a very extensive empire of Europe, but which, in different ages of the world, has had very different limits. Its name, according to the most probable conjecture, is derived from the Celtic words *Ghar man*, signifying a warlike man, to which their other name, *Allman*, or *Alemann*, likewise alludes.

The ancient history of the Germans is altogether wrapped up in obscurity; nor do we, for many ages, know anything more of them than what may be learned from the history of their wars with the Romans. The first time we find them mentioned by the Roman historians, is about the year 211 B.C., at which time Marcellus subdued Insubria and Liguria, and defeated the Gasatae, a German nation situated on the banks of the Rhine. From this time history is silent with regard to any of these northern nations, till the eruption of the Cimbri and Teutones, who inhabited the most northerly parts of Germany. The event of their enterprise is related under the articles AMBRONES, CIMBRI, and TEUTONES. We must not, however, imagine, because these people happened to invade Italy at the same time, that therefore their countries were contiguous to one another. The Cimbri and Teutones only, dwelt beyond the Rhine; while the Ambrones inhabited the country between Switzerland and Provence. It is indeed very difficult to fix the limits of the country called *Germany* by the Romans. The southern Germans were intermixed with the Gauls, and the northern ones with the Scythians; and thus the ancient history of the Germans includes that of the

Dacians, Huns, Goths, &c. till the destruction of Germany, the western Roman empire by them. Ancient Germany, therefore, we may reckon to have included the northern part of France, the Netherlands, Holland, Germany so called at present, Denmark, Prussia, Poland, Hungary, part of Turkey in Europe, and Muscovy.

The Romans divided Germany into two regions; Belgic or Lower Germany, which lay to the southward of the Rhine; and Germany Proper, or High Germany. The first lay between the rivers Seine and Moselle, the Rhine; and in this we find a number of different nations, the most remarkable of which were the following.

1. The Ubii, whose territory lay between the Rhine and the Moselle or Maese, and whose capital was the city of Cologne. 2. Next to them were the Tungri, supposed to be the same whom Caesar calls *Eburones* and *Condrii*; and whose metropolis, then called *Altuccia*, has since been named Tongres. 3. Higher up from them, and on the other side of the Moselle, were the Treviri, whose capital was Augusta Trevirorum, now Trier. 4. Next to them were the Tribocii, Nemetes, and Vangiones. The former dwelt in Alsace, and had Argentoratum, now Straßburg, for their capital; the others inhabited the cities of Worms, Spire, and Mentz. 5. The Mediomatrici were situated along the Moselle, about the city of Metz in Lorraine; and above them were situated another German nation, named *Raurici*, *Rauraci*, or *Rauriaci*, and who inhabited that part of Helvetia, or Switzerland, about Basle. To the westward and southward of these were the Nervii, Sueones, Silvanectes, Leuci, Rheni, Lingones, &c. who inhabited Belgic Gaul.

Between the heads of the Rhine and Danube were seated the ancient kingdom of Vindelicia, whose capital was called *Augusta Vindelicorum*, now Augsburg. Below it on the banks of the Danube were the kingdoms of Noricum and Pannonia. The first of these was divided into Noricum *Ripense* and *Mediterraneum*. It contained a great part of the provinces of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Tyrol, Bavaria, and some others of less note. The latter contained the kingdom of Hungary, divided into Upper and Lower; and extending from Illyricum to the Danube, and the mountains Caetii in the neighbourhood of *Vindebona*, now Vienna.

Upper or High Germany lay beyond the Rhine and Nations in the Danube. Between the Rhine and the Elbe were inhabiting the following nations. 1. The Chauci, Upper and Lower; who were divided from each other by the river Vifurgenses, now the Weser. Their country contained what is now called *Bremen*, *Luneburg*, *Friesland*, and *Groninghen*. The upper Chauci had the Cherufci, and the lower the Chamavi on the south-east, and the German Ocean on the north-west. 2. The Frisi, upper and lower, were divided from the lower Chauci by the river Amisia, now the Ems; and from one another by an arm of the Rhine. Their country still retains the name of *Friesland*, and is divided into east and west; but the latter is now dismembered from Germany, and become one of the Seven United Provinces. 3. Beyond the Iseca, now the Ijssel, which bounded the country of the Frisi, were situated the Brukeri, who inhabited that tract now called *Broemeland*; and the Germany. Marsi, about the river Luppe. On the other side of that river were the Ufipii or Ufipites; but these were famed for often changing their territories, and therefore found in other places. 4. Next to these were the Juones, or inhabitants of Juliers, between the Maeve and the Rhine. 5. The Catti, another ancient and warlike nation, inhabited Hesse and Thuringia, from the Harzian mountains to the Rhine and Weser; among whom were comprehended the Mattiaci, whose capital is by some thought to be Marburg, by others Baden. 6. Next to these were the Seduici bordering upon Swabia; Nariaci, or the ancient inhabitants of Northgau, whose capital was Nuremberg; and the Marcomanni, whose country anciently reached from the Rhine to the head of the Danube, and to the Neckar. The Marcomanni afterwards went and settled in Bohemia and Moravia, under their general or king Marobodus; and some of them in Gaul, whence they drove the Boii, who had settled themselves there. 7. On the other side of the Danube, and between the Rhine and it, were the Hermunduri, who possessed the country now called Mithia in Upper Saxony; though some make their territories to have extended much farther, and to have reached quite to, or even beyond, the kingdom of Bohemia, once the seat of the Boii, whence its name. 8. Beyond them, on the north of the Danube, was another seat of the Marcomanni along the river Albis, or Elbe. 9. Next to Bohemia were situated the Quadi, whose territories extended from the Danube to Moravia, and the northern part of Austria. These are comprehended under the ancient name of Suevi; part of whom at length forced their way into Spain, and settled a kingdom there. 10. Eastward of the Quadi were situated the Bastarnae, and parted from them by the Granna, now Gran; a river that falls into the Danube, and by the Carpathian mountains, from them called Alpes Balsarnicae. The country of the Bastarnae indeed made part of the European Sarmatia, and so was without the limits of Germany properly so called; but we find these people so often in league with the German nations, and joining them for the destruction of the Romans, that we cannot but account them as one people.

Between those nations already taken notice of, seated along the other side of the Danube and the Hercynian forest, were several others whose exact situation is uncertain, viz. the Martingi, Burii, Borades, Lygi, or Logiones, and some others, who are placed by our geographers along the forest above-mentioned, between the Danube and the Vistula.

On this side the Hercynian forest, were the famed Rhætii, now Grisons, seated among the Alps. Their country, which was also called Western Illyricum, was divided into Rhætia Prima or Propria, and Secunda; and was then of much larger extent, spreading itself towards Swabia, Bavaria, and Austria.

On the other side of the Hercynian forest, were:

1. The Suevi, who spread themselves from the Vistula to the river Elbe. 2. The Longobardi, so called, according to some, on account of their wearing long beards; but, according to others, on account of their consisting of two nations, viz. the Bardi and Lingones. These dwelt along the river Elbe, and bordered southward on the Chauci above mentioned. 3. The Burgundi, of whose original seat we are uncertain. 4. The Semnones; who, about the time of Tiberius, were seated on the river Elbe. 5. The Angles, Saxons, and Goths; were probably the descendants of the Cimbri; and inhabited the countries of Denmark, along the Baltic sea, and the peninsula of Scandinavia, containing Norway, Sweden, Lapland, and Finnmark. 6. The Vandals were a Gothic nation, who, proceeding from Scandinavia, settled in the countries now called Mecklenburgh and Brandenburg. 7. Of the same race were the Dacians, who settled themselves in the neighbourhood of Palus Maeotis, and extended their territories along the banks of the Danube.

These were the names of the German nations who performed the most remarkable exploits in their wars with the Romans. Besides these, however, we find mention made of the Scordisci, a Thracian nation, who afterwards settled on the banks of the Danube. About the year 113 B.C. they ravaged Macedon, and cut off a whole Roman army sent against them; the general, M. Porcius Cato, grandson to Cato the censor, being the only person who had the good fortune to make his escape. After this, they ravaged all Thrace; and advanced to the coasts of the Adriatic, into which, because it stopped their farther progress, they discharged a shower of darts. By another Roman general, however, they were driven back into their own country with great slaughter; and, soon after, Metellus so weakened them by repeated defeats, that they were incapable, for some time, of making any more attempts on the Roman provinces. At last, in the consulship of M. Livius Drusus and L. Calpurnius Piso, the former prevailed on them to pass the Danube, which thenceforth became the boundary between the Romans and them. Notwithstanding this, in the time of the Jugurthine war, the Scordisci repelled the Danube on the ice every winter, and being joined by the Triballi a people of Lower Moesia, and the Daci of Upper Moesia, penetrated as far as Macedon, committing everywhere dreadful ravages. So early did these northern nations begin to be formidable to the Romans, even when they were most renowned for warlike exploits.

Till the time of Julius Caesar, however, we hear nothing more concerning the Germans. About 58 years B.C. he undertook his expedition into Gaul; during which, his assistance was implored by the Aedui, against Ariovitus, a German prince who oppressed them. Caesar, pleased with this opportunity of increasing his power, invited Ariovitus to an interview; but this being declined, he next sent deputies desiring him to restore the hostages he had taken from the Aedui, and to bring no more troops over the Rhine into Gaul. To this a haughty answer was returned; and a battle soon after ensued, in which Ariovitus was entirely defeated, and with great difficulty made his escape.

In 55 B.C. Caesar having subdued the Sueones, Bellovaci, Ambiani, Nervii, and other nations of Belgic Gaul, hastened to oppose the Usipetes and Tencteri. These nations having been driven out of their own country by the Suevi, had crossed the Rhine with a design to settle in Gaul. As soon as he appeared, the Germans sent him a deputation, offering to join him provided he would assign them lands. Caesar replied, that there was no room in Gaul for them; but Germany. he would desire the Ubii to give them leave to settle among them. Upon this, they desired time to treat with the Ubii; but in the mean time fell upon some Roman squadrons: which so provoked Caesar, that he immediately marched against them, and, coming unexpectedly upon them, defeated them with great slaughter. They fled in the utmost confusion; but the Romans pursued them to the confluence of the Rhine and the Maeuse, where the slaughter was renewed with such fury, that almost 400,000 of the Germans perished. After this, Caesar being refused to spread the terror of the Roman name through Germany, built a bridge over the Rhine, and entered that country. In this expedition, however, which was his last in Germany, he performed no remarkable exploit. A little before his death, indeed, he had projected the conquest of that as well as of a great many other countries; but his assassination prevented the execution of his designs. Nor is there anything recorded of the Germans till about 17 B.C. when the Tencteri made an irruption into Gaul, and defeated M. Lollius, proconsul of that province. At last, however, they were repulsed, and forced to retire with great loss beyond the Rhine.

Soon after this the Rhaeti invaded Italy, where they committed the greatest devastations, putting all the males they met to the sword, without distinction of sex or age: nay, we are told, that when they happened to take women with child, they consulted their augurs to know whether the child was a male or female; and if they pronounced it a male, the mother was immediately massacred. Against these barbarians was sent Drusus, the second son of Livia, a youth of extraordinary valour and great accomplishments. He found means to bring them to a battle; in which the Romans proved victorious, and cut in pieces great numbers of their enemies, with very little loss on their own side. Those who escaped the general slaughter, being joined by the Vindelici, took their rout towards Gaul, with a design to invade that province. But Augustus, upon the first notice of their march, dispatched against them Tiberius with several chosen legions. He was no less successful than Drusus had been; for, having transported his troops over the lake Brigantium, now Constance, he fell unexpectedly on the enemy, gave them a total overthrow, took most of their strong holds, and obliged the whole nation to submit to such terms as he chose to impose upon them. Thus were the Vindelici, the Rhaeti, and Norici, three of the most barbarous nations in Germany, subdued. Tiberius, to keep the conquered countries in awe, planted two colonies in Vindelicia, and opened from thence a road into Rhaetia and Noricum. One of the cities which he built for the defence of his colonies, he called, from his father Drusus, Drusomagus; the other by the name of Augustus, Augusta Vindelicorum; which cities are now known by the names of Memmingen and Augsburg. He next encountered the Pannonians, who had been subdued by Agrippa, but revolted on hearing the news of that great commander's death, which happened 11 years B.C. Tiberius, however, with the assistance of their neighbours the Scordisci, soon forced them to submit. They delivered up their arms, gave hostages, and put the Romans in possession of all their towns and strongholds. Tiberius spared their lives; but laid waste their fields, plundered their cities, and sent the best part of their youth into other countries.

