terrible disaster. Her grief now for the first time, it is said, manifested itself by her tears; and she immediately took sanctuary in the abbey of Beaulieu in Hampshire. Here she still found some friends willing to assist her. Tudor Earl of Pembroke, Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the Lords Wenlock and St. John, with some other men of rank, encouraged her yet to hope for success, and promised to stand by her to the last. On this assurance, she returned her courage; and advancing through the counties of Devon, Somerset, and Gloucester, increased her army every day. At last, however, she was overtaken by Edward with his victorious army at Tewkesbury, on the banks of the Severne. The Queen's army was totally defeated; the total destruction of the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Wenlock were killed in the field; the Duke of Somerset, and about 20 other persons of distinction, who had taken shelter in a church, were surrounded, dragged out, and immediately beheaded; about 3000 of their party fell in battle, and the army was entirely dispersed. Queen Margaret and her son were taken prisoners, and brought to the king, who asked the prince in an insulting manner, how he dared to invade his dominions? The young prince replied, that he came thither to claim his just inheritance; upon which Edward struck him on the face with his gauntlet. The Duke of Clarence and Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas Gray, taking this blow as a signal for farther violence, hurried the prince into the next apartment, and there dispatched him with their England. Margaret was thrown into the Tower along with her husband Henry, who expired in that confinement a few days after. It was universally believed that he was murdered by the duke of Gloucester, though of this there was no direct evidence. Margaret was ransomed by the king of France for 50,000 crowns, and died a few years after in a most miserable situation.

Edward being now freed from all his enemies, began to inflict punishment on those who had formerly appeared against him. Among the cruelties he committed, that on his brother the duke of Clarence was the most remarkable. The king happening to be one day hunting in the park of Thomas Burdet, a servant of the duke killed a white buck which was a great favourite of the owner. Burdet, vexed at the loss, broke out into a passion, and wished the horns of the deer in the belly of the person who advised the king to that insult. For this exclamation Burdet was tried for his life, and executed at Tyburn. The duke of Clarence exclaimed against the iniquity of this sentence; upon which he was arraigned before the house of peers, found guilty, and condemned to death. The only favour granted him was to have the choice of his death; and his choice was a very singular one, namely, to be drowned in a butt of Malmsey wine; which was accordingly done.—The rest of this reign affords little else than an history of the king's amours. Among his many mistresses, Jane Shore was the most remarkable; (see Shore.) The king died on the 9th of April 1482, in the 42nd year of his age, and 21st of his reign, counting from his first assuming the crown. Besides five daughters, he left two sons; Edward prince of Wales, his successor, then in his 13th year; and Richard duke of York in his 9th.

On the death of Edward IV. the kingdom was divided into two new factions. The queen's family, which during the last reign had come into power, was become obnoxious to the old nobility, who considered them as their inferiors. The king had endeavoured to prevent these animosities from coming to a height, by defining on his death-bed that his brother Richard duke of Gloucester should be entrusted with the regency; and recommended peace and unanimity during the minority of his son. But the king was no sooner dead than the former resentment between these parties broke out with violence; and the duke of Gloucester, who was endowed with almost every bad quality, resolved to profit by their contentions. His first step was to get himself declared protector of the realm; and having arrested the earl of Rivers, the king's uncle and guardian, he met young Edward in his way from Ludlow castle, where the late king had resided during the latter part of his reign, and respectfully offered to conduct him to London. Having thus secured the person of the king, he next got possession of his brother's person also. The queen had retired with this child into Westminster abbey; and it was not without extreme regret that she delivered him up at the intercession of the primate and archbishop of York.

In a few days after Gloucester had made himself master of the persons of the two princes, he had them confined in the Tower, under pretence of guarding them from danger; and soon after spread reports of their illegitimacy, and by pretended obstacles put off the young king's coronation. Lord Stanley first began to suspect his designs; and communicated his suspicions to lord Hastings, who had long been firmly attached to the king's family. Lord Hastings would not at first give credit to this rumour; but he very soon had a fatal proof of the truth of what had been communicated to him. On the 13th of June 1483, he was hurried out of the council-room in the Tower by Gloucester's order, and beheaded on a log of timber. The soldiers who carried him off made a bustle as though an attempt had been made to rescue him, and one of them discharged a blow at Lord Stanley's head with a pole-ax; but he happily escaped by shrinking under the table. The same day were executed the Earl Rivers, and some others, who had committed no other crime than being faithful to the young king.

The protector now thought he might with safety lay claim to the throne. He had previously gained over the duke of Buckingham, a nobleman of great influence among the people. He used his utmost endeavours to inspire the people with a notion of the legitimate birth of the late king, and consequently of his children. Dr Shaw, a popular preacher, was also hired to harangue the people to the same purpose from St Paul's cross. Having expatiated on the incontinence of the queen, and the illegality of the young king's title, he then made a panegyric on the virtues of the protector. "It is the protector (continued he) who carries in his face the image of virtue, and the marks of a true decent. He alone can restore the lost glory and honour of the nation." It was hoped that upon this occasion some of the populace would have cried out, "Long live King Richard!" but the audience remaining silent, the duke of Buckingham undertook in his turn to persuade them. Having expatiated on the calamities of the last reign and the illegitimacy of the present race, he told the people, that he saw only one method of warding off the miseries which threatened the state, which was by electing the protector; but he seemed apprehensive that he would never be prevailed upon to accept a crown accompanied with such difficulty and danger. He next asked his auditors, whether they would have the protector for their king? but was mortified to find that a total silence ensued. The mayor, who was in the secret, willing to relieve him in this embarrassed situation, observed, that the citizens were not accustomed to be harangued by a man of his quality, and would only give an answer to their recorder. This officer, therefore, repeated the duke's speech; but the people continuing still silent, "This strange obstinacy (cried the duke): we only require of you, in plain terms, to declare, whether or not you will have the duke of Gloucester for your king; as the lords and commons have sufficient power without your concurrence?" At this, some of the meanest apprentices, incited by the servants of the protector and Buckingham, raised a feeble cry of "God save King Richard!" The mob at the door repeated the cry; and throwing up their caps into the air, cried out, "A Richard! A Richard!" After this farce was acted, Buckingham, on the 24th of June 1483, waited on Richard with offers of the crown; but the protector, with hypocritical modesty, at first declined the offer; till being told, that the people, in case of his refusal, must look out for one that would be more compliant, he accepted the government of England and France, with a resolution, as he said, to defend the one and subdue the other.

The first step taken by the new king was to send orders to Sir Robert Brackenbury governor of the Tower, to put the young princes to death. But this he refused; and submissively answered, that he knew not how to embrace his hands in innocent blood. A fit instrument for this purpose, however, was not long wanting. Sir James Tyrrel readily undertook the office; and Brackenbury was ordered to resign the keys to him for one night. Tyrrel choosing three associates, Slater, Deighton, and Foret, came in the night-time to the door of the chamber where the princes were lodged; and sending in the assassins, bid them execute their commission, while he himself stood without. They found the young princes in bed, and fallen into a sound sleep. The assassins smothered them with the bolster and pillows; after which they showed their naked bodies to Tyrrel, who ordered them to be buried at the stair-foot under an heap of stones (c).

Richard having thus secured himself on the throne by the most iniquitous methods, attempted to strengthen his interest by foreign alliances, and procuring the favour of the clergy at home by great indulgences; but he found his power threatened from a quarter where he least expected an attack. The duke of Buckingham, who had been so instrumental in raising him to the throne, did not think himself properly rewarded. He made a demand of some confiscated lands in Hereford, to which his family had an ancient claim. Richard either reluctantly complied with his request, or only granted it in part; so that a coolness soon ensued between them, and in a little time Buckingham came to a resolution of dethroning the monarch whom he had just raised. For some time he remained in doubt, whether he should assume the crown himself or set up another. At length he determined on the latter; and resolved to declare for Henry earl of Richmond, who was at that time an exile in Brittany, and was considered as the only surviving branch of the house of Lancaster. He was one of those who had the good fortune to escape the numerous massacres of the former reigns; but as he was a descendant of John of Gaunt by the female line, he was for that reason obnoxious to those in power. He had long lived in exile, and was once delivered over to the ambassadors of Edward IV. who were preparing to carry him to England; when the duke of Brittany, who delivered him, repented of what he had done, and took him from the ambassadors just as they were carrying him on shipboard. His right to the crown by succession was very doubtful; but the cruel behaviour of Richard inclined the people in general greatly to favour him; and, to give an additional strength to his title, a match was projected betwixt him and the princess Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edward IV. which, by uniting the two rival families, would put an end to those differences which had so long filled the kingdom with bloodshed and confusion. Richard, in the meantime, from some reasons which have not been particularized by historians, began to entertain doubts of the fidelity of Buckingham, and determined to cut him off. For this purpose he sent for him to court; but Buckingham, instead of obeying the summons, fled into Wales, where he raised a considerable army, and arms, but forthwith set out to the eastward with a design to invade England. Richard hastened to meet him with what forces he could raise; but the march of Buckingham being retarded by a most uncommon inundation of the Severn which lasted 10 days, his troops were so disheartened at this event, that they almost all deserted him. The duke was therefore obliged to fly in distress, and Richard instantly set a price upon his head. Buckingham was now obliged to trust his life in the hands of an old servant of his own, named Bawdler; but this man, tempted by the greatness of the reward, betrayed him to the sheriff of Shropshire, by whom he was seized and conducted to Salisbury, who caused him to be executed without delay. The earl of Richmond, in the mean time, had set sail from St Maloos with a body of 5000 men; but after his arrival in England, receiving the disagreeable news of Buckingham's misfortune, he got to set sail again for Bretagne; while Richard, emboldened by the bad success of his enemies, determined to confirm his title to the throne by calling a parliament, which till this time he had not ventured to do. At present, matters were so circumstanced, that the parliament had no other resource than to comply with his desires, and acknowledge his right to the crown. An act was passed confirming the illegitimacy of Edward's children; and an attainder was also confirmed against the earl of Richmond; the duties of tonnage and poundage were granted to the king for life; and his only son Edward, then about 12 years of age, was created Prince of Wales. In return for these concessions, Richard passed several popular laws, particularly against the extorting of money by benevolences, and some others calculated to gain the good will of the opposite party. He paid his court also to the queen-dowager with such assiduity and success, that she let her sanctuary, and put herself and her daughters into his hands. The ambition and cruelty of this man indeed are said to have extinguished every sentiment of natural affection as well as humanity. He had married Anne, the second daughter of the earl of Warwick, and widow of Edward prince of Wales, whom he himself had murdered; but having born him but one son who died about this time, he considered her as an invincible obstacle to the accomplishment of his desires; for which reason it was thought he put an end to her life by poison; and as he knew that the projected match between the earl of Richmond and the princess Elizabeth could only make the rivalry of the former any way formidable, he resolved to obtain a dispensation.

(c) These circumstances are said to have been confessed in the succeeding reign, though the perpetrators escaped punishment. The bodies of the two princes were sought for without any success under the reign of Henry VII. but in the time of Charles V., the bones of two persons answering to their age were found in the spot where they were said to have been buried; which, being supposed to be the remains of these two unfortunate youths, they were buried under a marble monument in Westminster abbey. tion from the pope for marrying her himself. The queen-dowager is even said to have come into this scheme with a view to recover her power; but the princess herself always rejected his addresses with abhorrence. The refusal of the princess occasioned no small perplexity in Richard; and before he could determine on any proper method of accomplishing his purpose, he received news of Richmond's preparations for landing in England. These being soon accomplished, Henry set sail from Harfleur in Normandy, and landed without opposition, on the 17th of August 1485, at Milford haven in Wales. Richard in the mean time, not knowing where the invasion was to take place, had posted himself at Nottingham; which being almost in the centre of the kingdom, was therefore proper for resisting any invader. Sir Rice ap Thomas and Sir Walter Herbert were commissioned by Richard to oppose his rival in Wales; but the former immediately deserted to him, and the latter made but a very feeble resistance. Richard instantly resolved to meet his antagonist, and to risk everything on the event of a battle.

Richmond, though he had not above 6000 men, and the king near double that number, did not decline the combat; being chiefly encouraged by the promises of Lord Stanley to join him with a body of 7000 men, and with whom he hovered at a little distance from the intended field of battle, seemingly indetermined to join either side.

The king having commanded his army to form themselves in order of battle, intrusted the van to the duke of Norfolk, while he himself, with the crown on his head, took the command of the main body. Lord Stanley in the mean time posted himself on one flank between the two armies, while his brother Sir William took his station directly opposite. As his intention of either joining the enemy or keeping neutral during the time of the engagement was now far from being doubtful, Richard sent him orders to join the main body; which not being complied with, the tyrant determined to put to death Stanley's son, who had been left with him as a pledge of his father's fidelity. He was persuaded, however, to defer the execution till after the engagement, that Stanley might thereby be induced to delay his purpose in joining the enemy. This, however, did not answer the expectation. Soon after the engagement was begun, Stanley deserted Richard's party, and joining Richmond entirely decided the fortune of the day. The tyrant perceiving his situation to be quite desperate, and seeing his rival at no great distance from him, drove up against him with fury, in hopes that either Henry's death or his own would decide the victory between them. He killed Sir William Brandon the earl's standard-bearer; he dismounted Sir John Cheyney; and was within reach of Richard, when Sir William Stanley breaking in with his troops, Richard was surrounded and overwhelmed by numbers. His body was found in the field, covered with dead enemies, and befouled with blood. It was thrown carelessly across a horse, carried to Leicester amidst the shouts of insulting spectators, and interred in the Gray-Friar's church of that place.

The usurper's crown being found on the field of battle, was placed on the head of the conqueror, while the whole army cried out, "Long live king Henry!" Two days after the battle, Henry gave orders to con-

sine Edward Plantagenet earl of Warwick, and son of the unfortunate duke of Clarence; and to release the Princess Elizabeth, who had been confined in the Tower. He then advanced by slow and gradual marches to the city of London, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy. He was crowned King of England on the 30th of October 1485; and, to heighten the splendor on that occasion, he bestowed the rank of knights-bannercet on 12 persons, and conferred peerages on three. Jasper earl of Pembroke, his uncle, he created duke of Bedford; Thomas Lord Stanley his father-in-law, earl of Derby; and Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire. At the coronation likewise appeared a new institution, which the king had established for personal security as well as pomp; a band of 50 archers, who were denominated Yeomen of the Guard. But lest the people should take umbrage at this step, as if it implied a disaffection of his subjects, he declared the institution to be perpetual. The ceremony of the coronation was performed by Cardinal Bourchier archbishop of Canterbury.—On the 11th of January 1486, he was married to the Princess Elizabeth; and his marriage was celebrated at London with greater appearance of joy than either his first entry or his coronation had been. Henry remarked, with much displeasure, this general favour borne to the house of York; and the suspicions arising from it, not only disturbed his tranquillity during the whole of his reign, but bred distrust towards his comfort herself, and poisoned all his domestic enjoyments.

The reign of Henry VII. was for several years disturbed by plots and insurrections. The people, by a long course of civil war, had become so turbulent and factious, that no governor could rule, nor could any king please them. The violent animosity expressed by this monarch, however, against the house of York, may be considered as one of the causes of the extreme by frequent proneness to rebellion manifested by his subjects. Instead of endeavouring to conciliate the affections of the opposite party, he always strove to quell them by absolute force and violence. For this purpose he took a journey, soon after his accession, to the north of England, where the Yorkists were very numerous; hoping to get the better of them by his presence. In his journey thither, he received intelligence of an insurrection against him by Viscount Lovel, with Sir Henry Stafford, and Thomas his brother, who had raised an army, and were marching to besiege the city of Worcester, while Lovel approached to assist them with a suppressed body of three or four thousand men. They were defeated, however, by the offer of a general pardon; which induced Lovel to withdraw from his troops, who were therupon obliged to submit to the king's mercy. The Staffords took sanctuary in the church of Colnham near Abingdon; but as it was found that this church had not the privilege of protecting rebels, they were taken from thence; the elder was executed at Tyburn; but the younger, pleading that he had been misled by his brother, received a pardon.

