See Hindostan.—By the name of India the ancients understood only the western peninsula, on this side the Ganges, and the peninsula beyond it, having little or no knowledge of the countries which lie farther to the eastward; though by the moderns all those vast tracts from the eastern parts of the Persian empire to the islands of Japan, are confounded under the general name of East Indies. Even the ancients, though originally they were acquainted only with the western parts of Hindostan, gradually extended the name of India over the other countries they discovered to the eastward; so that probably they would have involved all the rest in the same general designation, had they been as well acquainted with them as the moderns are. By whom these countries were originally peopled, is conjecture a question which in all probability will never be resolved. Concerning Certain it is, that some works in these parts discovering the marks of astonishing skill and power in the inhabitants, such as the images in the island of Elephanta; the rocking stones of immense weight, yet so nicely balanced that a man can move them with his hand; the observatory at Benares, &c. These stupendous works are by Mr Bryant attributed to the Cushites or Babylonians, the first distinct nation in the world, and who of consequence must for some time have possessed in a manner the sovereignty of the whole earth; and it can by no means appear improbable, that the subjects of Nimrod, the beginning of whose kingdom was in Shinar, might extend themselves eastward, and thus fill the fertile regions of the east with inhabitants, without thinking it worth while for a long time to meddle with the less mild and rich countries to the westward. Thus why the Indians would be formed that great and for some time insuperable division betwixt the inhabitants of India and Western nations other countries; so that the western nations knew not were ignorant even of the existence of the Indians but by obscure report of one port; while the latter, ignorant of their own origin, another invented a thousand idle tales concerning the antiquity of their nation, which some of the moderns have been credulous enough to believe and record as facts.

The first among the western nations who distinguished themselves by their application to navigation and commerce, and who were of consequence likely to discover these distant nations, were the Egyptians and Phoenicians. The former, however, soon lost their inclination for naval affairs, and held all sea-faring people in detestation as profane persons; though the extensive conquests of Sesostris, if we can believe them, supplied this defect. Without regard to the prejudice of his people against India, maritime affairs, he is said to have fitted out a fleet of 400 sail in the Arabian Gulph or Red Sea, which conquered all the countries lying along the Erythrean Sea (a) to India; while the army led by himself marched through Asia, and subdued all the countries to the Ganges;

(a) This must not be confounded with the Red Sea, notwithstanding the similarity of names. The Erythrean sea was that part of the ocean which is interposed betwixt the straits of Babelmandel and the Mahabar coast, now called the Indian sea or ocean. Ganges; after which he crossed that river, and advanced to the eastern ocean.

Great disputes have been carried on with respect to this conqueror, and the famous expedition just now related; but the learned Dr Robertson, in his Disquisition concerning ancient India, declares himself in doubt whether any such expedition ever was made, for the following reasons. 1. Few historical facts seem to be better established than that of the aversion the Egyptians entertained to seafaring people and naval affairs; and the Doctor considers it as impossible even for the most powerful monarch to change in a few years a national habit confirmed by time and sanctified by religion. The very magnitude of the armaments is an argument against their existence; for besides the 400 ships of war, he had another fleet in the Mediterranean; and such a mighty navy could not have been constructed in any nation unaccustomed to maritime affairs, in a few years. 2. Herodotus makes no mention of the conquests of India by Sesostris, though he relates his history at some length. Our author is of opinion that the story was fabricated between the time of Herodotus and that of Diodorus Siculus, from whom we have the first account of this expedition. Diodorus himself informs us that he had it from the Egyptian priests; and gives it as his opinion, that "many things they related flowed rather from a desire to promote the honour of their country than from attention to truth;" and he takes notice that both the Egyptian priests and Greek writers differ widely from one another in the accounts which they give of the actions of Sesostris. 3. Though Diodorus declares that he has selected the most probable parts of the Egyptian narrative, yet there are still too many improbabilities, or rather impossibilities, contained in his relation, that we cannot by any means give credit to it. 4. For the reason just mentioned, the judicious geographer Strabo rejected the account altogether, and ranks the exploits of Sesostris in India with the fabulous ones of Bacchus and Hercules.

But whatever may be determined with regard to the Egyptians, it is certain that the Tyrians kept up a constant intercourse with some parts of India by navigating the Arabian Gulf, now the Red Sea. Of this navigation they became masters by taking from the Idumeans some maritime places on the coast of the Red Sea; but as the distance between the nearest place of that Sea and Tyre was still considerable, the land carriage would have been very tedious and expensive; for which reason it was necessary to become masters of a port on the eastern part of the Mediterranean, nearer to the Red Sea than Tyre. So the goods might be shipped from thence to Tyre itself. With this view they took possession of Rhinvelura, the nearest port on the Mediterranean to the Arabian Gulf; and to that port all the goods from India were conveyed by a much shorter and less expensive route than over land.—This is the first authentic account of any intercourse between India and the western part of the world; and to this we are without doubt in a great measure to ascribe the vast wealth and power for which the city of Tyre was anciently renowned; for in other respects the whole territory of Phenicia was but of little consequence. Notwithstanding the frequency of these voyages, however, the ancients are able to give little or no account of them. The most particular description we have of the wealth, power, and commerce of ancient Tyre, is in the prophecies of Ezekiel; so that if the Tyrians themselves kept any journals of their voyages, it is probable that they were entirely lost when the city was destroyed by Alexander the Great.

Though the Jews, under the reign of David and Solomon, carried on an extensive and lucrative commerce, yet our author is of opinion that they did not visit India trade to any part of India. There are only two places mentioned to which their ships sailed, viz. Ophir and Tarshish; both of which are now supposed to have been situated on the eastern coast of Africa: the ancient Tarshish, according to Mr Bruce, was the present Mocha; and Ophir the kingdom of Sofala, to remarkable former times for its mines, that it was called by Oriental writers the golden Sofala.*

Thus the Indians continued for a long time unknown to the western nations, and undisturbed by them; probably in subjection to the mighty empire of Babylon, from which the country was originally peopled, or in alliance with it; and the possession of this vast region will easily account for the immense and otherwise almost incredible wealth and power of the ancient Babylonian monarchs. Soon after the destruction of that monarchy by the Persians, however, we find their monarch Darius Hystaspes undertaking an expedition against the Indians†. His conquests were not extensive, as they did not reach beyond the territory watered by the Indus; nevertheless, such as they were, the acquisition seems to have been very important, as the revenue derived from the conquered territory, according to Herodotus, was near a third of that of the whole Persian empire. According to his account, however, we must form a much more diminutive opinion of the riches of the Persian monarchs than has commonly been done; since Herodotus tells us, that the empire was divided into 20 satrapies or governments; all of which yielded a revenue of 14,560 Euboic talents, amounting in the whole to 2,807,437 l. sterling. The amount of the revenue from the conquered provinces of India therefore must have been considerably short of a million. Very little knowledge of the country was diffused by the expedition of Darius, or the voyage of Scylax whom he employed to explore the coasts: for the Greeks paid no regard to the transactions of those whom they called Barbarians; and as for Scylax himself, he told so many incredible stories in the account he gave of his voyage, that he had the misfortune to be disbelieved in almost every thing, whether true or false.

The expedition of Alexander is so fully taken notice of under the article Hindostan, that nothing more remains to be said upon it in this place, than that he went no farther into the country than the present territory of the Panjab, all of which he did not traverse. Its south west boundary is formed by a river anciently called the Hydrustris, now the Setlege. The breadth of this district from Ludhana on the Setlege, to Attock on the Indus, is computed to be 259 geographical miles in a straight line; and Alexander's march, computed in the same manner, did not exceed 200; nevertheless, by the spreading of his numerous army over the country, and the exact measurement and delineation... tion of all his movements by men of science whom he employed, a very extensive knowledge of the western part of India was obtained. It is, however, surprising, that having marched through so many countries in the neighbourhood of India, where the people must have been well acquainted with the nature of the climate, the Macedonian conqueror did not receive any information concerning the difficulties he would meet with from the rains which fell periodically at a certain season of the year. It was the extreme distress occasioned by them which made his soldiers finally resolve to proceed no farther; and no wonder indeed that they did adopt this resolution, since Diodorus informs us, that it had rained incessantly for 70 days before their departure. These rains, however, according to the testimony both of ancient and modern writers, fall only in the mountainous parts, little or none being ever seen in the plains. Arriabulus informs us, that in the country through which Alexander marched, though heavy rains fell among the mountains, not a shower was seen in the plains below. The district is now seldom visited by Europeans; but major Rennel was informed by a person of credit, who had resided in the Panjab, that during great part of the S.W. monsoon, or at least in the months July, August, and part of September, which is the rainy season in most other parts of India, very little rain falls in the Delta of the Indus, except very near the sea, though the atmosphere is generally clouded, and very few showers fall throughout the whole season. Captain Hamilton relates, that when he visited Tatta, no rain had fallen there for three years before. We may have some idea of what the Macedonians suffered by what happened afterwards to Nadir Shah, who, though possessed of vast wealth and power, as well as great experience in military affairs, yet lost a great part of his army in crossing the mountains and rivers of the Panjab, and in battles with the savage inhabitants who inhabit the countries betwixt the Oxus and the frontiers of Persia. He marched through the same countries, and nearly in the same direction, that Alexander did.

By his voyage down the river Indus, Alexander contributed much more to enlarge our geographical knowledge of India than by all his marches and conquests by land. According to Major Rennel, the space of country through which he sailed on the Indus, from the Hyphasis to the ocean, was not less than 1000 miles; and as, during the whole of that navigation, he obliged the nations on both sides the river to submit to him, we may be very certain that the country on each side was explored to some distance. An exact account not only of his military operations, but of everything worthy of notice relating to the countries through which he passed, was preserved in the journals of his three officers, Lagus, Nearchus, and Arriabulus; and these journals, Arrian informs us, he followed in the composition of his history. From these authors we learn, that in the time of Alexander, the western part of that vast tract named India was possessed by seven very powerful monarchs. The territory of king Porus, which Alexander first conquered, and then restored to him, is said to have contained no fewer than 2000 towns; and the king of the Pafii had assembled an army of 20,000 cavalry, 2000 armed chariots, and a great number of elephants, to oppose the Macedonian monarch on the banks of the Ganges. The navigable rivers with which the Panjab country abounds, afforded then, and still continue to afford, an intercourse from one part to another by water: and as at that time these rivers probably had many ships on them for the purposes of commerce, Alexander might easily collect all the number he is said to have had, viz. 2000; since it is reported that Semiramis was opposed by double the number on the Indus when she invaded India. When Mahmud Gazni also invaded this country, a fleet was collected upon the Indus to oppose him, consisting of the same number of vessels. From the Ayeen Akbery, also, we learn that the inhabitants of this part of India still continue to carry on all their communication with each other by water; and the inhabitants of the Circe of Tatta alone have 40,000 vessels of various constructions.

Under the article Hindostan we have mentioned Why Alex Major Rennel's opinion concerning the silence of Alexander's historians about the expedition of Scylax; but no notice of Dr Robertson accounts for it in another manner. "It the voyage is remarkable (says he), that neither Nearchus, nor Scylax, Ptolemy, nor Arriabulus, nor even Arrian, once mention the voyage of Scylax. This could not proceed from their being unacquainted with it, for Herodotus was a favourite author in the hands of every Greek who had any pretensions to literature. It was probably occasioned by the reasons they had to distrust the veracity of Scylax, of which I have already taken notice. Accordingly, in a speech which Arrian puts in the mouth of Alexander, he affirms, that, except Bacchus, he was the first who had passed the Indus; which implies that he disbelieved what is related concerning Scylax, and was not acquainted with what Darius Hyphasis is said to have done in order to subject that part of India to the Persian crown. This opinion is confirmed by Megasthenes, who resided a considerable time in India. He affirms, that, except Bacchus and Hercules (to whose fabulous expeditions Strabo is astonished that he should have given any credit), Alexander was the first who had invaded India. Arrian informs us that the Affaceni, and other people who inhabited the country now called Candahar, had been tributary first to the Assyrians and then to the Medes and Persians. As all the fertile provinces on the north-west of the Indus were anciently reckoned to be part of India, it is probable that what was levied from them is the sum mentioned in the tribute roll from which Herodotus drew his account of the annual revenue of the Persian empire, and that none of the provinces to the south of the Indus were ever subject to the kings of Persia."—The Doctor differs from Mr Rennel with respect to the surprise which Alexander and his army expressed when they saw the high tides at the mouth of the Indus. This he thinks might very naturally have been the case, notwithstanding what Herodotus had written concerning the flux and reflux observable in the Red Sea. All that has been mentioned by Herodotus concerning this phenomenon is, that "in the Red Sea there is a regular ebb and flow of the tide every day." No wonder therefore that the Macedonians should be surprised and terrified at the very high tides which presented themselves in the Indian ocean, which the few words of Herodotus above mentioned had by no means led them to ex- In the like manner the Romans were surprised at the tides in the Atlantic, when they had conquered some of the countries bordering upon that ocean. Caesar describes the astonishment of his soldiers at a spring tide in Britain which greatly damaged his fleet; and indeed, considering the very little rise of the tide in the Mediterranean, to which alone the Greeks and Romans had access, we may reckon the account given us by Arrian highly probable.

The country on each side the Indus was found, in the time of Alexander, to be in no degree inferior in population to the kingdom of Porsus already mentioned. The climate, soil, and productions of India, as well as the manners and customs of the inhabitants, are exactly described, and the descriptions found to correspond in a surprising manner with modern accounts. The stated change of seasons, now known by the name of monsoons, the periodical rains, the swellings and inundations of the rivers, with the appearance of the country during the time they continue, are particularly described. The descriptions of the inhabitants are equally particular; their living entirely upon vegetable food, their division into tribes or castes, with many of the particularities related under the article Hindoo, are to be met with in the accounts of Alexander's expedition. His military operations, however, extended but a very little way into India properly so called; no farther indeed than the modern province of Lahor, and the countries on the banks of the Indus from Moulton to the sea; though, had he lived to undertake another expedition as he intended, it is very probable that he would have subdued a vastly greater tract of country; nor indeed could anything probably have set bounds to his conquests but death or revolts in distant provinces of his empire. In order to secure the obedience of those countries he subdued, Alexander found it necessary to build a number of fortified cities; and the farther eastward he extended his conquests, the more necessary did he find this task. Three he built in India itself; two on the banks of the Hydaspes, and a third on the Acesines, both navigable rivers, falling into the Indus after they have united their streams. By means of these cities he intended not only to keep the adjacent countries in awe, but to promote a commercial intercourse between different parts both by land and water. With this view also, on his return to Sula, he surveyed in person the course of the Euphrates and Tigris, caulding the canals or dams to be removed which the Persian monarchs had built to obstruct the navigation of these rivers, in conformity to a maxim of their superstition, that it was unlawful to defile any of the elements, which they imagined was done by navigators. After the navigation was opened in this manner, he proposed that the valuable commodities of India should be imported into the other parts of his dominions by means of the Persian Gulf; while through the Red Sea they were conveyed to Alexandria in Egypt, and thence dispersed all over Europe.

The death of Alexander having put an end to all his great schemes, the eastern part of his dominions devolved first on Pytho the son of Agenor, and afterwards on Seleucus. The latter was very sensible of the advantages to be derived from keeping India in subjection. With this view he undertook an expedition into that country, partly to establish his authority more perfectly, and partly to defend the Macedonian territories against Sandracottus king of Seleucus the Prasii, who threatened to attack them. The particulars of his expedition are very little known; Justin being the only author who mentions them, and his authority is but of little weight, unless corroborated by the testimony of other historians. Plutarch, who tells us that Seleucus carried his arms farther into India than Alexander, is subject to an imputation of the same kind; but Pliny, whose authority is of considerably greater weight, corroborates the testimony of Plutarch in this instance, tho' his words are so obscure, that learned men differ in opinion concerning their meaning. Bayer thinks they imply that Seleucus marched from the Hyphasis, the boundary of Alexander's conquests, to the Hydaspes, from thence to Palibothra, and then to the mouth of the Ganges; the distances of the principal stations being marked, and amounting in all to 2244 Roman miles. Notwithstanding this authority, however, Dr Robertson thinks it very improbable that the expedition of Seleucus should have continued so long, as in that case "the ancients would have had a more accurate knowledge of that part of the country than they seem ever to have possessed."

The career of Seleucus in the east was stopped by Antigonus, who prepared to invade the western part of his dominions. The former was therefore obliged to conclude a treaty with Sandracottus, whom he allowed to remain in quiet possession of his territories; but Dr Robertson is of opinion, that during the lifetime of Seleucus, which continued 42 years after the death of Alexander, no diminution of the Macedonian territories took place. With a view of keeping up a friendly intercourse with the Indian Prince, Seleucus sent Megalithenes, one of Alexander's officers, situated on the banks of the Ganges. This city is by Dr Robertson supposed to be the modern Allahabad, seated at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges, contrary to the opinion of Major Rennell, who supposes it to be Patna.* As Megalithenes resided in this city for a considerable space of time, he had an opportunity of making many observations on the country of India in general; and these observations he was induced afterwards to publish. Unhappily, however, he mingled with his relations the most extravagant fables. To him may be traced the ridiculous accounts of men with ears so large that they could wrap themselves up in them; of tribes with one eye, without mouths or noses, &c. whence the extracts from his book given by Arrian, Diodorus, and other ancient writers, can scarcely be credited, unless confirmed by other evidence.

After the embassy of Megalithenes to Sandracottus, and that of his son Damaichus to Allitrochidas, the successor of Sandracottus, we hear no more of the affairs of India with regard to the Macedonians, until the time of Antiochus the Great, who made a short incursion into India about 197 years after the death of Seleucus. All that we know of this expedition is, that the Syrian monarch, after finishing a war he carried on against the two revolted provinces of Parthia and Bactria, entered India, where he obliged Sophagetus, India. gafenus, king of the country which he invaded, to pay a sum of money, and give him a number of elephants. It is probable that the successors of Seleucus were obliged soon after his death to abandon all their Indian territories.

After the loss of India by the Syrians, an intercourse was kept up for some time between it and the Greek kingdom of Bactria. This last became an independent state about 69 years after the death of Alexander; and, according to the few hints we have concerning it in ancient authors, carried on a great traffic with India. Nay, the Bactrian monarchs are said to have conquered more extensive tracts in that region than Alexander himself had done. Six princes reigned over this new kingdom in succession; some of whom, elated with the conquests they had made and the power they had acquired, assumed the title of Great King, by which the Persian monarchs were distinguished in their highest splendor. Strabo informs us, that the Bactrian princes were deprived of their territories by the Scythian Nomades, who came from the country beyond the Iaxartes, and were known by the names of Afii, Pashani, Tachari, and Scarauli. This is confirmed by the testimony of some Chinese historians quoted by M. de Guignes. According to them, about 126 years before the Christian era, a powerful horde of Tartars, pushed from their native seats on the confines of China, and obliged to move farther to the west, passed the Iaxartes, and, pouring in upon Bactria like an irresistible torrent, overwhelmed that kingdom, and put an end to the dominion of the Greeks after it had lasted near 130 years.

From this time to the close of the 15th century, all thoughts of establishing any dominion in India were totally abandoned by the Europeans. The only object now was to promote a commercial intercourse with that country; and Egypt was the medium by which that intercourse was to be promoted. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and first king of Egypt, first raised the power and splendor of Alexandria, which he knew had been built by Alexander with a view to carry on a trade to India; and in order to make the navigation more secure, he built the celebrated light-house at Pharos; a work so magnificent as to be reckoned one of the wonders of the world. His son Ptolemy Philadelphus prosecuted the same plan very vigorously. In his time the Indian commerce once more began to centre in Tyre; but to remove it effectually from thence, he formed a canal between Arfinoe on the Red Sea, not far from the place where Suez now stands, and the Peluflac or eastern branch of the Nile. This canal was 100 cubits broad and 30 deep; so that by means of it the productions of India might have been conveyed to Alexandria entirely by water. We know not whether this work was ever finished, or whether it was found useless on account of the dangerous navigation towards the northern extremity of the Red Sea; but whatever was the cause, it is certain that no use was made of it, and a new city named Berenice, situated almost under the tropic upon the western shore of the Red Sea, became the staple of Indian commerce. From thence the goods were transported by land to Coptos, a city distant only three miles from the Nile, to which it was joined by a navigable canal. Thus, however, there was a very tedious land-carriage of no less than 258 Roman miles through the barren desert of Thebais: but Ptolemy caused diligent search to be made every where for springs, and wherever these were found, he built inns or caravanserais for the accommodation of travellers; and thus the commerce with India was carried on till Egypt became subject to the Romans. The ships during this period set sail from Berenice, and coasting along the Arabian shore to the promontory of Syagrus, now Cape Rafaletge, held their course along the coast of Persia till they arrived at the mouth of the western branch of the river Indus. They either sailed up this branch till they came to Pattala, now Tatta, situated at the upper part of the Delta, or continued their course to some other emporium on the western part of the Indian coast. A more convenient course was afterwards found by sailing directly to Zenzis, a place concerning which there is now some dispute. Montefquieu will have it to be the kingdom of Sigetis, on the coast adjacent to the Indus, and which was conquered by the Bactrian monarchs; but Major Rennel is of opinion that it was a port on the Malabar coast. Dr Robertson does not pretend to decide this dispute; but is of opinion, that during the time of the Ptolemies very little progress was made in the discovery of India. He contests the opinion of Major Rennel, that "under the Ptolemies the Egyptians extended their navigation to the extreme point of the Indian continent, and even sailed up the Ganges to Palibothra, now Patna." In this case he thinks that the interior parts of India must have been much better known to the ancients than we have any reason to believe they were. He owns indeed that Strabo mentions the sailing up the Ganges, but then it is only cursorily and in a single sentence; whereas if such a considerable inland voyage of above 400 miles, through a populous and rich country, had been customary, or even if it had been ever performed by the Roman, Greek, or Egyptian traders, it must have merited a particular description, and must have been mentioned by Pliny and other writers, as there was nothing similar to it in the practice of navigation among the ancients."—The extreme danger of navigating the Red Sea in ancient times (which even in the present improved state of navigation is not entirely got over) seems to have been the principal reason which induced Ptolemy to remove the communication with India from Arfinoe to Berenice, as there were other harbours on the same coast considerably nearer the Nile than it. After the ruin of Coptos by the emperor Diocletian, the Indian commodities were conveyed from the Red Sea to the Nile from Cosseir, supposed by Dr Robertson to be the Philoteras Portus of Ptolemy, to Cous, the Vicus Apollinaris, a journey of four days. Hence Cous from a small village became an opulent city; but in process of time, the trade from India removed from Cous to Kene, farther down the river. In modern times such Indian goods as are brought by the Red Sea come from Gidda to Suez, and are carried across the Isthmus on camels, or brought by the caravan returning from the pilgrimage to Mecca.