In the meantime, Drusus having prevented the Gauls from revolting, which they were ready to do, prepared to oppose the Germans who dwelt beyond the Rhine. They had collected the most numerous and formidable army that had ever been seen in those parts; with which they were advancing towards the Rhine, in order to invade Gaul. Drusus defeated them as they attempted to cross that river; and, pursuing the advantage he had gained, entered the country of the Ubipetes, now Rehlingen, and from thence advanced against the Sicambri, in the neighbourhood of the exploits of Lyppse and Ilfel. Them he overthrew in a great battle, laid waste their country, burnt most of their cities, and following the course of the Rhine, approached the German ocean, reducing the Frithi and the Chauci between the Ems and the Elbe. In these marches the troops suffered extremely for want of provisions; and Drusus himself was often in great danger of being drowned, as the Romans who attended him were at that time quite unacquainted with the flux and reflux of the ocean.

The Roman forces went into east Friesland for their winter-quarters; and next year (10 B.C.) Drusus marched against the Tencteri, whom he easily subdued. Afterwards, passing the Lupias, now the Lyppse, he reduced the Catti and Cheruscii, extending his conquests to the banks of the Vifurgis or Wider: which he would have passed, had he not been in want of provisions, the enemy having laid waste the country to a considerable distance. As he was retiring, the Germans unexpectedly fell upon him in a narrow passage; and having surrounded the Roman army, cut a great many of them in pieces. But Drusus having animated his men by his example, after a bloody conflict, which lasted the whole day, the Germans were defeated with such slaughter, that the ground was strewed for several miles with dead bodies. Drusus found in their camp a great quantity of iron-chains which they had brought for the Romans; and so great was their confidence, that they had agreed beforehand about the division of the booty. The Tencteri were to have the horse, the Cheruscii and Sicambri the baggage, and the Ubipetes and Catti the captives. After this victory, Drusus built two forts to keep the conquered countries in awe; the one at the confluence of the Lyppse and the Alme, the other in the country of the Catti on the Rhine. On this occasion also he made a famous canal, long afterwards called in honour of him Fossa Drusiana, to convey the waters of the Rhine into the Sala or Saïe. It extended eight miles; and was very convenient for conveying the Roman troops by water to the countries of the Frithi and Chauci, which was the design of the undertaking.

The following year (9 B.C.), Augustus, bent on subduing the whole of Germany, advanced to the banks of the Rhine, attended by his two sons-in-law Tiberius and Drusus. The former he sent against the Daci, who lived up to the south of the Danube; and the latter to complete the conquests he had so successfully begun in the western parts of Germany. The former easily overcame the Daci, and transplanted 40,000 of them into Gaul. The latter, having passed Germany, the Rhine, subdued all the nations from that river to the Elbe; but having attempted in vain to cross this last, he set out for Rome; an end, however, was put to his conquests and his life by a violent fever, with which he was seized on his return.

After the death of Drusus, Tiberius again overran all those countries in which Drusus had spent the preceding summer; and struck some of the northern nations with such terror, that they sent deputies to sue for peace. This, however, they could not obtain upon any terms; the emperor declaring that he would not conclude a peace with one, unless they all desired it. But the Catti, or according to some the Sicambri, could not by any means be prevailed upon to submit; so that the war was still carried on, though in a languid manner, for about 18 years. During this period, some of the German nations had quitted their forests, and begun to live in a civilized manner under the protection of the Romans; but one Quintilius Varus being sent to command the Roman forces in that country, provoked the inhabitants by his extortions, that not only those who still held out refused to submit, but even the nations that had submitted were seized with an eager desire of throwing off the yoke. Among them was a young nobleman of extraordinary parts and valour, named Arminius. He was the son of Sigimer, one of the most powerful lords among the Catti, had served with great reputation in the Roman armies, and been honoured by Augustus with the privileges of a Roman citizen and the title of knight. But the love of his country prevailing over his gratitude, he resolved to improve the general discontent which reigned among his countrymen, to deliver them from the bondage of a foreign dominion. With this view he engaged, underhand, the leading men of all the nations between the Rhine and the Elbe, in a conspiracy against the Romans. In order to put Varus off his guard, he at the same time advised him to show himself to the inhabitants of the more distant provinces, administer justice among them, and accustom them, by his example, to live after the Roman manner, which he said would more effectually subdue them than the Roman sword. As Varus was a man of a peaceable temper, and averse from military toils, he readily consented to this injurious proposal; and, leaving the neighbourhood of the Rhine, marched into the country of the Cherusci. Having there spent some time in hearing causes and deciding civil controversies, Arminius persuaded him to weaken his army, by sending out detachments to clear the country of robbers. When this was done, some distant nations of Germany rose up in arms by Arminius's directions; while those through which Varus was to pass in marching against them, pretended to be in a state of profound tranquillity, and ready to join the Romans against their enemies.

On the first news of the revolt, Varus marched against the enemy with three legions and six cohorts; but being attacked by the Germans as he passed thro' a wood, his army was almost totally cut off, while he himself and most of his officers fell by their own hands. Such a terrible overthrow, though it raised a general consternation in Rome, did not, however, dishearten Augustus, or cause him to abandon his enterprise. About two years after (A.D. 12.), Tiberius and Germanicus were appointed to command in Germany. The death of Augustus, however, which happened soon after, prevented Tiberius from going on his expedition; and Germanicus was for some time hindered from proceeding in his, by a revolt of the legions, first in Pannonia, and then in Germany. About the year 15, Germanicus having brought over the soldiers to their duty, laid a bridge across the Rhine, over which he marched 12,000 legionaries, 26 cohorts of the allies, and eight alae (squadrions of 300 each) of horse. With these he first traversed the Caesian forest (part of the Hercynian, and thought to lie partly in the duchy of Cleves, and partly in Westphalia), and some other woods. On his march he was informed that the Marsi were celebrating a festival with great mirth and jollity. Upon this he advanced with such expedition, that he surprised them in the midst of their debauch; and giving his army full liberty to make what havoc they pleased, a terrible massacre ensued, and the country was destroyed with fire and sword for 50 miles round, without the loss of a single man on the part of the Romans.—This general massacre roused the Brucleri, the Tubantes, and the Usipetes; who, befellting the passes through which the Roman army was to return, fell upon their rear, and put them into some disorder; but the Romans soon recovered themselves, and defeated the Germans with considerable loss.

The following year (A.D. 16), Germanicus taking advantage of some intestine broils which happened among the Catti, entered their country, where he put great numbers to the sword. Most of their youth, however, escaped by swimming over the Adrana, now the Eder, and attempted to prevent the Romans from laying a bridge over that river; but being disappointed in this, some of them submitted to Germanicus, while the greater part, abandoning their villages, took refuge in the woods; so that the Romans, without opposition, set fire to all their villages, towns, &c., and having laid their capital in ashes, began their march back to the Rhine.

Germanicus had scarcely reached his camp, when he received a message from Segestes, a German prince, in the interest of the Romans, acquainting him that he was besieged in his camp by Arminius. On this advice, he instantly marched against the besiegers; entirely defeated them; and took a great number of prisoners, among whom was Thunfeldis, the wife of Arminius, and daughter of Segestes, whom the former had carried off, and married against her father's will. Arminius then, more enraged than ever, for the loss of his wife, whom he tenderly loved, stirred up all the neighbouring nations against the Romans. Germanicus, however, without being dismayed by such a formidable confederacy, prepared himself to oppose the enemy with vigour; but, that he might not be obliged to engage such numerous forces at once, he detached his lieutenant Caecina, at the head of 40 cohorts, into the territories of the Brucleri; while his cavalry, under the command of Pedo, entered the country of the Frisi. As for Germanicus himself, he embarked the remainder of his army, consisting of four legions, on a neighbouring lake; and transported them by rivers and canals to the place appointed on the river Ems, where the three bodies met. In their march they found the sad remains of the legions conducted by Varus, which they buried with all the ceremony their circumstances could admit. After this they advanced against Arminius, who retired and posted himself advantageously close to a wood. The Roman general followed him; and coming up with him, ordered his cavalry to advance and attack the enemy. Arminius, at their first approach, pretended to fly; but suddenly wheeled about, and giving the signal to a body of troops, whom he had concealed in the wood, to rush out, obliged the cavalry to give ground. The cohorts then advanced to their relief; but they too were put into disorder, and would have been pushed into a morass, had not Germanicus himself advanced with the rest of the cavalry to their relief. Arminius did not think it prudent to engage these fresh troops, but retired in good order; upon which Germanicus also retired towards the Ems. Here he embarked with four legions, ordered Caecina to reconduct the other four by land, and sent the cavalry to the sea-side, with orders to march along the shore to the Rhine. Tho' Caecina was to return by roads well known, yet Germanicus advised him to pass, with all possible speed, a causeway, called the long bridges, which led across vast marshes, surrounded on all sides with woods and hills that gently rose from the plain.

Arminius, however, having got notice of Caecina's march, arrived at the long bridges before Caecina, and filled the woods with his men, who, on the approach of the Romans, rushed out, and attacked them with great fury. The legions, not able to manage their arms in the deep waters and slippery ground, were obliged to yield; and would in all probability have been entirely defeated, had not night put an end to the combat. The Germans, encouraged by their success, instead of refreshing themselves with sleep, spent the whole night in diverting the courses of the springs which rose in the neighbouring mountains; so that, before day, the camp which the Romans had begun was laid under water, and their works were overturned. Caecina was for some time at a loss what to do; but at last resolved to attack the enemy by day-break, and, having driven them to their woods, to keep them there in a manner besieged, till the baggage and wounded men should pass the causeway, and get out of the enemy's reach. But when his army was drawn up, the legions posted on the wings, seized with a sudden panic, deserted their stations, and occupied a field beyond the marshes. Caecina thought it advisable to follow them; but the baggage stuck in the mire, as he attempted to cross the marshes, which greatly embarrassed the soldiers. Arminius perceiving this, laid hold of the opportunity to begin the attack; and crying out, "This is a second Varus, the same fate attends him and his legions," fell on the Romans with irresistible fury. As he had ordered his men to aim chiefly at the horses, great numbers of them were killed; and the ground becoming slippery with their blood and the slime of the marsh, the rest either fell or threw their riders, and, galloping through the ranks, put them in disorder. Caecina distinguished himself in a very eminent manner; but his horse being killed, he would have been taken prisoner, had not the first legion rescued him. The greediness of the enemy, however, saved the Romans from utter destruction; for just as the legions were quite spent, and on the point of yielding, the barbarians on a sudden abandoned them in order to seize their baggage. During this respite, the Romans struggled out of the marsh, and having gained the dry fields, formed a camp with all possible speed, and fortified it in the best manner they could.

The Germans having lost the opportunity of destroying the Romans, contrary to the advice of Arminius, attacked their camp next morning, but were repulsed with great slaughter; after which they gave Caecina no more molestation till he reached the banks of the Rhine. Germanicus, in the mean time, having conveyed the legions he had with him down the river Ems into the ocean, in order to return by sea to the river Rhine, and finding that his vessels were overloaded, delivered the second and thirteenth legions to Publius Vitellius, desiring him to conduct them by land. But this march proved fatal to great numbers of them; who were either buried in the quicksands, or swallowed up by the overflowing of the tide, to which they were as yet utter strangers. Those who escaped, lost their arms, utensils, and provisions; and passed a melancholy night upon an eminence, which they had gained by wading up to the chin. The next morning the land returned with the tide of ebb; when Vitellius, by an halty march, reached the river Ufingis, by some thought to be the Hoerenster, on which the city of Groningen stands. There Germanicus, who had reached that river with his fleet, took the legions again on board, and conveyed them to the mouth of the Rhine, whence they all returned to Cologne, at a time when it was reported they were totally lost.