This success was soon after followed by the birth of Prince Arthur, a prince; whom Henry named in honour of the celebrated king Arthur, who is said to have been the direct ancestor of the house of Tudor. All this success, however, as well as the general satisfaction which the birth of a prince descended from the houses both of York and Lancaster necessarily occasioned, were not sufficient to reconcile the hearts of the English to their sovereign. His extreme severity towards the house of York still continued; and unfortunately this was much more beloved by the generality of the nation, than that of Lancaster. Many of the Yorkists had been treated with great cruelty, and deprived of their fortunes under pretence of treason; a general restoration had likewise been made of the grants made by the princes of the house of York. It was likewise universally believed that the queen herself met with harsh treatment, on account of her being one of that unfortunate house; and, from all these circumstances, it was not unreasonably imagined that his enmity was inveterate and invincible. Hence, notwithstanding his politic and vigorous administration, people made no scruple of openly expressing their disapprobation of his conduct and government; and one rebellion seemed to be extinguished only to give birth to another. The king had, at the commencement of his reign, confined the duke of Clarence's son, as has already been mentioned. This unfortunate youth, who had obtained the title of the earl of Warwick, was, through long confinement, entirely unacquainted with the affairs of the world. Simple as he was, however, he was now made use of to disturb the public tranquility. The queen-dowager was with great reason suspected to be at the bottom of this conspiracy; but not choosing to interfere openly in the matter herself, she employed one Simon a priest of Oxford to execute her purposes. This man cast his eyes upon one Lambert Simnel a baker's son in the same place, a youth of only 15 years of age; but who, from his graceful appearance and accomplishments, seemed proper for personating a man of quality. A report had been spread among the people, that Richard duke of York, second son of Edward IV. had secretly made his escape from the cruelty of his uncle, and lay somewhere concealed in England. Simnel had at first instructed his pupil to assume that name, which he found to be much the object of public affection; but hearing afterwards a new report, that Warwick had escaped from the Tower, and observing that this news was attended with no less general satisfaction, he changed the plan of his imposture, and made Simnel personate that unfortunate prince. The pliant youth was therefore directed by his instructor to talk upon many occurrences, as happening to him in the court of Edward. But as the imposture was not calculated to bear a close examination, he was removed to Ireland; and so well had he profited by the lessons given him, that he no sooner presented himself to the earl of Kildare the deputy, claiming his protection as the unfortunate earl of Warwick, than he began to consult with several other noblemen with regard to him. These expressed even a stronger belief in Simnel's story than the deputy himself had done; and in proportion as the story was spread abroad, the more credit it obtained. The impostor was lodged in the castle of Dublin; the inhabitants universally took an oath of allegiance to him, as the true descendant of the Plantagenets; he was crowned with a diadem taken from the statue of the blessed virgin, and proclaimed king by the title of Edward VI.; and the whole kingdom followed the example of the capital.

Such an unexpected event alarmed Henry so much, that he would have gone over to Ireland on purpose to quell the rebellion in person, had he not been afraid of the machinations of the queen-dowager in his absence. To prevent any thing of this kind, it was resolved to confine her for life in a monastery; under pretence, however, that it was done on account of her having formerly delivered up the princess her daughter to King Richard. The queen murmured against the severity of her treatment; but the king persisted in his resolution, and she remained in confinement till the time of her death, which happened some years after.

The next measure was to show Warwick to the people. He was taken from the Tower, and led through the principal streets of London; after which he was conducted in solemn procession to St Paul's, where great numbers were assembled to see him. Still, however, they proceeded in Dublin to honour their pretended monarch; and he was crowned with great solemnity in the presence of the earl of Kildare, the chancellor, and the other officers of state. At last, being furnished by the duchess of Burgundy with a body of 2000 veteran Germans under the command of Martin Swart, a brave and experienced officer, he resolved to invade England. He landed in Lancashire, from whence he marched to York, expecting that the country-people would rise and join him on his march. But in this he was deceived: the people were unwilling to join a body of foreigners; and were besides kept in awe by the great reputation of Henry. Lord Lincoln, therefore, who commanded the rebel army, determined to bring the matter to a speedy issue. Accordingly he met the royal army at Stoke in the county of Nottingham. An obstinate engagement ensued, but at length King Henry obtained a complete victory. Lord Lincoln, with 4000 private men, perished in the battle; and Simnel with his tutor Simon were taken prisoners. Simon being a priest, could not be tried by the civil power, and was only committed to close confinement. Simnel was pardoned, and made a scullion in the king's kitchen, whence he was afterwards advanced to the rank of falconer, in which employment he died.

Henry being now freed from all danger from that quarter, determined to take ample vengeance on his enemies. For this purpose he took a journey into the north; but though he found many delinquents, his natural avarice prompted him to exact heavy fines from them rather than to put them to death. His proceedings, however, were extremely arbitrary; the criminals being tried, not by the ordinary judges, but either by commissioners appointed for the occasion, or suffering punishment by sentence of a court-martial. Having thus fully established his authority as far as it could be done by suppressing and punishing domestic enemies, he next determined to recommend himself to his subjects by a report of his military disposition; ho-defire of acting, that by undertaking, or pretending to undertake, chieving some martial enterprises, he would thus gain the favour of a people naturally turbulent, and unaccustomed to live long at peace with their neighbours. He certainly had not, however, the least intention of prosecuting foreign conquests; though, to please the people, he frequently gave out that he designed to invade France, and lay waste the whole country, rather than not recover his continental possessions. Under these pretences, particularly that of afflicting the Bretons whom the kings king of France had lately subdued, and who had applied to him for relief, he persuaded his parliament to grant him a considerable supply; but this involved him in some difficulties. The counties of Durham and York, who had always been discontented with Henry's government, and still farther provoked by the oppressions under which they had laboured after the extinction of Simnel's rebellion, opposed the commissioners sent by the king to levy the tax. The latter applied to the earl of Northumberland, requesting his advice and assistance in the execution of their office; but instead of being able to enforce the levying of the tax, he himself was attacked and put to death by the insurgents. This act of violence committed by themselves, seemed to render the insurgents desperate, so that without more ado they prepared to resist the royal power, under the conduct of one Sir John Egremont; but in this ill-conducted and precipitate scheme they met with no success. Henry instantly levied a considerable force, which he committed to the charge of the earl of Surrey; by whom the rebels were quickly defeated, and one of their leaders taken prisoner. Sir John Egremont fled to the duchess of Burgundy, who afforded him protection.

Thus Henry obtained the subsidy which he had solicited under pretence of invading France, though he would willingly have avoided any expense in preparations for that purpose in order to keep the money in his possession; but as the Bretons had applied to him for assistance, and their distresses became every day more urgent, he found himself obliged to attempt something. With this view he set sail for Calais with an army of 25,000 foot and 1600 horse, of which he gave the command to the duke of Bedford and the earl of Oxford; but notwithstanding this apparent hostile disposition, negotiations for peace had been secretly begun, and commissioners even appointed to confer of the terms, three months before King Henry set out for the continent. As the love of money was the prevailing passion of the English monarch, and the possession of Bretagne was a great object to France, an accommodation soon took place betwixt the contending parties. The king of France engaged to pay Henry near £200,000 as a reimbursement for the expenses of his expedition, and stipulated at the same time to pay him and his heirs an annual pension of 25,000 crowns more.

Thus the authority of Henry seemed to be so firmly established, as to leave no reason to dread any rival in time to come; but still he found himself mistaken. The duchess of Burgundy, resenting the depredation of her family, and exasperated by her frequent miscarriages in the attempts already made, resolved to make a final effort against Henry, whom she greatly hated. For this purpose, she propagated a report that her nephew Richard Plantagenet, duke of York, had escaped from the Tower where his elder brother was murdered, and that he still lay somewhere concealed. Finding this report eagerly received, she soon found a young man who assumed both his name and character. The person chosen to act this part was the son of one Osbeck, or Warbeck, a converted Jew, who had been in England during the reign of Edward IV. His name was Peter; but it had been corrupted after the Flemish manner into Perkin, or Perkin. It was by some believed, that Edward, among his other amorous adventures, had a secret correspondence with Warbeck's wife, which might account for the great similarity of features between Perkin and that monarch. The duchess of Burgundy found this youth entirely suited to her purposes. The lessons she gave him were easily learned and strongly retained. His graceful air, his courtly address, his easy manners, and elegant conversation, were capable of imposing upon all but those who were privy to the imposture. The kingdom of Ireland was pitched upon for Perkin's first appearance, as it had been before for that of Simnel. He landed at Cork; and immediately assuming the name of Richard Plantagenet, was followed by great numbers of credulous people. He wrote letters to the earls of Desmond and Kildare, inviting them to join his party; he dispersed everywhere the strange intelligence of his escape from his uncle Richard's cruelty; and his story meeting with general credit, he soon became an object of the public favour. All those who were disgusted with the king, prepared to join Perkin; but particularly those who formerly were Henry's favourites, and had contributed to place him on the throne. These, thinking their services had not been sufficiently repaid, now became heads of the conspiracy. Their attempts, however, were all frustrated by the vigilance of the king, and most of the conspirators of any note were publicly executed.

Perkin finding it was in vain to attempt anything in England, went to the court of James IV. of Scotland. Here he was received with great cordiality; and James carried his confidence in him so far, that he even gave him in marriage lady Catherine Gordon, daughter to the earl of Huntley, and a near kinswoman of his own. But when he attempted to set him on the throne of England, he found himself totally disappointed; and on the conclusion of peace between the two kingdoms, Perkin was obliged to leave Scotland. From thence he went to Flanders; and meeting with but a cool reception there, he resolved to try the affections of the people of Cornwall, who had lately risen against the king on account of a new tax which had been levied upon them. On his first appearance, Perkin was joined by about 3000 of these people, with which force he laid siege to Exeter. Henry, however, having marched against him with a considerable army, Perkin's heart failed him, though his followers now amounted to 7000; and he took shelter in a monastery. His wife fell into the conqueror's hands; who placed her in a respectable situation near the queen's person, with a suitable pension, which she enjoyed till her death. Perkin being persuaded to deliver himself into the king's hand, was compelled to sign a confession of his former life and conduct; but this was so defective and contradictory, that very little regard was paid to it. His life was granted him; though he was still detained in custody, and keepers were appointed to watch his conduct. From these, however, he broke loose; and flying to the sanctuary of Shyne, put himself into the prior's hands. He was once more prevailed upon to trust himself in the king's hands, and was committed to the Tower; but having here entered into a correspondence with the earl of Warwick in order to make their escape, both of them were condemned and executed.

To Henry VII. in a great measure is owing the present civilized state of the English nation. He had all along two points principally in view; the one to depress the nobility and clergy, and the other to exalt and humanize the populace. In the feudal times every nobleman was possessed of a certain number of vassals, over whom he had, by various methods, acquired an almost absolute power; and, therefore, upon every slight disgust, he was able to influence them to join him in his revolt or disobedience. Henry considered, that the giving of his barons a power to sell their estates, which were before unalienable, must greatly weaken their interest. This liberty therefore he gave them; and it proved highly pleasing to the commons, nor was it disagreeable to the nobles themselves. His next scheme was to prevent their giving livery to many hundreds of their dependents, who were thus kept like the soldiers of a standing army to be ready at the command of their lord. By an act passed in this reign, none but menial servants were allowed to wear a livery; and this law was enforced under severe penalties.

With the clergy, Henry was not so successful. The number of criminals of all kinds who found protection in monasteries and other places appointed for religious worship, seemed to indicate little less than an absolute toleration of all kinds of vice. Henry used all his interest with the pope to get these sanctuaries abolished, but to no purpose. All that he could procure was, that thieves, murderers, or robbers, registered as sanctuary men, should fall out and commit fresh offenses, and retreat again, in such cases they might be taken out of the sanctuary and delivered up to justice.

In 1500, the king's eldest son Arthur was married to the Infanta Catharine of Spain, which marriage had been projected and negotiated seven years. But the prince dying in a few months after marriage, the princess was obliged to marry his younger brother Henry, who was created Prince of Wales in his room. Henry himself made all the opposition which a youth of 12 years of age is capable of; but as the king persisted in his resolution, the marriage was by the pope's dispensation shortly after solemnized.—In the latter part of this king's reign, his economy, which had always been exact, degenerated into avarice, and he oppressed the people in a very arbitrary manner. He had two ministers, Empson and Dudley, perfectly qualified to second his avaricious intentions. They were both lawyers, and usually committed to prison by indictment such persons as they intended to oppress; from whence they seldom got free but by paying heavy fines, which were called mitigations and compositions; but by degrees the very forms of law were omitted; and they determined in a summary way upon the properties of the subjects, and confiscated their effects to the royal treasury.—Henry VII. died of the gout in his stomach, in the year 1509, having lived 52 years, and reigned 23; and was succeeded by his son Henry VIII.

In Henry VII.'s reign was built a large ship of war called the Great Harry, which cost £14,000. This was, properly speaking, the first ship in the English navy. Before this period, when the king wanted a fleet, he had no other expedient than to hire ships from the merchants.

Henry VIII. ascended the throne when he was about 18 years of age, and had almost every advantage which a prince can have on his accession. He had a well-stored treasury, an indisputable title, and was at peace with all the powers in Europe. Commerce and arts had been some time introduced into England, where they met with a favourable reception. The young prince himself was beautiful in his person, expert in all polite exercises, open and liberal in his air, and loved by all his subjects. The old king, who was himself a scholar, had instructed him in all the learning of the times, so that he was an adept in school-divinity before the age of 18.

All these advantages, however, seemed to have been lost upon the new king. Being destitute of a good heart and solid understanding, he proved a tyrant. Being always actuated not by reason but the passion which happened to be uppermost in his mind, he behaved in the most absurd and contradictory manner; and however fortunate some of his measures proved at last, it is impossible that either his motives, or the means he took for the accomplishment of his purposes, can be approved of by any good man.

One of Henry's first actions in his royal capacity was to punish Empson and Dudley, who were obnoxious to the populace on account of their having been the instruments of the late king's rapacity. As they could not be impeached merely on account of their having strictly executed the will of the king, they were accused of having entered into a treasonable conspiracy, and of having designed to seize by force the administration of government; and though nothing could be more improbable than such a charge, the general prejudice against them was so great, that they were both condemned and executed.

In 1510, the king entered into a league with pope Julius II. and Ferdinand, king of Spain, against Louis XII. of France. In this alliance Henry was the only disinterested person. He expected nothing besides the glory which he hoped would attend his arms, and the title of My Christian King, which the pope assured him would soon be taken from the king of France to be conferred upon him. The pope was desirous of wresting from Louis some valuable provinces which he possessed in Italy, and Ferdinand was desirous of sharing in the spoil. Henry summoned his parliament; who very readily granted him supplies, as he gave out that his design was to conquer the kingdom of France, and annex it to the crown of England. It was in vain that one of his old prudent counsellors objected, that conquests on the continent would only drain the kingdom without enriching it; and that England, from its situation, was not fitted to enjoy extensive empire. The young king, deaf to all remonstrances, and hurried away by his military ardour, resolved immediately to begin the war. But after several attempts, which were rendered unsuccessful only by the mismanagement of those who conducted them, a peace was concluded with France on the 7th of August 1514.

Henry's arms were attended with more success in Scotland; where King James IV. with the greatest part of the Scot's nobility, and 10,000 of the common people, were cut off in the battle of Flodden*. Henry* See Scot in the mean time, puffed up with his imaginary successes against France, and his real ones against Scotland, land, continued to lavish his treasures by expensive pleasures and no less expensive preparations for war. The old ministers who had been appointed by his father to direct him, were now disregarded; and the king's confidence was entirely placed in Thomas afterwards Cardinal Wolsey, who seconded him in all his favourite pursuits, and who, being the son of a private gentleman at Ipswich, had gradually raised himself to the first employments of the state*. He doth not seem to have had many bad qualities besides his excessive pride, which disgraced all the nobility; but the great share he possessed in the favour of such an absolute prince as Henry VIII. put him quite out of the reach of his enemies.