It was to this monopoly of Indian commerce that why the Egypt owed its vast wealth and power during the Syrian time of its Macedonian monarchs; but it appears surprising that no attempt was made by the Syrian monarchs to rival them in it, especially as the latter were Egyptian. in possession of the Persian gulf, from whence they might have imported the Indian commodities by a much shorter navigation than could be done by the Egyptians. For this neglect several reasons are assigned by our learned author. 1. The Egyptians, under their Greek monarchs, applied themselves to maritime affairs; and were in possession of such a powerful fleet as gave them decided superiority at sea. 2. No intercourse by sea was ever kept up between Persia and India, on account of the aversion which the Persians had to maritime affairs. All the Indian commodities were then conveyed in the most tedious and difficult manner over land, and dispersed throughout the various provinces, partly by means of navigable rivers and partly by means of the Caspian sea. 3. Many of the ancients, by an unaccountable error in geography, imagined the Caspian sea to be a part of the great northern ocean; and thus the kings of Syria might hope to convey the Indian commodities to the European countries without attempting to navigate those seas which the Egyptian monarchs deemed their own property. Seleucus Nicator, the first and greatest of the Syro-Macedonian monarchs, formed a project of joining the Euxine and Caspian seas by a navigable canal, which would have effectually answered the purpose, but was assassinated before he could put it into execution, and none of his successors had abilities to execute such an undertaking. Alexander the Great had given orders, a little before his death, to fit out a squadron on the Caspian sea, in order to discover whether it had any communication with the northern ocean, the Euxine sea, or Indian ocean; but Dr Robertson justly thinks it surprising that such errors concerning this sea should have existed among the ancients, as Herodotus had long before described it properly in the following words: "The Caspian is a sea by itself, unconnected with any other. Its length is as much as a vessel with oars can sail in 15 days; and its greatest breadth as much as it can sail in eight days." Aristotle describes it in like manner, and insists that it ought to be called a great lake, and not a sea.

On the conquest of Egypt by the Romans the Indian commodities continued as usual to be imported to Alexandria in Egypt, and from thence to Rome; but besides this, the most ancient communication between the eastern and western parts of Asia seems never to have been entirely given up. Syria and Palestine are separated from Mesopotamia by a desert; but the passage through it was much facilitated by its affording a station which abounded in water. Hence the possession of this station became an object of such consequence, that Solomon built upon it the city called in Syria Tadmor, and in Greek Palmyra. Both these names are expressive of its situation in a spot adorned with palm-trees. Though its situation for trade may to us seem very unfavourable (being 60 miles from the Euphrates, by which alone it could receive the Indian commodities, and 203 from the nearest coast of the Mediterranean,) yet the value and small bulk of the goods in question rendered the conveyance of them by a long carriage over land not only practicable but lucrative and advantageous. Hence the inhabitants became opulent and powerful, and long maintained its independence even after the Syrian empire became subject to Rome. After the reduction of Palmyra by the emperor Aurelian, however, it did not any more recover its splendour; the trade gradually turned into other channels, and the city was reduced to ruins, which still exist, and manifest its former grandeur. See Palmyra.

The excellent eagerness of the Romans for Asiatic luxuries of all kinds kept up an unceasing intercourse with India during the whole time that the empire continued in its power; and even after the destruction of the western part, it was kept up between Constantinople and those parts of India which had been visited formerly by merchants from the western empire. Long before this period, however, a much better method of failing to India had been discovered by one Hippalus, the commander of an Indian ship, who lived about 80 years after Egypt had been annexed to the Roman empire. This man having observed the periodical shifting of the monsoons, and how steadily they blew from the east or west during some months, ventured to leave the coast, and sail boldly across the Indian ocean from the mouth of the Arabian gulf to Mufiris, a port on the Malabar coast; which discovery was reckoned a matter of such importance, that the name of Hippalus was given to the wind by which he performed the voyage. Ptolemy gives a very particular account of the manner in which the Indian traffic was now carried on, mentioning the particular stages, and the distances between them, which are as follow. From Alexandria to Julipolis was two miles; and there the cargo destined for India was shipped on the Nile, and carried to Coptos, distant 303 miles, the voyage being usually performed in twelve days. From Coptos they were conveyed by land to Berenice, distant 258 miles, and halting at different stations as occasion required. The journey was finished on the 12th day; but by reason of the heat the caravan travelled only in the night. The ships left Berenice about midsummer, and in 30 days reached Ocelis, now Gella, at the mouth of the Arabian gulf, or Cane (now cape Fartaque) on the coast of Arabia Felix; from whence they sailed in 40 days to Mufiris already mentioned. Their homeward voyage began early in the month of December; when setting sail with a north-east wind, and meeting with a south or south-west one when they entered the Arabian gulf, the voyage was completed in less than a year. With regard to the situation of Mufiris, as well as of Barace another Indian port to which the ancients traded, Major Rennell is of opinion, and Dr Robertson agrees with him, that they stood somewhere between Goa and Tellicherry; and that probably the modern Meerzaw or Merjee is the Mufiris, and Barcelore the Barace of the ancients.

Ptolemy, who flourished about 200 years after the commencement of the Christian era, having the advantage of so many previous discoveries, gives a more India, particular description of India than what is to be met with in any of the ancient writers; notwithstanding which, his accounts are frequently inconsistent not only with modern discoveries, but with those of more ancient geographers than himself. A most capital error in his geography is, that he makes the peninsula of India stretch from the Sinus Barygazenus, or gulf of Cambay, from west to east, instead of extending, according to its real direction, from north to south; and this error must appear the more extraordinary, when we consider that Megasthenes had published a measurement of this peninsula. peninsula nearly consonant to truth, which had been adopted with some variations by Eratosthenes, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus and Pliny. His information concerning the situation of places, however, was much more accurate. With respect to some districts on the eastern part of the peninsula, as far as the Ganges, he comes nearer the truth than in his descriptions of any of the rest. These are particularly pointed out by M. D'Anville, who has determined the modern names of many of Ptolemy's stations, as Kilkare, Negapatam, the mouth of the river Cauveri, Masulipatam, &c. The river Cauveri is the Chabaris of Ptolemy; the kingdom of Arcot, Arcati Regio; and probably, says Dr Robertson, the whole coast has received its present name of Coromandel from Sor Mandalum, or the kingdom of Sora, which is situated upon it. Ptolemy had likewise acquired so much knowledge concerning the river Ganges, that he describes six of its mouths, though his delineation of that part of India which lies beyond the Ganges is hardly less erroneous than that of the nearer peninsula. M. D'Anville, however, has been at great pains to elucidate these matters, and to illustrate those parts of the writings of Ptolemy which appear to be best founded. According to him, the golden Cheronesus of Ptolemy is the peninsula of Malacca; he supposes the gulf of Siam to be the great bay of Ptolemy; and the Sinæ Metropolis of the same writer he looks upon to be Sin-hoa in the western part of the kingdom of Cochin-China, though Ptolemy has erred in its situation no less than 50 degrees of longitude and 20 of latitude. M. Goffelin, however, differs from his countryman M. D'Anville, in a late work entitled "The Geography of the Greeks analysed; or the systems of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Ptolemy, compared with each other, and with the knowledge which the moderns have acquired." In the opinion of M. Goffelin, the Magnum Promontorium of Ptolemy is not Cape Romana at the southern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca, as M. D'Anville supposes, but the point Bragu, at the mouth of the river Ava. The great bay of Ptolemy he supposes not to be the gulf of Siam, but of Martaban. He endeavours to prove that the position of Catipnara, as laid down by Ptolemy, corresponds with that of Mergui, a sea-port on the west of Siam; and that Thina, or Sina Metropolis, is not Sin-hoa, but Tana-ferim, a city on the same river with Mergui; and he contends, that the Ibbadi insula of Ptolemy is not Sumatra, as D'Anville would have it, but one of the small isles which lie in a cluster off this coast. M. Goffelin is of opinion that the ancients never sailed through the straits of Malacca, nor had any knowledge of the island of Sumatra, or of the eastern ocean.

The errors of Ptolemy have given occasion to a mistake of more modern date, viz. that the ancients were acquainted with China. This arose from the resemblance betwixt the name of that empire and the Sina of the ancients. The Ayeen Akbery informs us, that Cheen was an ancient name of Pegu; whence, says Dr Robertson, "as that country borders upon Ava, where M. Goffelin places the great promontory, this near resemblance of names may appear perhaps to confirm his opinion that Sinæ Metropolis was situated on this coast, and not so far east as M. D'Anville has placed it."

Thus we see that the peninsula of Malacca was in all probability the boundary of the ancient discoveries by sea; but by land they had correspondence with countries still farther distant. While the Seleucidae continued to enjoy the empire of Syria, the trade with India continued to be carried on by land in the way already mentioned. The Romans having extended their dominions as far as the river Euphrates, found this method of conveyance still established, and the trade was by them encouraged and protected. The progress of the caravans being frequently interrupted by the Parthians, particularly when they travelled towards those countries where silk and other of the most valuable manufactures were procured, it thence became an object to the Romans to conciliate the friendship of the sovereigns of those distant countries. That such an attempt was actually made, we know from the Chinese historians, who tell us, that Antoun, by whom they mean the Emperor Marcus Antoninus, the king of the people of the western ocean, sent an embassy to Ounti, who reigned in China in the 166th year of the Christian era; but though the fact is mentioned, we are left entirely in the dark as to the issue of the negotiations. It is certain, however, that during the times of the Romans such a trade was carried on; and as we cannot suppose all those who visited that distant region to be entirely destitute of science, we may reasonably enough conclude, that by means of some of these adventurers, Ptolemy was enabled to determine the situation of many places which he has laid down in his geography, and which correspond very nearly with the observations of modern times.

With regard to the Indian islands, considering the few little way they extended their navigation, they could not be acquainted with many of them. The principal covered by one was that of Ceylon, called by the ancients Taprobane. The name was entirely unknown in Europe before the time of Alexander the Great; but that conqueror, though he did not visit, had somehow or other heard of it; with regard to any particulars, however, he seems to have been very slenderly informed; and the accounts of ancient geographers concerning it are confused and contradictory. Strabo says, it is as large as Britain, and situated at the distance of seven days according to some reports, or 20 days sailing according to others, from the southern extremity of the peninsula. Pomponius Mela is uncertain whether to consider Taprobane as an island, or the beginning of another world; but inclines to the latter opinion, as nobody had ever sailed round it. The account of Pliny is still more obscure; and by his description he would make us believe, that it was seated in the southern hemisphere beyond the tropic of Capricorn. Ptolemy places it opposite to Cape Comorin, at no great distance from the continent; but errs greatly with regard to its magnitude, making it no less than 15 degrees in length from north to south. And Agathemar, who wrote after Ptolemy, makes Taprobane the largest island in the world, afflicting the second place to Britain. From these discordant accounts, some learned men have supposed that the Taprobane of the ancients is not Ceylon, as is generally believed, but the island of Sumatra; though the description of it by Ptolemy, with the figure delineated in his maps, seems to put it beyond a doubt, that Ceylon, and not Sumatra, Sumatra, is the island to which Ptolemy applies the designation of Taprobane. The other islands described by that geographer to the eastward of Taprobane, are, according to Dr Robertson, those called Andaman and Nicobar in the gulf of Bengal.

From the time of Ptolemy to that of the Emperor Justinian, we have no account of any intercourse of the Europeans with India, or of any progress made in the geographical knowledge of the country. Under that emperor one Cosmas, an Egyptian merchant, made some voyages to India, whence he acquired the surname of Indicopleustes. Having afterwards turned monk, he published several works; one of which, named Chiristian Topography, has reached us. In this, though mixed with many strange reveries, he relates with great simplicity and appearance of truth what he had seen in his travels or had learned from others. He describes several places on the western coast of the hither peninsula, which he calls the chief seat of the pepper-trade; and from one of the ports on that coast named Male, Dr Robertson thinks that the name Malabar may probably be derived, as well as that of Maldives given to a cluster of islands lying at no great distance. Cosmas informs us also, that in his time the island of Taprobane had become a great staple of trade. He supposed it to lie about half way betwixt the Persian Gulf and the country of the Sinae; in consequence of which commodious situation it received the silk of the Sinae, and the precious spices of the remote regions of the east, which were from thence conveyed to all parts of India, Persia, and the Arabian Gulf. He calls it not Taprobane, but Sieddibia, derived from Selendib, or Serendib, the name by which it is still known all over the east. From him also we learn, that the Persians having overthrown the empire of the Parthians, applied themselves with great diligence and success to maritime affairs; in consequence of which they became formidable rivals to the Romans in the India trade. The latter finding themselves thus in danger of losing entirely that lucrative branch, partly by reason of the rivalry just mentioned, and partly by reason of the frequent hostilities which took place betwixt the two empires, formed a scheme of preserving some share of the trade by means of his ally the emperor of Abyssinia. In this he was disappointed, though afterwards he obtained his end in a way entirely unexpected. This was by means of two monks who had been employed as missionaries in different parts of the east, and had penetrated as far as the country of the Seres or China. From thence, induced by the liberal promises of Justinian, they brought a quantity of the eggs of the silk-worms in an hollow cane. They were then hatched by the heat of a dunghill; and being fed with the leaves or the mulberry, worked and multiplied as well as in those countries of which they are natives. Vast numbers were soon reared in Greece; from whence they were exported to Sicily, and from thence to Italy; in all which countries silk-manufactures have since been established.

On the conquest of Egypt by the Saracens in the year 640, the India trade was of course transferred to them; and they soon began to pursue it with much more vigour than the Romans had done. The city of Basora was built by the Khalif Omar upon the western banks of the great river formed by the union of the Euphrates with the Tigris. Thus the command of both rivers was secured, and the new city soon became a place of such consequence as scarce to yield to Alexandria itself. Here Dr Robertson takes notice, that from the evidence of an Arabian merchant who wrote in the year 851, it appears, that not only the Saracens, but the Chinese also, were destitute of the mariner's compass; contrary to the general opinion that this instrument was known in the east long before its appearance in Europe. From this relation, as well as much concurring evidence, says our author, "it is manifest, that not only the Arabians but the Chinese were destitute of this faithful guide, and that their mode of navigation was not more adventurous than that of the Greeks and Romans. They steered servilely along the coast, seldom stretching out to sea so far as to lose sight of land; and as they shaped their course in this timid manner, their mode of reckoning was defective, and liable to the same errors with that of the Greeks and Romans." Notwithstanding this disadvantage, however, they penetrated far beyond Siam, which had set bounds to the navigation of the Europeans. They became acquainted with Sumatra and other India islands; extending their navigation as far as the city of Canton in China. A regular commerce was now carried on from the Persian Gulf to all the countries lying betwixt it and China, and even with China itself. Many Saracens settled in India properly so called, and in the countries beyond it. In the city of Canton particularly, they were so numerous, that the emperor permitted them to have a cadi or judge of their own religion; the Arabian language was understood and spoken in every place of consequence; and ships from China are even said to have visited the Persian Gulf.

According to the Arabian accounts of those days, the peninsula of India was at that time divided into four kingdoms. The first was composed of the provinces situated on the Indus and its branches, the capital of which was Moultan. The second had the city of Canoge, which, from the ruins of it remaining at this day, appears to have been a very large place. The Indian historians relate, that it contained 30,000 shops in which betel-nut was sold, and 60,000 sets of musicians and singers who paid a tax to government. The third kingdom was that of Cachemire, first mentioned by Mafoudi, who gives a short description of it. The fourth kingdom, Guzerat, represented by the same author as the most powerful of the whole. Another Arab writer, who flourished about the middle of the 14th century, divides India into three parts; the northern, comprehending all the provinces on the Indus; the middle extending from Guzerat to the Ganges; and the southern, which he denominates Comar, from Cape Comorin.

From the relation of the Arabian merchant above-mentioned, explained by the commentary of another Arabian who had likewise visited the eastern parts of Asia, we learn many particulars concerning the inhabitants of these distant regions at that time, which correspond with what is observed among them at this day. They take notice of the general use of silk among the Chinese; and the manufacture of porcelain, which they compare to glass. They also describe the tea plant, with the manner of using its leaves; whence it appears, appears, that in the ninth century the use of this plant in China was as common as it is at present. They mention likewise the great progress which the Indians had made in astronomy; a circumstance which seems to have been unknown to the Greeks and Romans: they assert, that in this branch of science the Indians were far superior to the most enlightened nations of the west, on which account their sovereign was called the "King of wisdom." The superstitions, extravagant penances, &c., known to exist at this day among the Indians, are also mentioned by those writers; all which particulars manifest that the Arabians had a knowledge of India far superior to that of the Greeks or Romans. The zeal and industry of the Mohammedans in exploring the most distant regions of the east was rivalled by the Christians of Persia, who sent missionaries all over India and the countries adjoining, as far as China itself. But while the western Asiatics thus kept up a constant intercourse with these parts, the Europeans had in a manner lost all knowledge of them. The port of Alexandria, from which they had formerly been supplied with the Indian goods, was now shut against them; and the Arabs, satisfied with supplying the demands of their own subjects, neglected to send any by the usual channels to the towns on the Mediterranean. The inhabitants of Constantinople and some other great towns were supplied with Chinese commodities by the most tedious and difficult passage imaginable. The silk of that country was purchased in the most westerly province named Chenfi; from thence it was conveyed by a caravan, which marched 80 or 100 days, to the banks of the Oxus. Here it was embarked, and carried down the river to the Caspian sea; whence, after a dangerous voyage across that sea, it was carried up the river Cyrus as far as that river is navigable; after which it was conducted by a land-carriage of five days to the river Phasis, then down that stream into the Euxine, and thence to Constantinople. The passage of goods from Hindostan was less tedious; they being carried either directly to the Caspian or to the river Oxus, but by a passage much shorter than that from China; after which they were conveyed down the Phasis to the Euxine, and thus to Constantinople.

It is evident that a commerce thus carried on must have been liable to a thousand disadvantages. The goods conveyed over such vast tracts of land could not be sold but at a very high price, even supposing the journey had been attended with no danger; but as the caravans were continually exposed to the assaults of barbarians, it is evident that the price must on that account have been greatly enhanced. In spite of every difficulty, however, even this commerce flourished, and Constantinople became a considerable mart for East Indian commodities; and from it all the rest of Europe was chiefly supplied with them for more than two centuries. The perpetual course of hostilities in which the Christians and Mohammedans were during this period engaged, contributed still to increase the difficulty; and it is remarkable, that the more this difficulty increased, the more desirous the Europeans seemed to be of possessing the luxuries of Asia.

About this time the cities of Amalfi and Venice, with some others in Italy, having acquired a greater degree of independence than they formerly possessed, began first to exert themselves in promoting domestic manufactures, and then to import the productions of India in much larger quantities than formerly. Some traces of this revival of a commercial spirit, according to Dr Robertson, may be observed from the end of the seventh century. The circumstances which led to this revival, however, are entirely unnoticed by historians; but during the seventh and eighth centuries, it is very probable that no commercial intercourse whatever took place between Italy and Alexandria; for, prior to the period we speak of, all the public deeds of the Italian and other cities of Europe had been written upon paper made of the Egyptian papyrus, but after that upon parchment.

The mutual antipathy which the Christians and Mohammedans bore against each other, would no doubt for a long time retard the progress of commerce between them; but at last the khalifs, perceiving the advantage which such a traffic would be of to their subjects, were induced to allow it, while the eagerness with which the Christians coveted the Indian products and manufactures, prompted them to carry it on. But scarce was the traffic begun, when it seemed in danger of being totally interrupted by the Crusades. Notwithstanding the enthusiastic zeal of the Indians, these adventurers, however, there were many to whom commerce was a greater object than religion. This had always been the case with numbers of the pilgrims who visited the holy places at Jerusalem even before the commencement of the crusades; but these, after they took place, instead of retarding the progress of this kind of commerce, proved the means of promoting it to a great degree. Various circumstances (says Dr Robertson) concurred towards this. Great armies, conducted by the most illustrious nobles of Europe, and composed of men of the most enterprising spirit in all the kingdoms of it, marched towards Palestine, through countries far advanced beyond those which they left in every species of improvement. They beheld the dawn of prosperity in the republics of Italy, which had begun to vie with each other in the arts of industry, and in their efforts to engross the lucrative commerce with the east. They next admired the more advanced state of opulence and splendor in Constantinople, raised to a pre-eminence above all cities then known by its extensive trade, particularly that which it carried on with India and the countries beyond it. They afterwards served in those provinces of Asia through which the commodities of the east were usually conveyed, and became masters of several cities which had been staples of that trade. They established the kingdom of Jerusalem, which subsisted near 200 years. They took possession of the throne of the Greek empire, and governed it above half a century. Amidst such a variety of events and operations, the ideas of the fierce warriors of Europe gradually opened and improved; they became acquainted with the policy and arts of the people whom they subdued; they observed the sources of their wealth, and availed themselves of all this knowledge. Antioch and Tyre, when conquered by the crusaders, were flourishing cities inhabited by opulent merchants, who supplied all the nations trading in the Mediterranean with the productions of the east; and, as far as can be gathered from incidental occurrences mentioned... mentioned by the historians of the holy war, who being mostly priests and monks, had their attention directed to objects very different from those relating to commerce, there is reason to believe, that both in Constantinople while subject to the Franks, and in the ports of Syria acquired by the Christians, the long-established trade with the east continued to be protected and encouraged.

Our author next goes on to show in what manner the commerce of the Italian states was promoted by the Crusades, until at last, having entirely engrossed the East India trade, they strove with such eagerness to find new markets for their commodities, that they extended a taste for them to many parts of Europe where they had formerly been little known. The rivalryship of the Italian states terminated at last in a treaty with the sultan of Egypt in 1425, by which the port of Alexandria and others in Egypt were opened to the Florentines as well as the Venetians; and soon after, that people began to obtain a share in the trade to India.