This expedition, however, cost the Romans very dear, and procured very few advantages. Great numbers of men had perished; and by far the greatest part of those who had escaped so many dangers returned without arms, utensils, horses, &c. half naked, lamed, and unfit for service. The next year, however, Germanicus, bent on the entire reduction of Germany, expedition made vast preparations for another expedition. Having considered the various accidents that had befallen him during the war, he found that the Germans were chiefly indebted for their safety to their woods and marshes, their short summers and long winters; and that his troops suffered more from their long and tedious marches than from the enemy. For this reason he resolved to enter the country by sea, hoping by that means to begin the campaign earlier, and surprise the enemy. Having therefore built with great dispatch, during the winter, 1000 vessels of different sorts, he ordered them early in the spring (A.D. 16) to fall down the Rhine, and appointed the island of the Batavians for the general rendezvous of his forces. When the fleet was sailing, he detached Silius one of his lieutenants, with orders to make a sudden irruption into the country of the Catti; and, in the mean time, he himself, upon receiving intelligence that a Roman fort on the Luppia was besieged, hastened with six legions to its relief. Silius was prevented, by sudden rains, from doing more than taking some small booty, with the wife and daughter of Arpen king of the Catti; neither did those who besieged the fort wait the arrival of Germanicus. In the mean time, the fleet arriving at the island of the Batavians, the pro- provisions and warlike engines were put on board and sent forward; ships were assigned to the legions and allies; and the whole army being embarked, the fleet entered the canal formerly cut by Drusus, and from its name called Fossa Drufiana. Hence he failed prosperously to the mouth of the Ems; where, having landed his troops, he marched directly to the Weser, where he found Arminius encamped on the opposite bank, and determined to dispute his passage. The next day Arminius drew out his troops in order of battle; but Germanicus, not thinking it advisable to attack them, ordered the horse to ford over under the command of his lieutenants Stertiniius and Emilius; who, to divide the enemy's forces, crossed the river in two different places. At the same time Carvalda, the leader of the Batavian auxiliaries, crossed the river where it was most rapid; but, being drawn into an ambuscade, he was killed, together with most of the Batavian nobility; and the rest would have been totally cut off, had not Stertiniius and Emilius hastened to their assistance. Germanicus in the mean time passed the river without molestation. A battle soon after ensued; in which the Germans were defeated with so great a slaughter that the ground was covered with arms and dead bodies for more than ten miles round; and among the spoils taken on this occasion, were found, as formerly, the chains with which the Germans had hoped to bind their captives.

In memory of this signal victory Germanicus raised a mound, upon which he placed as trophies the arms of the enemy, and inscribed underneath the names of the conquered nations. This so provoked the Germans, though already vanquished and determined to abandon their country, that they attacked the Roman army unexpectedly on its march, and put them into some disorder. Being repulsed, they encamped between a river and a large forest surrounded by a marsh except on one side, where it was inclosed by a broad rampart formerly raised by the Angrivarii as a barrier between them and the Cherusci. Here another battle ensued; in which the Germans behaved with great bravery, but in the end were defeated with great slaughter.

After this second defeat, the Angrivarii submitted, and were taken under the protection of the Romans, and Germanicus put an end to the campaign. Some of the legions he sent to their winter-quarters by land, while he himself embarked with the rest on the river Ems, in order to return by sea. The ocean proved at first very calm, and the wind favourable; but all of a sudden a storm arising, the fleet, consisting of 1000 vessels, was dispersed; some of them were swallowed up by the waves; others were dashed in pieces against the rocks, or driven upon remote and inhospitable islands, where the men either perished by famine, or lived upon the flesh of the dead horses with which the shores soon appeared strewn; for, in order to lighten their vessels, and disengage them from the shoals, they had been obliged to throw overboard their horses and beasts of burden, nay, even their arms and baggage. Most of the men, however, were saved, and even great part of the fleet recovered. Some of them were driven upon the coast of Britain; but the petty kings who reigned there generously sent them back.

On the news of this misfortune, the Catti, taking new courage, ran to arms; but Caius Silius being detached against them with 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, kept them in awe. Germanicus himself, at the head of a numerous body, made a sudden irruption into the territories of the Marci, where he recovered one of Varus's eagles, and having laid waste the country, he returned to the frontiers of Germany, and put his troops into winter-quarters; whence he was soon recalled by Tiberius, and never suffered to return into Germany again.

After the departure of Germanicus, the more northern nations of Germany were no more molested by the Romans. Arminius carried on a long and successful war with Marobodius king of the Marcomanni, whom he at last expelled, and forced to apply to the Romans for assistance; but, excepting Germanicus, it seems they had at this time no other general capable of opposing Arminius, so that Marobodius was never restored. After the final departure of the Romans, however, Arminius having attempted to enslave his country, fell by the treachery of his own kindred. The Germans held his memory in great veneration; and Tacitus informs us, that in his time they still celebrated him in their songs.

Nothing remarkable occurs in the history of Germany from this time till the reign of the emperor Claudius. A war indeed is said to have been carried on by Lucius Domitius, father to the emperor Nero. But of his exploits we know nothing more than that he penetrated beyond the river Elbe, and led his army farther into the country than any of the Romans had ever done. In the reign of Claudius, however, the German territories were invaded by Cn. Domitius Corbulo, one of the greatest generals of his age. But when he was on the point of forcing them to submit to the Roman yoke, he was recalled by Claudius, who was jealous of the reputation he had acquired.

In the reign of Vespasian, a terrible revolt happened among the Batavians and those German nations who had submitted to the Romans; a particular account of which is given under the article Rome. The revolts were with difficulty subdued; but, in the reign of Domitian, the Dacians invaded the empire, and proved a more terrible enemy than any of the other German nations had been. After several defeats, the emperor was at last obliged to consent to pay an annual tribute to Decebalus king of the Dacians; which continued to the time of Trajan. But this warlike prince refused to pay tribute; alleging, when it was demanded of him, that "he had never been conquered by Decebalus." Upon this the Dacians passed the Danube, and began to commit hostilities in the Roman territories. Trajan, glad of this opportunity to humble an enemy whom he began to fear, drew together a mighty army, and marched with the utmost expedition to the banks of the Danube. As Decebalus was not apprised of his arrival, the emperor passed the river without opposition, and entering Dacia, laid waste the country with fire and sword. At last he was met by Decebalus with a numerous army. A bloody engagement ensued, in which the Dacians were defeated; though the victory cost the Romans dear: the wounded were so numerous, that they wanted linen to bind up their wounds; and to supply the defect, the emperor generously devoted his own wardrobe. After the victory, he purified Decebalus from place Germany place to place, and at last obliged him to consent to a peace on the following terms: 1. That he should surrender the territories which he had unjustly taken from the neighbouring nations. 2. That he should deliver up his arms, his warlike engines, with the artificers who made them, and all the Roman deserters. 3. That for the future he should entertain no deserters, nor take into his service the natives of any country subject to Rome. 4. That he should dismantle all his fortresses, castles, and strong-holds. And, lastly, that he should have the same friends and foes with the people of Rome.

With these hard terms Decebalus was obliged to comply, though sore against his will; and being introduced to Trajan, threw himself on the ground before him, acknowledging himself his vassal: after which the latter, having commanded him to send deputies to the senate for the ratification of the peace, returned to Rome.

This peace was of no long duration. Four years after (A.D. 105), Decebalus, unable to live in servitude as he called it, began, contrary to the late treaty, to raise men, provide arms, entertain deserters, fortify his castles, and invite the neighbouring nations to join him against the Romans as a common enemy. The Scythians hearkened to his solicitations; but the Jazyges, a neighbouring nation, refusing to bear arms against Rome, Decebalus invaded their country. Hereupon Trajan marched against him; but the Dacian, finding himself unable to withstand him by open force, had recourse to treachery, and attempted to get the emperor murdered. His design, however, proved abortive, and Trajan pursued his march into Dacia. That his troops might the more readily pass and repass the Danube, he built a bridge over that river; which by the ancients is styled the most magnificent and wonderful of all his works*. To guard the bridge, he ordered two castles to be built; one on this side the Danube, and the other on the opposite side; and all this was accomplished in the space of one summer. Trajan, however, as the season was now far advanced, did not think it advisable to enter Dacia this year, but contented himself with making the necessary preparations.

In the year 106, early in the spring, Trajan set out for Dacia; and having passed the Danube on the bridge he had built, reduced the whole country, and would have taken Decebalus himself had he not put an end to his own life, in order to avoid falling into the hands of his enemies. After his death the kingdom of Dacia was reduced to a Roman province; and several castles were built in it, and garrisons placed in them, to keep the country in awe.

After the death of Trajan, the Roman empire began to decline, and the northern nations to be daily more and more formidable. The province of Dacia indeed was held by the Romans till the reign of Gallienus; but Adrian, who succeeded Trajan, caused the arches of the bridge over the Danube to be broken down, lest the barbarians should make themselves masters of it, and invade the Roman territories. In the time of Marcus Aurelius, the Marcomanni and Quadi invaded the empire, and gave the emperor a terrible overthrow. He continued the war, however, with better success afterwards, and invaded their country in his turn. It was during the course of this war that Germany, the Roman army is said to have been saved from destruction by that miraculous event related under the article Christians, p. 717, col. 2.

In the end, the Marcomanni and Quadi were, by repeated defeats, brought to the verge of destruction; insomuch that their country would probably have been reduced to a Roman province, had not Marcus Aurelius been diverted from pursuing his conquests by the revolt of one of his generals. After the death of Marcus Aurelius, the Germanic nations became every day more and more formidable to the Romans. Far from being able to invade and attempt the conquest of these northern countries, the Romans had the greatest difficulty to repel the incursions of their inhabitants. But for a particular account of their various invasions of the Roman empire, and its total destruction by them at last, see the article ROME.

The immediate destroyers of the Roman empire Romanem were the Heruli; who, under their leader Odoacer, de- throned Augustulus the last Roman emperor, and pro- claimed Odoacer king of Italy. The Heruli were soon expelled by the Ostrogoths; and these in their turn were subdued by Justinian, who re-annexed Italy to the eastern empire. But the popes found means to obtain the temporal as well as spiritual jurisdiction over a considerable part of the country, while the Lombards subdued the rest. These last proved very troublesome to the popes, and at length besieged Adrian I. in his capital. In this distress he applied to Charles the Great king of France; who conquered both Italy and Germany, and was crowned emperor of the west in 800.

The posterity of Charlemagne inherited the empire History of of Germany until the year 880; at which time the different princes assumed their original independence, rejected the Carolinian line, and placed Arnulph king of Bohemia on the throne. Since this time, Germany has ever been considered as an elective monarchy. Princes of different families, according to the prevalence of their interest and arms, have mounted the throne. Of these the most considerable, until the Austrian line acquired the imperial power, were the houses of Saxony, Franconia, and Swabia. The reigns of these emperors contain nothing more remarkable than the contests between them and the popes; for an account of which, see the article ITALY. From hence, in the beginning of the 13th century, arose the factions of the Guelphs and Gibelines, of which the former was attached to the popes, and the latter to the emperor; and both, by their virulence and inveteracy, tended to disquiet the empire for several ages. The emperors too were often at war with the infidels; and sometimes, as happens in all elective kingdoms, with one another, about the succession.