The king having soon exhausted all the treasures left him by his father, as well as the supplies which he could by fair means obtain from his parliament, applied to Wolsey for new methods of replenishing his coffers. The minister's first scheme was to get a large sum from the people under the title of benevolence; though no title could be more improperly applied, as it was not granted without the greatest murmurs and complaints. Wolsey even met with opposition in the levying of it. In the first place, having exacted a considerable sum from the clergy, he next applied himself to the house of commons; but they only granted him half the sum he demanded. The minister at first was highly offended, and desired to be heard in the house; but they replied, that none could be permitted to sit and argue there except such as were members. Soon after, the king having occasion for new supplies, by Wolsey's advice attempted to procure them by his prerogative alone, without consulting his parliament. He issued out commissions to all the counties of England for levying four shillings in the pound from the clergy, and three shillings and fourpence from the laity. This stretch of royal power was soon opposed by the people, and a general insurrection seemed ready to ensue. Henry endeavoured to pacify them by circular letters; in which he declared, that what he demanded was only by way of benevolence. The city of London, however, still hesitated on the demand; and in some parts of the country insurrections were actually begun. These were happily suppressed by the duke of Suffolk; but the cardinal lost somewhat of the king's favour on account of the improper advice he had given him. To reinstate himself in his good graces, Wolsey made the king a present of a noble palace called York-place, at Westminster, assuring him that from the first he had intended it for the king's use. In order to have a pretence for amassing more wealth, Wolsey next undertook to found two new colleges at Oxford; and for this purpose he received every day fresh grants from the pope and the king. The former imprudently gave him liberty to suppress some monasteries, and make use of their revenues for the erection of his new colleges; but this was a fatal precedent for the pontiff's interests, as it taught the king to seize on the monastic revenues whenever he stood in need of money.

For a considerable time Wolsey continued to enjoy the king's favour in an extreme degree; and as no monarch was ever more despotic than Henry VIII., no minister was ever more powerful than Wolsey. This extraordinary elevation served only to render his fall the more conspicuous, and himself the more miserable, when it took place; and what was worse, he had long foreseen, from what he knew of the king's capricious and obstinate temper, that it certainly would happen one time or other. The cause of his final overthrow was the desire King Henry began to entertain of having his Queen Catherine divorced. The doctrines of the reformation, propagated by Luther in 1517, had gained considerable ground in England, and many professed a belief in them, notwithstanding the severe persecution which had been carried on against heretics during some of the preceding reigns. The clergy had become so exceedingly corrupt, and were immersed in such monstrous ignorance, that they were universally hated even by their own party, while no regard at all was paid to their decisions, or rather they were looked upon with the utmost abhorrence, by the reformers. Even the papal authority, though still very great, had, in no greater a space of time than ten years (viz. from 1517, when Luther first began to attack it, to the present year 1527), declined very sensibly. The marriage of King Henry therefore being in itself looked upon by all parties as illegal in itself concerning self, and only sanctified by a dispensation from the legality pope, had been frequently objected to on different occasions. We are informed by some authors, that when Henry VII. betrothed his son, at that time only 12 years of age, he evidently showed an intention of taking afterwards a proper opportunity to annul the contract; and that he ordered Prince Henry, as soon as he should come of age, to enter a protestation against the marriage; charging him on his deathbed not to finish an alliance so unusual, and liable to such inferrable objections. Some members of the privy council, particularly Warham the primate, afterwards declared against the completion of the marriage; and even after it was completed, some incidents which in a short time took place were sufficient to make him sensible of the general sentiments of the public on that subject. The states of Castile had opposed a marriage between the emperor Charles and the English princess Mary, Henry's daughter, urging among other things the illegitimacy of her birth. The same objection afterwards occurred on opening a negociation with France for a marriage with the duke of Orleans.

If these accounts are to be depended upon as authentic, we can scarce conceive it possible but Henry for himself must have been somewhat staggered by them; although it is by no means probable that they were his only motives. The queen was six years older than the king, her personal charms were decayed, and his affection lessened in proportion. All her children had died in infancy except one daughter, the Princess Mary above mentioned; and Henry was, or pretended to be, greatly struck with this, as it seemed something like the curse of being childless; pronounced in the Mosaic law against some evil-doers. Another point of the utmost importance was the succession to the crown, which any question concerning the legitimacy of the king's marriage would involve in confusion. It was also supposed, with great reason, that should any obstructions of this kind occur, the king of Scotland would step in as the next heir, and advance his pretensions to the crown of England. But this love for above all, it is probable that he was influenced by the Anne Boleyn he had now contracted for Anne Boleyn, who had lately lately been appointed maid of honour to the queen. In this station Henry had frequent opportunities of seeing her, and soon became deeply enamoured; and finding that his passion could not be gratified but by a marriage, it is not to be doubted that he was thus obliquely set upon the divorce; for which purpose he sent his secretary to Rome to obtain from Clement a bull for dissolving his marriage with Catharine. That he might not seem to entertain any doubt of the pope's prerogative, he insisted only on some grounds of nullity in the bull granted by his predecessor Julius for the accomplishment of the marriage. In the preamble to this bull, it had been said, that it was granted only upon the solicitation of Henry himself; though it was known that he was then a youth under 12 years of age; it was likewise asserted, that the bull was necessary for maintaining the peace between the two crowns; though otherwise it is certain that there was no appearance of a quarrel betwixt them. These false premises seemed to afford a very good pretence for dissolving it; but, as matters then stood, the pope was involved in the utmost perplexity. Queen Catharine was aunt to the emperor, who had lately made Clement himself a prisoner, and whose resentment he still dreaded; and besides, he could not with any degree of prudence declare the bull of the former pope illicit, as this would give a mortal blow to the doctrine of papal infallibility. On the other hand, Henry was his protector and friend; the dominions of England were the chief resource from whence his finances were supplied; and the King of France, some time before, had got a bull of divorce in circumstances nearly similar. In this exigence he thought the wisest method would be to spin out the affair by negociation; and in the mean time he sent over a commission to Wolsey, in conjunction with the archbishop of Canterbury or any other English prelate, to examine the validity of the king's marriage and of the former dispensation; granting them also a provisional dispensation for the king's marriage with any other person.

The pope's message was laid before the council in England: but they considered, that an advice given by the pope in this secret manner might very easily be disavowed in public; and that a clandestine marriage would totally invalidate the legitimacy of any issue the king might have by such a match. In consequence of this, fresh messengers were dispatched to Rome, and evasive answers returned; the pope never imagining that Henry's passion would hold out during the tedious course of an ecclesiastical controversy. But in this he was mistaken. The king of England had been taught to dispute as well as the pope, and valued himself not a little in his knowledge on theology; and to his arguments he added threats; telling him, that the English were but too well disposed to withdraw from the holy see; and that if he continued uncomplying, the whole country would readily follow the example of their monarch, who should always deny obedience to a pontiff that had treated him with such falsehood and duplicity. The king even proposed to his holiness, whether, if he were not permitted to divorce his present queen, he might not have a dispensation for having two wives at once?

The pope, perceiving the king's eagerness, at last sent Cardinal Campegio his legate to London; who, with Wolsey, opened a court for trying the legitimacy of the king's marriage with Catharine, and cited the king and queen to appear before them. The trial commenced the 31st of May 1529; and both parties presented themselves. The king answered to his name when called; but the queen, instead of answering to hers, rose from her seat, and throwing herself at the king's feet, made a very pathetic harangue; which her dignity, her virtue, and misfortunes, rendered still more affecting. She told her husband, "That she was a stranger in his dominions, without protection, without counsel, and without assistance; exposed to all the injustice which her enemies were pleased to impose upon her: That she had quitted her native country, without any other resource than her connections with him and his family; and that, instead of suffering thence any violence or iniquity, she had been assured of having in them a safeguard against every misfortune: That she had been his wife during 20 years; and would here appeal to himself, whether her affectionate submission to his will had not merited other treatment than to be thus, after so long a time, thrown from him with indignity: That she was conscious,—he himself was assured,—that her virgin honour was yet unstained when he received her into his bed; and that her connections with his brother had been carried no farther than the mere ceremony of marriage: That their parents, the kings of England and Spain, were esteemed the wisest princes of their time, and had undoubtedly acted by the best advice when they formed the agreement for that marriage, which was now represented as so criminal and unnatural: And that she acquiesced in their judgment, and would not submit her cause to be tried by a court whose dependence on her enemies was too visible ever to allow her any hopes of obtaining from them an equitable or impartial decision." Having spoken these words, the queen rose, and making the king a low reverence, left the court; nor would she ever again appear in it. The legate having again summoned the queen to appear before them, on her refusal, declared her contumacious, and the trial proceeded in her absence. But when the business seemed to be nearly decided, Campegio, on some very frivolous pretences, prorogued the court, and at last transferred the cause before the see of Rome.

All this time Cardinal Wolsey seemed to be in the same dilemma with the pope, and indeed much worse; for he could not boast of the same independence which Cardinal his holiness possessed. On the one hand, he was very solicitous to gratify the king his master, who had distinguished him by so many and extraordinary marks of favour; on the other, he feared to offend the pope, whose servant he more immediately was, and who likewise had power to punish his disobedience. He had long known that this affair was certainly to end in his ruin; and by attempting to please all parties, he fell under the displeasure of every one; so that he was at last left without a single friend in the world. The king was displeased on account of his not entering into his cause with the warmth he thought he had reason to expect; Anne Boleyn imputed to him the disappointment of her hopes; while even queen Catharine and her friends expressed the greatest indignation against him on account of the part he had openly taken in the affair of her divorce. In this miserable situation the king king sent him a message by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, demanding the great seal: the cardinal refused to deliver it without a more express warrant; upon which Henry wrote him a letter, and on receipt of this it was instantly given up. The seal was bestowed on Sir Thomas More; a man who, besides elegant literary talents, was possessed of the highest capacity, integrity, and virtue. Wolsey was next commanded to depart from York-place palace which he had built in London; and which, though it belonged to the see of York, was now seized by the king, and afterwards became the residence of the British sovereigns, under the name of Whitehall. All his furniture and plate, the richness of which seemed rather proper for a monarch than a subject, was seized for the king's use. He was then commanded to retire to Esher, a country-seat which he possessed near Hampton court, and there to wait the king's pleasure. One disgrace followed another; and his fall was at length completed by a summons to London to answer a charge of high-treason. This summons he at first refused to answer, as being a cardinal. However, being at length persuaded, he set out on his journey; but was taken ill, and died by the way. See the article Wolsey.

After the death of Wolsey, the king, by the advice of Cranmer*, had the legality of his marriage debated in all the universities of Europe; and the votes of these were obtained in his favour by dint of money. The deliberations made on the occasion have even been preserved to this day. To a subdeacon he gave a crown, to a deacon two crowns, and so to the rest in proportion to the importance of their station or opinion.—Being thus fortified by the opinions of the universities, and even of the Jewish rabbies (for them also he had consulted), Henry began to think he might safely oppose the pope himself. He began by reviving in parliament an old law against the clergy, by which all those who had submitted to the authority of the pope's gate were condemned to severe penalties. The clergy, to conciliate the king's favour, were obliged to pay a fine of 118,000 pounds. A confession was likewise extorted from them, that the king, and not the pope, was the supreme head of the church and clergy of England. An act was soon after passed against levying the first-fruits, or a year's rent of all the bishoprics that fell vacant. After this the king privately married his beloved Anne Boleyn; and she proving with child soon after marriage, he publicly owned her for his wife, and passed with her through London, with a greater magnificence than had ever been known before. The streets were strewn with flowers, the walls of the houses hung with tapestry, and an universal joy seemed to be diffused among the people. The unfortunate queen Catharine, perceiving all further opposition to be vain, retired to Ampthill near Dunstable, where she continued the rest of her days in privacy and peace. Her marriage with Henry was at last declared invalid, but not till after the latter had been married to Anne Boleyn, though this declaration ought undoubtedly to have preceded it. See BOLEYN.

The pope was no sooner informed of these proceedings, than he passed a sentence, declaring Catharine to be the king's only lawful wife; requiring him to take her again, and denouncing his censures against him in case of a refusal. Henry, on the other hand, knowing that his subjects were entirely at his command, resolved to separate totally from the church of Rome. In the year 1534, he was declared head of the church by parliament; the authority of the pope was completely abolished in England; all tributes formerly paid to the church holy see were declared illegal; and the king was entrusted with the collation to all ecclesiastical benefices. The nation came into the king's measures with joy, and took an oath called the oath of supremacy; all the credit which the popes had maintained over England for ages, was now overthrown at once; and none seemed to repine at the change, except those who were immediately interested by their dependence on Rome.

But though the king thus separated from the church of Rome, he by no means adhered to the doctrines of Luther which had been lately published. He had written a book against this celebrated reformer, which the pope pretended greatly to admire; and honoured King Henry, on its account, with the title of "Defender of the faith." This character he seemed to be determined to maintain, and therefore persecuted the reformers most violently. Many were burnt for denying the papist doctrines, and some also were executed for maintaining the supremacy of the pope. The courtiers knew not which side to take, as both the new and old religions were equally persecuted; and as both parties equally courted the favour of the king, he was by that means enabled to assume an absolute authority over the nation. As the monks had all along shown the greatest resistance to Henry's ecclesiastical character, he resolved at once to deprive them of the power of injuring him. He accordingly empowered Cromwell, secretary of state, to send commissioners into the several counties of England to inspect the monasteries; and to report, with rigorous exactness, the conduct and deportment of such as were found there. This employment was readily undertaken by some creatures of the court, whose names were Layton, Londou, Price, Gage, Petre, and Belasis. They are said to have discovered monstrous disorders in many of the religious houses; whole convents of women abandoned to all manner of lewdness; friars accomplices in their crimes; pious frauds everywhere committed, to increase the devotion and liberality of the people; and cruel and inveterate factions maintained between the inhabitants. Thus a general horror was excited against suppression these communities; and therefore the king, in 1536, of the most-suppressed the lesser monasteries, amounting to 376 in number. Their revenues, computed at 32,000 pounds a-year, were confiscated to the king's use; besides their plate and other goods, computed at 100,000 pounds more. In 1538, the greater monasteries also were demolished. The better to reconcile the people to this great innovation, stories were published, perhaps with aggravations, of the detestable lives which the friars led in their convents. The reliques also, and other objects of superstitious veneration, were now brought forth, and became objects of derision to the reformers. A great number of these are enumerated by Protestant writers; such as the parings of St Edmund's toes; some of the coals that roasted St Laurence; the girdle of the Virgin Mary, shown in no fewer than eleven different places; two or three heads of St Ursula; the felt of St Thomas of Lancaster, an infallible cure for the headache; part of St Thomas of Canterbury's shirt, much. much reverenced among big-bellied women; some relics, an excellent preservative against rain, others against weeds in corn; &c. Some impostures, however, were discovered, which displayed a little more ingenuity in the contrivance. At Hales in the county of Glocester had been shown, during several ages, the blood of Christ brought from Jerusalem. The veneration for this precious relic may easily be imagined; but it was attended with a most remarkable circumstance not observed in any other relics. The sacred blood was not visible to any one in mortal sin, even when set before him; nor could it be discovered till he had performed good works sufficient for his absolution. At the dissolution of the monastery, the whole contrivance was discovered. Two of the monks who were let into the secret, had taken the blood of a duck, which they renewed every week: they put it into a phial, one side of which was thin and transparent crystal, the other thick and opaque. When any rich pilgrim arrived, they were sure to show him the dark side, till masses and offerings had expiated his offences; after which they made him happy, by turning the phial.

A miraculous crucifix had been kept at Boxley in Kent, and bore the appellation of the root of grace. The lips, eyes, and head of the image, moved on the approach of its votaries. Helfey bishop of Rochester broke the crucifix at St Paul's cross, and showed to all the people the springs and wheels by which it had been secretly moved. A great wooden idol, called Darvel Gatherin, was also brought to London and cut in pieces: and, by a cruel refinement of vengeance, it was employed as fuel to burn Friar Forest; who was punished for denying the king's supremacy, and for some pretended heresies. A finger of St Andrew, covered with a thin plate of silver, had been pawned for a debt of 40 pounds; but as the king's commissioners refused to release the pawn, people made themselves very merry with the poor creditor on account of his security. On this occasion also was demolished the noted shrine of Thomas a Becket, commonly called St Thomas of Canterbury *. The riches of it were inconceivable when broken down; the gold with which it was adorned filled two large chests that eight strong men could scarce carry out of the church. The king, on the whole, suppressed 645 monasteries, of which 28 had abbots who enjoyed a seat in parliament. Ninety colleges were demolished in several counties; 2374 chantries and free chapels, and 110 hospitals. The whole revenue of these establishments amounted to 161,100 pounds.