The following account of the manner in which the India trade was carried on in the beginning of the 14th century, is given by Marino Sanudo a Venetian nobleman. The merchants of that republic were supplied with the commodities they wanted in two different ways. Those of small bulk and great value, such as cloves, nutmegs, gems, pearls, &c., were carried up the Persian gulf to Basora, from thence to Bagdad, and afterwards to some port on the Mediterranean. The more bulky goods, such as pepper, cinnamon, and other spices, were brought in the usual manner to the Red Sea, and from thence to Alexandria. The goods brought by land, however, were always liable to be seized by barbarians; and therefore the supply that way was scanty, and the price extravagantly dear, while, on the other hand, the Sultan of Egypt, by imposing duties upon the East India cargoes to the amount of a full third of the value, seemed to render it impossible that the owners should find purchasers for their goods. This, however, was far from being the case; the demand for India goods continually increased; and thus a communication, formerly unknown, between all the nations of Europe, was begun and kept up. All this time, however, there had been no direct communication between Europe and India, as the Mohammedans would never allow any Christian to pass through their dominions into that country. The dreadful incursions and conquests of the Tartars under Jenghiz-khan, however, had so broken the power of the Mohammedans in the northern parts of Asia, that a way was now opened to India through the dominions of these barbarians. About the middle of the 13th century, therefore, Marco Polo, a Venetian, by getting access to the khan of the Tartars, explored many parts of the East which had long been unknown even by name to the Europeans. He travelled through China from Peking on its northern frontier to some of its most southerly provinces. He visited also different parts of Hindustan, and first mentions Bengal and Guzerat by their modern names as great and flourishing kingdoms. He obtained also some account of an island which he called Zifangri, and was probably no other than Japan; he visited Java with several of the islands in its neighbourhood, the island of Ceylon, and the coast of Malabar as far as the gulf of Cambay; to all which he gave the names they have at this day. The discovery of such immense regions unknown before in Europe, furnished vast room for speculation and conjecture; and while the public attention was yet engaged by these discoveries, the destruction of Constantinople by the Turks gave a very considerable turn to the East India trade, by throwing it almost entirely into the hands of the Venetians. Hitherto the Genoese had rivalled taking of that state in the commerce we speak of, and they had Constantinople possessed themselves of many important places on the coast of Greece, as well as of the port of Caffa on the Black Sea. Nay, they had even established themselves at Constantinople, in the suburb of Pera, in such a manner as almost entirely to exclude the Greeks themselves from any share in this commerce; but by the destruction of Constantinople they were at once driven out of all these possessions, and so thoroughly humbled, that they could no longer contend with the Venetians as before; so that, during the latter part of the 15th century, that republic supplied the greater part of Europe with the productions of the east, and carried on trade to an extent far beyond what had been known in former times. The mode in which they now carried on this trade was somewhat different from what had been practised by ancient nations. The Tyrians, Greeks, and Romans, had sailed directly to India in quest of the commodities they wanted; and their example has been imitated by the navigators of modern Europe. In both periods the Indian commodities have been paid for in gold and silver; and great complaints have been made on account of the drain of those precious metals, which were thus buried as it were in India, never to return again. The Venetians, however, were exempted from this loss; for having no direct intercourse with India, they supplied themselves from the warehouses they found, in Egypt and Syria, ready filled with the precious common from their cities they wanted; and these they purchased more frequently by barter than with ready money. Thus not only the republic of Venice, but all the cities which had the good fortune to become emporia for the India goods imported by it, were raised to such a pitch of power and splendour as scarce ever belonged to any European state. The citizens of Bruges, from which place the other European nations were for a long time supplied with these goods, displayed such magnificence in their dress, buildings, and manner of living, as excited even the envy of their queen Joan of Navarre who came to pay them a visit. On the removal of the staple from Bruges to Antwerp, the latter soon displayed the same opulence; and in some cities of Germany, particularly Augsburg, the great mart for Indian commodities in the internal parts of that country, there are examples of merchants acquiring such large fortunes as entitled them to high rank and consideration in the empire. The most accurate method, however, of attaining some knowledge of the profits the Venetians had on their trade, is by considering the rate of interest on money borrowed at that time. This, from the close of the 11th century to the commencement of the 16th, we are told, was no less than 20 per cent. and sometimes more. Even as late as 15th century, 1500, it was 10 or 12 in every part of Europe. Hence, we are to conclude that the profits of such money as was then applied in trade must have been extremely high; and the condition of the inhabitants of Venice at that time warrants us to make the conclusion. "In the magnificence of their houses (says Dr Robertson), in richness of furniture, in profusion of plate, and in every thing which contributed either towards elegance or parade in their mode of living, the nobles of Venice surpassed the state of the greatest monarch beyond the Alps. Nor was all this display the effect of an ostentatious and inconsiderate dissipation; it was the natural consequence of successful industry, which, having accumulated wealth with ease, is intitled to enjoy it in splendor."

This excessive superiority of wealth displayed by the Venetians could not fail to excite the envy of the other states of Europe. They were at no loss to discover that the East India trade was the principal source from whence their wealth was derived. Some of them endeavoured to obtain a share by applying to the sultans of Egypt and Syria to gain admission into their ports upon the same terms with the Venetians; but either by the superior interest of the latter with those princes, or from the advantages they had of being long established in the trade, the Venetians always prevailed. So intent indeed were the other European powers in obtaining some share of this lucrative commerce, that application was made to the sovereign of Russia to open an intercourse by land with China, though the capitals of the two empires are upwards of 6000 miles distant from each other. This, however, was beyond the power of the Russian prince at that time; and the Venetians imagined that their power and wealth were fully established on the most permanent basis, when two events, altogether unforeseen and unexpected, gave it a mortal blow, from which it never has recovered, or can recover itself. These were the discovery of America and that of the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. The former put Spain in possession of immense treasures; which being gradually diffused all over Europe, soon called forth the industry of other nations, and made them exert themselves in such a manner as of itself must have soon lessened the demand for Indian productions. The discovery of the passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope, however, was the most effectual and speedy in humbling the Venetians. After a tedious course of voyages along the western coast of Africa, continued for near half a century, Vasco de Gama, an active and enterprising Portuguese officer, doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and, coasting along the eastern shore of the continent, sailed next across the Indian ocean, and landed at Calicut on the coast of Malabar, on the 2nd of May 1498, ten months and two days after leaving the port of Lisbon. On his arrival in India he was at first received with great kindness by the sovereign of that country, styled the Samorin; but afterwards, from what causes we cannot now well determine, the Indian prince suddenly changed his kindness into mortal enmity, and attempted to cut off Gama with his whole party. The Portuguese general, however, found means to escape every plot that was laid against him; and loaded his ships not only with the products of that part of the country, but with many of the valuable products of the more remote regions.

On his return to Portugal, De Gama was received with all imaginable demonstrations of kindness. The Portuguese nation, nay all the nations in Europe, the Venetians alone excepted, rejoiced at the discovery which had been made. The latter beheld in it the certain and unavoidable downfall of their own pow- gues in er; while the Portuguese, presuming upon their right of India, prior discovery, which they took care to have confirmed by a papal grant, plumed themselves on the thoughts of having the whole Indian commerce centre in their nation. The expectations of the one, and the apprehensions of the other, seemed at first to be well-founded. A succession of gallant officers sent into the east from Portugal accomplished the greatest and most arduous undertakings. In 24 years after the voyage of De Gama, they had made themselves masters of many important places in India; and among the rest of the city of Malacca, where the great staple of trade throughout the whole East Indies was established. As this city stands nearly at an equal distance from the eastern and western extremities of all the countries comprehended under the name of Indies, it was frequented by the merchants of China, Japan, of all the kingdoms on the continent, the Moluccas and other islands in that quarter, as well as by those of Malabar, Ceylon, Coromandel, and Bengal. Thus the Portuguese acquired a vast extensive influence over the internal commerce of India; while, by the settlements they had formed at Goa and Diu, they were enabled to engross the trade on the Malabar coast, and greatly to obstruct the long-established intercourse of Egypt with India by the way of the Red Sea. Their ships now frequented every port in the east where any valuable commodities were to be had, from the cape of Good Hope to the river of Canton in China; and all along this immense extent, of more than 4000 leagues, they had a chain of forts and factories established for the convenience of protecting their trade. They had likewise made themselves matters of several stations favourable to commerce along the southern coast of Africa, and in many islands lying between Madagascar and the Moluccas. In all places where they came, their arms had struck such terror, that they not only carried on their trade without any rival or control, but even prescribed to the natives the terms of their mutual intercourse; nay, sometimes they set what price they pleased upon the commodities they purchased, and thus were enabled to import into Europe the Indian commodities in greater abundance and at a lower rate than had ever been done before. Not satisfied with this, they formed a scheme of excluding all other nations from any share of the trade they enjoyed; and for that purpose determined to make themselves matters of such stations on the Red Sea and Persian Gulf as might put them in possession of the navigation of both these seas, and enable them not only to obstruct the ancient commerce between Egypt and India, but to command the mouths of the great rivers which we have formerly mentioned as the means of conveying the Indian goods through the internal parts of Asia. The conduct of these enterprises was committed to Alphonso Albuquerque, the most distinguished officer at that time in the Portuguese service. By reason of the vast number of the enemies he had to contend with, however, and the scanty supplies which could be derived from Portugal, he could not fully accomplish what was expected from from him. However, he took from the petty princes who were tributaries to the kings of Persia the small Island of Ormus, which commanded the mouth of the Persian Gulf; and thus secured to Portugal the possession of that extensive trade with the east which the Persians had carried on for several centuries. On this barren island, almost entirely covered with salt, and so hot that the climate can scarcely be borne, destitute of a drop of fresh water, except what was brought from the continent, a city was erected by the Portuguese, which soon became one of the chief seats of opulence, splendor, and luxury, in the eastern world. In the Red Sea the Arabian princes made a much more formidable resistance; and this, together with the damage his fleet sustained in that sea, the navigation of which is always difficult and dangerous, obliged Albuquerque to retire without effecting any thing of importance. Thus the ancient channel of conveyance still remained open to the Egyptians; but their commerce was greatly circumscribed and obstructed by the powerful interest of the Portuguese in every port to which they had been accustomed to resort.

The Venetians now began to feel those effects of De Gama's discovery which they had dreaded from the beginning. To preserve the remains of their commerce, they applied to the sultan of the Mameluks in Egypt, who was no less alarmed than themselves at the loss of such a capital branch of his revenue as he had been accustomed to derive from the India trade. By this fierce and barbarous prince was easily persuaded to send a furious manifesto to Pope Julius II. and Emmanuel king of Portugal. In this, after stating his exclusive right to the Indian trade, he informed them, that if the Portuguese did not relinquish that new course of navigation by which they had penetrated into the Indian ocean, and cease from encroaching on that commerce which from time immemorial had been carried on between the east of Asia and his dominions, he would put to death all the Christians in Egypt, Syria and Palestine, and demolish the holy sepulchre itself. To this threat, which some centuries before would have alarmed all Christendom, no regard was paid; so that the Venetians, as their last resource, were obliged to have recourse to a different expedient. This was to excite the sultan to fit out a fleet in the Red Sea to attack the Portuguese, and drive them from all their settlements in the east; nay, in order to assist him in the enterprise, he was allowed to cut down their forests in Dalmatia, to supply the deficiency of Egypt in timber for ship-building. The timber was conveyed from Dalmatia to Alexandria; and from thence, partly by water and partly by land, to Suez; where twelve men of war were built, on board which a body of Mameluks were ordered to serve under the command of an experienced officer. Thus the Portuguese were assaulted by a new enemy far more formidable than any they had yet encountered; yet such was the valour and conduct of the admiral, that after several severe engagements, the fleet of the infidels was entirely ruined, and the Portuguese became absolute masters of the Indian ocean.

This disaster was followed in no long time by the total overthrow of the dominion of the Mameluks in Egypt by Selim the Turkish sultan; who thus also became master of Syria and Palestine. As his interest was now the same with that of the Venetians, a league was quickly formed between them for the ruin of the power of the Portuguese in India. With this view Selim confirmed to the Venetians the extensive commercial privileges they enjoyed under the government of the Mameluks; publishing at the same time an edict, by which he permitted the free entry of all the productions of the east imported directly from Alexandria into any part of his dominions, but imposed heavy taxes upon such as were imported from Lisbon. All this, however, was insufficient to counteract the great advantages which the Portuguese had obtained by the new passage to India, and the settlements they had established in that country; at the same time that the power of the Venetians being entirely broken by the league of Cambrai, they were no longer able to contribute any affluence. They were therefore reduced to the necessity of making an offer to the king of Portugal to purchase all the spices imported into Lisbon, over and above what might be requisite for the consumption of his own subjects. This offer being rejected, the Portuguese for some time remained uncontrolled masters of the Indian trade, and all Europe was supplied by them, excepting some very inconsiderable quantity which was imported by the Venetians through the usual channels.

The Portuguese continued to enjoy this valuable branch of commerce undisturbed almost for a whole century; to which, however, they were indebted more not interrupted by the political situation of the different European nations than to their own prowess. After the accession of Charles V. to the throne of Spain, that kingdom was engaged in a multiplicity of operations, owing to the ambition of that monarch and his son Philip II. or so intent on prosecuting the discoveries and conquests in the new world, that no effort was made to interfere with the East India trade of the Portuguese, even though an opportunity offered by the discovery of a second passage by sea to the East Indies through the straits of Magellan. By the acquisition of the crown of Portugal in 1580, Spain, instead of becoming the rival, became the protector and guardian of the Portuguese trade. The resources of France all this time were so much exhausted by a continuance of long and desolating wars, that it could bestow neither much attention on objects at such a distance, nor engage in any expensive scheme. England was desolated by the ruinous wars between the houses of York and Lancaster; and afterwards its enterprising spirit was restrained by the cautious and covetous Henry VII. His son Henry VIII. in the former part of his reign, by engaging in the continental quarrels of the European princes, and in the latter part by his quarrel with the pope and contests about religion, left no time for commercial schemes. It was not therefore till the reign of Queen Elizabeth that any attention was paid to the affairs of the East by that kingdom. The first who shook the power of the Portuguese in India were the Dutch; and in this they were gladly seconded by the natives, whom the Portuguese had most grievously oppressed. The English soon followed their example; and in a few years the Portuguese were expelled from their most valuable settlements, while the most lucrative branches of their trade have continued ever since in the hands of those two nations. It is not to be supposed that the other European nations would sit still and quietly see these two engage the whole of this lucrative commerce without attempting to put in for a share. East India companies were therefore set up in different countries; but it was only between France and Britain that the great rivalry commenced; nor did this fully display itself till after the peace of Aix la Chapelle. Both nations had by this time made themselves masters of considerable settlements in India. The principal of those belonging to Britain were, 1. Surat, situated on the western side of the peninsula within the Ganges, between the 21st and 23rd degrees of N. Lat. This peninsula comprehended the kingdoms of Malabar, Decan, Golconda, and Bijnagar, with the principalities of Gingi, Tanjour, and Madura; the western coast being distinguished by the name of Malabar, and the eastern by that of Coromandel. 2. Bombay, a small island in the kingdom of Decan, about 45 leagues to the south of Surat. 3. Dabul, about 40 leagues farther to the south, in the province of Cun-can. 4. Carwar, in N. Lat. 15°, where there was a small fort and factory. 5. Tillicherry, to which place the English trade was removed from Calcutta, a large town 15 leagues to the southward. 6. Anjengo, between eight and nine degrees of latitude, the most southerly settlement on the western coast of the peninsula. 7. On the Coromandel coast they possessed Fort St David's, formerly called Tegapatam, situated in the kingdom of Gingi, in 11° 40' N. Lat. 8. Madras, the principal settlement on this coast, between 13° and 14° N. Lat. not far from the diamond mines of Golconda. 9. Viligapatam, farther to the north. 10. Balafour, in latitude 22°, a factory of small consequence. 11. Calcutta, the capital of all the British settlements in the East Indies. These were the principal places belonging to Britain which we shall have occasion to mention in the account of the contests which now took place; those of the French were chiefly Pondicherry and Chandernagore.

The war is said to have been first occasioned by the intrigues of the French commandant M. Dupleix; who, immediately after the peace of Aix la-Chapelle, began to sow dissension among the nabobs, who had by this time usurped the sovereignty of the country. Nizam Almuduck, viceroy of Decan, and nabob of Arcot, had, as officer for the Mogul, nominated Anaverdy Khan to be governor of the Carnatic, in the year 1745. On the death of Nizam, his second son Nazir-zing was appointed to succeed him in his viceregency, and his nomination was confirmed by the Mogul. He was opposed by his cousin Muzaphier-zing, who applied to Dupleix for assistance. By him he was supplied with a body of Europeans and some artillery; after which, being also joined by Chunda Saib, an active Indian prince, he took the field against Nazir-zing. The latter was supported by a body of British troops under Colonel Lawrence; and the French, dreading the event of an engagement, retired in the night; so that their ally was obliged to throw himself on the clemency of Nazir-zing. His life was spared, though he himself was detained as a state prisoner; but the traitor, forgetting the kindness showed him on this occasion, entered into a conspiracy against the life of Nazir-zing, and murdered him in his camp; in which infamous transaction he was encouraged by Dupleix and Chunda Saib, who had retired to Pondicherry. Immense riches were found in the tents of Nazir-zing, great part of which fell to the share of Dupleix, whom Muzaphier-zing now associated with himself in the government. By virtue of this association the Frenchman assumed the state and formalities of an eastern prince; and he and his colleague Muzaphier-zing appointed Chunda Saib nabob of Arcot. In 1749, Anaverdy Khan had been defeated and killed by Muzaphier-zing and Chunda Saib, assisted by the French; after which his son Mohammed Ali Khan had put himself under the protection of the English at Madras, and was confirmed by Nazir-zing as his father's successor in the nabobship or government of Arcot. This government therefore was disputed between Mohammed Ali Khan, appointed by the legal viceroy Nazir-zing, and supported by the English company, and Chunda Saib nominated by the usurper Muzaphier-zing, and protected by Dupleix, who commanded at Pondicherry. Muzaphier-zing, however, did not long enjoy his ill-gotten authority; for in the year 1751, the nabobs who had been the means of raising him to the power he enjoyed, thinking themselves ill rewarded for their services, fell upon him suddenly, defeated his forces, and put him to death; proclaiming Salabat-zing next day viceroy of the Deccan. On the other hand, the Mogul appointed Gauzedzy Khan, the elder brother of Salabat-zing; who was confirmed by Mohammed Ali Khan in the government of Arcot; but the affairs of the Mogul were at that time in such disorder, that he could not with an army support the nomination he had made. Chunda Saib in the meantime determined to recover by force the nabobship of Arcot, from which he had been deposed by the Mogul, who had placed Anaverdy Khan in his room. With this view he had recourse to Dupleix at Pondicherry, who reinforced him with 2000 Sepoys, 60 Caffres, and 400 French; upon condition that if he succeeded, he should cede to the French the town of Velur in the neighbourhood of Pondicherry, with its dependencies, consisting of 45 villages. Thus reinforced, he defeated Anaverdy Khan who lost his life in the engagement, reaffirmed the government of Arcot, and punctually performed the engagements he had come under to his French allies.

All this time Mohammed Ali Khan had been supported by the English, to whom he fled after his father's death. By them he was supplied with a reinforcement of men, money, and ammunition, under the conduct of Major Laurence, a brave and experienced officer. By means of this supply he gained some advantages over the enemy; and repairing afterwards to Fort St David's, he obtained a farther reinforcement. With all this assistance, however, he accomplished nothing of any moment; and the English auxiliaries having retired, he was defeated by his enemies. Thus he was obliged to enter into a more close alliance with the English, and cede to them some commercial points which had been long in dispute; after which, Captain Cope was dispatched to put Trinchipolli in a state of defence, while captain de Gingis, a Swiss officer, marched at the head of 400 Europeans to the assistance of the nabob. On this occasion Mr Clive first appeared in a military capacity. He had been employed before as a writer, but appeared very little little qualified for that or any other department in civil life. He now marched towards Arcot at the head of 210 Europeans and 500 Sepoys. In his first expedition he displayed at once the qualities of a great commander. His movements were conducted with such secrecy and dispatch, that he made himself master of the enemy's capital before they knew of his march; and gained the affections of the people by his generosity, in affording protection without ransom. In a short time, however, he found himself invested in Fort St David's by Rajah Saib, son to Chunda Saib, an Indian chief, pretender to the nabobship of Arcot, at the head of a numerous army; the operations of the siege being conducted by European engineers. Thus, in spite of his utmost efforts, two practicable breaches were made, and a general assault given; but Mr Clive having got intelligence of the intended attack, defended himself with such vigour, that the assailants were everywhere repulsed with loss, and obliged to raise the siege with the greatest precipitation. Not contented with this advantage, Mr Clive, being reinforced by a detachment from Trichinopoly, marched in quest of the enemy; and having overtaken them in the plains of Arani, attacked and entirely defeated them on the 3rd of December 1751.

This victory was followed by the surrender of the forts of Timery, Conjaveram, and Arani; after which Mr Clive returned in triumph to Fort St David's. In the beginning of the year 1752 he marched towards Madras, where he was reinforced by a small body of troops from Bengal. Though the whole did not exceed 300 Europeans, with as many natives as were sufficient to give the appearance of an army, he boldly proceeded to a place called Kowenpauk, about 15 miles from Arcot, where the enemy lay to the number of 1500 Sepoys, 1700 horse, with 150 Europeans, and eight pieces of cannon. Victory was long doubtful, until Mr Clive having sent round a detachment to fall upon the rear of the enemy while the English attacked the entrenchments in front with their bayonets, a general confusion ensued, the enemy were routed with considerable slaughter, and only saved from total destruction by the darkness of the night. The French to a man threw down their arms, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war; all the baggage and cannon falling at the same time into the hands of the victors.

On the return of Mr Clive to Fort St David's, he was superseded in the command by Major Laurence. By him he was detached with 400 Europeans, a few Mahratta soldiers, and a body of Sepoys, to cut off the enemy's retreat to Pondicherry. In this enterprise he was attended with his usual good success, took several forts, vanquished the French commander M. d'Anteuil, and obliged him with all his party to surrender prisoners of war.

Chunda Saib, in the mean time, lay encamped with an army of 30,000 men at Syringham, an island in the neighbourhood of Trichinopoly; but Major Lawrence having found means to intercept his provisions, he was obliged to fly. Being obliged to pass through the camp of the Tanjore general, he obtained a pass for the purpose; but was nevertheless detained by the nabob; who was an ally of the English, and his head was struck off, in order to prevent any disputes that might arise concerning him.

After the flight of Chunda Saib, his army was attacked and routed by Major Lawrence; and the island of Syringham surrendered, with about 1000 French soldiers under the command of Mr Law, brother to him who schemed the Mississippi company. M. Dupleix, exceedingly mortified at this bad success, proclaimed M. Dupleix Rajah Saib, son to Chunda Saib, nabob of Arcot; pretended and afterwards produced forged commissions from the Great Mogul, appointing him governor of all the Carthagenian from the river Krishna to the sea. The better and affable manner of the state of an eastern prince, kept his durbar or court, appeared fitting cross-legged on a sopha, and received presents, as sovereign of the country, from his own council as well as from the natives.