But what more deserves our attention is the progress of government in Germany, which was in some measure opposite to that of the other kingdoms of Europe. When the empire raised by Charlemagne fell asunder, all the different independent princes assumed the right of election; and those now distinguished by the name of electors had no peculiar or legal influence in appointing a successor to the imperial throne; they were only the officers of the king's household, his secretary, his steward, chaplain, marshal, or master of h... Germany. horse, &c. By degrees, however, as they lived near the king's person, and had, like all other princes, independent territories belonging to them, they increased their influence and authority; and in the reign of Otho III., 984, acquired the sole right of electing the emperor. Thus, while in the other kingdoms of Europe, the dignity of the great lords, who were all originally allodial or independent barons, was diminished by the power of the king, as in France, and by the influence of the people, as in Great Britain; in Germany, on the other hand, the power of the electors was raised upon the ruins of the emperor's supremacy, and of the people's jurisdiction. In 1440, Frederic III., duke of Austria was elected emperor, and the imperial dignity continued in the male line of that family for 300 years. His successor Maximilian married the heiress of Charles duke of Burgundy; whereby Burgundy and the 17 provinces of the Netherlands were annexed to the house of Austria. Charles V., grandson of Maximilian, and heir to the kingdom of Spain, was elected emperor in the year 1519. Under him Mexico and Peru were conquered by the Spaniards; and in his reign happened the Reformation in several parts of Germany; which, however, was not confirmed by public authority till the year 1648, by the treaty of Westphalia, and in the reign of Ferdinand III. The reign of Charles V. was continually disturbed by his wars with the German princes and the French king Francis I. Though successful in the beginning of his reign, his good fortune towards the conclusion of it began to forsake him; which, with other reasons, occasioned his abdication of the crown. See Charles V.

His brother Ferdinand I., who in 1558 succeeded to the throne, proved a moderate prince with regard to religion. He had the address to get his son Maximilian declared king of the Romans in his own lifetime, and died in 1564. By his last will he ordered, that if either his own male issue, or that of his brother Charles, should fail, his Austrian estates should revert to his second daughter Anne, wife to the elector of Bavaria, and her issue. We mention this destination, as it gave rise to the late opposition made by the house of Bavaria to the pragmatic sanction, in favour of the empress queen of Hungary, on the death of her father Charles VI. The reign of Maximilian II. was disturbed with internal commotions, and an invasion from the Turks; but he died in peace in 1576. He was succeeded by his son Rodolph; who was involved in wars with the Hungarians, and in differences with his brother Matthias, to whom he ceded Hungary and Austria in his lifetime. He was succeeded in the empire by Matthias; under whom the reformers, who went under the names of Lutherans and Calvinists, were so much divided among themselves, as to threaten the empire with a civil war. The ambition of Matthias at last tended to reconcile them; but the Bohemians revolted, and threw the imperial commissions out of a window at Prague. This gave rise to a ruinous war, which lasted 30 years. Matthias thought to have exterminated both parties; but they formed a confederacy, called the Evangelic League, which was counterbalanced by a Catholic league.

Matthias dying in 1618, was succeeded by his cousin Ferdinand II.; but the Bohemians offered their crown to Frederic the elector Palatine, the most powerful Protestant prince in Germany, and son-in-law to his Britannic majesty James I. That prince was incautious enough to accept of the crown; but he lost it, by being entirely defeated by the duke of Bavaria and the imperial generals at the battle of Prague; and he was even deprived of his electorate, the best part of which was given to the duke of Bavaria. The Protestant princes of Germany, however, had among them at this time many able commanders, who were at the head of armies, and continued the war with wonderful obstinacy: among them were the margrave of Baden Durlach, Christian duke of Brunswic, and count Mansfield; the last was one of the best generals of the age. Christian IV., king of Denmark declared for them; and Richelieu, the French minister, was not fond of seeing the house of Austria aggrandized. The emperor, on the other hand, had excellent generals; and Christern, having put himself at the head of the evangelic league, was defeated by Tilly, an Imperialist of great reputation in war. Ferdinand made no moderate use of his advantages obtained over the Protestants, that they formed a fresh confederacy at Leipzig, of which the celebrated Gustavus Adolphus king of Sweden was the head. An account of his glorious victories is given under the article Sweden. At last he was killed at the battle of Lutzen in 1632. But the Protestant cause did not die with him. He had brought up a set of heroes, such as the duke of Saxe Weimer, Torstenson, Banier, and others, who shook the Austrian power; till, under the mediation of Sweden, a general peace was concluded among all the belligerent powers, at Munster, in the year 1648; which forms the basis of the present political system of Europe.

Ferdinand II. was succeeded by his son Ferdinand III. This prince died in 1657; and was succeeded by the emperor Leopold, a severe, unamiable, and not very fortunate prince. He had two great powers to contend with, France on the one side, and the Turks on the other; and was a loser in his war with both. Louis XIV., at that time king of France, was happy in having the two celebrated generals Condé and Turenne in his service. The latter had already distinguished himself by great exploits against the Spaniards; and, on the accession of Leopold, the court of France had taken the opportunity of confirming the treaty of Munster, and attaching to her interest several of the independent princes of Germany. The tranquillity which now took place, however, was not established upon any permanent basis. War with Spain was resumed in the year 1668; and the great successes of Turenne in the Netherlands stimulated the ambition of the prince of Condé to attempt the conquest of Franche Comté at that time under the protection of the house of Austria. This was accomplished in three weeks; but the rapid success of Louis had awakened the jealousy of his neighbours to such a degree, that a league was formed against him by England, Holland, and Sweden; and the French monarch, dreading to enter the lists with such formidable enemies, consented to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by which, among other articles, Franche Comté was restored. The flames of war, however, were renewed by the infatiate ambition of the French monarch; who, having enter- ed into an alliance with Charles II. of England, aimed at nothing less than the total overthrow of the Dutch republic. The events of that war are related under the article United Provinces; here it is sufficient to observe, that the misfortunes of the Dutch excited the compassion of the emperor and court of Spain, who now openly declared themselves their allies. Turenne was opposed by the prince of Orange in conjunction with the celebrated imperial general Montecuculi, whose artful conduct eluded even the penetration of Turenne, and he sat down suddenly before the city of Bonne. Here he was joined by the prince of Orange, who had likewise found means to elude the vigilance of the French generals. Bonne surrendered in a short time, and several other places in Cologne fell into the hands of the allies; who likewise cut off the communication betwixt Fiance and the United Provinces; so that Louis was soon obliged to recall his armies, and abandon all his conquests with greater rapidity than they had been made. In 1674 he was abandoned by his ally Charles II. of England, and the bishop of Munster and elector of Cologne were compelled to renounce their allegiance to him; but notwithstanding these misfortunes, he continued every where to make head against his enemies, and even meditated new conquests. With a powerful army he again invaded Franche Comte in person, and in six weeks reduced the whole province to his obedience. In Alsace, Turenne defeated the imperial general at Sintzheim, and ravaged the palatinate. Seventy thousand Germans were surprised; a considerable detachment was cut in pieces at Mulhausen; the elector of Brandenburg, who had been entrusted with the chief command, was routed by Turenne near Colmar; a third body met with a similar fate at Turkheim; and the whole German forces were obliged at last to evacuate the province and repass the Rhine.

In consequence of these disasters the Imperial general Montecuculi was recalled to act against Turenne. The military skill of the two commanders seemed to be nearly equal; but before the superiority could be adjudged to either, Turenne was killed by a cannon ball as he was reconnoitring a situation for erecting a battery. By his death the Imperialists obtained a decided superiority. Montecuculi penetrated into Alsace; and the French, under de Lorges nephew to the deceased general, were happy in being able to escape a defeat.

Part of the German army now sat down before Treves, where they were opposed by Marechal Crequi; but the negligence of that general exposed him to such a dreadful defeat, that he was obliged to fly into the city with only four attendants. Here he endeavoured in vain to animate the people to a vigorous defence. The garrison mutinied against his authority; and, when he refused to sign the capitulation they made, delivered him up prisoner to the enemy. Louis in the mean time had taken the field in person against the prince of Orange; but the disastrous state of affairs in Germany induced him to recall the prince of Condé to make head against Montecuculi. In this campaign the prince seemed to have the advantage. He compelled the Germans to raise the sieges of Haguenau and Saverne; and at last to repass the Rhine without having been able to force him to a battle.

This was the last campaign made by these celebrated German commanders; both of them now, contented with the fame they had acquired, retiring from the field to spend the remainder of their days in peace. The excellent discipline, however, which the two great French generals had introduced into their armies, still continued to make them very formidable, though it did not always insure them of victory. In Germany, the duke of Lorrain, who had recovered Philippsburgh, was repeatedly defeated by Marechal Crequi, who had been ransomed from his captivity, and become more prudent by his defeat. In Flanders, the prince of Orange was overmatched by the duke of Orleans and Marshal Luxemburg. A peace was at length concluded at Nimeguen in 1679, by which the king of France secured himself Franche Compte with a great many cities in the Netherlands; while the king of Sweden was reinstated in those places of which he had been stripped by the Danes and Germans. This tranquillity, however, was of no long duration. Louis employed every moment in preparations for new conquests; possessed himself of the imperial city of Strasbourg by treachery; and dispossessed the Elector Palatine and the elector of Treves of the lordships of Falkenburg, Germanheim, and Valdents. On the most frivolous pretences he had demanded Alost from the Spaniards; and on their refusal, seized upon Luxemburg. His conduct, in short, was so intolerable, that the prince of Orange, his inveterate enemy, found means to unite the whole empire in a league against him. Spain and Holland became parties in the same cause; and Sweden and Denmark seemed also inclined to accede to the general confederacy. Notwithstanding this formidable combination, however, Louis seemed still to have the advantage. He made himself master of the cities of Philippsburg, Mainz, Frankenthal, Spire, Worms, and Oppenheim; the fruitful country of the palatinate was ravaged in a dreadful manner; the towns were reduced to ashes; and the people, driven from their habitations, were everywhere left to perish through the inclemency of the weather and want of provisions. By this cruelty his enemies were rather exasperated than vanquished: the Imperialists, under the conduct of the duke of Lorrain, resumed their courage, and put a stop to the French conquests. At length all parties, weary of a destructive war, consented to the treaty of Ryswick in 1697. By this treaty Louis gave up to the empire, Fribourg, Briac, Kehl, and Philippsburg; he consented also to destroy the fortifications of Strasbourg, Fort Louis and Traerbach, the works of which had exhausted the skill of the great Vauban, with Lorrain, Treves, and the Palatinate, were resigned to their respective princes; insomuch that the terms to which the French monarch now consented, after so many victories, were such as could scarce have been expected under the pressure of the greatest misfortunes. The views of Louis, however, in consenting to this apparently humiliating treaty, were beyond the views of ordinary politicians. The health of the king of Spain was in such a declining way, that his death appeared to be at hand; and Louis now resolved to renew his pretensions to that kingdom, which he had formerly by treaty solemnly renounced. His designs in this respect could not be concealed from the vigilance of William William III. of Britain; of which Louis being sensible, and knowing that the emperor had claims of the same nature on Spain, he thought proper to enter into a very extraordinary treaty with William. This was no less than the partition of the whole Spanish dominions, which were now to be distributed in the following manner. To the young prince of Bavaria were to be assigned Spain and the East Indies; the dauphin, son to Louis, was to have Naples, Sicily, and the province of Guipúzcoa; while the Archduke Charles, son to the Emperor Leopold, was to have only the duchy of Milan. By this scandalous treaty the indignation of Charles was roused, so that he bequeathed the whole of his dominions to the prince of Bavaria. This scheme, however, was disconcerted by the sudden death of the prince; upon which a new treaty of partition was concluded between Louis and William. By this the kingdom of Spain, together with the East India territories, were to be bestowed on the Archduke Charles, and the duchy of Milan upon the duke of Lorraine. The last moments of the Spanish monarch were disturbed by the intrigues of the rival houses of Austria and Bourbon; but the haughtiness of the Austrian ministers so disgusted those of Spain, that they prevailed upon their dying monarch to make a new will. By this the whole of his dominions were bequeathed to Philip duke of Anjou, grandson to the king of France; and Louis, prompted by his natural ambition, accepted the kingdom bequeathed to his grandson, executing himself to his allies in the best manner he could for departing from his engagements with them. For this, however, he was made to pay dear. His infatuated ambition and his former successes had alarmed all Europe. The Emperor, the Dutch, and the king of England, entered into a new confederacy against him; and a bloody war ensued, which threatened to overthrow the French monarchy entirely. While this war (of which an account is given under the article Britain) was carried on with such success, the Emperor Leopold died in the year 1705.