It is easy to imagine the indignation which such an uninterrupted course of sacrilege and violence would occasion at Rome. In 1535, the king had executed Bishop Fisher, who was created a cardinal while in prison, and Sir Thomas More, for denying or speaking ambiguously about his supremacy. When this was reported in Italy, numerous libels were published all over the country, comparing the king of England to Nero, Domitian, Caligula, and the most wicked tyrants of antiquity. Clement VII. died about six months after he had threatened the king with a sentence of excommunication; and Paul III., who succeeded him in the Papal throne, entertained some hopes of an accommodation. But Henry was so much accustomed to domineering, that the quarrel was soon rendered totally incurable. The execution of Fisher was reckoned such a capital injury, that at last the pope passed all his censures against the king, citing him and all his adherents to appear in Rome within 90 days, in order to answer for their crimes. If they failed, he excommunicated them; nicated deprived the king of his realm; subjected the kingdom to an interdict; declared his issue by Anne Boleyn illegitimate; dissolved all leagues which any Catholic princes had made with him; gave his kingdom to any invader; commanded the nobility to take up arms against him; freed his subjects from all oaths of allegiance; cut off their commerce with foreign states; and declared it lawful for any one to seize them, to make slaves of their persons, and to convert their effects to his own use. But though these censures were then passed, they were not openly denounced. The pope delayed the publication till he should find an agreement with England totally desperate, and till the emperor, who was then hard pressed by the Turks and the Protestant princes of Germany, should be in a condition to carry the sentence into execution. But in 1538, when news arrived at Rome that Henry had proceeded with the monasteries as above related, the pope was at last provoked to publish the censures against him. Libels were again dispersed, in which he was anew compared to the most furious persecutors of antiquity, and the preference was now given on their side. Henry, it was said, had declared war with the dead, whom the Pagans themselves respected; was at open enmity with heaven; and had engaged in professed hostility with all the saints and angels. Above all, he was reproached with his resemblance to the emperor Julian, whom (it was said) he imitated in his apostacy and learning, though he fell short of him in his morals. But these terrible fulminations had now lost their effect. Henry had long ago denied the supremacy of the Pope, and therefore had appealed from him to a general council; but now, when a general council was summoned at Mantua, he refused to be subject to it, because it was called by the pope, and lay entirely under subjection to that spiritual usurper. He engaged his clergy to make a declaration to the like purpose, and prescribed to them many other alterations with regard to their ancient tenets and practices. It was expected that the spirit of His absurd opposition to the church of Rome would have at last made him fall in with the doctrines of the reformed, but though he had been gradually changing the theological system in which he was educated, ever since he came to the years of maturity, he was equally positive and dogmatical in the few articles he retained, as tho' the whole fabric had continued entire and unshaken: and though he stood alone in his opinion, the flattery of courtiers had so much inflamed his tyrannical arrogance, that he thought himself intitled to regulate by his own particular standard, the religious faith of the whole nation. The point on which he chiefly rested his orthodoxy was the most absurd in the whole Popish doctrine, namely, that of transubstantiation. All departure from this he held to be a damnable error; and nothing, he thought, could be more honourable for him, than, while he broke off all connections with the Roman pontiff, to maintain, in this essential article, the purity of the Catholic faith.

In 1539, a parliament was called, which met on the 28th day of April. The chancellor opened this parliament by informing the House of Lords, that it was his majesty's earnest desire to extricate from his kingdom all diversity of opinions with regard to religion; and as this enterprise was, he owned, difficult and important, he desired them to choose a committee from among themselves, who might frame certain articles, and communicate them afterwards to parliament. The lords named the vicar-general Cromwell, now created a peer, the archbishops of Canterbury and York, the bishops of Durham, Carlisle, Worcester, Bath and Wells, Bangor and Ely. This small committee itself was agitated with such diversity of opinions, that it could come to no conclusion. The Duke of Norfolk then moved, that since there was no hope of having a report from the committee, the articles of faith proposed to be established should be reduced to fix, and a new committee be appointed to frame an act with regard to them. As this peer was understood to speak the king's mind, his motion was immediately complied with; and after a short prorogation, the bill of the six articles, or the bloody bill, as the Protestants justly termed it, was introduced; and having passed the two houses, received the king's assent. By this law the doctrine of the real presence was established; the communion in one kind; the perpetual obligation of vows of chastity; the utility of private masses; the celibacy of the clergy; and the necessity of auricular confession. The denial of the real presence subjected the person to death by fire, and to the same forfeiture as in cases of treason; and admitted not the privilege of abjuring: an unheard-of cruelty, unknown even to the inquisition itself. The denial of any of the other articles, even though recanted, was punishable by the forfeiture of goods and chattels, and imprisonment during the king's pleasure: an obstinate adherence to error, or a relapse, was adjudged to be felony, and punishable by death. The marriage of priests was subjected to the same punishment. Their commerce with women, was, for the first offence, forfeiture and imprisonment; and for the second, death. Abstaining from confession, and from receiving the eucharist at the accustomed times, subjected the person to fine, and to imprisonment during the king's pleasure; and if the criminal persevered after conviction, he was punishable by death and forfeiture, as in cases of felony. Commissioners were to be appointed by the king for inquiring into these heresies and irregular practices, and the criminals were to be tried by a jury.

The parliament having thus surrendered their ecclesiastical privileges, next proceeded to surrender their civil ones also. They gave to the king's proclamations the same force as to statutes enacted by parliament, and thus by one blow made a total subversion of the English constitution; and to render the matter worse, if possible, they framed this law as if it were only declaratory, and intended to explain the natural extent of the royal authority.—Notwithstanding this, however, they afterwards pretended to make some limitations in the regal power; and they enacted, that no proclamation should deprive any person of his lawful possessions, liberties, inheritances, &c. nor yet infringe any common law or laudable custom of the realm.

As soon as the act of the six articles had passed, the Catholics were extremely vigilant to inform against offenders; and, in a short time, no fewer than 500 persons were thrown into prison. But some of the chief officers of state remonstrating against the cruelty of punishing such a number of delinquents, they were all of them set at liberty; and soon after this, Henry, as if he had resolved to give each party the advantage by turns, granted every one permission to have a translation of the Bible, which had been newly made, in his family.

In 1540, the king again complained to parliament of the great diversity of religious tenets which prevailed among his subjects; a grievance, he affirmed, which ought the less to be endured, because the scriptures were now published in England, and ought universally to be the standard of belief to mankind. But he had appointed, he said, some bishops and divines to draw up a list of tenets; and he was determined that Christ and the truth should have the victory; whence he seems to have expected more from this new book of his doctors, than had ensued from the publication of the scriptures. Cromwell, as vicar-general, also made a speech in the upper house; and the peers in return told him, that he deserved to be vicar-general to the universe: To such a degree of mean and servile submission was the English parliament at this time reduced.

This year also the king suppressed the only religious order remaining in England; namely, the knights of the St John of Jerusalem, or the knights of Malta, as they are commonly called. This order had by their valour done great service to Christendom; and had very much retarded, at Jerusalem, Rhodes, and Malta, the rapid progress of the barbarians. During the general surrender of the religious houses in England, they had obstinately refused to give up their revenues to the king; and Henry, who would endure no society that professed obedience to the pope, was obliged to have recourse to parliament for the dissolution of this order. Their revenues were large, and formed a considerable addition to the acquisitions which the king had already made. But he had been such a bad economist, that, notwithstanding the immense plunder afforded him by the church, he now demanded from parliament a very considerable supply. The commons, however, though lavish of the blood of their fellow-subjects, were extremely frugal of their money; and it was not without murmuring that the grant could be obtained, even by this absolute and dreaded monarch.

The king all this time continued to punish with unrelenting severity the Protestants who offended against the law of the six articles, and the Papists who denied his supremacy; which gave occasion to a foreigner at that time to say, that those who were against the Pope were burned, and those who were for him were hanged. The king even seemed to display in an ostentatious manner his tyrannical justice and impartiality which reduced both parties to subjection. This year he executed three Protestants and three Papists coupled together. The latter declared, that the most grievous part of their punishment was the being coupled to such heretical miscreants as suffered with them.

In 1542, Henry proceeded to the further dissolution of colleges, hospitals, and other foundations of any colleges, that nature. The courtiers had been dealing with the &c. England revenues to the king; and they had succeeded with eight. But there was an obstacle to their farther progress: it had been provided by the local statutes of most of these foundations, that no precentor nor any fellows could make such a deed without the unanimous consent of all the fellows. This consent would not have been easily obtained; but the parliament proceeded in a summary manner to annul all these statutes; by which means the revenues of those houses were exposed to the rapacity of the king and his favourites. Henry also now extorted from many bishops a surrender of their chapter-lands; by which means he pillaged the fees of Canterbury, York, and London, and enriched his favourites with their spoils. He engaged the parliament to mitigate the penalties of the six articles, as far as regarded the marriage of priests, which was now only subjected to a forfeiture of goods, chattels, and lands during life; he was still equally bent on maintaining a rigid purity in speculative principles. He had appointed a commission consisting of two archbishops and several bishops of both provinces, together with a considerable number of doctors of divinity; and by virtue of his ecclesiastical supremacy he had charged them to choose a religion for his people. Before the commissioners, however, had made any progress in this arduous undertaking, the parliament had passed a law by which they ratified all the tenets which these divines should establish with the king's consent; and thus they were not ashamed of declaring expressly that they took their religion upon trust, and had no other rule either in religious or temporal concerns than the arbitrary will of their master. One clause of the statute, however, seems to favour somewhat of the spirit of liberty. It was enacted, that the ecclesiastical commissioners should establish nothing repugnant to the laws and statutes of the realm. But in reality this proviso was inserted by the king, to serve his own purposes. By introducing a confusion and contradiction into the laws, he became more the master of every one's life and property; and as the ancient independence of the church still gave him jealousy, he was well pleased, under colour of such a clause, to introduce appeals from spiritual to civil courts. For the same reason he would never promulgate a body of canon law; and he encouraged the judges on all occasions to interpose in ecclesiastical causes, wherever they thought the law or the prerogative concerned. Being thus armed by the authority of parliament, or rather by their acknowledgment of his spiritual supremacy, the king employed his commissioners to select a system of tenets for the assent and belief of the nation. A small volume was published, under the title of The Institution of a Christian Man, which was received by the convocation, and made the infallible standard of orthodoxy. In this book the points of justification, faith, free-will, good works, and grace, were discussed in a manner somewhat favourable to the opinions of the reformers. The sacraments, which a few years before were only allowed to be three, were now increased to seven, conformably to the sentiments of the Catholics. Throughout the whole of this book the king's caprice is very discernible; and the book is in reality to be regarded as his composition. For Henry, while he made his opinion a rule for the nation, would himself submit to no authority whatever; not even to any which he had formerly established. The same year the people had a farther instance of the king's England inconsistency. He ordered a new book to be composed, called the Erudition of a Christian Man; and without asking the consent of the convocation, he published by his own authority this new model of orthodoxy. He was no less positive in his new creed than he had been in the old one; but though he required the faith of the nation to veer about at his signal, he was particularly careful to inculcate the doctrine of passive obedience in all his books, and he was no less careful to retain the nation in the practice.

But while the king was thus spreading his own books among the people, both he and the clergy seem to have been very much perplexed with regard to the scriptures. A review had been made by the ecclesiastical synod of the new translation of the Bible; and Bishop Gardiner had proposed, that instead of employing English expressions throughout, several Latin words should still be preserved, because they contained, as he pretended, such peculiar energy and significance, that they had no correspondent terms in the English tongue. Among these were ecclesia, pontifex, pontifex, copius, &c. But as this mixture would appear extremely barbarous, and was plainly calculated for no other purpose than to retain the people in their ancient ignorance, the proposal was rejected. The knowledge of the people, however, seemed to be still more dangerous than their ignorance; and the king and parliament, soon after the publication of the scriptures, retracted the concession which they had formerly made, and prohibited all but gentlemen and merchants to peruse them. Even that liberty was not granted without an apparent hesitation, and dread of the consequences. These persons were allowed to read, so it be done quietly and with good order. And the preamble to the act sets forth, "That many sedulous and ignorant persons had abused the liberty granted them of reading the Bible; and that great diversity of opinion, animosities, tumults, and schisms, had been occasioned by perverting the sense of the scriptures." The mass-book also passed under the king's examination; but little alteration was yet made in it. Some doubtful or fictitious saints only were struck out; and the name of the pope was erased. The latter precaution was also used with every new book that was printed, and even every old one that was sold. The word pope was carefully omitted or blotted out; as if that precaution could abolish the term from the language, or cause the people forget that such a person existed. About this time also, the king prohibited the acting of plays, interludes, and farces, in derision of the Popish superstitions; which the Protestants had been in use to practise: and this prohibition was in the highest degree pleasing to the Roman Catholics.