Thus the forces of the English and French East India companies were engaged in a course of hostilities at a time when no war existed between the two nations; and while they thus continued to make war upon each other under the title of auxiliaries to the contending parties, Gauzy Khan took possession of the dignity appointed him by the Mogul; but had not been in possession of it above 14 days when he was poisoned by his own sister. His son Scab Abadin Khan was appointed to succeed him by the Mogul; but the latter being unable to give him proper assistance, Salabat-zing remained without any rival, and made a present to the French commander of all the English possessions to the northward.

Thus concluded the campaign of 1752. Next year both parties received considerable reinforcements; the English, by the arrival of Admiral Watson with a squadron of ships of war, having on board a regiment commanded by Colonel Aldercroon; and the French by M. Gadcheu, commissary and governor-general of all their settlements, on whose arrival M. Dupleix departed for Europe. The new governor made the most friendly proposals; and desired a cessation of arms until the disputes could be adjusted in Europe. These proposals being readily listened to on the part of the English, deputies were sent to Pondicherry, and a provisional treaty and truce were concluded, on condition that neither of the two companies should interfere in any of the differences that might take place in the country. The other articles related to the places or settlements that should be retained or possessed by the respective companies, until fresh orders should arrive from the courts of London and Versailles; and till then it was stipulated, that neither of the two nations should be allowed to procure any new grant or cession, or to build forts in defence of any new establishment; nor should they proceed to any cession, retrocession, or evacuation, of what they then possessed; but every thing should remain on the same footing as formerly.

The treaty was published on the 11th of January. at the end of which month admiral Watson returned with his squadron from Bombay, and M. Godheu returned to France in the beginning of February, leaving M. Leyrit his successor at Pondicherry, M. Buffly, with the Soubahdar Salabat-zing, commanded in the north; and M. de Saufay was left to command the troops at Siringham. Matters, however, did not long continue in a state of tranquillity. Early in the year it appeared that the French were endeavouring to get possession of all the provinces of the Deccan. M. Buffly demanded the fortresses of Golconda from Salabat-zing; and M. Leyrit encouraged the phounder or governor who rented Velu to take up arms against the nabob. He even sent 300 French and as many sepoys from Pondicherry to support this rebel, and oppose the English employed by the nabob to collect his revenues from the tributary princes. In this office they had been employed ever since the cessation of hostilities; one half of the revenue being paid to the nabob, and the other to the company, which now involved them in a kind of military expedition into the country of the Polygars, who had been previously summoned to send agents to settle accounts with the nabob. Four of them obeyed the summons; but one Lachenaig refused, and it was therefore resolved to attack him. The country was very strong, being almost entirely fortified by nature or art; for it was surrounded by craggy hills detached from one another, and covered with bushes so as to be impassable for any but the natives, who had thrown up works from hill to hill. These works were indeed very rude, being formed of large stones laid upon one another without any cement, and flanked at proper distances by round earthen towers; before the wall was a deep and broad ditch, with a large hedge of bamboos in front, so thick that it could not be penetrated but by the hatchet or by the fire. This was forced, though not without some loss; after which another work of the same kind, but stronger, made its appearance; but this being likewise forced, Lachenaig was obliged to submit and pay his tribute.

The English army now marched to Madura, a strong Indian town about 60 miles south of Trichinopoli. On their approach it submitted without any opposition, and the inhabitants seemed pleased with their change of government. Here a deputation was received from a neighbouring polygar, desiring an alliance, and as a proof of his sincerity making an offer of two settlements on the sea-coast of his country opposite to the island of Ceylon, which would greatly facilitate their future commerce with Tinivelly. Before this time they could not have reached that city but by a circuitous march of 400 or 500 miles; but from the new settlements the distance to Tinivelly was no more than 50 miles, and reinforcements or supplies of any kind might be sent them from Madras or Fort St David in four or five days. This offer being accepted, Colonel Heron, the English commander, marched to attack the governor of Madura, who had fled to a place called Goolgoody; on the approach of the English he fled from this place also, leaving the greatest part of his troops to defend the place. The road was so rugged, that the carriages of the cannon broke down; and as the troops were not furnished with scaling ladders, there seemed to be little hope of gaining the place, which was very strong. The colonel, however, determined to make an assault after the Indian manner, by burning down the gates with bundles of straw; and to encourage his men in this new method of attack, he himself carried the first torch, being followed by Mohammed Issouf, who bore the second. The place was taken and plundered, not sparing even the temples, which inspired the inhabitants with the utmost abhorrence of the victors on account of their contempt of temples.

After this exploit the army returned to Madura; and a garrison being left in the place, they proceeded to Tinivelly, which submitted without opposition, and owned the jurisdiction of the nabob; though some of the Polygars still evaded payment, and therefore hostilities were commenced against them.

The new expedition was marked by an act of the most disgraceful cruelty at a fort named Nellecotah, situated about 40 miles south of Tinivelly. It was fortified by a mud wall with round towers. The assault was made with great resolution, and the troops gained possession of the parapet without being repulsed. On this the garrison called out for quarter, but it was barbarously refused; a general massacre of men, women, and children ensued, only six persons out of 400 being suffered to escape with life.

It now appeared that the revenues collected in this expedition had not been sufficient to defray the expenses of the army; and a report being spread that Salabat-zing was advancing into the Carnatic at the head of his army, along with M. Buffly the French commander, to demand the Mogul's tribute, it was thought proper to recall Colonel Heron to Trichinopoli. Before this, he had been prevailed on by the Indian chief who accompanied him, to convey to him (Mazuphe Cawn) an investiture of the countries of Madura and Tinivelly for an annual rent of 187,500 sterling. In his way he was likewise induced by the same chief to make an attempt on a strong fort named Nellytangaville, situated about 30 miles west of Tinivelly, and belonging to a refractory Polygar. This attempt, however, proving unsuccessful for want of battering cannon, the colonel returned with Mazuphe Cawn to Trichinopoli, where he arrived on the 22nd of May 1755.

The last expedition of this commander was against Unfortuna, a mud fort named Volfynatam, situated near the entrance of the woods belonging to the Colleries. These people were highly incensed at the plundering of Collergy, and particularly at the loss of their sacred images which the rapacious conquerors had carried off. In consequence of this they had already slaughtered a party of sepoys whom the commanding officer at Madura had sent out to collect cattle. In their march the English army had to go through the pass of Natam, one of the most dangerous in the peninsula. It begins about 20 miles north of Trichinopoli, and continues for six miles through a wood impassable to Europeans. The road which lay through it was barely sufficient to admit a single carriage at a time, at the same time that a bank running along each side rendered it impossible to widen it. In most places the wood was quite contiguous to the road; and even where part of it had been felled, the eye could not penetrate above 20 yards.—A detachment of Europeans, pioneers, and sepoys, sepoyes, were sent to scour the woods before the main body ventured to pass through such a dangerous defile. The former met with no opposition, nor did any enemy appear against the latter for a long time. At last the march was stopped by one of the heaviest tumbrils sticking in a flough, out of which the oxen were not able to draw it. The officers of artillery suffered the troops marching before to proceed; and the officer who commanded in the rear of the battalion, not suspecting what had happened, continued his march, while most of the sepoyes who marched behind the rear division of the artillery were likewise suffered to pass the carriage in the flough, which choked up the road, and prevented the other tumbrils from moving forward, as well as three field pieces that formed the rear division of artillery, and the whole line of baggage that followed. In this divided and defenceless state the rear division of the baggage was attacked by the Indians; and the whole would certainly have been destroyed, had it not been for the courage and activity of Capt. Smith, who here commanded 40 Caffres and 200 sepoyes, with one six-pounder. Considerable damage, however, was done, and the Indians recovered their goods; which certainly were not worth the carrying off, being only made of braids, and of a diminutive size.—Colonel Heron was tried by a court-martial for misconduct in this expedition; and being found guilty, was declared incapable of serving the company any longer: soon after which he returned to Europe, and died in Holland.

In the mean time Nanderauze, an Indian prince, formed a scheme to get possession of Trinchipolipoli; and in order to compass his end with greater facility, communicated his design to M. de Sauffay the commander of the French troops. But this gentleman having communicated intelligence to the English commander, the enterprise miscarried, and no difference betwixt these two rival nations as yet took place. It does not however appear that the English were in the least more solicitous to avoid hostilities than the French; for so soon as the company were informed of the acquisitions made by M. Duffy in the Deccan, it was determined to encourage the Mahrattas to attack Salabat-zing, in order to oblige him to dismiss the French auxiliaries from his service.—In order to succeed in this enterprise, it was necessary to have a commander well experienced in the political systems of the country, as well as in military affairs; and for this purpose Mr Clive, now governor of Fort St David's, and invested with a lieutenant-colonel's commission in the king's troops, offered his service. Three companies of the king's artillery, consisting of 100 men each, and 300 recruits, were sent from England on this expedition, who arrived at Bombay on the 27th of November; when on a sudden the presidency of Madras took it into consideration that this expedition could not be prosecuted without infringing the convention made with the French commander. "This (says Mr Grofe) was acting with too much caution; for every thing relating to Salabat-zing and the French troops in his service seemed to have been studiously avoided. The court of directors had explained their whole plan to the presidency of Madras; but the ship which had the letters on board was unfortunately wrecked on a rock about 800 miles east of the Cape of Good Hope." The whole expedition was therefore laid aside, and the presidency of Madras directed all their force for the present against Tulagee Angria, who had long been a formidable enemy to the English commerce in those parts.

The dominions of this pirate consisted of several islands near Bombay, and an extent of land on the continent about 180 miles in length and from 30 to 60 in breadth. He possessed also several forts that had been taken from the Europeans by his ancestors; the trade of piracy having, it seems, been hereditary in the family, and indeed followed by most of the inhabitants of this coast. This was the more dangerous for trading vessels, as the land breezes do not here extend more than 40 miles out at sea, so that the ships are obliged to keep within sight of land; and there was not a creek, harbour, bay, or mouth of a river along the whole coast of his dominions, where Angria had not erected fortifications, both as stations of discovery, and places of refuge to his vessels. His fleet consisted of two kinds of vessels peculiar to this country, named grabs and gallivats. The former have generally two masts, though some have three; the latter being about of his 300 tons burthen, and the former 150. They are fleet built to draw little water, being very broad in proportion to their length; but narrowing from the middle to the end, where, instead of bows, they have a prow projecting like a Mediterranean galley, and covered with a strong deck level with the main deck of the vessel, from which it is separated by a bulk-head that terminates the fore-castle. As this construction subjects the grab to pitch violently when sailing against a head sea, the deck of the prow is not inclosed with sides as the rest of the vessel, but remains bare, that the water which comes upon it may pass off without interruption. Two pieces of cannon are mounted on the main deck under the forecastle, carrying balls of nine or twelve pounds, which point forwards through port-holes cut in the bulk-head, and fire over the prow; those of the broad-side are from six to nine pounders. The gallivats are large row-boats built like the grab, but smaller; the largest scarce exceeding 70 tons burden. They have two masts, the mizen slightly made, and the mainmast bearing one large and triangular sail. In general they are covered with a spar-deck made of split bamboos, and carry only paterneroes fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel; but those of a larger size have a fixed deck, on which they mount six or eight pieces of cannon from two to four pounders. They have 40 or 50 stout oars, by which they may be moved at the rate of four miles an hour.

Angria had commonly a fleet of eight or ten grabs, with 40 or 50 gallivats; which shipped their cables and put out to sea as soon as any vessel had the misfortune to come within sight of the port or bay where they lay. If the wind blew with any strength, their construction enabled them to sail very swiftly; but if it was calm, the gallivats rowed, and towed the grabs. As soon as they came within gunshot of the enemy, their mates assembled aft, and the grabs began the attack, firing at first only at the masts, and choosing the most advantageous positions for this purpose. If the vessel shipped happened to be dismasted, they then drew nearer, and battered her on all sides till she struck; but if the defence was obstinate, they sent a number of gallivats with two or three hundred soldiers in each, who boarded from all quarters sword in hand.

This piratical state had for more than 50 years been formidable. formidable to all the nations in Europe; the English East-India company had kept up a naval force for the protection of their trade at the rate of more than 50,000l. annually, and after all found it scarcely adequate to the purpose. An unsuccessful attempt had been made in 1717, by the presidency of Bombay, against the forts Geriah and Kennary, the principal strongholds of Angria.—Another was made in 1722, under Admiral Matthews, against a fort named Coila-bley, about 15 leagues south of Bombay: but this also miscarried through the cowardice and treachery of the Portuguese, who pretended to assist the English. In 1735 fort Geriah was unsuccessfully attacked by a Dutch armament of seven ships, two bomb-ketches, and a numerous body of land forces; while all this time the piracies of Angria went on successfully, and not only trading vessels, but even men of war belonging to different nations, were captured by him, particularly in the month of February 1754, when three Dutch ships of 50, 36, and 18 guns, were burnt or taken by the piratical fleet.

This last success encouraged Angria so much, that he began to build vessels of a large size, boasting that he should be master of the Indian seas. The Mahrattas having implored the assistance of the English against this common enemy, Commodore William James was sent from Bombay on the 22d of March 1755, with the Protector of 44, the Swallow of 16 guns, and two bomb-ketches; but with instructions not to hazard the fleet by attacking any of the pirate's forts, only to blockade the harbours, while the Mahratta army carried on their operations by land. He had scarce begun his voyage when he fell in with a considerable fleet of the pirates, which he would certainly have taken, had it not been for the timidity and dilatory behaviour of his allies, who could not by any means be induced to follow him. They had, however, invested three of the forts, but after a very strange manner; for they durst not approach nearer than two miles, and even there entrenched themselves up to the chin, to be secure against the fire of the fort, which they returned only with one four-pounder. The commodore, provoked at this pusillanimous behaviour, determined, for the honour of the British arms, to exceed the orders he had got. Running within 100 yards of a fort named Severndroog, he in a few hours ruined the walls, and set it on fire; a powder magazine also blowing up, the people, to the number of about 1000, abandoning the place, and embarking on board of eight large boats, attempted to make their escape to another fort named Goa, but were all intercepted and made prisoners by the English. The whole force of the attack being then turned upon Goa, a white flag was soon hung out as a signal to surrender. The governor, however, did not think proper to wait the event of a capitulation, but without delay passed over to Severndroog, where he hoped to be able to maintain his ground notwithstanding the ruinous state of the fortifications. The fire was now renewed against this fortress; and the seamen having cut a passage through one of the gates with their axes, the garrison soon surrendered, at the same time that two other forts besieged by the Mahrattas hung out flags of truce and capitulated: and thus were four of Angria's forts, for so many years deemed impregnable, subdued in one day.

These successes were followed by the surrender of Ban-coote, a strong fortified island now called Fort Victoria, and which the English retained in possession; but the other forts were delivered up to the Mahrattas. On the arrival of Admiral Watson in the beginning of November 1755, it was determined to root out the pirate at once, by attacking Geriah the capital of his dominions; but it was so long since any Englishmen had seen this place, and the reports of its strength had been so much exaggerated, that it was thought proper to reconnoitre it before any attack was made. This was done by Commodore James; who having reported that the fort, though strong, was far from being inaccessible or impregnable, it was resolved to prosecute the enterprise with the utmost expedition and vigour. It was therefore attacked by such a formidable fleet, that Angria, losing courage at their approach, fled to the Mahrattas, leaving Geriah to be defended by his brother. The fort, however, was soon obliged to surrender, with no more loss on the part of the English than 19 men killed and wounded: but it was afterwards acknowledged, that this success was owing principally to the terror of the garrison occasioned by such a violent cannonade; for their fortifications appeared to have been proof against the utmost efforts of an enemy. All the ramparts of this fort were either cut out of the solid rock, or built of stones at least ten feet long laid edgeways.

In this fortress were found 250 pieces of brass cannon, with five brass mortars, and a great quantity of ammunition and military stores, besides money and effects to the value of 125,000l. Angria's fleet was entirely destroyed, one of the ships having been set on fire by a shell from the English fleet, and the flames having spread from thence to all the rest. About 2000 people were made prisoners: among whom were the wife, children, mother, brother, and admiral of the pirate: but they were treated with the greatest clemency; and his family, at their own request, continued under the protection of the English at Geriah. All the other forts belonging to Angria soon submitted; so that his power on the coast of Malabar was entirely annihilated.

While the affairs of the English went on thus successfully, M. Buffly had been constantly employed near the person of Salabat-zing, whom he had served in much the same manner that the English had Mahomed Ali Cawn. As he made use of his influence with that prince, however, to enlarge the possessions of the French, and was continually making exorbitant demands upon him, the prime minister of Salabat-zing at length represented to him the danger and shame of allowing a small body of foreigners thus to give law to a great prince; and having formed a powerful combination against the French, at last obtained an order for their dismission. M. Buffly took his leave without any marks of disgust, having under his command about 600 Europeans, with 5000 sepoys, and a fine train of artillery. His enemies, however, had no mind to allow him to depart in safety; and therefore sent orders to all the Polygars to oppose their passage, fending 6000 Mahrattas after them to harass them on their march.

Notwithstanding this opposition, M. Buffly reached Hyderabad with very little loss. Here he took pos- A detachment of English troops ordered against M. Buffy, but countermanded.

Surajah Dowla, nabob of Bengal, an enemy to the English.

Surajah Dowla took the field on the 30th of May 1756, with an army of 40,000 foot, 30,000 horse, and 400 elephants; and on the 2d of June detached 20,000 men to invest the English fort at Calcutta.

The nabob, encouraged by this success, marched directly to Calcutta, which he invested on the 15th. Though he now threatened to drive the English entirely out of his dominions, yet he proposed an accommodation with Mr Drake, provided he would pay him his duty upon the trade for 15 years, defray the expenses of his army, and deliver up the Indian merchants who were in the fort. This being refused, a Calcutta siege commenced, and the place was taken in three days through the treachery of the Dutch guard—a number of prisoners who had the charge of a gate. The nabob promised on the word of a soldier, that no harm should be done.

The news of this disaster put an end to the expedition projected against M. Buffy; and Colonel Clive was instantly dispatched to Bengal with 400 Europeans and 1000 sepoys, on board of the fleet commanded by Admiral Watson. They did not arrive till the 15th of December, at a village called Fulia, situated on a branch of the Ganges, where the inhabitants of Calcutta had taken refuge after their misfortune.

Their first operations were against the forts Busbudgia, Tanna, Fort-William, and Calcutta now in the hands of the enemy. All these were reduced almost as soon as they could approach them. An expedition was then proposed against Huegley, a large town about 60 miles above Calcutta, and the place of rendezvous for all nations who traded to Bengal; its warehouses and shops being always filled with the richest merchandise of the country. This was likewise easily reduced; and the city was destroyed, with the granaries and storehouses of salt seated on each side the river; which proved very detrimental to the nabob, as depriving him of the means of subsistence for his army.

Surajah Dowla, enraged at this success of the English, now seemed determined to crush them at once by a general engagement. From this, however, he was intimidated by a successful attack on his camp, which soon induced him to conclude a treaty. This took place on the 9th of February 1757, on the following conditions:

1. That the privileges and immunities granted to the English by the king (Mogul) should not be disputed. 2. That all goods with English orders should pass, by land or water, free of any tax, fee, or imposition. 3. All the Company's factories which had been seized by the nabob should be restored; and the goods, money, and effects which had been plundered, should be accounted for. 4. That the English should have permission to fortify Calcutta as they thought proper. 5. They should also have liberty to coin their own imports of bullion and gold.

As certain intelligence was now received of a war between France and England, the first object that naturally occurred, after the conclusion of this treaty, was the reduction of the French power in the east, in consequence of which it was represented to Admiral Watson, by a committee of the council of Bengal, that this was the only opportunity he perhaps might ever have of acting offensively against them. An attack would therefore immediately have been made on Chandernagore, had not a deputation arrived from that place, requesting a neutrality in this part of the world until matters should be finally decided in Europe. The negociation, however, was broken off on a suggestion that the government of Chandernagore, being subordinate to that of Pondicherry, could not render any transaction of this kind valid. It remained therefore only to obtain the consent of the nabob to make his dominions. This was denied on the part of the admiral; who in his turn accused the nabob of breach of promise, and neglect in fulfilling his engagements.

The last letter sent by Admiral Watson to the nabob, of date 19th April 1757, concludes in this manner:

"Let me again repeat to you, that I have no other views than that of peace. The gathering together of riches is what I despise; and I call on God, who sees and knows the spring of all our actions, and to whom you and I must one day answer, to witness to the truth of what I now write: therefore, if you would have me believe that you wish for peace as much as I do, no longer let it be the subject of our correspondence for me to ask the fulfilment of our treaty, and you to promise and not perform it; but immediately fulfil all your engagements: thus let peace flourish and spread throughout all your country, and make your people happy in the re-establishment of their trade, which has suffered by a ruinous and destructive war." From this time both parties made preparations for war. The nabob returned no answer till the 13th of June, when he sent the following declaration of war. "According to my promises, and the agreement made between us, I have duly rendered every thing to Mr Watts, except a very small remainder: Notwithstanding this, Mr Watts, and the rest of the council of the factory at Cassimbazar, under the pretence of going to take the air in their gardens, fled away in the night. This is an evident mark of deceit, and of an intention to break the treaty. I am convinced it could not have happened without your knowledge, nor without your advice. I all along expected something of this kind, and for that reason I would not recall my forces from Plassey, expecting some treachery. I praise God, that the breach of the treaty has not been on my part," &c.

Nothing less was now resolved on in the English deposition council at Calcutta than the deposition of the nabob; of which at this time appeared practicable, by supporting the pretensions of Meer Jaffier Ali Cawn, who had entered into a conspiracy against him. Meer Jaffier had married the sister of Aliverdy Cawn, the predecessor of Surajah Dowlas; and was now supported in his pretensions by the general of the horse, and by Jugget Seet the nabob's banker, who was reckoned the richest merchant in all India. By these three leading men the design was communicated to Mr Watts the English resident at the nabob's court, and by him to Colonel Clive and the secret committee at Calcutta. The management of the affair being left to Mr Watts and Mr Clive, it was thought proper to communicate the secret to Omichund, through whom the necessary correspondence might be carried on with Meer Jaffier. This agent proved so avaricious, that it was resolved to serve him in his own way; and by such a piece of treachery to him also, to gain their point treacherous behaviour of Omichund and Omichund's demand, but in the other his name the English was not even mentioned; and both these treaties were signed by all the principal persons concerned, Admiral Watson alone excepted, whom no political motives could influence to sign an agreement which he did not mean to keep. These treaties, the same in every respect excepting as to Omichund's affair, were to the following... following purpose: 1. All the effects and factories belonging to the province of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, shall remain in possession of the English, nor should any more French ever be allowed to settle in these provinces. 2. In consideration of the losses sustained by the English company by the capture and plunder of Calcutta, he agreed to pay one crore of rupees, or L. 1,250,000 sterling. 3. For the effects plundered from the English at Calcutta, he engaged to pay 50 lack of rupees, or L. 625,000. 4. For the effects plundered from the Gentoo, Moors, and other inhabitants of Calcutta, 20 lack, or L. 250,000. 7. For the effects plundered from the American merchants, inhabitants of Calcutta, seven lack, or L. 87,500. 8. The distribution of all these sums to be left to Admiral Watson, Colonel Clive, Roger Drake, William Watts, James Kilpatrick, and Richard Becher, Esquires, to be disposed of by them to whom they think proper.