He was succeeded by his son Joseph, who put the electors of Cologne and Bavaria to the ban of the empire; but being ill served by Prince Louis of Baden general of the empire, the French partly recovered their affairs, notwithstanding their repeated defeats. The duke of Marlborough had not all the success he expected or deserved. Joseph himself was suspected of a design to subvert the Germanic liberties; and it was plain by his conduct, that he expected England should take the labouring oar in the war, which was to be entirely carried on for his benefit. The English were disgusted at his slowness and selfishness; but he died in 1714, before he had reduced the Hungarians; and leaving no male issue, he was succeeded in the empire by his brother Charles VI., whom the allies were endeavouring to place on the throne of Spain, in opposition to Philip duke of Anjou, grandson to Louis XIV.

When the peace of Utrecht took place in 1713, Charles at first made a show as if he would continue the war; but found himself unable, now that he was forsaken by the English. He therefore was obliged to conclude a peace with France at Baden in 1714, that he might attend the progress of the Turks in Hungary; where they received a total defeat from Prince Eugene at the battle of Peterwaradin. They received another of equal importance from the same general in 1717, before Belgrade, which fell into the hands of the Imperialists; and next year the peace of Passarowitz, between them and the Turks, was concluded. Charles employed every minute of his leisure in making arrangements for increasing and preserving his hereditary dominions in Italy and the Mediterranean. Happily for him, the crown of Britain devolved to the house of Hanover; an event which gave him a very decisive weight in Europe, by the connections between George I. and II. and the empire. Charles was sensible of this; and carried matters with so high a hand, that, about the years 1724 and 1725, a breach ensued between him and George I. and so uneasy was the system of affairs all over Europe at that time, that the capital powers often changed their old alliances, and concluded new ones contradictory to their interest. Without entering into particulars, it is sufficient to observe, that the safety of Hanover, and its aggrandizement, was the main object of the British court; as that of the emperor was the establishment of the pragmatic sanction in favour of his daughter the (late empress-queen), he having no male issue. Mutual concessions upon these great points restored a good understanding between George II. and the emperor Charles; and the elector of Saxony, flattered with the view of gaining the throne of Poland, relinquished the great claims he had upon the Austrian succession.

The emperor, after this, had very bad success in a war he entered into with the Turks, which he had undertaken chiefly to indemnify himself for the great sacrifices he had made in Italy to the princes of the house of Bourbon. Prince Eugene was then dead, and he had no general to supply his place. The system of France, however, under cardinal Fleury, happened at that time to be pacific; and she obtained for him, from the Turks, a better peace than he had reason to expect. Charles, to keep the German and other powers easy, had, before his death, given his eldest daughter, the late empress-queen, in marriage to the duke of Lorraine, a prince who could bring no accession of power to the Austrian family.

Charles died in 1740; and was no sooner in the grave, than all he had so long laboured for must have been overthrown, had it not been for the firmness of George II. The young king of Prussia entered and conquered Silesia, which he said had been wrongfully dismembered from his family. The king of Spain and the elector of Bavaria set up claims directly incompatible with the pragmatic sanction, and in this they were joined by France; though all those powers had solemnly guaranteed it. The imperial throne, after a considerable vacancy, was filled up by the elector of Bavaria, who took the title of Charles VII., in January 1742. The French poured their armies into Bohemia, where they took Prague; and the queen of Hungary, to take off the weight of Prussia, was forced to cede to that prince the most valuable part of the duchy of Silesia by a formal treaty.

Her youth, her beauty, and sufferings, and the noble fortitude with which she bore them, touched the hearts of the Hungarians, into whose arms she threw herself and her little son; and though they had been always remarkable for their disaffection to the house Germany, house of Austria, they declared unanimously in her favour. Her generals drove the French out of Bohemia; and George II., at the head of an English and Hanoverian army, gained the battle of Dettingen, in 1743. Charles VII. was at this time miserable on the imperial throne, and would have given the queen of Hungary almost her own terms; but she haughtily and impolitically rejected all accommodation, though advised to it by his Britannic majesty, her best and indeed only friend. This obstinacy gave a colour for the king of Prussia to invade Bohemia, under pretence of supporting the imperial dignity; but though he took Prague, and subdued the greatest part of the kingdom, he was not supported by the French; upon which he abandoned all his conquests, and retired into Silesia. This event confirmed the obstinacy of the queen of Hungary; who came to an accommodation with the emperor, that she might recover Silesia. Soon after, his Imperial majesty, in the beginning of the year 1745, died; and the duke of Lorraine, then grand duke of Tuscany, comfort to the queen of Hungary, after surmounting some difficulties, was chosen emperor.

The bad success of the allies against the French and Bavarians in the Low Countries, and the loss of the battle of Fontenoy, retarded the operations of the empress-queen against his Prussian majesty. The latter beat the emperor's brother, Prince Charles of Lorraine, who had before driven the Prussians out of Bohemia; and the conduct of the empress-queen was such, that his Britannic majesty thought proper to guarantee to him the possession of Silesia, as ceded by treaty. Soon after, his Prussian majesty pretended that he had discovered a secret convention which had been entered into between the empress-queen, the empress of Russia, and the king of Poland as elector of Saxony, to strip him of his dominions, and to divide them among themselves. Upon this his Prussian majesty, very suddenly, drove the king of Poland out of Saxony, defeated his troops, and took possession of Dresden; which he held till a treaty was made under the mediation of his Britannic majesty, by which the king of Prussia acknowledged the duke of Lorraine, great duke of Tuscany, for emperor. The war, however, continued in the Low Countries, not only to the disadvantage, but to the discredit, of the Austrians and Dutch, till it was finished by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in April 1748. By that treaty Silesia was once more guaranteed to the king of Prussia. It was not long before that monarch's jealousies were renewed and verified; and the empress of Russia's views falling in with those of the empress-queen and the king of Poland, who were unnaturally supported by France in their new schemes, a fresh war was kindled in the empire. The king of Prussia declared against the admission of the Russians into Germany, and his Britannic majesty against that of the French. Upon these two principles all former differences between these monarchs were forgotten, and the British parliament agreed to pay an annual subsidy of £70,000, to his Prussian majesty during the continuance of the war.

The flames of war now broke out in Germany with greater fury and more destructive violence than ever. The armies of his Prussian majesty, like an irresistible torrent, burst in Saxony; totally defeated the imperial general Brown at the battle of Löwowitz; forced the Saxons to lay down their arms, though almost impregnably fortified at Pirna; and the elector of Saxony fled to his regal dominions in Poland. After this, his Prussian majesty was put to the ban of the empire; and the French poured, by one quarter, their armies, as the Russians did by another, into the empire. The conduct of his Prussian majesty on this occasion is the most amazing that is to be met with in history; for a particular account of which, see the article PRUSSIA.

At last, however, the taking of Colberg by the Russians, and of Schweidnitz by the Austrians, was on the point of completing his ruin, when his most formidable enemy, the empress of Russia, died, January 5th 1762; George II., his only ally, had died on the 25th of October 1760.

The deaths of those illustrious personages were followed by great consequences. The British ministry of George III. fought to finish the war with honour, and the new emperor of Russia recalled his armies. His Prussian majesty was, notwithstanding, so very much reduced by his losses, that the empress-queen, probably, would have completed his destruction, had it not been for the wife backwardness of other German princes, not to annihilate the house of Brandenburg. At first the empress queen rejected all terms proposed to her, and ordered 30,000 men to be added to her armies. The visible backwardness of her generals to execute her orders, and new successes obtained by his Prussian majesty, at last prevailed on her to agree to an armistice, which was soon followed by the treaty of Hubertusburgh, which secured to his Prussian majesty the possession of Silesia. Upon the death of the emperor her husband, in 1765, her son Joseph, who had been crowned king of the Romans in 1764, succeeded him in the empire.

This prince showed an active and restless disposition, much inclined to extend his territories by conquest, and to make reformation in the internal policy of his dominions, yet without taking any proper methods for accomplishing his purposes. Hence he was almost always disappointed; insomuch that he wrote for himself the following epitaph: "Here lies Joseph, unfortunate in all his undertakings." In the year 1788, a war commenced betwixt him and the king of Prussia; in which, notwithstanding the impetuous valour of that monarch, Joseph acted with such caution that his adversary could gain no advantage over him; and an accommodation took place without any remarkable exploit on either side. In 1781 he took the opportunity of the quarrel betwixt Britain and the United Provinces, to deprive the latter of the barrier towns which had been secured to them by the treaty of Utrecht. These indeed had frequently been of great use to the House of Austria in its state of weakness; but Joseph, conscious of his own strength, looked upon it as derogatory to his honour to allow so many of his cities to remain in the hands of foreigners, and to be garrisoned at his expense. As at that time the Dutch were unable to resist, the Imperial orders for evacuating the barrier towns were instantly complied with; nor did the court of France, though then in friendship with Holland, make any offer to interpose. Encouraged by this success, Joseph next demanded the free navigation of the Scheldt; but as this would evidently have been very detrimental to the commercial interests of Holland, a flat refusal was given to his requisitions. In this the emperor was much disappointed; having flattered himself that the Hollanders, intimidated by his power, would yield the navigation of the river as easily as they had done the barrier. Great preparations were made by the emperor, which the Dutch, on their part, seemed determined to resist. But while the emperor appeared so much set upon this acquisition, he suddenly abandoned the project entirely, and entered into a new scheme of exchanging the Netherlands for the duchy of Bavaria. This was opposed by the king of Prussia; and by the interference of the court of France, the emperor found himself at last obliged also to abandon his other scheme of obtaining the navigation of the Scheldt. A treaty of peace was concluded, under the guarantee of his most Christian majesty. The principal articles were, that the States acknowledged the emperor's sovereignty over the Scheldt from Antwerp to the limits of Seftingen; they agreed to demolish certain forts, and to pay a considerable sum of money in lieu of some claims which the emperor had on Maestricht, and by way of indemnification for laying part of his territories under water.

The treaty with the Dutch was no sooner concluded than a quarrel with the Turks took place, which terminated in an open war. It does not appear that the emperor had at this time any real provocation, but seems to have acted merely in consequence of his engagements with Russia to reduce the dominions of the Grand Signor. All these foreign engagements, however, did not in the least retard the progress of reformation which the emperor carried on throughout his dominions with a rapidity scarcely to be matched, and which at last produced the revolt of the Austrian Netherlands. In the course of his labours in this way a complete code of laws was compiled. These were at first greatly commended for their humanity, as excluding almost entirely every species of capital punishment; yet, when narrowly considered, the commutations were found to be so exceedingly severe, that the most cruel death would, comparatively speaking, have been an act of mercy. Even for smaller crimes the punishments were severe beyond measure; but the greatest fault of all was, that the modes of trial were very defective, and the punishments so arbitrary, that the most perfect and innocent character lay at the mercy of a tyrannical judge. The innovations in ecclesiastical matters were, however, most offensive to his subjects in the Netherlands. Among the many changes introduced into this department, the following were some of the most remarkable:

1. An abridgment of divine service. 2. A total suppression of vocal performers in choirs. 3. The introduction of the vernacular language instead of the Latin in administering the sacraments. 4. The prohibition of chanting hymns in private houses. 5. The suppression of a great number of religious houses, and the reduction of the number of the clergy. 6. The total abolition of the papal supremacy throughout the Imperial dominions.

The same spirit of innovation displayed itself even in the most minute matters. Many favours were bestowed upon the Jews; and in 1786 the emperor wrote with his own hand to the different handicraft and trading corporations in Vienna, requesting that their youth might be received as apprentices in that city. Severe laws against gaming were enacted and put in execution with equal rigour. Heavy restrictions were also laid on all the societies of free masons in Germany, while those in the Netherlands were totally suppressed.