In this tyrannical and headstrong manner Henry proceeded with regard to ecclesiastical affairs. In other respects his conduct was equally violent. With regard to his domestic concerns, history scarce affords his parallel. We have already taken notice of his extreme love for Anne Boleyn, whom he married, contrary even to his own principles, before the marriage with Catherine was dissolved. His affection for the former was carried to such an height, that he even procured an act excluding from the succession the issue of Queen Catharine, in favour of the children of Anne. Anne Boleyn; and failing them to the king's heirs forever. An oath to this purpose was likewise enjoined, under penalty of imprisonment during the king's pleasure, and forfeiture of goods and chattels. All slander against the king and his new queen or their issue, was subjected to the penalty of treason or misprision of treason. The reason given for this extreme severity toward his own child was, that her mother had obstinately refused to quit the kingdom, notwithstanding all the methods he could take to induce her to do so. The oath was generally taken throughout the kingdom; Sir Thomas More the chancellor, and Father bishop of Rochester, being the only persons who refused; for which both of them were imprisoned, and soon after executed. The unfortunate queen Catharine died, in her retreat at Ampthill, in the year 1536. On her deathbed she wrote a most pathetic letter to the king, in which she forgave him all the injuries she had received, and recommended to him in the strongest terms their daughter the princess Mary. This letter affected Henry so much, that he could not read it without tears; but the new queen is said to have exulted in such a manner on hearing of the death of her rival, as was quite inconsistent with either decency or humanity. Her triumph, however, was of short duration. Henry had no sooner possessed her, secure from every disquieting thought by the death of queen Catharine, than his passion began to decline; and to this her delivery of a dead son did not a little contribute; for so impetuous and absurd were his passions, and such was his desire for male issue, that the disappointment in this respect alone was sufficient to alienate his affection from his wife. The levity of her temper, and her extreme gaiety of behaviour bordering upon licentiousness, as related under the article Boleyn, also gave an opportunity to her enemies of inflaming the king's jealousy against her. The vicountess of Rocheford, in particular, a woman of profligate manners, and who was married to the queen's brother, had the cruelty to report to the king that her husband committed incest with his own sister; and, not content with this, she interpreted every influence of favour shown by her to a man, as proof of a criminal intercourse between them. At the same time it must not be forgot, that he who inflicted on such rigid fidelity from his wives, was himself the most faithless of mankind. He had doubts, it may be allowed, about the legality of his marriage with Queen Catharine, but his doubts were evidently confirmed by the charms of Anne Boleyn. After being satiated with the possession of her for five years, perhaps he really doubted her fidelity; but here again his doubts were confirmed by the beauty of Jane Seymour, with whom he had now fallen in love. It may easily be believed, that from this consideration alone there was no reason to hope that ever the unfortunate Anne would be able to exculpate herself. Had she really been guilty, her monster of a husband might have allowed her to live; but his cruelty was as unbounded and infatiable as his other perverted passions. She was condemned; and the sentence pronounced against her was, that she should be burned or beheaded at the king's pleasure. On hearing this dreadful denunciation, she exclaimed, "O Father! O Creator! thou who art the way, the truth, and the life! thou knowest that I have not deserved this fate." She then made the most solemn protestations of innocence before her judges; but these, as they had been from the beginning ineffectual, so it was not to be supposed that they could now avail anything. Anne Execution was beheaded by the executioner of Calais, who was of Anne reckoned more expert than any in England; and Hen. B. leyn, and enjoyed the pleasure of marrying his beloved Jane third marriage. His satisfaction, however, was of no long continuance: for the queen, becoming pregnant immediately after marriage, died in two days after the birth of the child; who being a son, was baptised by the name of Edward VI. As this lady had been more beloved by Henry than any of his other wives, his grief for the loss of her was extreme. However, it did not hinder him from entering very soon afterwards into a new matrimonial scheme; in which he met with many difficulties. His first proposals were made concerning the duchess dowager of Milan, niece to the emperors and to Catharine his own former queen; but as he had behaved so indifferently to the aunt, it is scarce to be supposed that his addresses could prove agreeable to the niece. On this he demanded the duchess dowager of Longueville, daughter of the duke of Guise; but on making the proposal to the French monarch, Francis I., he was informed that the princess had been already betrothed to the king of Scotland. Henry, however, would take no refusal. He had learned that the object of his affections was endowed with many accomplishments, was very beautiful, and of a large size, which last property he looked upon to be necessary for him who was now become somewhat corpulent himself. Francis, to prevent any more solicitations on this subject, sent the princess to Scotland, but at the same time made Henry an offer of Mary of Bourbon, daughter of the Duke of Vendome. This princess was rejected by Henry, because he had heard of her being formerly refused by the king of Scotland. He was then offered his choice of the two younger sisters of the queen of Scotland, both of them being equal in merit as well as size to the one whom he had desired; but Henry, unwilling to trust to any reports concerning the beauty of these ladies, or even to their pictures, proposed to Francis, that they should have a conference at Calais under pretence of business, and that the latter should bring with him the two princesses of Guise with the finest ladies of quality in France, that he might make a choice. This indecent proposal shocked Francis; he returned for answer, that he was too much impressed with regard for the fair-sex to carry ladies of the first quality, like geldings, to a market, to be chosen or rejected according to the humour of the purchaser. Henry remonstrated and stormed as usual; but though Francis at this time earnestly wished to oblige him, he at last totally rejected the proposal. Negotiations were then entered into for a German match; and the princess of Cleves was proposed by Cromwell, on account with Anne of the great interest her father had with the Protestant princes of Germany. Henry had also become enamoured of her person from a picture of her he had seen; but this, tho' drawn by an eminent artist, was unluckily done so much to the advantage, that when the negociation was quite finished, and the bride arrived in England, he lost all patience, swearing that she was a great Flanders mare, and that he could never bear her the smallest affection. The matter was still worse, when he found that she could could speak no language but Dutch, of which he was entirely ignorant. Notwithstanding all these objections, however, he resolved to complete the marriage, telling Cromwell, that since he had gone so far, he must now put his neck into the yoke. The reason of this was, that the friendship of the German princes was now more than ever necessary for Henry; and it was supposed that the affront of sending the princess back to her own country might be resented. Cromwell, who knew that his own life depended on the event of the matter, was very anxious to learn from the king how he liked his spouse after having passed a night with her; but was struck with terror when he replied that he now hated her more than ever; that he was resolved not to cohabit with her, and even suspected that she was not a virgin; a matter in which he pretended to be a connoisseur, and about which he was extremely scrupulous. In a little time his aversion increased to such a degree, that he determined at any rate to get rid of his queen and prime minister both at once. Cromwell had long been an object of aversion to the nobility, who hated him on account of his obscure birth; his father being no other than a blacksmith, though the son had obtained the first employments in the kingdom. By his office of vicar-general, he had an almost absolute authority over the clergy; he was also lord privy-seal, lord-chamberlain, and master of the wards. He had also been invested with the order of the garter, and was created earl of Essex. This was sufficient to raise the envy of the courtiers; but he had also the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of both Protestants and Papists; the former hating him on account of his concurrence with Henry in their persecution, and the latter looking upon him as the greatest enemy of their religion. To these unfortunate circumstances on the part of Cromwell, was added the usual situation of Henry himself, who had now fallen in love with Catharine Howard, niece to the Duke of Norfolk; to enjoy whom, he now determined to divorce Anne of Cleves. By the insinuations of this lady and her uncle, Cromwell's ruin was accomplished; and he was condemned, not only without any trial, but even without examination. The charge was of heresy and high treason; but the instances of the latter were quite absurd and ridiculous. He submitted, however, to his sentence without murmuring, as knowing that his complaints on this subject would be revenged on his son. He was terribly mangled by the executioner before his head could be struck off. His death was soon followed by the dissolution of the marriage with the princess of Cleves, which was annulled by the consent of both parties. The princess parted from him with great indifference; and accepted of L. 3000 a-year as a compensation, but refused to return to her own country after the affront she had received.

The king's marriage with Catharine Howard soon followed the dissolution of that with Anne of Cleves; but the event may surely be regarded as a providential punishment upon this tyrant, whose cruelty, lust, and other bad qualities, can scarcely be matched in history. We have already mentioned his insinuations against the virtue of the unfortunate princess of Cleves, were amply repaid by the actual infidelities of his new queen, whom we must suppose he believed to be a pure and perfect virgin at the time he married her. So happy indeed did he imagine himself in this new marriage, that he publicly returned thanks for his conjugal felicity, when a most unfortunate information concerning the queen's incontinence was given to Cranmer by one of the name of Lascelles, whose sister had been fervent to the duchess-dowager of Norfolk. He not only gave intelligence of her amours before marriage, but affirmed that she had continued the same criminal practices ever since. Two of her paramours were arrested, and confessed their crimes; the queen herself also confessed guilt before marriage, but denied having ever been false to the king's bed; which, however, had very little probability. She was beheaded on Tower-hill, along with the vicountess of Rochford, who had been a confident in her amours. The latter, as has already been observed, was a principal instrument in procuring the destruction of the unhappy Anne Boleyn, and therefore died unpitied; while the virtuous character of that unfortunate lady received an additional confirmation from the discovery of this woman's guilt.

To secure himself from any farther disasters of this kind, Henry passed a most extraordinary law, enacting that any one who should know, or strongly suspect any guilt in the queen, might, within 20 days, disclose it to the king or council, without incurring the penalty of any former law against defaming the queen; though at the same time every one was prohibited from spreading the matter abroad, or even privately whispering it to others. It was also enacted, that if the king married any woman who had been incontinent, taking her for a true maid, she should be guilty of treason if she did not previously reveal her guilt to him.

These laws afforded diversion to the people, who now said that the king must look out for a widow; as no reputed maid would ever be persuaded to incur the penalty of the statute. This in truth happened to be the case at last; for about a year after the death of Catharine Howard, he married, for his fifth wife, Catharine Parr, widow of Nevil Lord Latimer. This lady, being somewhat inclined to the doctrines of the reformation, and having the boldness to tell her husband her mind upon the subject, had like to have shared the fate of the rest. The furious monarch, incensed at the possibility of bearing the least contradiction, instantly complained to Bishop Gardiner, who inflamed the quarrel as much as possible; so that at last the King consented that articles of impeachment should be drawn up against her. But these were rendered abortive by the prudence and address of the queen, as related under the article Parr.

All this time Henry had tyrannized over his nobility in the most cruel manner. The old countess of Salisbury, the last of the house of Plantagenet, was executed with circumstances of great cruelty. She had been condemned, as usual, without any trial; and when she was brought to the scaffold, refused to lay her head on the block in obedience to a sentence, to the justice of which she had never consented. She told the executioner, therefore, that if he would have her head, he must win it the best way he could; and thus she ran about the scaffold, pursued by the executioner, tioner, who aimed many fruitless blows at her neck before he was able to put an end to her life. Soon after her, the lord Leonard Grey was likewise executed for treason, but we have very little account of this transaction.

The last instances of the king's injustice and cruelty were the duke of Norfolk and his son the earl of Surry. The former had served the king with fidelity, and the latter was a young man of the most promising hopes. His qualifications, however, were no security against the violence of Henry's temper. He had dropped some expressions of resentment against the king's ministers, who had displaced him from the government of Boulogne; and the whole family had become obnoxious on account of the late Queen Catherine Howard. From these motives, orders were given to arrest both the father and son; and accordingly they were arrested both on the same day, and confined to the Tower. The duchess-dowager of Richmond, Surry's own sister, was among the number of his accusers; and Sir Richard Southwell also, his most intimate friend, charged him with infidelity to the king. Surry denied the charge, and challenged his accuser to a single combat. This favour was denied him; and, notwithstanding his eloquent and spirited defence, he was condemned and executed at Tower-hill.—The duke of Norfolk vainly endeavoured to mollify the king by letters and submissions. An attainder was found against him, though the only crime his accusers could allege was, that he had once said that the king was sickly, and could not hold out long; and that the kingdom was likely to be torn between the contending parties of different persuasions. Cranmer, though engaged for many years in an opposite party to that of Norfolk, and though he had received many and great injuries from him, would have no hand in such an unjust prosecution; but retired to his seat at Croydon. The death-warrant, however, was made out, and immediately sent to the lieutenant of the Tower; but a period was put to the cruelties and violence of the king by his death, which happened on the 14th of January 1547, the night before Norfolk was to have been executed.

Henry was succeeded by his only son Edward, a boy of nine years of age. The most remarkable transactions of his reign are those with regard to religion. The restraint which Henry VIII. had laid upon the Protestants was now taken off; and they not only maintained their doctrines openly, but soon became the prevailing party. Henry had fixed the majority of his son at 18 years of age; and, in the mean time, appointed 16 executors of his will, to whom, during the minority, he entrusted the government of the king and kingdom. This will, he imagined, would be obeyed as implicitly after his death as though he had been alive. But the first act of the executors was to choose the earl of Hertford, afterwards duke of Somerset, protector of the realm; and in him was lodged all the regal power, together with a privilege of naming whom he pleased for his privy council.

The duke of Somerset had long been reckoned a secret partisan of the reformers; and, immediately on his elevation to his present high dignity, began to express his intention of reforming the abuses of the ancient religion. Under his direction and that of Cran-

mer, therefore, the reformation was carried forward England, and completed. The only person of consequence who opposed the reformers was Gardiner bishop of Winchester; and, to the disgrace of their own principles, the reformers now showed that they could persecute as fiercely as the Papists had formerly persecuted them. Gardiner was committed to the Fleet prison, where he was treated with great severity. He was afterwards sent to the Tower; and having continued there two years, he was commanded to subscribe several articles, among which was one confessing the justice of his own imprisonment. To all the articles but this he agreed to subscribe; but that did not give satisfaction. He was then committed to close custody; his books and papers were seized; all company was denied him, and he was not even permitted the use of pen and ink. The bishops of Chichester, Worcester, and Exeter, were in like manner deprived of their offices; but the bishops of Landaff, Salisbury, and Coventry, escaped by sacrificing the most considerable share of their revenues. The libraries of Westminster and Oxford were ordered to be ransacked, and purged of the Romish legends, millais, and other superstitious volumes; in which search, great devastation was made even in useful literature. Many volumes clasped in silver were destroyed for the sake of their rich bindings; many of geometry and astronomy were supposed to be magical, and destroyed on that account; while the members of the university, unable to put a stop to these ravages, trembled for their own safety.

The reformers, however, were not contented with severities of this kind. A commission was granted to the primate and others, to search after all Anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of the new liturgy. Among the numbers who were found guilty upon this occasion, was one Joan Boucher, commonly called Joan of Kent; who was so very obstinate, that the commissioners could make no impression upon her. She maintained an abstruse metaphysical sentiment, that Christ, as man, was a sinful man; but, as the Word, he was free from sin, and could be subject to none of the frailties of the flesh with which he was clothed. For maintaining this doctrine, the poor woman was condemned to be burnt to death as an heretic. The young king, who it seems had more sense than his teachers, refused at first to sign the death-warrant: but at last, being overcome by the importunities of Cranmer, he reluctantly complied; declaring, that if he did wrong, the sin should be on the head of those who had persuaded him to it. The primate, after making another unsuccessful effort to reclaim the woman from her opinions, committed her to the flames. Some time after, one Van Paris, a Dutchman, was condemned to death for Arianism. He suffered with so much satisfaction, that he hugged and caressed the faggots that were consuming him.

The rest of this reign affords only the history of intrigues and cabals of the courtiers one against another. The protector was first opposed by his own brother admiral Sir Thomas Seymour, who had married Catherine Parr the late king's widow. She died soon after the marriage; and he then made his addresses to the princess Elizabeth, who is said not to have been averse to the match. His brother the duke, who was at that time in the north, being informed of his England. his ambitious projects, speedily returned, had him attainted of high treason, and at last condemned and executed. The duke of Somerset himself, however, was some time afterwards deprived of his office by Dudley duke of Northumberland; who at last found means to get him accused of high treason, and executed. Not satisfied with the office of protector, which he assumed on the death of Somerset, this ambitious nobleman formed a scheme of engrossing the sovereign power altogether. He represented to Edward, who was now Lady Jane Gray dead in a declining state of health, that his sisters Mary and Elizabeth, who were appointed by Henry's will to succeed, in failure of direct heirs, to the crown, had both been declared illegitimate by parliament; that the queen of Scots his aunt, stood excluded by the king's will; and, being an alien also, lost all right of succeeding. The three princesses being thus excluded, the succession naturally devolved to the marchioness of Dorset eldest daughter of the French queen, Henry's sister, who had married the earl of Suffolk after her first husband's death. The next heir to the marchioness was Lady Jane Gray, a lady universally respected, both on account of the charms of her person, and the virtues and endowments of her mind. The king, who was accustomed to submit to the politic views of this minister, agreed to have the succession submitted to council, where Northumberland hoped to procure an easy concurrence. The judges, however, who were appointed to draw up the king's letters patent for this purpose, warmly objected to the measure; and gave their reasons before the council. They begged that a parliament might be summoned, both to give it force, and to free its partisans from danger; they said that the form was invalid, and would not only subject the judges who drew it, but every councillor who signed it, to the pains of treason. Northumberland could not brook their demurs; he threatened them with his authority, called one of them a traitor, and said he would fight with any man in his shirt in such a just cause as that of Lady Jane's succession. A method was therefore found out of screening the judges from danger, by granting them the king's pardon for what they should draw up; and at length the patent for changing the succession was completed, the princesses Mary and Elizabeth were set aside, and the crown settled on the heirs of the duchess of Suffolk (for she herself was contented to forego her claim.)

For some time the king had languished in a consumption. After this settlement of the crown, his health visibly declined every day, and little hopes were entertained of his recovery. To make matters worse, his physicians were dismissed by Northumberland's advice, and by an order of council; and he was put into the hands of an ignorant old woman, who undertook in a little time to restore him to health. After the use of her medicines all his bad symptoms increased to the most violent degree. He felt a difficulty of speech and breathing; his pulse failed, his legs swelled, his colour became livid, and many other signs of approaching death made their appearance. He expired at Greenwich on the 6th of July 1553, in the 16th year of his age and 7th of his reign.

After the death of King Edward, very little regard was paid to the new patent by which Lady Jane Gray had been declared heir to the throne. The undoubted title of Mary, notwithstanding the scandalous behaviour of her father and his servile parliaments, was acknowledged by the whole nation. Northumberland, however, was resolved to put the late king's will in execution. He therefore carefully concealed the death of Edward, in hopes of securing the person of Mary, who by an order of council had been required to attend her brother during his illness; but she being informed of his death, immediately prepared to assert her right to the crown. Northumberland then, accompanied by Lady Jane the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Pembroke, and some Gray plotters, saluted Lady Jane Gray queen of England. Jane was in a great measure ignorant of throne, but these transactions, and it was with the utmost difficulty she was persuaded to accept of the dignity conferred upon her. At last she complied, and suffered herself to be conveyed to the Tower, where it was then usual for the sovereigns of England to pass some days after their accession. Mary, however, who had retired to Kenning-hall in Norfolk, in a very few days found herself at the head of 40,000 men; and Lady Jane resigned the sovereignty in ten days, with much more pleasure than she had received it. She retired with her mother to their own habitation; and Northumberland finding his affairs quite desperate, attempted to quit the kingdom. But he was stopped by the band of pensioner guards, who informed him that he must stay to justify their conduct in taking arms against their lawful sovereign. He therefore surrendered himself to Mary; and was soon after executed, together with Sir John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer, two infamous tools of his power. Sentence was also pronounced against Lady Jane Gray and her husband Lord Guildford; but without any intention of putting it in execution against them at present, as their youth and innocence pleaded so strongly in their favour, neither of them having yet reached their 17th year.