All things being now in readiness, Colonel Clive began his march against Surajah Dowlah on the 13th of June, the very day on which Surajah Dowlah sent off his last letter for Admiral Watson. Before any act of hostility was committed, however, Colonel Clive wrote the nabob a letter, upbraiding him with his conduct, and telling him at last, that "the rains being so near, and it requiring many days to receive an answer, he had found it necessary to wait upon him immediately." This was followed by the decisive action at Plassey; in which the treachery of Meer Jaffier, who commanded part of the nabob's troops, and stood neuter during the engagement, undoubtedly rendered the victory more easily acquired than it would otherwise have been. The unfortunate nabob fled to his capital with a few that continued faithful to him. He reached the city in a few hours; but not thinking himself safe there, left it the following evening, disguised like a Faquir, with only two attendants. By these he appears to have been abandoned and even robbed; for on the 3d of July he was found wandering forsaken and almost naked on the road to Patna. Next day he was brought back to Muxadabad; and a few hours after privately beheaded by Meer Jaffier's eldest son, to whose care he had been committed. The usurper took possession of the capital in triumph; and on the 29th of June Colonel Clive went to the palace, and in presence of the rajahs and grandees of the court solemnly handed him to the musnud or carpet and throne of state, where he was unanimously saluted foubahdar or nabob, and received the submission of all present.

While these transactions were going forward with the nabob, the utmost efforts were used to expel the French entirely from Bengal. By the articles of capitulation at Chandernagore, the whole of that garrison were to continue prisoners of war; but about the time of signing the treaty, Mr Law with a small body of troops made his escape out of Calcutta, and bent his march towards Patna. There he had been protected by the late nabob; and on the commencement of fresh hostilities, had collected about 200 French, the only remains of that nation in Bengal, to make an attempt to succour him. With these he was within two hours march of Surajah Dowlah's camp when the battle of Plassey was fought: on hearing the news of which he stopped; but afterwards being informed of the nabob's escape, he marched again to his assistance, and was within a few hours of joining him when he was taken. Three days after he was pursued by Major Eyre Coote at the head of 223 Europeans, three companies of Sepoys, 50 Lascars or Indian sailors, and 10 Marmitty men or pioneers to clear the roads, together with two pieces of cannon, fix pounders. On this expedition the major exerted his utmost diligence to overtake his antagonist, and spent a very considerable space of time in the pursuit; for though he set out on the 6th of July, he did not return to Muxadabad till the 1st of September. Mr Law, however, had the good fortune to escape; but though the major did not succeed in what was proposed as the principal end of his expedition, he was nevertheless, says Mr Ives, of considerable service to the company and to his country in general. He had obliged Ramnarain, the most powerful rajah in the country, to swear allegiance to Meer Jaffier; he laid open the interior state of the northern provinces; and, in conjunction with Mr Johnstone, gave the company some insight into the saltpetre business, from which such advantages have since been derived to the public.

Before the return of Major Coote, Admiral Pocock had succeeded to the command of the fleet, in consequence of the decease of Admiral Watson, who died on the 16th of August. The joy of the British was considerably damped by the loss of this gentleman, who had gained a great and deserved reputation both in the military line and every other. News were also received, that the French had been very successful on the coast of Coromandel. Salabat-zing, as has already been observed, had applied to the English for assistance against the French; but as they were prevented from performing their agreement by the disaster at Calcutta, he found himself under a necessity of accommodating the differences with his former friends, and to admit them again into his service. M. Buffy was now reinforced by the troops under M. Law; who had collected as many Europeans in his journey as made up 500 with those he had at first. With these success of he undertook to reduce the English factories of Inge-the French ram, Bandermalanka, and Vizagapatnam. As none of the two former places were in any state of defense, the greatest part of the company's effects were put on shipboard on the first alarm; but as Vizagapatnam was garrisoned by 140 Europeans and 420 Sepoys, it was supposed that it would make some defense. If any was made, however, it appears to have been very trifling; and by the conquest of this the French became masters of all the coasts from Ganjam to Mahulipatnam. In the southern provinces the like had success attended the British cause. The rebel Polygars having united their forces against Mazuphe Cawn, obtained a complete victory over him; after which the English sepoys, being prevailed upon to quit Madura, the conqueror seized upon that city for himself.

In the beginning of 1758, the French made an attempt at Trinchinopoli. The command was given to M. d'Autrenil, who invested the place with 900 men in battalion, with 400 sepoys, 100 hussars, and a great body of Indian horse. Trinchinopoli was then in no condition to withstand such a formidable power, as most of the garrison had gone to besiege Madura. under Captain Caillaud; but this commander having received intelligence of the danger, marched back with all his forces, and entered the town by a difficult road which the enemy had neglected to guard; and the French general, disconcerted by this successful manoeuvre, drew off his forces, and returned to Pondicherry.

This fortunate transaction was succeeded by the siege of Madura in which the English were so vigourously repulsed, that Captain Caillaud was obliged to turn the siege into a blockade in order to reduce the place by famine. But before any progress could be made in this way, Mazuphe Cawn was prevailed upon to give it up for the sum of 170,000 rupees. A large garrison of sepoys was again put into the place, and Captain Caillaud returned to Trichinopoly.

An unsuccessful attempt was now made by Colonel Ford on Nellore, a large town surrounded by a thick mud-wall, with a dry ditch on all sides but one, where there is the bed of a river always dry but in the rainy season. The enterprise is said to have proved unsuccessful through the unheard-of cowardice of a body of sepoys, who having sheltered themselves in a ditch, absolutely refused to stir a step farther, and rather chose to allow the rest of the army to march over them to the assault, than to expose themselves to danger. Several other enterprises of no great moment were undertaken; but the event was on the whole unfavourable to the English, whose force by the end of the campaign was reduced to 1718 men, while that of the French amounted to 3400 Europeans, of whom 1000 were sent to Pondicherry.

Both parties now received considerable reinforcements from Europe; Admiral Pocock being joined on the 24th of March by Commodore Stevens with a squadron of five men of war, and the French by nine men of war and two frigates, having on board General Lally with a large body of troops. The English admiral no sooner found himself in a condition to cope with the enemy than he went in quest of them; and an engagement took place, in which the French were defeated with the loss of 600 killed and a great many wounded, while the English had only 29 killed and 89 wounded. The former returned to Pondicherry, where they landed their men, money, and troops. After the battle three of the British Captains were tried for misbehaviour, and two of them dismissed from the command of their ships. As soon as his vessels were refitted, the admiral sailed again in quest of the enemy, but could not bring them to an action before the 3d of August, when the French were defeated a second time, with the loss of 25 killed and 62 wounded.

Notwithstanding this success at sea, the English were greatly deficient in land forces; the re-establishment of their affairs in Bengal having almost entirely drained the settlements on the coast of Coromandel of the troops necessary for their defence. The consequence of this was the loss of Fort St David, which General Lally reduced, destroying the fortifications, demolishing also the adjacent villages, and ravaging the country in such a manner as filled the natives with indignation, and in the end proved very prejudicial to his affairs. He proved successful, however, in the reduction of Devicottah, but was obliged to retreat with loss from before Tanjore, his army being greatly distressed for want of provisions; and money in particular being so deficient, that on the 7th of August the French seized and carried into Pondicherry a large Dutch ship from Batavia, bound to Negapatnam, and took out of her about L. 5000 in specie.

From this time the affairs of the French daily declined. On their retreat from Tanjore, they abandoned the island of Seringham; however, they took Tripasfoire, but were defeated in their designs on the important post of Chinglapet, situated about 45 miles south-west of Madras. Their next enterprises on Fort St George and Madras were equally unsuccessful. The latter was besieged from the 12th of December 1758 to the 17th of February 1759, when they were obliged to abandon it with great loss; which disaster greatly contributed to depress their spirits, and abate those sanguine hopes they had entertained of becoming masters in this part of the world.

The remainder of the year 1759 proved entirely favourable to the British arms. M. d'Ache the French admiral, who had been very roughly handled by Admiral Pocock on the 3d of August 1758, having refitted his fleet, and being reinforced by three men of war at the islands of Mauritius and Bourbon, now ventured once more to face his antagonist, who on his part did not at all decline the combat. A third battle ensued on the 10th of September 1759, when the French, notwithstanding their superiority both in number of ships and weight of metal, were obliged to retreat with considerable loss; having 1500 men killed and wounded, while those on board the English fleet did not exceed 569. By the 17th of October the English fleet was completely refitted; and Admiral Pocock having been joined by a reinforcement of four men of war, soon after returned to England.

All this time the unfortunate General Lally had been employed in unsuccessful endeavours to retrieve the affairs of his countrymen; still, however, he attempted to act on the offensive; but his fate was at last decided by laying siege to Wandewash, which had Lally lately been taken by Colonel Coote. The advantage gained at numbers was entirely in favour of the French general; the English army consisting only of 1700 Europeans including artillery and cavalry, while the French amounted to 2200 Europeans. The auxiliaries on the English side were 3000 black troops, while those of the French amounted to 10,000 black troops and 300 Caffres; nor was the odds less in proportion in the artillery, the English bringing into the field only 14 pieces of cannon and one howitzer, while the French had 25 pieces in the field and five on their batteries against the fort. The battle began about eleven o'clock on the 22d of January 1760, and in three hours the whole French army gave way and fled towards their camp; but quitted it on finding themselves pursued by the English, who took all their cannon except three small pieces. They collected themselves under the walls of Chelataput, about 18 miles from the field of battle, and soon after retired to Pondicherry. Colonel Coote caused the country to be waited to the very gates of this fortress by way of retaliation for what the French had done in the neighbourhood of Madras. He then set about the siege of Chelataput. Chelataput, which surrendered in one day; a considerable detachment of the enemy was intercepted by Captain Smith; the Fort of Timmery was reduced by Major Monson, and the city of Arcot by Captain Wood. This last conquest enabled the English to restore the nabob to his dominions, of which he had been deprived by the French; and it greatly weakened both the French force and interest in India. M. Lally, in the mean time, had recalled his forces from Seringham, by which means he augmented his army with 500 Europeans. All these were now shut up in Pondicherry, which was become the last hope of the French in India. To complete their misfortunes, Admiral Cornish arrived at Madras with six men of war; and as the French had now no fleet in these parts, the admiral readily engaged to co-operate with the land forces. The consequence was the reduction of Carical, Chellambrum, and Verdachellum, by a strong detachment under Major Monson; while Colonel Coote reduced Permucoil, Alamperwa, and Walour. Thus he was at last enabled to lay siege to Pondicherry itself. Previous to this, however, it had been blockaded by sea and land, which reduced the place to great straits for want of provisions, and induced a mutinous disposition among the garrison. The batteries were not opened till the beginning of December 1760; and the place capitulated on the 15th of January 1761, by which an end was put to the power of the French in this part of the world.

While the English were thus employed in effectually reducing the power of their rivals in every part of India, Meer Jaffier, the nabob of Bengal, who had been raised to that dignity by the ruin of Surajah Dowlah, found himself in a very disagreeable situation. The treasure of the late nabob had been valued at no less than 64 crore of rupees, about 80 millions sterling; and in expectation of such a vast sum, Meer Jaffier had no doubt thoughtlessly submitted to the enormous exactions of the English, already mentioned. On his accession to the government, however, the treasure of which he became master fell so much short of expectation, that he could by no means fulfill his engagements to them and supply the expenses of government at the same time. This soon reduced him to the necessity of mortgaging his revenues to supply present demands; and by this ruinous expedient he put it out of his own power ever to extricate himself. In this dilemma his grandees became factious and discontented, his army mutinous for want of pay, and he rendered himself odious to his subjects by the exactions he was necessitated to lay upon them. The English, who for their own interest had raised him to the supreme power, no sooner found that he was incapable of answering their purpose any longer, than they began to scheme against him; and in order to have some colour of reason for pulling down the man whom they had just set up, they either invented or gave ear to the most malicious calumnies against him. The charges brought against him were shortly these: 1. That soon after his advancement he had resolved to reduce that power which raised him to the dignity. 2. That, to effect this, he afflamedated or banished every person of importance whom he suspected of being in the English interest. 3. That he negotiated with the Dutch to introduce an armament for the expulsion of the English. 4. That he had in different instances been guilty of the deepest deceit and treachery towards the English, his best benefactors and allies. 5. That at three different periods the English commander in chief had been basely deserted both by the nabob and his son, when he and the troops were hazarding their lives for them. 6. That he meditated a secret and separate treaty with Shah-Zaddah, the Mogul's son, and had intended to betray the English to him. 7. That the whole term of his government had been one uninterrupted chain of cruelty, tyranny, and oppression. 8. That he meditated, and was near carrying into execution, an infamous secret treaty with the Mahrattas, which would have proved the total destruction of the country if it had taken place. 9. That he threw every possible obstruction in the way of the collection of the English taxes or assignments upon lands. 10. That he encouraged the obstructions given to the free currency of the English finances; by which the company suffered heavy losses. 11. That by his cruelties he had rendered it scandalous for the English to support his government any longer; and, 12. That by his misconduct, he had brought the affairs of the company as well as his own into the utmost danger of ruin.

In what manner these charges were supported it is difficult to know, nor perhaps were the accusers very solicitous about the strength of their evidence. This seems the more probable, as the accusations of cruelty were, in some instances at least, void of foundation. On the 13th of June 1760, Mr Holwell wrote from Calcutta to Mr Warren Hastings, that by express he had received intelligence of the murder of the princesses of Aliverdy Khan and Shah Amet, in a most inhuman manner, by Meer Jaffier's orders. He was said to have sent a Jemmatdaur with 100 horse to Jefferaut Khan to carry this bloody scheme into execution; with separate orders to the Jemmatdaur to put an end to their lives. He refused acting any part in the tragedy, and left it to the other; who carried them out by night in a boat, tied weights to their legs, and threw them overboard. They struggled for some time, and, held by the gunwale of the boat; but by strokes on their heads, and cutting off their hands, they were at last forced off and drowned. In like manner we were told that many others of Surajah Dowlah's relations had perished; yet when it was thought proper to replace Meer Jaffier in 1761, all these dead persons were found alive excepting two. It must also be remembered, in behalf of the unfortunate nabob, that besides the sums exacted of him by the English at his accession, he had ceded to them a large extent of territory, and granted them so many immunities in trade, that he had in a manner deprived himself of all his resources; and it was impossible for him to defray the necessary expenses without either extorting money from his subjects, or infringing the privileges he had so inconsiderately granted.

There were two accounts of this remarkable revolution published, materially differing from one another. The first was given in a memorial drawn up at a of his deposition at Fort William, November 10, 1760, where were present Henry Vanstort, Esq; president; William Ellis, B. Sumner, William McGuiro, Henry Vereff, and Henry Smyth, Esqs. "We resolved (says the governor) to give the nabob the next day (October..." ber 19, 1760) to reflect upon the letters I had delivered him, proposing some measures for regulating the abuses. I heard nothing from him all that day; but found by my intelligence that he had been in council at his old advisers, whose advice, I was sure, would be contrary to the welfare of the country and of the company. I therefore determined to act immediately on the nabob's fear. There could not be a better opportunity than the night of the 19th offered, it being the conclusion of the Geutoo feast, when all the principal people of that city would be pretty well fatigued with their ceremonies. Accordingly I agreed with Colonel Caillaud, that he should cross the river with the detachment between three and four in the morning; and having joined Coffin Ali Khan and his people, march to the nabob's palace, and surround it just at day-break. Being extremely desirous to prevent disturbance or bloodshed, I wrote a letter to the nabob, telling him, I had been waiting all the day in expectation that he would have settled the urgent affairs upon which I conferred with him yesterday; but his having favoured me with no answer, plainly showed that all I could represent to him for the good of his country would have no effect, as long as his evil counsellors were about his person, who would in the end deprive him of his government and ruin the company's affairs. For this reason I had sent Colonel Caillaud with forces to wait upon him, and to expel those bad counsellors, and place his affairs in a proper state, and I would shortly follow. This letter I gave to the colonel, to send to the nabob at such a time as he should think most expedient. Measures were taken at the same time for seizing his three unworthy ministers, and to place Coffin Ali Khan in the full management of all the affairs, in quality of deputy and successor to the nabob.

"The necessary preparations being made with all care and secrecy possible, the colonel embarked with the troops, joined Coffin Ali Khan without the least alarm, and marched into the court-yard of the palace just at the proper instant. The gates of the inner court being shut, the colonel formed his men without, and sent the letter to the nabob, who was at first in a great rage, and long threatened that he would make what resistance he could, and take his fate. The colonel forbore all hostilities, and several messages passed between him and the nabob. The affair remained in this doubtful state for two hours, when the nabob, finding his persisting was to no purpose, sent a message to Coffin Ali Khan, informing him that he was ready to send the seals and all the ensigns of dignity, provided he would agree to take the whole charge of the government upon him, to discharge all arrears due to the troops, to pay the usual revenue to the king, to save his life and honour, and to give him an allowance sufficient for his maintenance. All these conditions being agreed to, Coffin Ali was proclaimed; and the old nabob came out to the colonel, declaring that he depended on him for his life. The troops then took possession of all the gates; and the old nabob was told, that not only his person was safe, but his government too if he pleased, of which it was never intended to deprive him. He answered, that he had now no more business in the city, where he should be in continual danger from Coffin Ali Khan; and if he was permitted to go and live at Calcutta, he should be contented. Coffin Ali Khan was now placed on the musnud, and the people in general seemed much pleased with the revolution. The old nabob did not think himself safe even for one night in the city. Coffin Ali Khan supplied him with boats, and permitted him to take away about 60 of his family, with a reasonable quantity of jewels. He begged that he might sleep in his boat that night; which he accordingly did, and on the morning of the 22nd of October he set out for Calcutta, and arrived there on the 29th. He was met by a deputation from the council, and treated with every mark of respect due to his former dignity."

The second account of this affair was not published till the 11th of March 1762, and was signed Eyre Coote, P. Amyatt, John Cavnae, W. Ellis, S. Batton, H. Verrell. "In September 1760 (say they), when there was not the least appearance of a rupture or difficulty between us and the nabob, but friendship and harmony subsisting, Meer Coffin Khan his son-in-law came down to Calcutta, and having laid a short time returned to Moorshedabad. A few days after, Mr Vanfittart went up to that city on the pretence of a visit to the nabob Meer Jaffier. Colonel Caillaud, with 200 Europeans and some sepoys, attended him; who, it was pretended, were going to join the army at Patna. When Mr Vanfittart arrived at Moradbaug, the nabob paid him two visits; at the last of which Mr Vanfittart gave him three letters, proposing the reformation of the abuses in his government, insisted on his naming some person among his relations to take charge of the subahship, and particularly recommended Coffin Ali Khan, who was sent for, and the nabob desired to stay till he came: But the nabob, being greatly fatigued, was suffered to depart to his palace. The night and following day passed in concerting measures with Coffin Ali how to put in execution the plan before agreed on in Calcutta, where a treaty was signed for this purpose. In consequence of these deliberations, our troops crossed the river next night, and being joined by Coffin and his party, surrounded the nabob's palace. A letter from Mr Vanfittart was sent in to the nabob, demanding his compliance with what had been proposed to him. To this the nabob returned for answer, 'that he never expected such usage from the English; that while a force was at his gates, he would enter into no terms.' A message was sent in, that if he did not directly comply, they should be obliged to storm the palace. Astonished and terrified at this menace, he opened the gates, exclaiming, that 'he was betrayed; that the English were guilty of perjury and breach of faith; that he perceived their designs against his government; that he had friends enough to hazard at least one battle in his defence: but although no oaths were sacred enough to bind the English, yet as he had sworn to be their faithful friend, he would never swerve from his engagement, and rather suffer death than draw his sword against them.' So suspicious was he of being sold, that he desired to know what sum of money Coffin Ali Khan was to give for the subahship, and he would give half as much more to be continued. He hoped, however, if they intended to dethrone him, that they would not leave him to the mercy of his son-in-law, from whom he feared the worst; but wished they would carry him from the city, and give him a place of safety in Calcutta. "This last request of the nabob was construed in the light of a voluntary resignation. Our troops took possession of the palace; Meer Coffin was raised to the musnad; and the old nabob hurried into a boat with a few of his domestics and necessaries, and sent away to Calcutta in a manner wholly unworthy of the high rank he so lately held, as was also the scanty subsistence allowed him for his maintenance at Calcutta by his son-in-law. Thus was Jaffier Ali Khan deposed, in breach of a treaty founded on the most solemn oaths, and in violation of the national faith."

According to this account, the servants of the Company, who were the projectors of the revolution, made no secret that there was a present promised them of 2000 rupees from Coffin, who was desirous of making the first act of his power the assassination of Jaffier, and was very much displeased when he found that the English intended giving him protection at Calcutta.