The great number of innovations in religious matters were highly resented by the inhabitants of the Netherlands, who have always been remarkable for their attachment to the Roman religion in its most superstitious form. Indeed the alterations in the civil constitution were so great, that even those who were least bigotted in this respect began to fear that their liberties were in danger, and an universal dissatisfaction was excited. The emperor behaved at first in a very haughty manner, refused to yield the smallest point to the solicitations of his subjects. Finding, however, that a general revolt was about to take place, and being unable at that time, on account of the Turkish war, to spare such a force as would be necessary to reduce the provinces to obedience, he thought proper, in the autumn of 1787, to promise a restoration of their ancient constitution and privileges. His promises, however, were found to be so delusive, and his conduct was so arbitrary and capricious, that in the end of the year 1789 the States of all the provinces in the Austrian Netherlands came to a resolution of entirely throwing off the yoke. Articles of a federal union were drawn up, and a new republic was formed under the title of the Belgic Provinces. The situation of the emperor's affairs at that time did not allow him to take the measures necessary for preventing this revolt; to which perhaps his ill state of health also contributed. About the beginning of February 1790 his distemper increased to such a degree as to be thought dangerous; and continuing daily to grow worse, he sunk under it on the 20th of the same month, in the 40th year of his age, and 26th of his reign.

The leaders of the Austrian revolution, however, soon became to disagreeable to their countrymen, that they were obliged to fly; and the congress, which had been established as the supreme legislative body, behaved with such tyranny, that they became generally detested. Mean time, the late emperor was succeeded by his brother Peter Leopold Joseph grand duke of Tuscany; under whose administration matters have taken a more favourable turn. By his wisdom, moderation, and humanity, he has already in a great measure retrieved the bad consequences of his predecessor's conduct, having made peace with the Ottomans, and regained the allegiance of the Netherlands; and upon the whole seems to be actuated not more by a love of his own rights, than by a regard to the rights and happiness of his subjects.

At present, Germany is bounded, on the north, by the Baltic Sea, Denmark, and the German Ocean; on the east, by Prussia, Hungary, and Poland; and on the west, by the Low Countries, Lorraine, and Franche Comté: so that it now comprehends the Palatinate, of Cologne, Triers, and Liege, which formerly belonged to the Garls; and is dismembered of Friesland-Groningen, and Overysel, which are now incorporated with the Low Countries.

Since the time of Charles the Great, this country has been divided into High and Low Germany. The first comprehends the Palatinate of the Rhine, Franconia, Swabia, Bavaria, Bohemia, Moravia, Austria, Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, the Switz, and the Grisons. The provinces of Low Germany are, the Low Country of the Rhine, Triers, Cologne, Mentz, Westphalia, Hesse, Brunswic, Mifnia, Lufia, High Saxony upon the Elbe, Low Saxony upon the Elbe, Mecklenburg, Lunenburg, Brandenburg, and Pomerania.

Monarchy was first established in Germany by Charlemagne; after him Charlemagne extended his power and his dominions; and so great had the empire become, that during his reign, and that of his sons, government was administered in the provinces by persons vested with power for that purpose under the title of Dukes. In the districts of these provinces, justice was distributed by a count or count, which officer was in German called Graf. But from their courts lay an appeal to that of the emperor, before a president styled Comes Palatinus, that is, "count Palatine, or of the palace," in German denominated Pfalzgraf. The frontiers or marches were governed by a marquis, styled by the Germans Markgraf, similar to our lord warden. Generally the centre of the empire was ruled by an officer, who possessed a similar power, but a greater extent of dominion, than the Grave, under the title of Landgravi. Towns and castles, which were occasionally honoured with the residence of the emperor, were governed by a Burggraf. It may be remarked, however, that the signification of the above mentioned titles, and the extent of power which they conferred upon the persons honoured with them, differ according to the successive ages and the gradual development of the German constitution.

By reason of family broils in the Imperial house, and civil wars in the dominions, the dignity of the sovereign was deprived, and a new form in the government raised up. The dukes exalted themselves above the power of the emperor, and secured for their sons a succession to their greatness; while the interest of the sovereign, in order to strengthen the bond of personal attachment, ratified to others and their descendants that sway which had been formerly delegated and dependant on his will. Hence arose the modern constitution of distinct principalities, acknowledging one head in the person of an emperor. But shortly after the election of Conrade duke of Franconia to the throne, this new-gained authority of the princes became doubtful. However, after most violent disturbances and confusions, the regulations yielded to by Albert II. and his successors, particularly by Frederick III. laid the foundation of the German constitution; but the power and form of which were afterwards improved by Maximilian. Before Charles V. mounted the throne, on the death of Maximilian, the electors formed a bulwark against the Imperial power, by an instrument called the capitulation; to which articles of government he and all emperors elected since have sworn previous to their investiture with imperial dignity.

When the German monarchy received an elective form, the right of election was not limited to the great officers of state, for other princes participated of this privilege. But the empire being governed by four dukes, the princes under their authority, in order to court their favour, gave to them the disposal of their Germany, votes, and of those of their vassals. The three archbishops also, who were necessarily present at the coronation, obtained the electoral dignity. However, beside this origin of the modern electors, the high stations about court procured their possessors an influence over other members, and their general residence there gave them a solid advantage in their constant and early presence at the diet of election. For in times of turbulence several emperors were elected, when princes had not an opportunity to attend. And hence sprung up a sanction to that right, which the high officers of the household had assumed, of electing without any consultation of the other members of the empire. Pope Gregory X. too, either conceiving that they did possess, or willing that they should acquire, this right, exhorted them in a bull to terminate the troubles of Germany by electing an emperor. And since that period they have been held as the sole electors. But the possession of this high power was strengthened by a league amongst themselves, called the electoral union, which received additional confirmation from the emperor Louis of Bavaria, and was formally and fully ratified by that famous constitution of Charles IV., termed the golden bull; according to which, the territories and the high offices by which the electoral dignity is conveyed, must descend according to the right of primogeniture, and are indivisible.

The golden bull declares the following number and titles of the electors: The archbishop of Mentz as great chancellor of the German empire; the elector of Cologne as great chancellor of the empire in Italy; the elector of Triers as great chancellor of the empire in Gaul and Arles; the king of Bohemia as cup-bearer; the count Palatine as high steward; the duke of Saxony as grand marshal; the margrave of Brandenburg as grand chamberlain. The number originally was seven, but the emperor Leopold created the duke of Lunenburg, ancestor to our present British sovereign, an elector; to whom the post of arch-treasurer was afterwards given; and thus Hanover forms the eighth electorate. But this number cannot be increased by the emperor without a previous election by the electors themselves; who, thus capable of electing and of being elected, may style themselves Coimperantes; and they exercise part of the imperial authority, if a vacancy of the throne happen. But when or before this occurs, the election of the emperor is proceeded to at the emperor's election of the manner: The elector of Mentz, before the lapse of a month after the death of the emperor, summons, as great chancellor of the empire, the rest of the electors to attend on some fixed day within the space of three months from the date of the summons. The electors generally send their ambassadors to the place of election, which is held at Frankfort on the Main; but saving the right of the city of Frankfort, it may be held elsewhere.

When the diet of electors is assembled, they proceed to compose the capitulation, to which the emperor when elected is to swear. The capitulation being adjusted, the elector of Mentz appoints a day for the election. When this day arrives, the gates of the city are shut, and the keys delivered to the elector of Mentz. The electors or their ambassadors, protestants excepted, repair in great pomp to mass; and after its celebration... When the race of Charlemagne ceased to govern in Germany, the princes and states associated to continue the empire; and that its majesty might be visible, and its laws enforced, they agreed to choose an emperor. From this emperor all electors and princes except those before 1582 receive investiture of their dominions; counts and free cities from the Aulic council. But this investiture is no more than a sign of submission to the majesty of the empire, which is deposited in the emperor. For as the constituted members of the empire are dependent on that collective union from which they derive protection, they therefore show this dependence on the emperor, because he represents the majesty of that union or of the empire; but in all other respects they are independent and free.

These princes or sovereigns may even wage war with the prince wearing the imperial crown, as possessed of other titles and dominions unconnected with his imperial station. Nor can the sovereignty of any member be affected so long as he remains loyal to the empire; which loyalty constitutes his duty, and secures him its protection. But should he be guilty of any violation against the emperor, as head of the empire, such a crime would commit him to the punishment of its laws, and he would be put under the ban. For this crime would be against that collective body of sovereigns whose union constitutes the empire; and therefore any violation of that union is justly punished with deprivation of these territories which render such sovereigns members of the empire. Nor can this punishment of the ban derogate from the dignity of those princes who derive their sovereignty from this constitution, and whose subjection is an act of their own consent. However, no member of the empire can at present be put under the ban without being first heard, and without the concurrence of the electors, princes, and states, being previously obtained.

The emperor is endowed with many privileges, and his power partly appears in the exercise of his reserved rights, or the peculiar prerogatives annexed to the imperial dignity. He grants to princes the investiture of their dominions; but to this he is bound as the laws direct. He confers titles, but promises that they shall be bestowed only on such persons as will maintain their dignity, and can support their rank. Beside, he can give merely the title; for the power or privilege of prince or count can be obtained only from their respective bodies. But in some instances, even titles are of high importance. For the descendants of a prince are incapable of succession, if their mother be of inferior rank to their father; but the conferring of a title ennobles her and removes the bar, if the collateral line contends.

The emperor can also make cities, found universities, grant the privilege of fairs, &c. He can also dispense with the tedious terms of minority, and empower princes to assume at an earlier age the government of their own dominions. He decides all rank and precedence, and has a power of prime pressus, that is, of granting for once in every chapter of the empire a vacant seat. But he is not above the law; for electors have not only chosen but depoed emperors. However, the influence of the capitulation is to prevent such rigorous proceedings; but should the capitulation be violated, the college of electors might proceed to remonstrance; and if these remonstrances should The diet is that assembly of the states in which the legislative power of the empire resides; and is composed of the electors, princes, prelates, counts, and free cities of the empire. It has sat since 1663, and is held usually at Ratibon. The emperor, when present, presides in person; when absent, by his commissary, whose communication of proposals from the emperor to the assembly is called the commissorial decree. The elector of Mentz, as chancellor of the empire, is director of the diet; and to his chancery are all things addressed that are to be submitted to the empire; the reading of which by his secretary to the secretaries of the other ministers at the diet is denominated per dictaturam, and constitutes the form of transmitting papers or memorials to the dictature of the empire.—The diet is composed of three distinct colleges, each of which has its particular director. The first college is that of electors; of which the archbishop of Mentz is director as first elector. The second college is that of princes. It consists of princes, archbishops, and bishops; and of prelates, abbots, and counts, who are not considered as princes. Each prince spiritual and temporal has a vote, but prelates and counts vote by benches. The prelates are divided into two benches, the counts into four; and each bench has only one vote. The archduke of Austria and the archbishop of Salzburg are alternately directors of the college of princes. The third college is that of the free cities of the empire; the director of which is the minister of the city in which the diet happens to sit.

In all these colleges, the sentiments of the majority are conclusive, except in respect of fundamental laws, which affect the whole empire, or such matters as relate to religion. In these they must be unanimous.

Where religion is interested, the proceedings are also different. The colleges are then considered as consisting of two bodies, the evangelic and the catholic; and if any religious point be proposed, it must meet not only the unanimous concurrence of the proposing body, but must have the majority of the other to establish it. This distinction arose from a conjunction called the evangelic body; which was formed by the Protestant states and princes to guard the Protestant interest in Germany, by watching over the laws for the security of their religion, and, in case of violation, by obtaining redress from the imperial throne. For in any part of the empire, as in the palatinate, where the count is a Papist and the subjects are Protestants, should oppressions arise, application would be made to the evangelic body through the director. The elector of Saxony is director of the evangelic body, though he is a Papist; but therefore his representations in favour of the Protestants have more force; and beside, should he abuse an office which invests him with considerable weight and influence, he could be instantly deprived of it.