Mary now entered London, and was peaceably settled on the throne without any effusion of blood. The dared English, however, soon found reason to repent their queen's attachment to her cause. Though she had at first solemnly promised to defend the religion and laws of her predecessor, she no sooner saw herself firmly established on the throne, than she resolved to restore the Popish religion, and give back their former power to the clergy. Gardiner, Bonner, and the other bishops who had been imprisoned or suffered loss during the last reign, were taken from prison, reinstated in their sees, and now triumphed in their turn. On pretence of discouraging controversy, the queen by her prerogative silenced all preachers throughout England, except such as should obtain a particular licence, and this she was resolved to give only to those of her own persuasion. The greater part of the foreign Protestants took the first opportunity of leaving the kingdom; and many of the arts and manufactures, which they had successfully introduced, fled with them. Soon after, the queen called a parliament, which seemed willing to concur in all her measures. They at once repealed all the statutes with regard to religion that had passed during the reign of Edward VI, and the national religion was again placed on the same footing in which it had been at the death of Henry VIII.

To strengthen the cause of the Catholics, and give the queen more power to establish the religion to which she was so much attached, a proper match was to be sought for her; and it was supposed that three had already been proposed as candidates for her favour. Her affection seemed to be engaged by the earl of Devonshire; but as he was rather attached to the Princess Elizabeth, he received the overtures which were made him from the queen with neglect. The next person mentioned as a proper match for her was Cardinal Pole, a man greatly respected for his virtues; but as he was now in the decline of life, Mary soon dropped all thoughts of that alliance. At last she cast her eye on Philip II. of Spain, son to the Emperor Charles V. He was then in the 27th year of his age, and consequently agreeable in that respect to Mary, who was in her 48th year; but when her intentions with regard to this match became known, the greatest alarm took place throughout the whole nation. The commons presented such a strong remonstrance against a foreign alliance, that the queen thought proper to dissolve the parliament in order to get quit of their importunity. To obviate, however, all clamour, the articles of marriage were drawn up as favourably as possible for the interests of England. It was agreed, that though Philip should have the title of king, the administration should be entirely in the queen; that no foreigner should be capable of holding any office in the kingdom; nor should any innovation be made in the laws, customs, and privileges of the people; that Philip should not carry the queen abroad without her consent, or any of her children without the consent of the nobility. Sixty thousand pounds a-year were to be settled upon her as a jointure; and the male issue of this marriage were to inherit Burgundy and the Low Countries as well as the crown of England; and in case of the death of Don Carlos, Philip's son by his former marriage, without any heir, the queen's issue should inherit all the rest of the Spanish dominions also.

All these concessions, however, were not sufficient to quiet the apprehensions of the people: they were considered merely as words of course, which might be retracted at pleasure; and the whole nation murmured loudly against a transaction so dangerous to its ancient liberty and independence. An insurrection was raised by Sir Thomas Wyatt, a Roman Catholic, at the head of 4000 men, who set out from Kent to London, publishing a declaration against the Spanish match and the queen's evil counsellors. Having advanced as far as Southwark, he required that the queen should put the Tower of London into his hands; that she should deliver four counsellors as hostages; and, in order to ensure the liberty of the nation, should marry an Englishman. But his force was at present by far too small to support such magnificent pretensions; and he unluckily waited so much time without attempting anything of importance, that the popular ferment entirely subsided, his followers abandoned him gradually, and he was at last obliged to surrender himself to Sir Maurice Berkeley near Temple-bar. His followers were treated with great cruelty, no fewer than 400 of them suffering by the hand of the executioner; 400 more were conducted with ropes about their necks into the queen's presence, and there received their pardon. Wyatt himself was condemned and executed.

This rebellion had almost proved fatal to the Princess Elizabeth, who for some time past had been treated with great severity by her sister. Mary, who professedly feasted a most malignant and cruel heart, had never forgiven the quarrel between their mothers; and when a declaration was made after her own accession, recognizing Queen Catharine's marriage as legal, she was thus furnished with a pretence for accounting Elizabeth illegitimate. She was likewise obnoxious on account of her religion, which Elizabeth at first had not prudence sufficient to conceal; though afterwards she learned full well to disguise her sentiments. But above all, her standing so high in the affections of the Earl of Devonshire, was a crime not to be forgiven; and Mary made her sensible of her disfavour by numberless mortifications. She was ordered to take place at court after the Dukes of Suffolk and the Countess of Lennox; to avoid which, and other indignities, Elizabeth at last retired from court altogether into the country. After the suppression of Wyatt's rebellion she was committed to the Tower, and underwent a strict examination before the council; but as Wyatt had made a declaration on the scaffold that she was in no manner of way concerned, the queen found herself under a necessity of releasing her. To get rid of such a troublesome rival, however, she was offered in marriage to the Duke of Savoy; and on Elizabeth's declining the proposal, she was committed close prisoner to Woodstock. The rebellion proved fatal, however, to many persons of distinction, and gave the queen an opportunity of manifesting that unbounded cruelty which reigned in her heart. The Tower, and all the prisons in the kingdom, were filled with nobility and gentry, who became objects of royal vengeance, more on account of their credit and interest with the people than any concern they were supposed to have had with Wyatt. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was tried in Guildhall; but as no satisfactory evidence appeared against him, the jury gave a verdict in his favour. The queen was so much enraged at this disappointment, that she recommitted him to the Tower, summoned the jury before the council, and at last sent them all to prison, fining them afterwards some of 1000 l. and others of 2000 l. each. Sir John Throgmorton, brother to Sir Nicholas just mentioned, was condemned and executed upon evidence which had been already rejected as insufficient. But of all those who perished on this occasion, none excited more universal compassion than the unfortunate Lady Jane Grey and her husband Lord Grey and Guilford Dudley. They had already received sentence of death, as has been mentioned; and two days after the execution of Wyatt, they received orders to prepare for eternity. Lady Jane, who had been in expectation of this blow, was no way intimidated, but received the news with the most heroic resolution. The place intended at first for their execution was Tower-hill; but the council, dreading the effects of the people's compassion for their youth, beauty, and innocence, gave directions that they should be beheaded within the verge of the Tower. The duke of Suffolk was soon after tried, condemned, and executed; but would have met with more compassion, had not his ambition been the cause of his daughter's unhappy fate just mentioned. Sir Thomas Gray also lost his life on the same account; but the cruel spirit of Mary was still unsatisfied; and finding herself universally odious, that she might free herself from any apprehensions for what was past, as well as tyrannize with the more freedom in time to come, she disabled the people from resistance, by ordering general mutters, and causing the commissioners seize their arms and lay them up in forts and castles.

Notwithstanding this unpopularity, however, the rebellion of Wyatt had so strengthened the hands of government, that a parliament was assembled in hopes of gratifying the queen's wishes in regard to her marriage with Philip of Spain. To facilitate this purpose also, the emperor of Germany sent over to England 400,000 crowns to be distributed among the members of parliament in bribes and pensions; a practice of which there had hitherto been no example in England. The queen, notwithstanding her bigotry, refused the title of Supreme Head of the Church, which she had dropped three months before. Gardiner made a speech, in which he proposed, that they should invest the queen with a legal power of disposing of the crown, and appointing her successor; but the parliament, however obsequious in other respects, did not choose to gratify their sovereign in a measure by which the kingdom of England might become a province of the Spanish monarchy. They would not even declare it treason to imagine or attempt the death of the queen's husband during her lifetime, though they agreed to ratify the articles of marriage. Finding therefore that the parliament even yet was not sufficiently obsequious, it was thought most proper to dissolve them. Soon after this the marriage with Philip was solemnized; but as the latter had espoused his queen merely with a view to become king of England, he no sooner found himself disappointed in this than he showed a total want of affection for her as a wife. He passed most of his time at a distance from her in the Low Countries; and seldom wrote to her except when he wanted money, with which Mary would at all times gladly have supplied him even had it been at the expense of her kingdom, if in her power.

The enemies of the state being supposed to be suppressed, those of the Catholic religion were next persecuted. The old fanquinary laws which had been rejected by a former parliament were now revived. Orders were given, that the priests and bishops who had married should be ejected; that the mass should be restored, and the pope's authority established; and that the church and its privileges, all but their goods and estates, should be put on the same footing on which they were before the commencement of the reformation. But as the gentry and nobility had already divided the church-lands among them, it was thought inconvenient, and indeed impossible, to make a restoration of these. The persons who chiefly promoted these measures were Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal Pole, who was a kinsman of Henry VIII. but had been long in Italy, and was now returned from it. The latter was for tolerating the Protestants; but the former, perceiving that rigorous measures would be most agreeable to the king and queen, declared himself against it. He was too prudent, however, to appear in person at the head of the persecution; and therefore consigned that office to Bonner bishop of London, a man of a very abandoned character. The bloody scene began by the execution of Hooper bishop of Gloucester, and Rogers prebendary of St Paul's. These were quickly followed by others, of whom the principal were Archbishop Cranmer, Ridley bishop of London, and Latimer bishop of Worcester*. These persecutions soon became odious to the whole nation, and the perpetrators of them were all willing to throw the blame from themselves upon others. Philip endeavoured to soften the whole reproach upon Bonner; but that bishop would not take the whole, and therefore retorted on the court. A bold step was now taken to introduce a court similar to the Spanish inquisition, that should be empowered to try heretics, and condemn them without any other law but its own authority. But even this was thought a method too dilatory in the present exigence of affairs. A proclamation issued against books of heresy, treason, and sedition, declared, that whoever had such books in his possession, and did not burn them without reading, should suffer as a rebel. This was attended with the execution of such numbers, that at last the magistrates who had been instrumental in these cruelties refused to give their assistance any longer. It was computed, that during this persecution, 277 persons suffered by fire, besides those punished by imprisonments, fines, and confiscations. Among those who suffered by fire were 5 bishops, 21 clergymen, 8 lay-gentlemen, 84 tradesmen, 100 husbandmen, 55 women, and 4 children.

The only remarkable transaction which happened during this reign with regard to the temporal affairs of the kingdom was the loss of Calais, which had been in the possession of the English for upwards of 200 years*. This loss filled the whole kingdom with complaints, and the queen with grief. She was heard Calais, to say, that, when dead, the name of Calais would be found engraven on her heart. She did not long survive this loss; but died in the year 1558, of a lingering illness, after a reign of five years four months and eleven days.

After the death of Mary, the Princess Elizabeth succeeded to the throne without opposition. She was at Hatfield when news of her sister's death were brought her; upon which she hastened up to London, where she was received with great joy. This princess was well qualified for government. She had judgment sufficient to make choice of proper ministers, and authority enough to keep her subjects in awe. The restraints, also, to which she had been subjected during her sister's reign, had taught her so well to conceal her sentiments, that she had become a perfect mistress of dissimulation; which, though no commendable part of her character, proved occasionally of great service to her government. She perfected the reformation, and put the religion of England upon the same plan which subsists at present. This was accomplished without the least difficulty; for the persecutions in Mary's reign had served only to give the whole nation an aversion for popery. In the time of Edward VI. the people had been compelled to embrace the Protestant religion, and their fears induced them to conform; but now, almost the whole nation were Protestants from inclination. The reformation was confirmed by act of parliament in 1559, and thus... thus England was seen to change its religion four times in the space of 32 years.

During the time that the queen and her counsellors were employed in settling the religious affairs of the nation, negociations were likewise carried on for a peace between England and France; which was at last concluded on the following terms, viz. that Henry should retoire Calais at the expiration of eight years; that in case of failure, he should pay 500,000 crowns, and Elizabeth's title to Calais still remain; that for the payment of this sum he should find the security of eight foreign merchants, not natives of France; and until that security were provided he should deliver five hostages. If during this interval Elizabeth should break the peace with France or Scotland, she should forfeit all title to Calais; but if Henry made war on Elizabeth, he should be obliged to restore the forts immediately. This pacification was soon followed by an irreconcilable quarrel with Mary queen of Scotland; which was not extinguished but by the death of the Scottish princes; and that with such circumstances of accumulated treachery, hypocrisy, and disimulation, as have stamped an indelible disgrace on the memory of Elizabeth. See the articles MARY and SCOTLAND.

Elizabeth having at last got rid of her rival in the year 1587, began to make preparations for resisting the Spanish invasion. Hearing that Philip was secretly fitting out a great navy to attack her, she sent Sir Francis Drake with a fleet to pillage his coasts and destroy his shipping. On this expedition he set sail with four capital ships furnished by the queen, and 26 others of various sizes furnished him by the merchants of London in hopes of sharing the plunder. Having learned that a Spanish fleet richly laden was lying at Cadiz in readiness to set sail for Lisbon, he directed his course towards the former port, where he boldly attacked the enemy. Six galleys were obliged to take shelter under the cannon of the forts; he burned about 100 vessels laden with ammunition and naval stores; and destroyed a great ship belonging to the Marquis de Santa Croce. Thence setting sail for Cape St Vincent, he took by assault the castle situated on that promontory, with three other fortresses. Having next insulted Lisbon, he sailed to the Teneras, where after lying in wait for some time, he took a rich prize, and then returned to England; having by this short expedition taught the English to despise the huge and unwieldy ships of the enemy, and thus prepared them to act with more resolution against the formidable armament that now threatened to invade them.

But though the expedition of Sir Francis Drake had retarded the intended invasion of England for a twelve-month, it had not by any means induced Philip to abandon his design. During that interval he continued his preparations with the greatest affluency, the more especially as the invasion of England seemed to be a necessary preparative for regaining his authority over the Netherlands, the revolted provinces having been strongly supported by Elizabeth. The fleet prepared at this time was superior to any thing then existing in the world; and no doubt being entertained of its success, it was ostentatiously styled the Invincible Armada. The miserable event of this expedition, and the total failure of all the mighty hopes of Philip, are related under the article ARMADA. The spirit and courage of the English were now excited to attempt invasions in their turn; which they executed in numerous descents on the Spanish coasts; though these were only temporary, and designed not for permanent conquest, but to harass the enemy. It would be endless to relate all the advantages obtained over the enemy at sea, where the capture of every ship must have made a separate narrative. It is sufficient to observe, that the sea-captains of that reign are still considered as the boldest and most enterprising set of men that England ever produced; and among this number we are to reckon Raleigh and Howard, Drake, Cavendish, and Hawkins. The English navy then began to take the lead; and has since continued irresistible in all parts of the ocean.

Elizabeth continued to reign with great glory till the year 1603; but all her greatness could not prevent her from being extremely miserable before her death. She had caused her greatest favourite, and probably her lover, the earl of Essex *, to be executed. Though this execution could not be called unjust, the queen's affection (on being informed that he had at last thrown himself entirely on her clemency) returned to such a degree, that she thenceforth gave herself entirely over to despair. She refused food and sustenance; she continued silent and gloomy; sighs and groans were the only vent she gave to her despondence; and she lay for ten days and nights upon the carpet, leaning on cushions, which her maids brought her. Perhaps the faculties of her mind were impaired by long and violent exercise; perhaps she reflected with remorse on some past actions of her life, or perceived, but too strongly, the decays of nature, and the approach of her dissolution. She saw her courtiers remitting in their affluency to her, in order to pay their court to James the apparent successor. Such a concurrence of causes was more than sufficient to destroy the remains of her constitution; and her end was now visibly seen to approach. Feeling a perpetual heat in her stomack, attended with an unquenchable thirst, she drank without ceasing, but refused the assistance of her physicians. Her distemper gaining ground, Cecil and the lord admiral desired to know her sentiments with regard to the succession. To this she replied, That as the crown of England had always been held by kings, it ought not to devolve upon any inferior character, but upon her immediate heir the king of Scotland. Being then advised by the archbishop of Canterbury to fix her thoughts upon God, she replied, that her thoughts did not in the least wander from him. Her voice soon after left her; she fell into a lethargic slumber, which continued some hours; and she expired gently without a groan, in the 70th year of her age, and 45th of her reign. She was succeeded by James I., king of Scotland; since which time, the history of both England and Scotland is comprehended under the article BRITAIN.