It could scarce be supposed that Meer Coffin, raised to the nabobship in the manner we have related, could be more faithful to the English than Meer Jaffier had been. Nothing advantageous to the interests of the company could indeed be reasonably expected from such a revolution. No successor of Meer Jaffier could be more entirely in subjection than the late nabob, from his natural imbecility, had been. This last consideration had induced many of the council at first to oppose the revolution; and indeed the only plausible pretence for it was, that the administration of Meer Jaffier was so very weak, that, unless he was aided and even controlled by some persons of ability, he himself must soon be ruined, and very probably the interests of the company along with him. Meer Coffin, however, was a man of a very different disposition from his father-in-law. As he knew that he had not been served by the English out of friendship, so he did not think of making any return of gratitude; but instead of this, considered only how he could most easily get rid of such troublesome allies. For a while, however, it was necessary for him to dissemble, and to take all the advantage he could of the power of his allies whilst it could be serviceable to him. By their assistance he cleared his dominions of invaders, and strengthened his frontiers against them; he reduced, by means of the same assistance, the rajahs or independent Indian chiefs who had rebelled in the time of his predecessor, obliging them to pay the usual tribute; by which means he repaired his finances, and thereby secured the discipline and fidelity of his troops. Having thus, by the assistance of the English forces, brought his government into subjection, he took the most effectual means of securing himself against their power. As the vicinity of his capital, Muzaffabad, to Calcutta, gave the English factory there an opportunity of inspecting his actions, and interrupting his designs when they thought proper, he took up his residence at Mongheer, a place 200 miles farther up the Ganges, which he fortified in the best and most expeditious manner he could. Being very sensible of the advantages of the European discipline, he resolved to form his army on a new model. For this purpose he collected all the Armenian, Persian, Tartar, and other soldiers of fortune, whose military characters he supposed might serve to raise the spirits of his Indian forces, and abate their natural timidity. He also carefully collected every wandering European who had borne arms, all the Sepoys who had been dismissed from the English service, distributing them among his troops, in order to teach them the English exercise. He changed the fashion of the Indian muskets from matchlocks to firelocks; and as their cannon were almost as deficient as their small arms, he procured a pattern of one from the English, by which he soon formed a train of artillery: and having thus done everything in his power to enable himself to withstand the English by force of arms, he resolved also to free his court from their emissaries, by imprisoning or putting to death every person of any consequence in his dominions who had shown any attachment to their interest.

His next step was to free himself from some of those restraints which his predecessor Meer Jaffier, and even he himself, had been obliged to lay upon the trade of the country, in order to gratify the avarice of his European allies. At his accession indeed he had ceded to the company a tract of land worth no less than 700,000l. annually, besides 70,000l. a-year on other accounts. All this, however, was not sufficient; the immunities granted them in trade were of still worse consequence than even those vast concessions. He knew by experience the distresses which these immunities had brought upon his predecessor, and therefore determined to put an end to them. In pursuance of this resolution, he began, in the year 1762, every duty where to subject the English traders to the payment of certain duties throughout his dominions, and required that their disputes, if beyond the limits of their own jurisdiction, should be decided by his magistrates. This gave such an alarm at Calcutta, that, in November 1762, the governor Mr Vanfittart waited on him in person at Mongheer, in order to expostulate with him upon the subject. The nabob answered his remonstrances in the following manner. "If (said he) the servants of the English company were permitted to trade in all parts, and in all commodities, custom free, as many of them now pretend, they must of course draw all the trade into their own hands, and my customs would be of so little value, that it would be much more for my interest to lay trade entirely open, and collect no customs from any person whatever upon any kind of merchandize. This would draw a number of merchants into the country, and increase my revenues by encouraging the cultivation and manufacture of a large quantity of goods for sale, at the same time that it would effectually cut off the principal subject of disputes which had disturbed the good understanding between us, an object which I have more than any other at heart."

By these intimations Mr Vanfittart was very much disconcerted; nor indeed was it in any person's power to devise a plausible answer. What the nabob had threatened was evidently in his power; and though he had laid the trade entirely open, no reasonable fault could have been found with him. The proceeding, however, tended evidently to destroy the private trade carried. carried on by the gentlemen of the factory; and even to prejudice, as they said, that of the company itself. Mr Vanfittart therefore thought proper to submit to certain regulations, by which the trade of the English was put under certain restrictions.

This new agreement being instantly put in execution on the part of the nabob, excited the utmost indignation at Calcutta. On the 17th of January 1763, the council passed a resolution, disavowing the treaty made by the governor, and affirmed that he assumed a right to which he was by no means authorized; that the regulations proposed were dishonourable to them as Englishmen, and tended to the ruin of all public and private trade; and that the president's issuing out regulations independent of the council was an absolute breach of their privileges. They sent orders therefore to all the factories, that no part of the agreement between the governor and nabob should be submitted to. Application was again made to Meer Coffin to persuade him to a third agreement; but before the success of this negociation could be known, hostilities commenced on the part of the English.

There was at that time in the city of Patna (situated on the Ganges, about 300 miles above Calcutta), a fortified factory belonging to the East India company, where were a few European and Indian soldiers. By this factory the city was suddenly attacked on the 25th of June 1763, and instantly taken, though it was defended by a strong garrison, and the fortifications had been newly repaired. The governor and garrison fled out into the country on the first appearance of danger: but perceiving that the victors took no care to prevent a surprise, he suddenly returned with a reinforcement from the country, retook the city, and either cut in pieces or drove into their fort all the English who were in it, after having been only four hours in possession of the place. The English, disheartened by this disaster, did not now think themselves able to defend their fort against the Indians; for which reason they left it, with a design to retreat into the territories of a neighbouring nabob; but being pursued by a superior force, they were all either killed or taken.

This piece of perfidy, for such it certainly was, the nabob repaid by another, viz. slaughtering the deputies who had been sent him by the council of Calcutta to treat about a new agreement with regard to commercial affairs. They set out from Mongheer on the 24th of June, having been unable to bring Meer Coffin to any terms; and though he furnished them with the usual passports, yet, as they were passing the city of Muxadabad, they found themselves attacked by a number of troops assembled for that purpose on both sides of the river, whose fire killed several gentlemen in the boats. Mr Amyatt, the chief of the embassy, landed with a few sepoys, whom he forbid to fire, and endeavoured to make the enemy's troops understand that he was furnished with the nabob's passports, and had no design of committing any hostilities; but the enemy's horse advancing, some of the sepoys fired notwithstanding Mr Amyatt's orders to the contrary. On this a general confusion ensued, and Mr Amyatt, with most of the small party who attended him, were cut in pieces.

These acts of treacherous hostility were soon followed by a formal declaration of war. Meer Jaffier, notwithstanding the crimes formerly alleged against him, was proclaimed nabob of Bengal, and the army immediately took the field under the command of Major Adams. The whole force, however, at first consisted only of one regiment of the king's troops, a few sepoys, the company's two troops of European cavalry, ten companies of sepoys, and 12 pieces of cannon. These Major Adams soon came to action with the enemy; and having marched got the better in two skirmishes, cleared the country against of them as far as Caffimbuzar river, a branch of the Meer Ganges, which lay between Calcutta and Muxadabad, or Murshudabad, the capital of the province.

The war was now carried on with uninterrupted success on the part of the English; nor does it appear that all the pains taken by Meer Coffin to discipline his troops had made them in the least more able to cope with the Europeans. The English were suffered to pass the river without opposition; but an army of 10,000 Indians were advantageously posted between the river and the city. There were entirely defeated, and Major Adams pushed on directly for the capital. In his way he found the Indians again strongly posted, with intrenchments 15 feet high, and defended by a numerous artillery. This strong post was taken by stratagem; a feint being made with a small body of troops against that part where the enemy had collected their greatest strength. Thus the attention of the enemy was drawn entirely to that place, without regarding others where no attack was apprehended. The greatest part of the English army, however, had in the night-time marched round the Indian fortification, and by day break made a furious assault on a place where there was only a slight guard. There instantly fled; the intrenchments were abandoned; and the city, which was protected only by them, fell of course into the hands of the conquerors.

This success of the English served only to make them redouble their diligence. They now penetrated into the heart of the province, crossed the numerous branches of the Ganges, and traversed marshes and forests in quest of their enemy. Meer Coffin, on the other hand, was not wanting in his defence; but the utmost efforts he could use were totally insufficient to stop the career of an enemy so powerful and now flushed with victory.

The two armies met on the banks of a river called Nuna Nullar, on the 2d of August 1763. The Indians, who had chosen their post with great judgment, and had at Nuna much more the appearance of an European army than Nullar, ever was observed before, not only in their arms and accoutrements, but in their division into brigades, and even in their clothing. The battle was much more obstinate than usual, being continued for four hours; but though the Indian army consisted of no fewer than 20,000 horse and 8000 foot, the English proved in the end victorious, and the enemy were obliged to quit the field with the loss of all their cannon.

From this time the Indians did not attempt any regular engagement with the English. They made a stand indeed at a place called Auda Nullar, which they had fortified in such a manner that it seemed proof against any sudden attack. But here also they suffered themselves to be deceived in a manner similar to that above-mentioned, and the place was taken with great slaughter. They now abandoned a vast tract of country; and tho' there were several very defensible posts one behind another, so much were they disheartened by this misfortune, that they never attempted to stop the progress of the English, but laid open the whole country to the very gates of Mongheer.

The next operation was the siege of Mongheer itself; which, notwithstanding all the pains Meer Coffin had been at to fortify it, held out no more than nine days after the trenches were opened; so that nothing now remained to complete the conquest of Bengal but the reduction of the city of Patna. The unfortunate Meer Coffin, in the mean time, enraged at the irresistible progress of the English, vented his rage on the unhappy prisoners taken at Patna; all of whom, to the number of about 200, he caused to be inhumanly murdered. This villany was perpetrated by one Somers, a German, who had originally been in the French service, but deserted from them to the English East India company, and from the company to Meer Coffin. This affront, by the Indians called Soonerow, having invited the English gentlemen to sup with him, took the opportunity of borrowing their knives and forks, on pretence of entertaining them after the English manner. At night, when he arrived, he stood at some distance in the cook-room to give his orders; and as soon as the two first gentlemen, Mr Ellis and Luthington, entered, the former was seized by the hair, his head pulled backward, and his throat cut by another. On this Mr Luthington knocked down the murderer with his fist, seized his sword, wounded one and killed two before he himself was cut down. The other gentlemen being now alarmed, defended themselves, and even repulsed the sepoys with plates and bottles. Somers then ordered them on the top of the house to fire down on the prisoners; which they obeyed with reluctance, alleging that they could not think of murdering them in that manner, but if he would give the prisoners arms, they would fight them; on which he knocked several of them down with bamboos. The consequence was, that all the gentlemen were either shot or had their throats cut. Dr Fullarton was the only person who escaped, having received a pardon from the tyrant a few days before the massacre.

This inhumanity was far from being of any service to the cause of Meer Coffin. Major Adams marched without delay from Mongheer to Patna; and as the place was but indifferently fortified, it could make but a feeble resistance. The cannon of the English soon made a practicable breach, and in no longer time than eight days this great city was taken by storm. Thus the nabob was deprived of all his fortified places, his army reduced to a small body, and himself obliged to fly to Sujah Dowla nabob of Oude, who acted as grand vizier to the Mogul. Here he was kindly received, and an asylum promised for his person, but admittance was refused to his army, nor would this prince consent at any rate to make his country a seat of war. The English were now entire masters of Bengal; for though Meer Jaffier was proclaimed nabob, it is not to be supposed that he had now any authority farther than what they pleased to give him. Major Adams did not long survive the conquest of Patna, which was taken on the 6th of November 1763; he died in the month of March 1764.

Meer Coffin being thus driven out, an agent was sent from Calcutta to Sujah Dowla, proposing an alliance with him and the Mogul, who was along with him, and offering to assist them against Meer Coffin or any other enemy who should attempt an invasion of their dominions; in return for which, it was expected that they should declare themselves open enemies to Meer Dowla, Coffin, and use their utmost endeavours to seize and deliver him up with all his effects. This design was communicated to Major Adams on the 8th of December 1763; but as he was next day to resign the command of the army, Major Carnac was desired to take the command upon him, and to watch the motions of Meer Coffin, as well as to guard the dominions of Meer Jaffier against any hostilities which might be attempted. It was also resolved, that in case Meer Coffin should prevail upon the Mogul and Sujah Dowla to assist him, Major Carnac was desired to advance to the banks of the river Carunnafla, and there oppose the entrance of any hostile army.

It soon appeared that the friendship of the English was not what Sujah Dowla desired. He considered them as rapacious usurpers, who having got a footing in the country under pretence of commerce, could be satisfied with nothing less than the entire possession of it, to the ruin of the natural inhabitants. In the beginning of February 1764, therefore, it was known that Sujah Dowla had determined to assist Meer Coffin in attempting to recover Bengal. The president and council on this wrote him, that though they heard such a report, they could not believe it, considering the former connections subsisting between him and the chiefs of the company, and were persuaded he would not act in such an unjust manner; but if it really was his intention to espouse the cause of Meer Coffin, they informed him that they were resolved to keep Bengal free from troubles, and carry the war into the dominions of Sujah Dowla himself. To this the nabob replied by enumerating the many favours conferred on the English by the Mogul. "Notwithstanding these (says he) you have interfered in the king's country, possessed yourselves of districts belonging to the government, and turned out and established nabobs at pleasure, without the consent of the imperial court. Since you have imprisoned dependants on the court, and exposed the government of the king of kings to contempt and dishonour; since you have ruined the trade of the merchants of the country, granted protection to the king's servants, injured the revenues of the imperial court, and crushed the inhabitants by your acts of violence; and since you are continually sending fresh people from Calcutta, and invading different parts of the royal dominions; to what can all those wrong proceedings be attributed, but to an absolute disregard to the court, and a wicked design of seizing the country to yourselves? If these disturbances have arisen from your own improper desires, desist from such behaviour in future; interfere not in the affairs of government; withdraw your people from every part, and send them to their own country; carry on the company's trade as formerly, and confine yourselves to commercial affairs," &c.

Another letter, much to the same purpose, was sent to Major Carnac; but the president and council of Calcutta, instead of paying any regard to the remonstrances of the nabob, determined to commence an immediate and offensive war against him.

Notwithstanding this resolution, several difficulties occurred. occurred in carrying on a war at this time. The principal were the death of Major Adams, whose name had become formidable to the Indians, and the mutinous disposition of the army. The former was obviated by the appointment of Colonel Hector Munro, who, in military skill, appeared nothing inferior to his predecessor; and the mutinous disposition of the soldiery was got the better of by a most severe example of the mutineers, 24 of whom were blown away from the mouths of cannon. Hostilities were commenced on the part of Meer Coffin, who cut off a small party of English troops, and sent their heads to the mogul and Sujah Dowlah. An army of 50,000 men was collected, with a most formidable train of artillery, such as might be supposed to follow an European army of equal numbers. This prodigious armament seems to have effaced all the caution of Meer Coffin; for though he had formerly experienced the bad effects of engaging the English in a pitched battle, yet he now thought proper to try his fortune a second time in the same way. The two armies met on the 23rd of October 1764, at a place called Buxard, on the river Carumna, about 100 miles above the city of Patna. The event was similar to that of other engagements with the English, to whom it never was possible for any advantages either in situation or number to make the Indians equal. The allied army was defeated with the loss of 600 killed on the spot, 130 pieces of cannon, a proportionable quantity of military stores, and all their tents ready pitched; while, on the side of the conquerors, only 32 Europeans and 239 Indians were killed, and 57 Europeans and 473 Indians wounded.

The only place of strength now belonging to the allies on this side the river was a fort named Chanda Geer. The reduction of this place, however, might well have been deemed impracticable, as it stood on the top of a high hill, or rather rock, situated on the very brink of the Ganges, by which it could be constantly supplied with provisions; and as to military stores, it could not stand in need of any as long as stones could be found to pour down on the assailants. Notwithstanding all those difficulties, however, Colonel Munro caused his soldiers advance to the attack; but they were received with such volleys of stones, which the Indians threw both with hands and feet, that they were repulsed in a very short time; and though the attack was renewed the next day, it was attended with no better success; on which the English commander encamped with his army under the walls of Benares.

Soon after this, Colonel Munro being recalled, the command of the army devolved on Sir Robert Fletcher, a major in the company's troops. The nabob in the mean time, instead of attacking the English army at once, contented himself with sending out parties of light horse to skirmish with their advanced posts, while the main body lay at the distance of about 15 miles from Benares, which rendered it very dangerous for them to move from their place. On the 14th of January 1765, however, Sir Robert ventured at midnight to break up his camp under the walls of Benares, and to march off towards the enemy, leaving a party to protect that place against any attempt during his absence. In three days he came up with the main body of Indians, who retreated before him; on which he resolved to make another attempt on Chanda Geer, before which the late commander had been foiled. His success would in all probability have been no better than that of his predecessor, had not the garrison mutinied for want of pay, and obliged the commander to surrender the place.

The reduction of Chanda Geer was followed by that of Eliabad, the capital of the enemy's country, a large city on the Ganges, between 60 and 70 miles above Chanda Geer, defended by thick and high walls and a strong fort; soon after which Sir Robert was superseded in the command of the army by Major Carnac. Sujah Dowlah in the mean time had been abandoned by the Mogul, who concluded a treaty with the English soon after the battle of Buxard. He did not, however, give himself up to despair, but gathered together, with great assiduity, the remains of his routed armies; and seeing that his own territories could not supply him with the requisite number of troops, he now applied to the Mahrattas for assistance. But these people, though very formidable to the other nations of India, were far from being able to cope with the English. On the 20th of May 1765, General Carnac having assembled his troops, marched immediately to attack them; and having gained a complete victory at a place called Calpi, obliged them to retreat with precipitation across the Yumna into their own country.

Sujah Dowlah, now destitute of every resource, determined to throw himself on the clemency of the English. Previous to this, however, he allowed Meer Coffin and the assasin Somers to escape; nor could any consideration ever prevail upon him to deliver them up. Three days after the battle of Calpi, the nabob surrendered himself to General Carnac, without stipulating anything in his own favour, farther than that he should await the determination of Lord Clive concerning him.

In the beginning of February this year died Meer Jaffer Ali Cawn, nominal nabob of Bengal. The succession was disputed betwixt his eldest surviving son Najem il Doula, a youth of about 18 years of age, and English, a grandson by his eldest son Miran, at that time only seven years old. As the English were in reality absolute sovereigns of the country, it was debated in the council of Calcutta whether Meer Jaffer's son should be allowed to succeed, according to the custom of the country, or the grandson, according to the English custom. The point being carried in favour of Najem, it was next debated on what terms he should be admitted to the succession. The late nabob, among other impositions, had obliged himself to support an army of 12,000 horse and as many foot. It was alleged on this occasion, that he had not fulfilled his engagement; that he had disbanded most of the troops; that at best they were but an useless burden, having never answered any purpose in real service, for which reason the company had been obliged to augment their military establishment: it was therefore now judged expedient that the nabob should settle a sum, upwards of 800,000l. annually, on the company, to be paid out of the treasury; that he should also discard his prime minister and great favourite Nuncomar, and receive in his place a person appointed by the council, who was to act in the double capacity of minister and governor to assist and instruct him. The council were also to have a negative upon the nomination of all the superintendants and principal officers employed in collecting or receiving of the revenues; that he should take their advice, and have their consent to such nominations whenever they thought proper to interfere in them. He was also to receive their complaints, and pay due attention to them upon the misbehaviour of any of the officers who either were appointed already or should be in time to come.

With these extravagant requisitions the young nabob was obliged to comply, though he had discernment enough to perceive that he was now an absolute slave to the council of Calcutta. Though obliged by treaty to dismiss Nuncumar from the office of prime minister, he still continued to show him the same favour, until at last he was charged with carrying on a treasonable correspondence with Sujah Dowla, for which the nabob was enjoined to send him to Calcutta to take his trial. The unfortunate prince used every method to deliver his favourite from the impending danger, but to no purpose; he was obliged to submit to the mortification of having all his offers with regard to his release rejected, though the committee at Calcutta afterwards thought proper to set him at liberty without any trial.

These extraordinary powers, exerted in such a despotic manner by the council of Calcutta for such a length of time, could not but at last induce their superiors to circumscribe them in some degree, by appointing others who should act independently even of this council, and who might be supposed to be actuated by more upright and honourable principles than had hitherto appeared in their conduct. The great character which Lord Clive had already gained in the east, justly marked him out as a proper person for adjusting the affairs of Bengal. On the 3rd of May 1765 he arrived in the east, with full powers as commander in chief, president, and governor of Bengal. An unlimited power was also committed to a select committee, consisting of his lordship and four gentlemen, to act and determine every thing themselves, without dependence on the council. It was, however, recommended in their instructions, to consult the council in general as often as it could be done conveniently; but the sole power of determining in all cases was left with them, until the troubles of Bengal should be entirely ended. By these gentlemen a plan of reformation was instantly set about; by which, however, violent disputes were occasioned; but the committee, disregarding these impotent efforts, exerted their authority to the full extent, seldom even acquainting the council with their transactions, and never allowing them to give their opinion on any occasion.

On taking the affairs of Bengal into thorough consideration, Lord Clive found that the success of the British arms could be productive of nothing but wars; that to run Sujah Dowla was to break down the strongest barrier which the Bengal provinces could have against the incursions of the Mahrattas and other barbarous people to the westward, who had long defoliated the northern provinces; and the Mogul, with whom the company had concluded a treaty, was utterly unable to support himself, and would require the whole English power in the east to secure him in his dignity. His lordship therefore found it necessary to conclude a treaty with Sujah Dowla. The Mogul was satisfied by obtaining a more ample revenue than he had for some time enjoyed; by which means he might be enabled to march an army to Delhi to take possession of Bengal for his empire. For the company his lordship obtained by the office of duan or collector of revenues for the province of Bengal and its dependencies. Thus Sujah Dowla was again put in possession of his dominions, excepting a small territory which was referred to the Mogul, and estimated at 20 lacks of rupees, or 250,000l. annually. The company were to pay 26 lacks of rupees, amounting to 325,000l. sterling. They engaged also to pay to the nabob of Bengal an annual sum of 53 lacks, or 662,500l. for the expenses of government, and the support of his dignity. The remainder of the revenues of Bengal were allotted to the company, who on their part guaranteed the territories at that time in possession of Sujah Dowla and the Mogul.

Thus the East India company acquired the sovereignty of a territory equal in extent to the most flourishing kingdom in Europe. By all this, however, they were so far from being enriched, that the disorder of their affairs attracted the attention of government, and gave the British ministry an opportunity at last of depriving them of their territorial possessions, and subjecting the province of Bengal to the authority of the crown*. New misfortunes also speedily occurred, and the company found a most formidable enemy in Hyder India Com-Aly, or Hyder Naig. This man, from the rank of a common sepoy, had raised himself to be one of the war with most considerable princes in the empire of Indostan, Hyder Aly. Being sensible that the power of the English was an insuperable bar to his ambitious designs, he practised on the nizam of the Deccan, and partly by promises partly by threats, engaged him to renounce his alliance with the company, and even to enter into a war against them. As he had been at great pains to introduce the European discipline among his troops, and had many renegadoes in his service, he imagined, that with the advantage of numbers he should certainly be able to cope with his antagonists in the open field. In this, however, he was deceived; for on the 26th of September 1767, his army was entirely defeated by colonel Smith at a place called Errour near Trinomallee; after which the nizam thought it advisable to desert his new ally, and conclude another treaty with the English. From the latter, however, he did not obtain peace but at the expense of ceding to them the Duanny of the Balecat Carnatic, which includes the dominions of Hyder Aly and some petty princes.