The first two colleges are styled superior, and in effect constitute the diet; for all points that come before the diet, are generally first deliberated in the college of electors, and pass from that to the college of princes; in which, if any objection arise, a free conference takes place between the directors of each college. And should they, in consequence of this free conference, concur, they invite the third college to Germany, accede to their joint opinion; which invitation is generally complied with; but should this college return a refusal, the opinion of the other two colleges is in some few cases engrossed in the chancery, and delivered to the emperor's commissary as the opinion of the empire. The opinion of the third college is merely mentioned at the close. However, though the superior colleges do in effect constitute the diet; yet the received maxim is, that no two colleges constitute a majority, that is, the majority of voices at the diet; nor can the emperor confirm the opinion of two colleges as an opinion of the diet. By the peace of Westphalia, a decisive vote, was recognized as a right of the imperial cities, which the two superior colleges should not infringe upon; their vote being, by the fundamental law, of equal weight with that of the electors and princes.

After a measure is approved of by the colleges, it is submitted to his Imperial majesty to receive his negative or confirmation. Should he approve the point, it is published in his name as the resolution of the empire, which states are exhorted to obey, and tribunals desired to consider as such.

The diet not only makes and explains laws, but decides ambiguous cases. It must also be consulted before war is made; appoints the field-marshal who is to command the army, and assigns him his council of war. The diet also enters into and makes alliances, but usually empowers the emperor to negotiate them; and foreign states have their ambassadors at the diet, but the diet sends no ministers to foreign courts.

In the origin of the empire, justice was administered in the districts of the provinces by counts, and appeals lay from their courts to that of the emperor before the justice, &c., count palatine. But as civil broils shook the power of the emperor, they interrupted also the course of justice. The consequent inconveniences caused several solicitations to be preferred from the states to different emperors for the establishment of a court of justice, which should take cognizance of great as well as small causes. And at length such a court was erected by Maximilian I. under the title of the Imperial Chamber at Worms, in the year 1495; but was removed to Spire in 1533, and to Wetzlar in 1696, where it is now held. The members of this court are a judge of the chamber and 25 assessors, partly Protestants partly Papists. The president is appointed by the emperor, the assessors by the states. The court receives appeals from inferior jurisdictions, and decides dubious titles; and all causes before it between prince and prince, or princes and private persons, are adjudged according to the laws of the respective parties, or according to the Imperial law. This tribunal is under the inspection of visitors appointed by the states; and, during their visitation, the sentences of the court are subject to revision. Appeals he afterward also from the judgment of the visitors to that of the diet.

The emperors, finding themselves deprived of many Aulic councils of their powers, wished to raise their prerogatives by forming a tribunal, of which they should name the judges, and before whom causes in the last resort should come. But Maximilian foresaw, in respect to the new tribunal, that though a consciousness of its importance made the states struggle for its erection, the expenses of its establishment would make them neglect its Germany its support; and the event bore witness to his sagacity.

But when, through the omissions and negligence of the states, there happened to be a cessation in the distribution of justice by the Imperial chamber, he revived his court of the count Palatinate or Aulic council. And in order to gain the quiet acquiescence of the states, under the mask of a partition of power, and of generous moderation, he defied them to add eight to the number of afflators, and the salaries of all should be discharged by him. The states swallowed the bait, but soon perceived that they had lost part of their liberty.

The emperor, by keeping the tribunal always open, by filling its seats with men of first-rate talents, and by having its sentences duly and speedily executed, drew all causes before it. The states remonstrated, declaring, that the Imperial chamber ought to be not only the supreme, but sole tribunal of that kind. The emperor answered, that he had erected the Imperial chamber in consequence of their solicitations; but as they had not supplied the tribunal with judges, he provided for that deficiency by a constant administration of justice in the establishment of another.

The Aulic council now subsists with equal authority, each receiving appeals from inferior jurisdictions; but neither appealing to the other, as the dernier resort from both must be had to the diet. However, to the Aulic council belong the referred rights of the emperor; and to the Imperial chamber also are annexed peculiar powers. The Imperial chamber subsists during a vacancy of the throne under the authority of the vicars of the empire; whereas the Aulic council does not exist until appointed by the succeeding emperor.

The Aulic council consists of a president, vice-president, and seventeen afflators, of whom six are Protestants. The vice-chancellor of the empire is also intitled to a seat; and all decrees issuing from the council pass through his hands to those who are to execute them. This tribunal obtains for the emperor, through the appeals from the courts of other princes, a new authority beside that which he possesses from his reserved rights; but electors and some princes, as those of Hanover, Austria, Brunswick, Swedish Pomerania, Hesse, are free from this dependence on the emperor, to whose Aulic council their subjects cannot appeal; nor can it take cognizance of ecclesiastical or criminal causes, both of which appertain to territorial justice; which we shall presently consider when we have surveyed the executive instrument of Imperial justice.

The division of the empire into circles is a regulation coeval with the establishment of the Imperial chamber by Maximilian, in order to strengthen the arm of justice with vigour to enforce its decrees. The original division was into six circles, which are called the ancient circles; and are Bavaria, Franconia, Swabia, Lower Saxony, the Upper Rhine, and Westphalia; but the powerful princes, who at first declined bringing their dominions under the form of circles, were led by a political finesse of the emperors to adopt the regulation, and increase the number to ten, by forming the four new circles of Austria, Burgundy, the electorate circle, and Upper Saxony.

Over these circles preside directors, to whom the tribunals of justice commit the execution of their decrees. The six old circles have two directors each, the four new have one each. The office of director is permanent and hereditary, as it belongs always to the first prince in the circle, upon whom it confers high authority; for all the decrees of the Imperial chamber and Aulic council are of no avail unless the director will execute them.

The directors of the circles are not only instruments of war but of peace: for in case of an Imperial war, they are to collect the troops of the circle; and if any state or prince of their respective circles suffer violation from others, they are to yield protection and enforce the peace; or should there be any tumultuous uprisings of the people, the suppression of such belongs to them.

The emperor is the executive instrument of the whole empire; the directors are such of the constitutive parts called circles. The prosperity and security of which being at stake, the directors, as presidents, must hold frequent diets in their respective circles, in order to consult on and adopt salutary measures for their safety and welfare; but as the interests of those near to us are generally so intimately blended with our own, that the good of either cannot be pursued without the mutual concurrence of both, there arise negotiations on particular points between the diets of different circles, which are therefore styled confederate circles; and these negotiations being more frequent amongst the circles of the Upper and Lower Rhine, or Westphalia, they are denominated the corresponding circles.

Every prince is sovereign in his own country; and Powers may enter into alliances, and pursue all political German measures his own private interest, as other sovereigns may do; for if even an Imperial war be declared, he may remain neuter if the safety of the empire be not at stake.

Each state or sovereign appoints in general three colleges for its government. The first is the geheimdienst, or privy council; the second is the regierung, or regency; the third the rentkammer, or chamber of finances. Each of these has a president; and a member of the first college is always president of the second.—The geheimdienst represents the prince, and superintends the other two. The regierung regulates limits of territories, holds conferences with other princes, and is in most countries a court of justice; however, in some states there is also a court of justice called jüdisches departement. And besides the right of conferences assigned to the regierung, by the sovereign when there are disputes between princes, there is also an auflage, or arbitration, appointed in order to decide them. Attention must be paid to this privilege of princes, who must be called on to appoint an auflage before resort be had to the Imperial tribunal, but to which there still lies an appeal from the judgment of the auflage. The rentkammer attends to the regulation of domains and estates, to the territorial revenues, and management of the taxes.

Every sovereign or prince is arbitrary in laws of policy, but not of revenue; for no new tax or impost can be laid on his country without the consent of the nobles and subjects. For this purpose, on the landtag, or day on which his subjects are to be convened, which is once in the period of four or five years, and at no other time can he assemble them, he calls together: ther the nobles and commissaries or deputies of the towns of his dominions. The nobles usually attend in person, but may send representatives. To this assembly the prince proposes the taxes, &c., and a majority of voices disposes of the measures.

Villages, though considerable, send no deputies to this assembly; because they are either already represented by their respective lords, or because they rank too low, being in a state of vassalage when compared to towns; for their inhabitants must mend highways, and can be impressed as soldiers; from both of which inhabitants of towns are exempt.

On the land tax, the respective quotas also of each place are fixed, in order to discharge the princes contingent in case of an Imperial war.

There is no fixed standing army of the empire; but the various states furnish their quotas pursuant to the agreement of 1681, when called upon by the diet in case of war, viz.

| Foot. Horse. | |-------------|-------------| | Upper Saxony | 2707 | | Lower Saxony | 2707 | | Westphalia | 2707 | | Upper Rhine | 2853 | | Lower Rhine | 2707 | | Burgundy | 2707 | | Franconia | 1902 | | Austria | 5507 | | Bavaria | 1494 | | Swabia | 2707 |

Total 27,998 11,997

The whole number of forces in the service of the several German princes have been stated at half a million; others calculate, that the ecclesiastical princes can furnish 74,500 men, the temporal princes 579,000, and the emperor 90,000, as head of the house of Austria. Total 543,500.

The revenue accruing to the emperor as such in time of peace, is very trifling, only about 20,000 crowns, being the contributions of a few imperial towns; but in case of war, extraordinary aids, called Roman months, laid on by the diet, are contributed by the different circles at the following rate for raising 1/4 million of florins, viz.

| Florins. Xtr. | |---------------| | Upper Saxony | 156,360 | | Lower Saxony | 156,360 | | Westphalia | 156,360 | | Upper Rhine | 101,411 | | Lower Rhine | 105,654 | | Burgundy | 156,360 | | Franconia | 113,481 | | Austria | 306,390 | | Bavaria | 91,261 | | Swabia | 156,360 |

Total 1,499,999 40

The actual revenue of all Germany has been calculated at nearly L. 18,000,000 sterling, or 100 million of dollars.

From the great extent of the empire, every variety of soil is to be met with; but it is upon the whole more fertile than otherwise. The middle parts are most productive in corn and cattle; the southern abound with excellent wines and fruits. The northern parts, from their coldness, are rather unfavourable to vegetation; however, agriculture throughout improves exceedingly. Their mines, though early explored, still continue great sources of wealth. They produce, excepting tin, almost every mineral. Of quicksilver, one mine alone is computed to yield 50,000 pounds weight a-year. They furnish the finest sort of clay for porcelain, and have excellent and extensive salt-works.

From the central situation of Germany, its commerce with the rest of Europe is very extensive. Its minerals are decidedly the first native articles for trade; after which its medicinal waters, salt, hemp, flax, linen, silk, wines, fruits, corn, cattle, stuffs, cloths, timber, porcelain, wrought iron and steel, drugs, oil, and colours, are the principal. The artisans furnished by the revocation of the edict of Nantz, enable Germany no longer to stand in need of the wrought silks of other countries. Great commercial fairs still exist in Germany, and it is considered upon the whole that the balance of trade is in its favour.

With regard to the character of the ancient Germans, they are described to us by the Greek and Roman writers as resembling the Gauls; and differing from other nations by the largeness of their stature, ruddy complexion, blue eyes, and yellow bushy hair, haughty and threatening looks, strong constitutions, and being proof against hunger, cold, and all kinds of hardship.

Their native disposition displayed itself chiefly in their martial genius, and in their singular fidelity. The former of these they did indeed carry to such an excess as came little short of downright ferocity; but, as to the latter, they not only valued themselves highly upon it, but were greatly esteemed by other nations for it; insomuch that Augustus, and several of his successors, committed the guard of their persons to them, and almost all other nations either courted their friendship and alliance, or hired them as auxiliaries; though it must be owned, at the same time, that their extreme love of liberty, and their hatred of tyranny and oppression, have often hurried them to treachery and murder, especially when they have thought themselves ill used by those who hired them; for in all such cases they were easily flattered up, and extremely vindictive. In other cases, Tacitus tells us, they were noble, magnanimous, and beneficent, without ambition to aggrandize their dominions, or invading those from whom they received no injury; rather choosing to employ their strength and valour defensively than offensively; to preserve their own, than to ravage their neighbours.