Since the Norman conquest, England has been divided into six circuits, each circuit containing a certain number of counties. Two judges are appointed for each circuit, which they visit in the spring and autumn, for administering justice to the subjects who are at a distance from the capital. In holding the lent (or spring) assizes, the northern circuit extends only to York and Lancaster; the assizes at Durham, Newcastle, Carlisle, and Appleby, being held only in the England, autumn, and distinguished by the appellation of the long circuit. These circuits and counties are:

1. Home Circuit contains the counties of Essex, Hertford, Kent, Surrey, and Sussex. 2. Norfolk Circuit contains those of Bucks, Bedford, Huntingdon, Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk. 3. Oxford Circuit. Oxon, Berks, Gloucester, Worcester, Monmouth, Hereford, Salop, and Stafford. 4. Midland Circuit. Warwick, Leicester, Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln, Rutland, and Northampton. 5. Western Circuit. Hants, Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall. 6. Northern Circuit. York, Durham, Northumberland, Lancaster, Westmoreland, and Cumberland.

Middlesex and Cheshire are not comprehended in the above circuits; the former being the seat of the supreme courts of justice, and the latter a county palatine. There is still a court of chancery in Lancaster and Durham, with a chancellor; and there is a court of exchequer at Chester, of a mixed kind, both for law and equity, of which the chamberlain of Chester is judge; there are also other justices in the counties palatine to determine civil actions and pleas of the crown.

Besides the 40 counties into which England is divided, there are counties corporate, consisting of certain districts, to which the liberties and jurisdictions peculiar to a county have been granted by charter from the throne. Thus the city of London is a county distinct from Middlesex; the cities of York, Chester, Bristol, Norwich, Worcester, and the towns of Kingston upon Hull and Newcastle upon Tyne, are counties of themselves, distinct from those in which they lie. The same may be said of Berwick upon Tweed, which lies in Scotland, and has within its jurisdiction a small territory of two miles on the north side of the river. Under the name of a town, boroughs and cities are contained: for every borough or city is a town, though every town is not a borough or city.—An account of the English constitution and government is given under the articles King, Lords, Commons, Parliament, Law, Liberty, Rights, &c.

The established religion of England is Episcopacy. Since the reign of Henry VIII., the sovereigns of England have been called, in public writs, the supreme heads of the church; but this title conveys no spiritual meaning, as it only denotes the regal power to prevent any ecclesiastical differences, or, in other words, to substitute the king in place of the pope before the reformation, with regard to temporalities and the internal economy of the church. The kings of England never intermeddle in ecclesiastical disputes, and are contented to give a sanction to the legal rights of the clergy.

The church of England, under this description of the monarchical power over it, is governed by two archbishops, and 24 bishops, besides the bishop of Sodor and Man, who, not being possessed of an English barony, does not sit in the house of peers. See Archbishop and Bishop.

England contains about 60 archdeacons. Subordinate to them are the rural deacons, formerly styled archprebendaries, who signify the bishop's pleasure to his clergy, the lower class of which consists of parish-priests (who are called rectors or vicars), deacons, and curates. See the articles Curate, Deacon, Parson, England, New England, and Vicar.

The following is a list of the English bishoprics, with their revenues, as charged in the king's books: though that sum is far from being the real annual value of the fee, yet it assists in forming a comparative estimate between the revenues of each see with those of clergy another.

| Archbishoprics | £ | s. | d. | |----------------|---|---|---| | Canterbury | | | | | York | | | |

| Bishoprics | £ | s. | d. | |----------------|---|---|---| | London | | | | | Durham | | | | | Winchester | | | |

These three bishops take precedence of all others in England, and the others according to the seniority of their consecrations.

| Bishoprics | £ | s. | d. | |----------------|---|---|---| | Ely | | | | | Bath and Wells | | | | | Hereford | | | | | Rochester | | | | | Lichfield and Coventry | | | | | Chester | | | | | Worcester | | | | | Chichester | | | | | St Asaph | | | | | Salisbury | | | | | Bangor | | | | | Norwich | | | | | Gloucester | | | | | Landaff | | | | | Lincoln | | | | | Bristol | | | | | Carlisle | | | | | Exeter | | | | | Peterborough | | | | | Oxford | | | | | St Davids | | | |

The ecclesiastical government of England is, properly speaking, lodged in the convocation; which is a national representative or synod, and answers pretty near to the ideas we have of a parliament. They are convoked at the same time with every parliament; and their business is to consider of the state of the church, and to call those to an account who have advanced new opinions, inconsistent with the doctrines of the church of England. Some high-flying clergymen during the reign of queen Anne, and in the beginning of that of George I., raised the powers of the convocation to a height that was inconsistent with the principles of religious toleration, and indeed of civil liberty; so that the crown was obliged to exert its prerogative of calling the members together, and of dissolving them; and ever since they have not been permitted to sit for any time, in which they could do business.

New ENGLAND, late a province of the British empire in America, is bounded on the north by Canada, on the east by Nova Scotia and the Atlantic ocean, on the south by the Atlantic and Long Island Sound, and on the west by New York. It lies in the form of a quarter of a circle. Its west line, beginning at the mouth of Byram river which empties into Long Island Sound at the south-west corner of Connecticut, latitude 41°, runs a little east of north, un- This country was discovered in the beginning of the last century, and called North Virginia; but no Europeans settled there till the year 1608. The first colony, which was weak and ill-directed, did not succeed; and, for some time, there were only a few adventurers who came over at times in the summer, built themselves temporary huts for the sake of trading with the savages, and, like them, disappeared again for the rest of the year. At last some Brownists, headed by Mr Robinson, whom Neal styles the Father of the Independents, who in 1610 had been driven from England by persecution, fled to Holland, and settled at Leyden; but in 1620 determined, with Mr Brewster afflant preacher to Mr Robinson, to found a church for their sect in the new hemisphere. They therefore purchased, in 1621, the charter of the English North Virginia company. Forty-one families, making in all 120 persons, landed in the beginning of a very hard winter, and found a country entirely covered with wood, which offered a very melancholy prospect to men already exhausted with the fatigues of their voyage. Near one half perished either by cold, the scurvy, or other distresses. The courage of the rest was beginning to fail; when it was revived by the arrival of 60 savage warriors, who came to them in the spring, headed by their chief. The old tenants assigned forever to the new ones all the lands in the neighborhood of the settlement they had formed, under the name of New Plymouth; and one of the savages who understood a little English, staid to teach them how to cultivate the maize, and instruct them in the manner of fishing upon their coast.

This kindness enabled the colony to wait for the companions they expected from Europe with seeds, with domestic animals, and with every assistance they wanted. At first these succours arrived but slowly; but the persecution of the Puritans in England increased the number of profelytes to such a degree in America, that in 1630 they were obliged to form different settlements, of which Boston soon became the principal. These first settlers were not merely ecclesiastics, who had been deprived of their preferments on account of their opinions; nor those sectaries influenced by new opinions, that are so frequent among the common people. There were among them several persons of high rank, who, having embraced Puritanism, had taken the precaution to secure themselves an asylum in these distant regions. They had caused houses to be built, and lands to be cleared, with a view of retiring there, if their endeavours in the cause of civil and religious liberty should prove abortive.

The inhabitants of New England lived peaceably for a long time, without any regular form of policy. Their charter had indeed authorized them to establish any mode of government they might choose; but these enthusiasts were not agreed among themselves upon the plan of their republic and government did not pay sufficient attention to them to urge them to secure their own tranquillity. At length they grew sensible of the necessity of a regular legislation; and this great work, which virtue and genius united have never attempted but with diffidence, was boldly undertaken by blind fanaticism. It bore the stamp of the rude prejudices on which it had been formed. There was in this new code a singular mixture of good and evil, of wisdom and folly. No man was allowed to have a share in the government except he were a member of the established church. Witchcraft, perjury, blasphemy, and adultery, were made capital offences; and children were also punished with death, either for cursing or striking their parents. Marriages, however, were to be solemnized by the magistrate. The price of corn was fixed at 2s. 11½d. per bushel. The savages who neglected to cultivate their lands were to be deprived of them; and Europeans were forbidden under a heavy penalty to sell them any strong liquors or warlike stores. All those who were detected either in lying, drunkenness, or dancing, were ordered to be publicly whipped. But at the same time that amusements were forbidden equally with vices and crimes, one might be allowed to swear by paying a penalty of 11½d. and to break the Sabbath for 2l. 19s. 9½d. Another indulgence allowed was, to atone, by a fine, for a neglect of prayer, or for uttering a rash oath. But it is still more extraordinary, that the worship of images were forbidden to the Puritans on pain of death; which was also inflicted on Roman Catholic priests, who should return to the colony after they had been banished; and on Quakers who should appear again after having been whipped, branded, and expelled. Such was the abhorrence for these sectaries, who had themselves an aversion for every kind of cruelty, that whoever either brought one of them into the country, or harboured him but for one hour, was liable to pay a considerable fine.

Those unfortunate members of the colony, who, less violent than their brethren, ventured to deny the coercive power of the magistrate in matters of religion, were persecuted with still greater rigour. This was considered as blasphemy by those very divines who had rather chosen to quit their country than to show any deference to Episcopalian authority. This system was supported by the severities of the law, which attempted to put a stop to every difference in opinion, by inflicting capital punishment on all who differed. Those who were either convicted, or even suspected, of entertaining sentiments of toleration, were exposed to such cruel oppressions, that they were forced to fly from their first asylum, and seek refuge in another. They found one on the same continent; and as New England had been first founded by persecution, its limits were extended by it.

This intemperate religious zeal extended itself to matters in themselves of the greatest indifference. A proof of this is found in the following public declaration, transcribed from the registers of the colony.

"It is a circumstance universally acknowledged, that the custom of wearing long hair, after the manner of immoral persons and of the savage Indians, can have been introduced into England only in sacrilegious contempt of the express command of God, who declares that it is a shameful practice for any man who has the least care for his soul to wear long hair. As this abomination excites the indignation of all pious persons; we, the magistrates, in our zeal for the purity of the faith, do expressly and authentically declare, that we condemn the im- pious custom of letting the hair grow; a custom which we look upon to be very indecent and dishonourable, which horribly disfigures men, and is offensive to modest and sober persons, in as much as it corrupts good manners. We therefore, being justly incensed against this scandalous custom, do desire, advise, and earnestly request all the elders of our continent, zealously to show their aversion for this odious practice, to exert all their power to put a stop to it, and especially to take care that the members of their churches be not infected with it; in order that those persons who, notwithstanding these rigorous prohibitions, and the means of correction that shall be used on this account, shall still persist in this custom, shall have both God and man at the same time against them."

This severity soon exerted itself against the Quakers. They were whipped, banished, and imprisoned. The behaviour of these new enthusiasts, who in the midst of tortures and ignominy praised God, and called for blessings upon men, inspired a reverence for their persons and opinions, and gained them a number of profelytes. This circumstance exasperated their persecutors, and hurried them on to the most atrocious acts of violence; and they caused five of them, who had returned clandestinely from banishment, to be hanged. This spirit of persecution was, however, at last suppressed by the interposition of the mother-country, from whence it had been brought. Charles II moved with the sufferings of the Quakers, put a stop to them by a proclamation in 1661; but he was never able totally to extinguish the spirit of persecution that prevailed in America.

The colony had placed at their head Henry Vane, the son of that Sir Henry Vane who had such a remarkable share in the disturbances of his country. This obstinate and enthusiastic young man had contrived to revive the questions of grace and free-will. The disputes upon these points ran very high; and would probably have plunged the colony into a civil war, if several of the savage nations united had not happened at that very time to fall upon the plantations of the disputants, and to massacre great numbers of them. The colonists, heated with their theological contests, paid at first very little attention to this considerable loss. But the danger at length became so urgent and so general, that all took up arms. As soon as the enemy was repulsed, the colony resumed its former dissensions; and the phrenzy which they excited broke out, in 1692 in a war, marked with as many atrocious instances of violence as any ever recorded in history.

There lived in a town of New England, called Salem, two young women who were subject to convulsions, accompanied with extraordinary symptoms. Their father, minister of the church, thought that they were bewitched; and having in consequence cast his suspicions upon an Indian girl who lived in his house, he compelled her by harsh treatment to confess that she was a witch. Other women, upon hearing this, immediately believed, that the convulsions, which proceeded only from the nature of their sex, were owing to the same cause. Three citizens, casually named, were immediately thrown into prison, accused of witchcraft, hanged, and their bodies left exposed to wild beasts and birds of prey. A few days after, 16 other persons, together with a counsellor, who, because he refused to plead against them, was supposed to share in their guilt, suffered in the same manner. From this instant, the imagination of the multitude was inflamed with these horrible and gloomy scenes. Children of ten years of age were put to death, young girls were stripped naked, and the marks of witchcraft searched for upon their bodies with the most indecent curiosity; and those spots of the fever which age impresses upon the bodies of old men, were taken for evident signs of the infernal power. In default of these, torments were employed to extort confessions dictated by the executioners themselves. If the magistrates, tired out with executions, refused to punish, they were themselves accused of the crimes they tolerated; the very ministers of religion raised false witnesses against them, who made them forfeit with their lives the tardy remorse excited in them by humanity. Dreams, apparitions, terror, and consternation of every kind, increased these prodigies of folly and horror. The prisons were filled, the gibbets left standing, and all the citizens involved in gloomy apprehensions. The most prudent quitted the country stained with the blood of its inhabitants; and nothing less than the total and immediate subversion of the colony was expected, when, on a sudden, all eyes were opened at once, and the excesses of the evil awakened the minds which it had first stupified. Bitter and painful remorse was the immediate consequence; the mercy of God was implored by a general fast, and public prayers were offered up to ask forgiveness for the presumption of having supposed that heaven could have been pleased with sacrifices with which it could only have been offended.

Povetity will, probably, never know exactly what was the cause or remedy of this dreadful disorder. It had, perhaps, its first origin in the melancholy which those persecuted enthusiasts had brought with them from their own country, which had increased with the fever they had contracted at sea, and had gathered fresh strength from the inconveniences and hardships inseparable from a change of climate and manner of living. The contagion, however, ceased like all other epidemical distempers, exhausted by its very communication. A perfect calm succeeded this agitation; and the Puritans of New England have never since been seized with so gloomy a fit of enthusiasm.

But though the colony has renounced the persecuting spirit which hath stained all religious sects with blood, it has preserved some remains, if not of intolerance, at least of severity, which remind us of those melancholy days in which it took its rise. Some of its laws are still too severe.

New England had, however, some remedy against bad laws, in the constitution of its mother-country, where the people who have the legislative power in their own hands are at liberty to correct abuses; and it has others derived from its situation, which open a vast field to industry and population.

The clearing of the lands in this colony is not directed by chance as in the other provinces. This matter from the first was subjected to laws which are still religiously observed. No citizen whatever has the liberty of settling even upon unoccupied land. The government, desirous of preserving all its members from the inroads of the savages, and of placing them in a condition to share in the protection of a well-regulated society, hath ordered that whole villages should be formed at once. As soon as 60 families offer to build a church, maintain a clergyman, and pay a schoolmaster, the general assembly allow them a situation, and permit them to have two representatives in the legislative body of the colony. The district assigned them always borders upon the lands already cleared, and generally contains 60,000 square acres. These new people choose the situation most convenient for their habitation, which is usually of a square figure. The church is placed in the centre; the colonists divide the land among themselves, and each incloses his property with a hedge. Some woods are reserved for a common; and thus New England is constantly enlarging its territory, though it still continues to make one complete and well constituted province.