Hyder, thus deserted by his ally, transferred the seat of war to a mountainous country, where, during the year 1767, nothing decisive could be effected; while the Indian cavalry was sometimes enabled to cut off the supplies, and interrupt the communications of their antagonists. During these operations some ships were fitted out at Bombay, which conveyed 400 European soldiers and about 800 sepoys to attack Mangalore, one of Hyder Aly’s principal sea-ports, where all his ships lay. This enterprise proved successful, and nine ships were brought away; but too small a garrison having been left in the place, it was almost immediately after retaken, and all who were in it made prisoners by Hyder Aly. In the meantime, an injudicious measure, adopted by the English in their method of managing the army, proved not only of the utmost detriment to their cause, but occasioned disgraces hitherto unheard of in the history of the nation, viz., the defection of officers from the service of Britain to that of a barbarous prince, and the giving up of forts in such a shameful manner as could not but suggest a suspicion that they had been betrayed. — The original cause of all this mischief was the appointment of field deputies to attend the army, and to control and superintend the conduct of the commander-in-chief; and these, in the present instance, being deeply concerned in the contracts for the army, took care to regulate its motions in such a manner as best suited their private interest or convenience. Hyder Aly did not fail to improve the errors consequent upon this kind of management to his own advantage. General Smith had penetrated far into his country, taken several of his fortresses, and was in a fair way of becoming master of his capital, when all his operations were checked at once by the field-deputies. His antagonist being thus allowed some respite, suddenly entered the Carnatic with a numerous army of horde, ravaging and destroying everything at pleasure. Thus the English were obliged to relinquish all their conquests in order to defend their own territories; while this reverse of fortune not only discouraged the allies of the English, but even produced in them an inclination to desert their cause, and go over to Hyder Aly, while those who remained faithful paid dearly for their attachment. The nabob of Arcot, the most faithful ally the English ever had, suffered extremely on this occasion. Hyder Aly had long entertained a violent enmity against this prince; most probably on account of his inviolable attachment to the English. His dominions were therefore ravaged without mercy; and thus, while Hyder gratified his personal resentment against him, he cut off from the English one of the principal resources they had for carrying on the war.

On the return of the company's forces to the defense of the Carnatic, they found themselves very little able to cope with their adversary; for, besides the continuance of the same causes which had formerly contributed to their want of success, they had been very much weakened in their expedition. Hyder Aly had also the prudence to avoid a general engagement, but frequently intercepted the convoys of the English, cut off their detached parties, and wearied them out with long and continual marches. The news of his success against an enemy hitherto invincible by all the powers of India, so raised his reputation, that adventurers flocked to him from all parts; by which means his cavalry were soon increased to upwards of 90,000; to which, however, his infantry bore no proportion.

Notwithstanding all his successes, it appears that the forces of Hyder Aly were altogether unable to cope with those of Britain, even when there was the greatest imaginable disparity of numbers. A detachment of the company's forces had made an assault upon a fort called Mulavaggle, in which they were repulsed with some loss. This, with the small number of the detachment, encouraged Hyder Aly to march, at the head of a great part of his army, to the protection of the fort. The commanding officer, however, Colonel Wood, did not hesitate, with only 460 Europeans and 2300 sepoys, to attack this army, consisting of 14,000 horse, 12,000 men armed with matchlock guns, and six battalions of sepoys. The engagement lasted six hours; when at last Hyder Aly, notwithstanding his defeated numbers, was obliged to retreat, leaving the field covered with dead bodies; the loss of the British being Wood, upwards of 300 killed and wounded. This engagement, however, was attended with no consequences affecting the war in general, which went on for some time in the same manner, and greatly to the disadvantage of the company. The divisions and dissensions among the officers and council daily increased, the soldiers deserted, and every thing went to ruin. The revenues of the establishment of Madras being at last unequal to the expenses of the war, large remittances were made from Bengal to answer that purpose; and as these were made in a kind of base gold coin, the company is said by that means alone to have lost 40,000l. in the difference of exchange only. At last Hyder Aly having given the English army the slip, suddenly appeared within a few miles of Madras; which occasioned such an alarm, that the presidency there were induced to enter into a negociation with him. The Indian prince, on his part, was very ready to hearken to proposals of peace upon any reasonable terms. An offensive and defensive treaty was therefore concluded on the 3d of April 1769, on the simple condition that the forts and places taken on both sides should be restored, and each party sit down contented with their own expenses.

By this treaty it was particularly stipulated, that in case either party being attacked by their enemies, the other should give them assistance; and in this case, even the number of troops to be supplied by each was specified. It soon after appeared, however, that the presidency of Madras were resolved to pay very little regard to their engagements. Hyder Aly having in a little time been involved in a war with the Mahrattas, applied for assistance, according to agreement; but was refused by the presidency, who pretended to fear a quarrel with the Mahrattas themselves. As the latter are a very powerful and warlike nation, Hyder Aly found himself overmatched, and therefore applied several times to the English for the assistance he had a right to expect; but was constantly refused on various pretences; which convinced him at last that he could place no dependence on the friendship of the English, and filled him with an implacable hatred against them. As soon, therefore, as he could make up his differences with the Mahrattas, he resolved to recover his losses, and revenge himself on those faithless allies. With this view he applied himself to their rivals the French, whom no Indian nation ever found backward in supplying them with the means of defence against the English. By their means he obtained military stores in the greatest abundance, a number of experienced officers and soldiers; and the European discipline was brought to much greater perfection than even he himself had ever been able to bring it before this period. Thus, in a short time, imagining himself a match for the Mahrattas, he renewed the war; and gained such decisive advantages, as quickly obliged them to conclude an advantageous treaty with him.

It now appeared that the English, notwithstanding War between the pretended ill-will to quarrel with the Mahrattas, tween the had not the least hesitation at doing so when their interests... In order to understand the subsequent transactions, however, we must observe, that the Mahrattas, like other nations of Indoflan, were originally governed by princes called Rajahs, who resigned at Setterah; and though in process of time they came to be divided into a number of petty states, yet they paid a nominal respect to the ram-rajah, who had a right to assemble the chiefs, and order out their troops on any necessary occasion. By degrees this dignity of ram-rajah or sou-rajah (as he was also called), became merely titular, the administration being entirely possessed by the paishwa or chancellor. This office being usurped by one particular family, Nana-row, the reigning paishwa, seized the ram-rajah, and confined him in a fortress near Setterah. At his death he left two sons Mada-row and Narain-row; of whom the former, as being the elder, succeeded him in the paishwahip. Ionogee Boosla, or Bouncello, the immediate predecessor of Moodagee Boosla, rajah of Berar, was one of the pretenders to the dignity of ram-rajah, as being the nearest of kin; at the same time that Roganaut-row, called also Ragobah, uncle to Mada-row himself, pretended to the paishwahip. On this account the latter was confined by Mada-row, but who imprudently released him a little before his death, and even recommended to him in the most affectionate manner the care of his brother Narain-row, who was to succeed to the paishwahip. The care he took, in consequence of this recommendation was such as might easily have been imagined; the unhappy Narain-row was murdered, and Roganaut row the assassin fled to Bombay; where, on promising a cession of territory, he was protected and encouraged in his pretensions. The Mahrattas remonstrated against this behaviour; but the English had determined at all events to profit by the civil dissensions of the Indians, and therefore paid no regard to the justice or injustice of their cause. The Mahrattas therefore not only made up their differences with Hyder Aly, as has been already mentioned, but became determined enemies to the English, at the same time that a dangerous confederacy was formed among the most powerful princes of India to expel from that part of the world those intruders whose avarice could be satisfied with no concessions, and whom no treaties could bind when it served their turn to break them.

The resentment of Hyder Aly was particularly directed against the presidency of Madras for the reasons already given; he had also received fresh provocation by their causing a body of troops march through his dominions without his leave, and that to the afflatus of a prince for whom he had no great friendship; also by the capture of the French settlement of Mahie, on the coast of Malabar, which he said was within his dominions, and consequently that the French were under his protection. His troops were therefore assembled from every quarter, and the greatest preparations made for a powerful invasion. The presidency of Madras in the mean time spent their time in mutual alterations, neglecting even to secure the passes of the mountains, through which only an invasion could be made, until their active antagonist, having feigned and guarded those passes, suddenly poured out thro' them at the head of 100,000 men, among whom was a large body of European troops under French officers, and commanded by colonel Lally, a man of great bravery and experience in war.

The alarm was given on the 24th of July 1780 that Hyder Aly's horse were only nine miles distant from Madras. The inhabitants instantly deserted their houses and fled into the fort; while the unrestrained barbarian burnt the villages, reduced the inferior forts, and prepared to lay siege to the capital. It being now absolutely necessary to make some resistance, measures were taken for assembling the troops; in doing which an express was sent to colonel Baillie, at that time at Gumeroponda, about 28 miles from Madras, to proceed from thence directly to Conjeeveram with the corps under his command, where the main body was to meet him. But when the latter was under marching orders, the first regiment of cavalry positively refused to move without money; and as they persisted in their resolution, were at last made prisoners and sent to Madras. The main body, then, consisting of 1500 Europeans and 4200 sepoys, under Sir Hector Munro, with their train of artillery, proceeded towards Conjeeveram; and such were the fatigues of their march, that 200 men belonging to the 73rd regiment were left lying on the road. On their arrival at Conjeeveram, they found the town in flames, great bodies of the enemy's cavalry advancing on both flanks, and no appearance of colonel Baillie's detachment. The march of this body had been impeded by a small river swelled by a sudden fall of rain. On this occasion, the officer who gives the account of his disaster makes the following observation. "In this incident we have a most remarkable proof and example of the danger of procrastination, and on what minute circumstances and sudden springs of the mind the fortune and the general issue of war may depend. Had colonel Baillie passed over the Tripafoore without halting, as some advised, and encamped on its southern instead of its northern banks, the disaster that soon followed would have been prevented, and an order of affairs wholly different from that which took place would have succeeded."

Hyder Aly having now raised the siege of Arcot, in which he had been employed, marched towards Conjeeveram; in the neighbourhood of which he encamped, and in the course of several days, at different times, offered battle. On the 6th of September he detached his son Tippoo Saib with the flower of his army to cut off the detachment under colonel Baillie, who was now at Perrambukam, a small village distant from the main body about 15 miles, he himself remaining in the neighbourhood of Conjeeveram, in order to watch the motions of Sir Hector Munro.

The detachment under Tippoo Saib consisted of 30,000 horse, 8000 foot, with 12 pieces of cannon. Notwithstanding this superiority in number, however, they were bravely repulsed by Colonel Baillie's handful of troops; and a junction was effected with a detachment under Sir Robert Fletcher, sent by Sir Hector Munro on first hearing the noise of the engagement.

This junction was effected on the 9th of September, and next morning orders were given for the whole army to march; Colonel Fletcher's detachment being dispersed in different parts of the line. From this moment they began to march the enemy played off tactics, their rockets, which, however, did but little execution. tion; but about ten at night several guns began to open on the rear of the English. Colonel Baillie, therefore, after some proper manoeuvres, caused his troops form a line, while the enemy cannonaded them incessantly with great execution. On this Colonel Baillie detached Captain Rumley with five companies of sepoys grenadiers to storm their guns; which service they would have undoubtedly accomplished, had not their march been interrupted by a torrent of water which at that time happened to be unfordable. Captain Rumley therefore returned about half an hour after eleven, when the guns of the enemy were heard drawing off towards the English front, and a general alarm was perceived throughout their camp; owing, as was supposed, to their having received intelligence of the party that had been sent to storm their guns.

"From their noise, confusion, and irregular firing (says our author), one would have imagined that a detachment of our men had fallen upon them with fixed bayonets. At that critical moment, had a party of grenadiers been sent against them, they would have routed without difficulty the whole of Tippoo's army. Having about ten o'clock in the evening advanced a few hundred yards into an avenue, the detachment remained there in perfect silence till the morning.

"Colonel Fletcher being asked by some officers, why Colonel Baillie halted? modestly answered, that Colonel Baillie was an officer of established reputation, and that he no doubt had reasons for his conduct. It cannot, however, be concealed, that this halt afforded an opportunity for Tippoo Saib to draw off his cannon to a very strong point by which the English were obliged to pass; and at the same time of informing Hyder of their situation, and suggesting to him the expediency of advancing for the improvement of so favourable a conjuncture.

"On the 10th of September, at five o'clock in the morning, our little army marched off by the right in subdivisions, having their baggage on their right flank and the enemy on their left. A few minutes after six two guns opened on their rear, on which the line halted a few minutes. Large bodies of the enemy's cavalry now appeared on their right flank; and just at the moment when the pagoda of Conjeevaram appeared in view, and our men had begun to indulge the hopes of a respite from toils and dangers, a rocket boy was taken prisoner, who informed them, that Hyder's whole army was marching to the assistance of Tippoo. Four guns now opened on their left with great effect. So hot was the fire they sustained, and so heavy the loss, that Colonel Baillie ordered the whole line to quit the avenue, and present a front to the enemy; and at the same time dispatched Captain Rumley with ten companies of sepoys grenadiers to storm the enemy's guns.

"Within a few minutes after Captain Rumley had left the line Tippoo's guns were silenced. Rumley's little detachment immediately took possession of four of the enemy's guns, and completely routed the party attached to them. Captain Rumley, overcome with fatigue, ordered Captain Gowdie, the officer next in command, to lead on the party, and take possession of some more guns placed a few hundred yards in their front. But in a few minutes after, as they were advancing for this purpose, a sudden cry was heard among the sepoys, of horse! horse! The camp followers, whose numbers were nearly five to one of the troops under arms, were driven on a part of our line by the numerous and surrounding forces of Hyder Aly; who being informed of the embarrassing situation of Colonel Baillie, had left his camp without striking his tents, with a view to conceal his march from the English. A great confusion among our troops was the unavoidable consequence of this sudden onset. The Europeans were suddenly left on the field of action alone; and at that critical moment a detachment from the advanced guard of Hyder's army pressed on with great celerity between our line and Captain Rumley's party. The commanding officer, therefore, apprehensive of being cut off from our little army, judged it most prudent to retreat.

"Colonel Baillie, when he was informed that an immense body of horse and infantry was marching towards him, and that this was supposed to be Hyder's main army, said, 'Very well, we shall be prepared to receive them.' Hyder's whole forces now appeared incontrollably in view; and this barbarian chief, who, as was observed of the Roman general by Pyrrhus, had nothing barbarous in his discipline, after dividing his guns agreeably to a preconcerted plan, opened from 60 to 70 pieces of cannon, with an innumerable quantity of rockets.

"Hyder's numerous cavalry, supported by his regular infantry and European troops, driven on by threats, encouraged by promises, and led on by his most distinguished officers, bore on our little army in different quarters without making the least impression. Our men, both Europeans and sepoys, repeatedly presented and recovered their fire-arms as if they had been manoeuvring on a parade. The enemy were repulsed in every attack; numbers of their best cavalry were killed, and many more were wounded; even their infantry were forced to give way; and Hyder would have ordered a retreat, had it not been for the advice of General Lally, who informed him that it was now too late, as General Munro was most probably advancing on their rear from Conjeevaram; for which reason nothing remained but to break the detachment by their artillery and cavalry.

"Tippoo Saib had by this time collected his party together, and renewed the cannonade; and at the same time that the English were under the necessity of sustaining an attack both from the father and son, two of their tumbrels were blown up by Hyder's guns, and a large opening made in both lines. They had now no other ammunition than grape; their guns discontinued firing; and in this dreadful situation, under a terrible fire not only of guns but rockets, losing great numbers of officers and men, they remained from half past seven till nine o'clock.

"On this Hyder Aly, perceiving that the guns were quite silenced, came with his whole army round their right flank. The cavalry charged them in distinct columns, and in the intervals between these the infantry poured in volleys of musketry with dreadful effect. Mhiai Saib, with the Mogul and Sanoor cavalry, made the first impression. These were followed by the elephants and the Myforean cavalry, which completed the overthrow of the detachment. Colonel Baillie, though grievously wounded, rallied the Europeans, pens, and once more formed them into a square and with this handful of men he gained an eminence, where, without ammunition, and most of the people wounded, he resisted and repulsed 13 separate attacks; but fresh bodies of cavalry continually pouring in, they were broken without giving way. Many of our men, desperately wounded, raising themselves from the ground received the enemy on their bayonets.

"Captain Lucas's battalion of sepoys, at the time when our men moved up to a rising ground, was stationed to the right of the European grenadiers; but that corps, seeing the Europeans in motion, and misunderstanding perhaps this evolution for a retreat, broke in the utmost confusion. The Europeans, bravely sustaining their reputation for intrepid valour, remained in this extremity of distress steady and undaunted, though surrounded by the French troops, and by Hyder's cavalry to the number of 40,000. They even expressed a desire, though their number did not exceed 400, of being led on to the attack. A party of Topasses, who lay at the distance of about 30 yards in our front, kept up an incessant fire of small arms with great effect. Many attempts were made by the enemy's cavalry to break this small body of men; but by the steady conduct of both our officers and men they were repulsed.

"Colonel Baillie, finding that there was now no prospect of being relieved by General Munro, held up a flag of truce to one of the chiefs of Hyder's army. But this was treated with contempt, and the sardar endeavoured at the same time to cut off the colonel. The reason the enemy assigned for this was, that the sepoys had fired after the signal was hoisted. A few minutes after this, our men received orders to throw down their arms, with intimation that quarter would be given. This order was scarcely complied with, when the enemy rushed in upon them in the most savage and brutal manner, sparing neither age nor infancy nor any condition of life; and, but for the humane interposition of the French commanders Lally and Pimoran, who implored and insisted with the conqueror to show mercy, the gallant remains of our little army must have fallen a sacrifice to that savage thirst of blood with which the tyrant disgraced his victory." (A)

In this unfortunate action near 700 Europeans were killed.

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(A) In a narrative of the sufferings of the English who survived this fatal day, said to be published by an officer in Colonel Baillie's detachment, we find it related, that "Hyder Aly, seated in a chair in his tent, enjoyed the sight of the heads of the slain, as well as of his prisoners. Colonel Baillie, who was himself very much wounded, was brought to his camp on a cannon, and with several other gentlemen in the same situation laid at the tyrant's feet on the ground and in the open air. In this situation they saw many of the heads of their countrymen presented to the conqueror, some of them even by English officers, who were forced to perform that horrid task; in a little time, however, Hyder ordered no more heads to be brought to him while the English gentlemen were present. A tent was fitted up for Colonel Baillie and his officers, but without straw or anything else to lie upon, though many of them were dangerously wounded; and as the tent could only contain 10 persons, the rest were obliged to lie in the open air. When the prisoners were removed from place to place, they were wantonly insulted, and even beaten by those who had the charge of them. If the latter halted to refresh themselves under a tree, they would be at the trouble of carrying their prisoners to the side next the sun, lest they should enjoy the benefit of the shade. Sometimes they were tormented with thirst; at others the people allowed them to drink water out of the palms of their hands, it being reckoned a profanation to allow an European to drink out of a vessel belonging to an Indian," &c.

In this narrative are likewise mentioned some examples of a recovery from wounds, which, if we can depend on their authenticity, must undoubtedly show a restorative power in the human body altogether unknown in this climate.

" Lieutenant Thomas Bowser received a musket ball in his leg, and after that eight desperate wounds with a scimitar. He lay for seven hours on the spot, deprived of all sensation; but, towards evening, awakened from his trance, stripped of all his clothes, except a pair of under drawers and part of his shirt, with an intense thirst, calling out, and imploring a little water from the enemy. Some were moved with compassion, while others answered his entreaties only with insults and threats of immediate death. Some water, however, was brought from a pool in the field of battle, about 50 or 60 yards from the place where he lay. It was deeply tinged with blood; nevertheless, Mr Bowser being furnished by one of Hyder's soldiers with an earthen chatty, or pot containing about a pint, and directed to the place, crawled thither as well as he could. Though struck with horror at the sight of the dead and wounded with which it was filled, he quenched his thirst with the liquid; and having filled his chatty, endeavoured to proceed towards Conjeveram. He had not, however, moved from his place above 300 or 400 yards, when, being quite overcome, he was obliged to lie all night in the open air, during which time there fell two heavy showers of rain. Next morning he proceeded to Conjeveram; but after walking about a mile, was met by some of the enemy's horsemen, by whom he was brought back prisoner, and obliged to walk without any assistance. When delivered up to the enemy's sepoys, he was so stiff with his wounds, that he could not stoop or even bend his body in the smallest degree.

"The quarter-master sergeant of artillery received so deep a cut across the back-part of his neck, that he was obliged to support his head with his hands in order to keep it from falling to a side all the journey. The least shake or unevenness of the ground made him cry out with pain. He once and again ceased from all attempts to proceed; but being encouraged and conjured by his companions to renew his efforts, he did so, reached the camp, and at last, as well as Mr Bowser, recovered."—It is also remarkable, that, according to our author, out of 32 wounded persons only six died; though one would be apt to think that the excessively severe usage they met with would have killed every one. killed on the spot; the loss on Hyder Aly's part was so great that he industriously concealed it, being enraged that the conquest of such an inconsiderable body should cost him so many of his bravest troops. He seemed ever after to consider the English with an extreme degree of terror; insomuch that, notwithstanding his pretended exultation on account of the present victory, he no sooner heard a report of Sir Hector Munro's march to attack him, than he left his camp in the utmost confusion, abandoning great part of his tents and baggage, as well as the vast numbers that had been wounded in the late action.

On the news of Colonel Baillie's disaster, the supreme council of Bengal requested Sir Eyre Coote to take upon him the management of the war; for the carrying on of which a large supply of men and money was instantly decreed. This was readily undertaken by the illustrious officer just mentioned, notwithstanding his very precarious state of health at that time; and from the moment he took upon him the management of affairs, the fortune of the war was changed.

The spirit of dissention, which for a long time had infected the presidency of Madras, was indeed the true cause of all the misfortunes that had happened. This was found by Sir Eyre Coote to be even greater than he had heard by report: the respect and confidence of the natives was wholly lost; the complaints of the officers and soldiers were loud and acrimonious; an inactivity prevailed in all the councils and operations, while the enemy carried everything before them. Sir Hector Munro had been greatly harassed on his march to Madras, whither he had retreated after Colonel Baillie's disaster; the forces of Hyder Aly had infested all the places in that neighbourhood in such a manner as in a great measure to cut off all supplies; and Arcot, the capital city of the most faithful ally the British ever had, was taken by storm, together with an adjoining fort, by which means an immense quantity of ammunition and military stores fell into the hands of the enemy.