Their friendship and intercourse was rather a compound of honest bluntness and hospitality, than of wit, humour, or gallantry. All strangers were sure to meet with a kind reception from them to the utmost of their ability: even those who were not in a capacity to entertain them, made it a piece of duty to introduce them to those who could; and nothing was looked upon as more scandalous and detestable, than to refuse them either the one or the other. They do not seem, indeed, to have had a taste for grand and elegant entertainments; they affected in every thing, in their houses, furniture, diet, &c., rather plainness and simplicity, than sumptuousness and luxury. If they learned of the Romans and Gauls the use of money, it was rather because they found it more convenient than than their ancient way of bartering one commodity for another; and then they preferred those ancient coins which had been stamped during the times of the Roman liberty, especially such as were either milled or cut in the rims, because they could not be so easily cheated in them as in some others, which were frequently nothing but copper or iron plated over with silver. This last metal they likewise preferred before gold, not because it made a greater show, but because it was more convenient for buying and selling: And as they became in time more feared by, or more useful to, the Romans; so they learned how to draw enough of it from them to supply their whole country, besides, what flowed to them from other nations.

As they despised superfluities in other cases, so they did also in the connubial way: every man was contented with one wife, except some few of their nobles, who allowed themselves a plurality, more for show than pleasure; and both were so faithful to each other, and chaste, true, and disinterested, in their conjugal affections, that Tacitus prefers their manners in this respect to those of the Romans. The men sought not dowries from their wives, but bestowed them upon them. Their youth, in those cold climes, did not begin so soon to feel the warmth of love as they do in hotter ones: it was a common rule with them not to marry young; and those were most esteemed who continued longest in celibacy, because they looked upon it as an effectual means to make them grow tall and strong; and to marry, or be concerned with a woman, before they were full 20 years old, was accounted shameful wantonness. The women shared with their husbands not only the care of their family, and the education of their children, but even the hardships of war. They attended them in the field, cooked their victuals for them, dressed their wounds, stirred them up to fight manfully against their enemies, and sometimes have by their courage and bravery recovered a victory when it was upon the point of being snatched from them. In a word, they looked upon such constant attendance on them, not as a servitude, like the Roman dames, but as a duty and an honour. But what appears to have been still an harder fate upon the ancient German dames was, that their great Odinus excluded all those from his walhalla, or paradise, who did not, by some violent death, follow their deceased husbands thither. Yet notwithstanding their having been anciently in such high repute for their wisdom and supposed spirit of prophecy, and their continuing such faithful and tender helpmates to their husbands, they sunk in time so low in their esteem, that, according to the old Saxon law, he that hurt or killed a woman was to pay but half the fine that he should have done if he had hurt or killed a man.

There is scarcely any one thing in which the Germans, though so nearly allied in most of their other customs to the Gauls, were yet more opposite to them than in their funerals. Those of the latter were performed with great pomp and profusion; those of the former were done with the same plainness and simplicity which they observed in all other things: the only grandeur they affected in them was, to burn the bodies of their great men with some peculiar kinds of wood; but then the funeral pile was neither adorned with the clothes and other fine furniture of the deceased, nor perfumed with fragrant herbs and gums: each man's armour, that is, his sword, shield, and spear, were flung into it, and sometimes his riding-horse. The Danes, indeed, flung into the funeral-pile of a prince, gold, silver, and other precious things, which the chief mourners, who walked in a gloomy guise round the fire, exhorted the bystanders to fling liberally into it in honour of the deceased. They afterwards deposited their ashes in urns, like the Gauls, Romans, and other nations; as it plainly appears, from the vast numbers which have been dug up all over the country, as well as from the sundry dissertations which have been written upon them by several learned moderns of that nation. One thing we may observe, in general, that, whatever sacrifices they offered for their dead, whatever presents they made to them at their funerals, and whatever other superstitious rites they might perform at them, all was done in consequence of those excellent notions which their ancient religion had taught them, the immortality of the soul, and the bliss or misery of a future life.

It is impossible, indeed, as they did not commit any thing to writing till very lately, and as none of the ancient writers have given us any account of it, to guess how soon the belief of their great Odin, and his paradise, was received among them. It may, for aught we know, have been older than the times of Tacitus, and he have known nothing of it, by reason of their scrupulous care in concealing their religion from strangers: but as they conveyed their doctrines to posterity by songs and poems, and most of the northern poets tell us that they have drawn their intelligence from those very poems which were still preserved among them; we may rightly enough suppose, that whatever doctrines are contained in them, were formerly professed by the generality of the nation, especially since we find their ancient practice so exactly conformable to it. Thus, since the surest road to this paradise was, to excel in martial deeds, and to die intrepidly in the field of battle; and since none were excluded from it but base cowards, and betrayers of their country; it is natural to think, that the signal and excessive bravery of the Germans flowed from this ancient belief of theirs: and, if their females were so brave and faithful, as not only to share with their husbands all the dangers and fatigues of war, but at length to follow them, by a voluntary death, into the other world; it can hardly be attributed to any thing else but a strong persuasion of their being admitted to live with them in that place of bliss. This belief, therefore, whether received originally from the old Celtes, or afterwards taught them by the since deified Odin, seems, from their general practice, to have been universally received by all the Germans, though they might differ one from another in their notions of that future life.

The notion of a future happiness obtained by martial exploits, especially by dying sword in hand, made them bewail the fate of those who lived to an old age, as dishonourable here, and hopeless hereafter: upon which account, they had a barbarous way of sending them into the other world, willing or not willing. And this custom lasted several ages after their receiving Christianity, especially among the Prussians and Veneti; the former of whom, it seems, dispatched by a quick death, not only their children, the sick, servants, &c. but even their parents, and sometimes themselves; and among the latter we have instances of this horrid parricide being practised even in the beginning of the 14th century. All that need be added is, that, if those persons, thus supposed to have lived long enough, either desired to be put to death, or at least seemed cheerfully to submit to what they knew they could not avoid, their exit was commonly preceded with a feast, and their funeral with a feast; but if they endeavoured to shun it, as it sometimes happened, both ceremonies were performed with the deepest mourning. In the former, they rejoiced at their deliverance, and being admitted into bliss; in the latter, they bewailed their cowardly excluding themselves from it. Much the same thing was done towards those wives who betrayed a backwardness to follow their dead husbands.

We must likewise observe, that, in these funerals, as well as in all their other feasts, they were famed for drinking to excess; and one may say of them, above all the other descendants of the ancient Celts, that their hospitality, banquets, &c. consisted much more in the quantity of strong liquors, than in the elegance of eating. Beer and strong mead, which were their natural drink, were looked upon as the chief promoters of health, strength, fertility, and bravery; upon which account, they made no scruple to indulge themselves to the utmost in them, not only in their feasts, and especially before an engagement, but even in their common meals.

The modern Germans in their persons are tall and strong built. The ladies have generally fine complexions; and some of them, especially in Saxony, have all the delicacy of features and shape that are so bewitching in a certain island of Europe.

Both men and women affect rich dresses, which in fashion are the same as in France and England; but the better sort of men are excessively fond of gold and silver lace, especially if they are in the army. The ladies at the principal courts differ not much in their dress from the French and English, only they are not so excessively fond of paint as the former. At some courts they appear in rich furs; and all of them are loaded with jewels, if they can obtain them. The female part of the burghers families, in many German towns, dress in a very different manner, and some of them inconceivably fantastic, as may be seen in many prints published in books of Travels; but in this respect they are gradually reforming, and many of them make quite a different appearance in their dress from what they did 30 or 40 years ago. As to the peasantry and labourers, they dress as in other parts of Europe, according to their employments, conveniency, and opulence. In Westphalia, and most other parts of Germany, they sleep between two feather beds, or rather the upper one of down, with sheets stitched to them, which by use becomes a very comfortable practice. The most unhappy part of the Germans are the tenants of little needy princes, who squeeze them to keep up their own grandeur; but, in general, the circumstances of the common people are far preferable to those of the French.

The Germans are naturally a frank, honest, hospitable people, free from artifice and disguise. The higher orders are ridiculously proud of titles, ancestry, and show. The Germans, in general, are thought to want animation, as their persons promise more vigour and activity than they commonly exert even in the field of battle. But when commanded by able generals, especially the Italians, such as Montecuculi and prince Eugène, they have done great things, both against the Turks and the French. The Imperial arms have seldom made any remarkable figure against either of those two nations, or against the Swedes or Spaniards, when commanded by German generals. This possibly might be owing to the arbitrary obstinacy of the court of Vienna; for in the last war the Austrians exhibited prodigies of military valour and genius.

Industry, application, and perseverance, are the great characteristics of the German nation, especially the mechanical part of it. Their works of art would be incredible were they not visible, especially in watch and clock making, jewellery, turnery, sculpture, drawing, painting, and certain kinds of architecture. The Germans have been charged with intemperance in eating and drinking; and perhaps not unjustly, owing to the vast plenty of their country in wine and provisions of every kind. But those practices seem now to be wearing out. At the greatest tables, though the guests drink pretty freely during dinner, yet the repast is commonly finished by coffee after three or four public toasts have been drank. But no people have more feasting at marriages, funerals, and birthdays.

The German nobility are generally men of so much honour, that a sharper in other countries, especially in England, meets with more credit if he pretends to be a German, than of any other nation.

The merchants and tradesmen are very civil and obliging. All the sons of noblemen inherit their fathers' titles, which greatly perplexes the heralds and genealogists of that country. This perhaps is one of the reasons why the German husbands are not quite so complaisant as they ought otherwise to be to their ladies, who are not intitled to any pre-eminence at the table; nor indeed do they seem to affect it, being far from either ambition or loquacity, though they are said to be somewhat too fond of gaming. From what has been premised, it may easily be conceived, that many of the German nobility, having no other hereditary estate than a high-founding title, easily enter into their armies, and those of other sovereigns. Their fondness for title is attended with many other inconveniences. Their princes think that the cultivation of their lands, though it may treble their revenue, is below their attention; and that, as they are a species of beings superior to labourers of every kind, they would demean themselves in being concerned in the improvement of their grounds.

The domestic diversions of the Germans are the same as in England; billiards, cards, dice, fencing, dancing, and the like. In summer, people of fashion repair to places of public resort, and drink the waters. As to their field-diversions, besides their favourite one of hunting, they have bull and bear beating, and the like. The inhabitants of Vienna live luxuriously, a great part of their time being spent in feasting and carousing; and in winter, when the several branches of the Danube are frozen over, and the ground covered with Germany with snow, the ladies take their recreations in sledges of different shapes, such as griffins, tygers, swans, scollop-shells, &c. Here the lady sits, drested in velvet lined with rich furs, and adorned with laces and jewels, having on her head a velvet cap; and the sledge is drawn by one horse, flag, or other creature, set off with plumes of feathers, ribbons, and bells. As this diversion is taken chiefly in the nighttime, servants ride before the sledge with torches, and a gentleman sitting on the sledge behind guides the horse.

The Reformation first spread in Germany to most advantage; and since the religious peace of 1555, there have been established the Roman Catholic, prevailing mostly in the south; the Lutheran in the north; and the Calvinist, called also the Reformed, near the Rhine. Civil wars considerably deranged this settlement: it was, however, established by the celebrated peace of Westphalia, that the religion of the Seven States should remain as in 1624. The Roman superior clergy consist of 8 archbishops, 40 bishops, and many abbots. The Protestant clergy are governed by consistories under the sovereign of each state. The Corpus Catholicorum is under the direction of the archbishop, elector of Mentz; and the Corpus Evangelicorum, or Protestants, under the elector of Saxony; who have the care of the public concerns of their respective bodies.

Literature is at present in a very advanced state throughout almost all Germany, but particularly in the Protestant states. It is but about half a century since the German language has been purified and cultivated; since which various works of taste and elegance, as well as superior productions in the different walks of science, have appeared in it.—There are 38 universities in Germany; 19 Protestant, 17 Catholic, and 2 which partake of both; besides a number of literary societies and academic institutions: and education in general is particularly attended to even in the very lowest ranks.