The country was divided into four states, which at first had no connection with one another. The necessity of maintaining an armed force against the savages obliged them to form a confederacy in 1643, when they took the name of the United Colonies. In consequence of this league, two deputies from each establishment used to meet in a stated place to deliberate upon the common affairs of New England, according to the instructions they had received from the assembly by which they were sent. This association laid no constraint upon the right of every individual to act entirely as he pleased, without either the permission or approbation of the mother-country. All the submission required of these provinces was merely to acknowledge the kings of England for their sovereigns. Charles II. wished to make them more dependent. The province of Massachusetts Bay, which, though the smallest, was the richest and the most populous of the four, being guilty of some misdemeanor against government, the king seized that opportunity of taking away its charter in 1684; and it remained without one till the revolution; when it received another, which, however, did not answer its claims or expectations. The crown reserved to itself the right of nominating the governor, and appointing to all military employments, and to all principal posts in the civil and juridical departments; it allowed the people of the colony their legislative power, and gave the governor a negative voice and the command of the troops, which secured him a sufficient influence to enable him to maintain the prerogative of the mother-country in all its force. The provinces of Connecticut and Rhode-Island, by timely submission, prevented the punishment which that of Massachusetts had incurred, and retained their original charter. That of New-Hampshire had been always regulated by the same mode of administration as the province of Massachusetts Bay. The same governor presided over the whole colony, but with regulations adapted to the constitution of each province. To the above states, another has been added since the late revolution, viz., Vermont. These states are subdivided into counties, and the counties into townships.

New England is a high, hilly, and in some parts a mountainous country, formed by nature to be inhabited by a hardy race of free, independent republicans. — The mountains are comparatively small, running nearly north and south in ridges parallel to each other. Between these ridges flow the great rivers in majestic meanders, receiving the innumerable rivulets and larger streams which proceed from the mountains on each side. To a spectator on the top of a neighbouring mountain, the vales between the ridges, while in a state of nature, exhibit a romantic appearance. They seem an ocean of woods, swelled and depressed in its surface like that of the great ocean itself. A richer though less romantic view is presented, when the valleys, by industrious husbandmen, have been cleared of their natural growth; and the fruit of their labour appears in loaded orchards, extensive meadows, covered with large herds of sheep and neat cattle, and rich fields of flax, corn, and the various kinds of grain. These valleys, which have received the expressive name of interval lands, are of various breadths, from 2 to 20 miles; and by the annual inundations of the rivers which flow through them, there is frequently an accumulation of rich, fat soil, left upon their surface when the waters retire.

There are four principal ranges of mountains, passing nearly from north-east to south-west through New-England. These consist of a multitude of parallel ridges, each having many spurs, deviating from the course of the general range; which spurs are again broken into irregular hilly land. The main ridges terminate, sometimes in high bluff heads, near the sea-coast, and sometimes by a gradual descent in the interior part of the country. One of the main ranges runs between Connecticut and Hudson's rivers. This range branches and bounds the vales through which flows the Housatonic river. The most eastern ridge of this range terminates in a bluff head at Meriden; a second ends in like manner at Willingford, and a third at New Haven. In Lyme, on the east side of Connecticut river, another range of mountains commences, forming the eastern boundary of Connecticut vale. This range trends northerly, at the distance, generally, of about 10 or 12 miles east from the river, and passes through Massachusetts, where the range takes the name of Chickabac Mountain; thence crossing into New Hampshire, at the distance of about 20 miles from the Massachusetts line, it runs up into a very high peak, called Monadnock, which terminates this ridge of the range. A western ridge continues, and in about latitude 43° 20' runs up into Sunapee mountains. About 50 miles further, in the same ridge, is Mooscoog mountain. A third range begins near Stoughton in Connecticut. It takes its course north-easterly, and is sometimes broken and discontinued; it then rises again, and ranges in the same direction into New Hampshire, where, in latitude 43° 25', it runs up into a high peak called Cowsawbog. The fourth range has a humble beginning about Hopkinton in Massachusetts. The eastern ridge of this range runs north by Watertown and Concord, and crosses Merrimack river at Pantucket Falls. In New Hampshire, it rises into several high peaks, of which the White mountains is the principal. From these White mountains a range continues north east, crossing the east boundary of New Hampshire, in latitude 44° 30', and forms the height of land between Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers. These ranges of mountains are full of lakes, ponds, and springs of water, that give rise to numberless streams of various sizes, which, interlocking, ing each other in every direction, and falling over the rocks in romantic cascades, flow meandering into the rivers below. No country on the globe is better watered than New England.

On the sea-coast the land is low, and in many parts level and sandy. In the valleys, between the forementioned ranges of mountains, the land is generally broken, and in many places rocky, but of a strong rich soil, capable of being cultivated to good advantage, which also is the case with many spots even on the tops of the mountains.

The principal river in New England is Connecticut. See CONNECTICUT.

The soil, as may be collected from what has been said, must be very various. Each tract of different soil is distinguished by its peculiar vegetation, and is pronounced good, middling, or bad, from the species of trees which it produces; and from one species generally predominating in each soil, has originated the descriptive names of oak land, birch, beech, and chestnut lands, pine, barren, maple, ash, and cedar swamps, as each species happens to predominate. Intermingled with those predominating species are walnut, firs, elm, hemlock, magnolia, moose wood, sassafras, &c., &c. The bestlands produce walnut and chestnut; the next, beech and oak; lands of the third quality produce fir and pitch pine; the next, whortleberry and barberry bushes; and the poorest produce nothing but marshy imperfect shrubs.

Among the flowering trees and shrubs in the forests, are the red-flowering maple, the sassafras, the locust-tree, the tulip-tree, honeysuckle, wild rose, dogwood, elm, leather-tree, laurel, hawthorn, &c., which in the spring of the year give the woods a most beautiful appearance, and fill them with a delicious fragrance.

Among the fruits which grow wild, are the several kinds of grapes, which are small, sour, and thick skinned. The vines on which they grow are very luxuriant, often overspreading the highest trees in the forests; and without doubt, might be greatly meliorated by proper cultivation. Besides these, are the wild cherries, white and red mulberries, cranberries, walnuts, hazelnuts, chestnuts, butter nuts, beechnuts, wild plums and pears, whortleberries, bilberries, gooseberries, strawberries, &c.

The soil in the interior country is calculated for the culture of Indian corn, rye, oats, barely, flax, and hemp (for which the soil and climate are peculiarly proper), buck-wheat, beans, peas, &c. In many of the inland parts wheat is raised in large quantities; but on the sea-coast it has never been cultivated with success, being subject to blasts. The fruits which the country yields from culture, are apples in the greatest plenty; of these cider is made, which constitutes the principal drink of the inhabitants; also, pears of various sorts, quinces, peaches (from which is made peach brandy,) plums, cherries, apricots, &c. The culinary plants are such as have already been enumerated. New England is a fine grazing country; the valleys between the hills are generally intersected with brooks of water, the banks of which are lined with a tract of rich meadow or interval land. The high and rocky ground is, in many parts, covered with honeysuckle, and generally affords the finest of pasture. It will not be a matter of wonder, therefore, that New England boasts of raising some of the finest cattle in the world; nor will she be envied, when the labour of raising them is taken into view. Two months of the hottest season in the year the farmers are employed in procuring food for their cattle; and the cold winter is spent in dealing it out to them. The pleasure and profit of doing this, is however a satisfying compensation to the honest and industrious farmer.

New England is the most populous part of the United States. It contains at least 823,000 souls. One fifth of these are seafaring men. New England then should any great and sudden emergency require it, could furnish an army of 164,600 men. The great body of these are land-holders and cultivators of the soil. The former attaches them to their country; the latter, by making them strong and healthy, enables them to defend it. The boys are early taught the use of arms, and make the best of soldiers. Few countries on earth, of equal extent and population, can furnish a more formidable army than this part of the union.

New England may, with propriety, be called a nursery of men, whence are annually transplanted, into other parts of the United States, thousands of its natives. The State of Vermont, which is but of yesterday, and contains about 100,000 souls, has received more inhabitants from Connecticut than from any other state; and yet between the years 1774 and 1782, notwithstanding her numerous emigrations to Vermont, Susquehanna, and other places, and the depopulation occasioned by a seven years bloody war, it is found, from an actual census of the inhabitants in the years before-mentioned, that they have increased from 197,856, their number in 1774, to 290,150, their number in 1782. Vast numbers of the New Englanders, since the war, have emigrated into the northern parts of New York, into Kentucky and the Western Territory, and into Georgia; and some are scattered into every State, and every town of note in the union.

The New Englanders are generally tall, stout, and well built. They glory, and perhaps with justice, in possessing that spirit of freedom which induced their ancestors to leave their native country, and to brave the dangers of the ocean and the hardships of settling a wilderness. Their education, laws, and situation, serve to inspire them with high notions of liberty. Their jealousy is awakened at the first notion toward an invasion of their rights. They are indeed often jealous to excess; a circumstance which is a fruitful source of imaginary grievances, and of innumerable groundless suspicions and unjust complaints against government. A law, respecting the descent of estates which are generally held in fee simple, which for substance is the same in all the New England states, is the chief foundation and protection of this liberty. By this law, the possessions of the father are to be equally divided among all the children, excepting the eldest son, who has a double portion. In this way is preserved that happy mediocrity among the people, which, by inducing economy and industry, removes from them temptations to luxury, and forms them to habits of sobriety and temperance. At the same time, their industry and frugality exempt them from want, and from the necessity of submitting to any encroachment on their liberties.

In New England, learning is more generally diffused among all ranks of people than in almost any other other part of the globe; arising from the excellent establishment of schools in every township. Another source of information to the people is the newspapers, of which not less than 30,000 are printed every week in New England, and circulated in almost every town and village in the country. A person of mature age, who cannot both read and write, is rarely to be found. By means of this general establishment of schools, the extensive circulation of newspapers, and the consequent spread of learning, every township throughout the country is furnished with men capable of conducting the affairs of their town with judgment and discretion. These men are the channels of political information to the lower classes of people; if such a class may be said to exist in New England, where every man thinks himself at least as good as his neighbour, and believes that all mankind are, or ought to be, equal.

The people from their childhood form habits of canvassing public affairs, and commence politicians. This naturally leads them to be very inquisitive. This desire after knowledge, in a greater or lesser degree, prevails throughout all classes of people in New England; and from their various modes of expressing it, some of which are blunt and familiar, bordering on impertinence, strangers have been induced to mention inquisitiveness as a distinguishing characteristic of New England people.—Each man also has his independent system of politics; and each assumes a dictatorial office. Hence originates that restless, litigious, complaining spirit, which forms a dark shade in the character of New Englandmen.

Before the late war, which introduced into New England a flood of corruptions, with many improvements, the Sabbath was observed with great strictness; no unnecessary travelling, no secular business, no visiting, no diversions were permitted on that sacred day. They considered it as consecrated to divine worship, and were generally punctual and serious in their attendance upon it. Their laws were strict in guarding the Sabbath against every innovation. The supposed severity with which these laws were composed and executed, together with some other traits in their religious character, have acquired, for the New Englanders, the name of a superstitious bigotted people. But superstition and bigotry are to indefinite in their significations, and so variously applied by persons of different principles and educations, that it is not easy to determine how far they deserved that character. Leaving every person to enjoy his own opinion in regard to this matter, we will only observe, that, since the war, a catholic tolerant spirit, occasioned by a more enlarged intercourse with mankind, has greatly increased, and is becoming universal; and if they do not break the proper bound, and liberalize away all true religion, of which there is much danger, they will counteract that strong propensity in human nature, which leads men to vibrate from one extreme to its opposite.

There is one distinguishing characteristic in the religious character of this people, which we must not omit to mention; and that is, the custom of annually celebrating fasts and thanksgivings. In the spring, the several governors issue their proclamations, appointing a day to be religiously observed in fasting, humiliation, and prayer, throughout their respective states, in which the predominating vices, that particularly call for humiliation, are enumerated. In autumn, after harvest, that gladsome era in the husbandman's life, the governors again issue their proclamations appointing a day of public thanksgiving, enumerating the public blessings received in the course of the foregoing year. This pious custom originated with their venerable ancestors, the first settlers of New England; and has been handed down as sacred through the successive generations of their posterity. A custom so rational, and so happily calculated to cherish in the minds of the people a sense of their dependence on the great Benefactor of the world for all their blessings, it is hoped will ever be sacredly preserved.

The people of New England generally obtain their estates by hard and persevering labour; they of consequence know their value, and spend with frugality. Yet in no country do the indigent and unfortunate fare better. Their laws oblige every town to provide a competent maintenance for their poor; and the necessitous stranger is protected and relieved from their humane institutions. It may in truth be said, that in no part of the world are the people happier, better furnished with the necessaries and conveniences of life, or more independent than the farmers in New England. As the great body of the people are hardy independent freeholders, their manners are, as they ought to be, congenial to their employment, plain, simple, and unpolished. Strangers are received and entertained among them with a great deal of artless sincerity and friendly informal hospitality. Their children, those imitative creatures, to whose education particular attention is paid, early imbibe the manners and habits of those around them; and the stranger, with pleasure, notices the honest and decent respect that is paid him by the children as he passes through the country.

As the people, by representation, make their own laws and appoint their own officers, they cannot be oppressed; and living under governments which have few lucrative places, they have few motives to bribery, corrupt canvassings, or intrigue. Real abilities and a moral character unblemished are the qualifications requisite in the view of most people for offices of public trust. The expression of a wish to be promoted is the direct way to be disappointed.

The inhabitants of New England are generally fond of the arts, and have cultivated them with great success. Their colleges have flourished beyond any others in the United States. The illustrious characters they have produced, who have distinguished themselves in politics, law, divinity, the mathematics and philosophy, natural and civil history, and in the fine arts, particularly in poetry, evince the truth of these observations.

Many of the women in New England are handsome. They generally have fair, fresh, and healthful countenances, mingled with much female loveliness and delicacy. Those who have had the advantages of a good education (and they are considerably numerous), are genteel, easy, and agreeable in their manners, and are sprightly and sensible in conversation. They are early taught to manage domestic concerns with neatness and economy. Ladies of the first rank and fortune make it a part of their daily business to superintend the affairs of the family. Employment at the needle, in cookery, and at the spinning-wheel, with them is honourable. Idleness, even in those of independent for-

Vol. VI. Part II. tunes, is universally disreputable. The women in the country manufacture the greatest part of the clothing of their families. Their linen and woollen cloths are strong and decent. Their butter and cheese is not inferior to any in the world.

Dancing is the principal and favourite amusement in New England; and of this the young people of both sexes are extremely fond. Gaming is practised by none but those who cannot or rather will not find a reputable employment. The gamester, the horse-jockey, and the knave, are equally despised, and their company is avoided by all who would sustain fair and irreproachable characters. The odious and inhuman practices of duelling, gouging, cock-fighting, and horse-racing, are scarcely known here.—The athletic and healthy diversions of cricket, football, quoits, wrestling, jumping, foot-races, &c. are universally practised in the country, and some of them in the most populous places, and by people of almost all ranks. Squirrel-hunting is a noted diversion in country places, where this kind of game is plenty. Some divert themselves with fox-hunting, and others with the more profitable sports of fishing and duck-hunting; and in the frontier settlements where deer and fur game abound, the inhabitants make a lucrative sport of hunting them. In the winter season, while the ground is covered with snow, which is commonly two or three months, sleighing is the general diversion. A great part of the families throughout the country are furnished with horses and sleighs.

New England has no one staple commodity. The ocean and the forests afford the two principal articles of export. Codfish, mackerel, shad, salmon, and other fish—whale oil and whale bone—mats, boards, scantling, flaves, hoops, and shingles, have been and are still exported in large quantities. The annual amount of cod and other fish for foreign exportation, including the profits arising from the whale-fishery, is estimated at upwards of half a million.—Besides the articles enumerated, they export from the various parts of New England ships built for sale, horses, mules, live stock—pickled beef and pork, potash, pearl-ash, flax, feed, butter and cheese, rum, &c. The balance of trade, as far as imperfect calculations will enable us to judge, has generally been against New England; not from any unavoidable necessity, but from her extravagant importations. From a view of the annual imports into New England, it appears that the greatest part of them consists of the luxuries, or at best the dispensable conveniences of life; the country affords the necessaries in great abundance.