No sooner had Sir Eyre Coote taken upon him the command of the British forces, than his antagonist thought proper to change his plan of operations entirely. He now detached large parties of his numerous forces to lay siege to the principal fortresses belonging to the company; while, with the bravest and best disciplined part, he kept the field against the British commander in person. On the very first appearance of the British army, however, his resolution failed, and he abandoned the siege of every place he had invested, retiring to a considerable distance on the other side of the river Palaar, without even disputing the passage of it, as it was expected he would have done.

A respite being thus obtained from the incursions of this formidable enemy, the next operation was to secure Pondicherry, whose inhabitants had revolted. They were, however, easily disarmed, their magazines seized, and all the boats in their possession destroyed; in consequence of which precaution, a French squadron that soon after appeared off Pondicherry was obliged to depart without being furnished with any necessaries. But in the mean time Hyder Aly having drawn large reinforcements from all parts of his dominions, resolved to try his fortune in a pitched battle.

His army amounted to 200,000 men, 40,000 of whom were cavalry and 15,000 well disciplined sepoys. Still, however, he durst not openly attack the British army in the field, but took a strong post from whence he might harass them on their march. Sir Eyre Coote, however, was not on his part backward to make the attack; and on the other hand Hyder Aly prepared to engage him with all possible advantage. The battle was fought on the 13th of July 1781; and notwithstanding the vast superiority of Hyder Aly's army, he was routed with great slaughter. The Indians, however, made a much more obstinate resistance than Hyder Aly usual; the engagement lasted from nine in the morning till four in the afternoon, and the deficiency of the English in cavalry prevented them from pursuing the advantage they had gained.

Notwithstanding the loss of this battle, Hyder Aly was soon encouraged to venture another. This was fought on the 27th of August the same year, on the very spot where Colonel Baillie had been defeated. It was more obstinately contested than even the former, being continued with great fury from eight in the morning to near dusk. A number of brave officers and soldiers fell on the part of the British, owing chiefly to the terrible fire of the enemy's artillery and the advantageous position of their troops. At last, however, the Indian army was totally defeated, and driven from every post it had occupied; though from the obstinate resistance made at this time, Hyder began to entertain hopes that his forces might, by a succession of such battles, be at last enabled to cope with the English. He therefore ventured a third battle some weeks after, but was now defeated with greater loss than before. Undiscouraged by this bad success, however, he laid siege to Vellore; and expecting that the relief of it would be attempted, seized a strong pass through which he knew the British army must direct their march. The British commander accordingly advanced, and found the enemy in possession of some very strong grounds on both sides of a marsh through which he was obliged to pass. Here he was attacked on all sides, but principally on the rear, the enemy directing their force principally against the baggage and convoy of provisions designed for the garrison. Their utmost efforts, however, were unsuccessful, and Sir Eyre Coote forced his way to Vellore in spite of all opposition. Hyder Aly did not fail to wait his return through the same pass; and having exerted his utmost skill in posting his troops, attacked him with the utmost vigour; but though the English were assaulted in front and in both flanks at once, and victory a heavy cannonade kept up during the whole time of the engagement, the Indians were at last defeated with great slaughter.

By these successes the presidency of Madras were now allowed so much respite, that an enterprise was planned against the Dutch settlement of Negapatam, situated to the south of Madras, and in the neighbourhood of Tanjore. A very inconsiderable force, however, could yet be spared for this purpose, as Hyder Aly, though so often defeated, was still extremely formidable. Sir Hector Munro had the management of the expedition; and so furious was the attack of the British sailors, that the troops left to guard the avenues to the place were defeated at the very first onset. A regular siege ensued; which, however, was of very short duration, a breach being soon made, and the garrison surrendering prisoners of war.

The loss of Negapatam was quickly followed by that of Trincomalee. Admiral Hughes, who had conveyed Sir Hector Munro with the land forces to that place, and assisted him with his sailors, immediately after its surrender set sail for Trincomalee, where he arrived about the middle of January 1782. The fort of that name was quickly reduced; but the main strength of the settlement consisted in a fort named Ostenburgh, the principal place on the island, and by the capture of which the whole settlement would be reduced. This fort stands on a hill which commands the harbour, but is itself overlooked by another hill at the distance of no more than 200 yards. Though the gaining of this post was undoubtedly to be attended with the loss of the fort, it does not appear that the governor even attempted to defend it. A British detachment of sailors and marines therefore took possession of it, when the admiral sent a summons of surrender, representing the inutility of making any farther defence after the loss of such a post; and being extremely desirous of avoiding an effusion of blood, repeated his arguments at several different times. The governor, however, proving obstinate, the place was taken by storm, with the loss of about 60 on the part of the British, and very little on that of the Dutch, the victors giving quarter the moment it was asked. Four hundred Europeans were taken prisoners; a large quantity of ammunition and military stores, with a numerous artillery, were found in the place; and two Indiamen richly laden, with a number of small trading vessels, were taken in the harbour.

A more formidable enemy, however, now made his appearance on the coast of Coromandel. This was Suffrein the French admiral; who setting out from his native country with 11 ships of the line and several flotilla frigates, had fallen in with the Hannibal of 50 guns, and taken her when separated from her consort. This ship, along with three others, a 74, a 64, and a 50, had been sent out to the affluence of Sir Edward; and the three last had the good fortune to join him before the arrival of M. de Suffrein. The latter, supposing that he had not yet received this reinforcement, bore down upon the English squadron at Madras, to which place they had sailed immediately after the capture of Trincomalee. Perceiving his mistake, however, he instantly bore away. The English admiral pursued, took five vessels, five of them English prizes, and the sixth a valuable transport laden with gunpowder and other military stores, besides having on board a number of land-officers and about 300 regular troops. This brought on an engagement, in which M. Suffrein, perceiving the rear division of the British fleet unable to keep up with the rest, directed his force principally against it. The ships of Admiral Hughes himself and Commodore King sustained the most violent efforts of the French, having mostly two, and sometimes three, vessels to contend with. Thus the commodore's ship was reduced almost to a wreck; but about six in the evening, the wind becoming more favourable to the English, the squadron of the enemy were obliged to draw off. The loss of men on the part of the British amounted to little more than 130 killed and wounded, but that of the French exceeded 250.

After the battle Sir Edward returned to Madras; but meeting with no intelligence of Suffrein at that place, he made the best of his way for Trincomalee, being apprehensive of an attack upon that place, or of the intercepting of a convoy of stores and reinforcements at that time expected from England. Suffrein had indeed got intelligence of this convoy, and was at that time on his way to intercept it. This brought the hostile fleets again in sight of each other; and as the British admiral had been reinforced by two ships of the line, he was now better able to encounter his adversary. A desperate battle ensued, which continued till towards night, when the ships on both sides were so much shattered, that neither could renew the engagement next day.

Though these engagements produced nothing decisive, they were nevertheless of the utmost prejudice to the affairs of Hyder Aly, who was thus prevented from receiving the succours he had been promised from France; and he was still farther mortified by the defeat of his forces before Tellicherry, which place he had blocked up since the commencement of hostilities. This last misfortune was the more sensibly felt, as an open passage was now left for the English into those countries best affected to Hyder. His bad success here, however, was in some measure compensated by the entire defeat of a detachment of about 2000 English infantry and 300 cavalry under Colonel Braithwaite, a brave and experienced officer. This detachment, consisting of chosen troops from Sir Eyre Coote's army, lay encamped on the banks of the Coleroon, which forms the northern boundary of Tanjour. Tipu Saib having procured exact intelligence of the situation of this party, formed a design of attacking it while no danger was suspected on account of the distance of Hyder Aly's army. He set out on this design with an army of 15,000 horse and 5000 foot, accompanied by a body of French regulars; and having crossed the Coleroon, suddenly surrounded the British forces on all sides. The colonel, perceiving his danger, formed his men into a square, distributing the artillery to the several fronts, and keeping his cavalry in the centre. In this situation he resisted for three days the utmost efforts of his numerous enemies, always compelling them to retreat with great loss. At last General Lally, rightly conjecturing that the strength of the English must be exhausted and their numbers thinned by such desperate service, proposed that the French infantry, which was fresh and entire, should attack one of the fronts of the square, while the forces of Tipoo should do the same with the other three. This last attack proved successful; the British forces were broken with great slaughter, which however was stopped by the humanity of the French commander; who even obtained from Tipoo Saib the care of the prisoners, and treated them with a tenderness and humanity they certainly would not otherwise have experienced. A number of British officers, however, perished in the engagement, and only one remained unwounded.

In the mean time, the succours from France, so long expected by Hyder, made their appearance. As soon as a junction was formed, they proceeded, under the command of M. Duchemin, to invest Cuddalore; which not being in any situation to stand a siege, was surrendered on capitulation. In like manner some other places of smaller consequence were reduced, until at last being joined by Hyder's numerous forces, they determined to lay siege to Vandervath, a place of great importance, and the loss of which would have been extremely detrimental to the English. This quickly brought Sir Eyre Coote with his army to its relief; but Hyder Aly, notwithstanding his being reinforced by the French, durst not yet venture a battle in the open field. On this the British commander proceeded to attack Arnee, the principal depot of Hyder's warlike stores and necessaries. Thus the latter was obliged to quit his advantageous ground; but he did so with such celerity and speed, that he came upon the British army unawares while preparing for its last march to Arnee, now only five miles distant. Perceiving that the march of the British troops was through low grounds, encompassed on most parts with high hills, he planted his cannon upon the latter; from which he kept a continual and heavy fire on the troops below, while his numerous cavalry attacked them on every side. Notwithstanding all disadvantages, the British commander at last closed in with the enemy; and after an obstinate dispute completely routed them. Neither this, however, nor any other engagement with Hyder Aly, ever proved decisive; for as the want of cavalry prevented the British general from pursuing his advantage, so that his antagonist was so numerous, that by it he always covered his retreats in such an effectual manner as to lose but few men, and in a short time to be in a condition to act again on the offensive. This was remarkably the case at present; for notwithstanding this defeat, which happened on the 2d of June 1782, he cut off an advanced body of the British army five days after; and harassed the whole in such a manner, that Sir Eyre Coote, notwithstanding his success, was obliged to move nearer Madras; soon after which, he was obliged, on account of his bad state of health, to relinquish the command of the army to General Stuart.

Hyder Aly now perceiving that he was likely to be attended with no success by land, began to rest his hopes on the success of the French by sea. He therefore earnestly requested M. Suffrein, who possessed at that time a decisive superiority in the number of ships, to lose no time in attacking the British squadron before it could be joined by a reinforcement which was then on its way, and was reported to be very formidable. As the French commander was by no means deficient in courage, a third engagement took place on the 5th of July 1783. At this time the British had the advantage of the wind, the battle was much more close, and the victory more plainly on their side. It is said indeed, that had not the wind fortunately shifted in such a manner as to enable the French to disengage their ships, a total and ruinous defeat would have ensued. After the engagement, the French admiral proceeded to Cuddalore, having received intelligence that a large body of French troops in transports was arrived off the island of Ceylon, in company with three ships of the line. As this seemed to afford hopes of retaliation, he used such diligence in refitting his ships, that the fleet was able to put to sea in the beginning of August. His intention was to make an attempt on Trincomalee; and so well were his designs conducted, that Sir Edward received no intelligence of the danger, till a British frigate chancing a French one, which took shelter with the squadron at Trincomalee, discovered it by this accident, and hastened back with the news to Madras. It was now, however, too late; the place was not in a condition to resist a siege; and the French batteries having silenced those of the fort in two days, a capitulation took place on the last day of August.

Sir Edward Hughes having been detained by contrary winds, did not arrive at Trincomalee before the 2d of September, when he had the mortification to see the forts in the hands of the French, and that Suffrein was in the harbour with 15 sail of the line while he had only 12. He did not hesitate at venturing an engagement with this inferiority, nor did M. Suffrein decline the combat. The event of the battle was nothing other than shattering the fleets and killing and wounding a number of men on both sides. In this, however, as well as in the other engagements, the superiority of the English was very manifest; and in entering the harbour of Trincomalee the French lost a 74 gun ship.

The loss of Trincomalee was severely felt by the English; for while the French lay safely in the harbour refitting their squadron, the English were obliged for that purpose to fail to Madras. Here the fleet was assailed by one of the most dreadful tempests ever known on that coast. Trading vessels to the number of near 100 were wrecked, as well as those for Madras laden with rice, of which there was an extreme scarcity at that place. Thus the scarcity was augmented to a famine, which carried off vast numbers of the inhabitants before supplies could arrive from Bengal. The continuance of the bad weather obliged Sir Edward with his whole squadron to fail to Bombay; and there he did not arrive till towards the end of the year, when his squadron was so much shattered, that, in order to repair it with proper expedition, he was obliged to distribute it between the dock-yards of Bombay and the Portuguese settlement at Goa.

In the mean time Sir Richard Bickerton arrived at Bombay from England with five men of war, having on board 5000 troops, after a very favourable passage; having neither seen nor heard of the bad weather which had defoliated the coasts of India. It was likewise the intention of France to signalize the campaign of this year by an immense force both by sea and land in India. Exclusive of the forces already on the coast of Coromandel, they were to be joined by 5000 more, all regulars, from their islands on the African coast. Suffrein was to be reinforced by several ships of the line, when it was hoped that a decided superiority at sea would be obtained over the English; while their superior numbers and artillery on shore would render them invincible by any force that could be brought against them. To oppose these designs it was deemed necessary by the presidency of Bombay to make a powerful diversion on the coast of Malabar. Here was situated the kingdom of Myfore, the sovereignty of which had been usurped by Hyder Aly under the title of Dayya, as that of the Mahrattas was by a person styled Pajibwa. This kingdom is nearly in the same parallel with... with Arcot. To the northward is the kingdom of Canara, which is said to have been the favorite possession of Hyder Aly; the name of its capital is Bidnore, which also gives name to an extensive territory, and was by Hyder changed to that of Hyderagur. The expedition had been set on foot as early as the end of the year 1781; a strong body of forces under the command of Colonel Humberstone had taken the two cities of Calicut and Panyan, besides others of lesser note, and penetrated into the inland country, which is there difficult and dangerous. Having here made himself master of a place called Mongarry Cotta, of which the situation commanded the entrance into the inner parts of the country, he proceeded to attack Palatancherry, a considerable town at some miles distance; but being suddenly environed with a numerous and hostile army, instead of making himself master of the place, it was not without the utmost difficulty that he made his escape after losing all his provisions and baggage.

A great army, consisting of 20,000 foot and 10,000 horse, under Tippoo Saib, also advanced against him with such celerity, that the colonel had only time to retreat to Panyan, where he was superceded in the command by Colonel Macloed, and soon after the place was invested by the forces of the enemy, among whom was General Lally with a considerable body of French. Two British frigates, however, having come to the assistance of the place, rendered all the attempts of the enemy to reduce it abortive. At last, Tippoo Saib, impatient of delay, made a vigorous effort against the British lines; but though both the Indian and French commanders behaved with great bravery, the attack not only proved unsuccessful, but they were repulsed with such loss as determined Tippoo to abandon the siege of the place, and retire beyond the river of Panyan.

As soon as the presidency of Bombay were acquainted with the success of Colonel Humberstone, General Matthews was dispatched to his assistance with a powerful reinforcement. This expedition, which began the campaign of 1783 in the kingdom of Canara, has been related with circumstances so disgraceful, and so exceedingly contrary to the behaviour for which the British troops are remarkable, that we are totally at a loss to account for them. On the one hand, it seems surprising how the national character could be forfeited by a particular body, and not by any other part of the army; and on the other, it seems equally surprising why such calumnies (if we suppose them to be so) should have arisen against this particular body and no other part of the army. Such accounts of it, however, were published as raised the indignation of the military gentlemen, who thought proper to publish a vindication of themselves. In the Annual Registers, from whence, next to the Gazettes and Newspapers, the generality receive what they look upon to be authentic intelligence, the character of this army is treated with the highest asperity. "In the story of the conquest and recovery of Canara (says the New Annual Register), the Spaniards may be said to be brought a second time upon the scene, but not to sit down in sullen and insolent prosperity after all their crimes. The Spaniards of Britain were overtaken in the midst of their career; and he who is more of a man than an Englishman, will rejoice in the irregular and unmeasured, but at the same time the just and merited vengeance that was inflicted upon them by the prince whose dominions they were ravaging." In support of this dreadful exclamation the following account is given of the expedition. It began with the putting in execution a design formed by General Matthews of carrying the war into the heart of Hyder Aly's dominions. For this purpose the English invested the city of Onore, situated about 300 miles to the south of Bombay, and one of the principal places in the country of Canara. "It was taken by assault (says Dr Andrews) with great slaughter, and plundered with circumstances of avarice and rapine that disgraced the victors; among whom, at the same time, great discontents arose concerning the division of the spoil." "No quarter (says the Annual Register) was given by the victorious English; every man they met was put to the sword. Upon this occasion we beg leave to transcribe three lines from the private letter of one of the officers concerned in the expedition. 'The carnage (says he) was great: we trampled thick on the bodies that were strewed in the way. It was rather shocking to humanity; but such are only secondary considerations, and to a soldier, whose bosom glows with heroic glory, they are thought only accidents of course; his zeal makes him aspire after farther victory.' This part of the peninsula had hitherto been untouched by the barbarous and unsparing hands of Europeans, and of consequence was full of riches and splendor. In the forts of Onore were found sums of money to an unknown amount, besides jewels and diamonds. A considerable part of this appears to have been secured as private plunder by General Matthews. The complaints of the military were loud; they thought, and naturally, that the acquisition of riches was the fair and reasonable consequence of the perpetration of bloodshed. But their commander turned a deaf ear to their representations; and hastened, by adding new laurels to his fame, to hide the slander that might otherwise rest upon him."

From Onore the army proceeded to the nearest fortresses on the sea-coast, More and Cundapour. Here they were joined by a reinforcement from Bombay under the command of Colonels Macleod and Humberston, with positive orders to proceed for Bidnore or Hyderagur the capital of Canara. On this General Matthews marched for the mountains called the Ghauts, where there is a pass three miles in length, though only eight feet wide, and which was then strongly fortified and defended by a vast number of the natives. "The English (say our authors), however, had already obtained a considerable reputation by their executions; and the use of the bayonet, the most fatal instrument of war, and which was employed by them on all occasions, created such an extreme terror in the enemy, as to enable them to surmount this otherwise impregnable defile."

The gaining of this pass laid open the way to Bidnore the capital, to which a summons was now sent. An answer was returned, that the place was ready to submit, provided the inhabitants were not molested, and the governor was permitted to secure his property. The wealth of this city was undoubtedly great, but the estimates of its amount are very different. By the accounts of Bombay it was stated only at 175,000l. while the officers concerned in the expedition say that it was not less than 1,200,000, or even 1,920,000; and even this was only public property; that seized upon by the soldiers, and which belonged to private persons, was undoubtedly very considerable also.

This treasure was at first shown by the general to his officers, and declared to belong to the army; but he afterwards told them that it was all the property of the Mahommedan governor, and had been secured to him by the terms of the surrender. It was therefore sent to Cundapour under the convoy of Lieutenant Matthews, brother to the general, to be thence transmitted to Bombay; but whether any part of it ever reached that settlement or not was never known. The discontent of the army were now carried to the utmost height; and the contest became so serious, that Colonels Macleod, Humberstone, and Shaw, quitted the service altogether, and returned to Bombay. The officers charged their general with the most infatiable and shameful avarice; while he, in return, accused his whole army of doing every thing disrespectful and injurious to him; of paying no regard to order and discipline, and of becoming loose and unfeeling as the most licentious freebooters.

From Bidmore detachments were sent to reduce several fortresses, the principal of which was Ananpour or Anantpore. Here orders were issued for a storm and no quarter. Every man in the place was put to death, except one horseman who made his escape after being wounded in three places. "The women, unwilling to be separated from their relations, or exposed to the brutal licentiousness of the soldiery, threw themselves in multitudes into the moats with which the fort was surrounded. Four hundred beautiful women, pierced with the bayonet, and expiring in one another's arms, were in this situation treated by the British with every kind of outrage."

This exploit was succeeded by the reduction of Carwa and Mangalore, which completed the reduction of Canara, when General Matthews put his army in cantonments for the rainy season.

This rapid success was owing to the death of Hyder Aly, which happened in the end of the year 1782. His son Tippoo Saib, however, having taken possession of the government, and settled his affairs as well as time would allow, instantly resumed his military operations. On the 7th of April 1783 he made his appearance before Bidmore, so that General Matthews had scarce time to collect a force of 2000 men, and to write to Bombay for a reinforcement. But, however necessary the latter must have been in his circumstances, the presidency were so much prejudiced against him by the unfavourable reports of his officers, that they suspended him from his commission, appointing Colonel Macleod to succeed to the command of the army.

Tippoo Saib now advanced with a vast army, supposed not to be fewer than 150,000 men, covering the hills on each side of the metropolis as far as the eye could reach. The army of General Matthews, altogether unable to cope with such a force, were quickly driven from the town, and forced to take refuge in the citadel. Tippoo having cut off their retreat by gaining possession of the Ghauts, laid close siege to the fortress; which in less than a fortnight was obliged to capitulate. The terms proposed were, that all public property should remain in the fort; that the English should engage not to act against Tippoo for a stipulated time; that they should march out with the honours of war; that they should pile their arms, and have full liberty to proceed unmolested with their private property to the sea-coast, from thence to embark for Bombay; and in this capitulation the garrisons of Ananpour and other inland fortresses were also included.

All these terms were broken by Tippoo, who said that they had forfeited their title to liberty by a breach of the articles of capitulation, in embezzling and secreting the public money, which was all, in good faith, to be delivered up. That this was really the case seems to be universally acknowledged. In the Annual Register we are told, that "to prevent too much money being found in the possession of one man, the general ordered his officers to draw on the paymaster-general for whatever sums they wanted. When the fort was surrendered to the Sultan, there was not a single rupee found in it." By this circumstance the fate of the garrison was decided. General Matthews was sent for next morning to a conference. He was not, however, admitted to his presence, but immediately thrown into chains. Most of the other principal officers were, on various pretences, separated from the army. The general and his companions were conducted to Seringapatnam the capital of Mysore; and after having experienced a variety of severities, were at last put to death by poison. In this manner the general and 20 officers perished. The poison administered was the milk of the cocoa-tree, which is said to be very deadly.

The above account was repeatedly complained of as partial, and at last openly contradicted in a pamphlet entitled "A Vindication of the Conduct of the English Forces" employed in that expedition, and published by order of the East India Company. In this pamphlet the circumstance most found fault with was that regarding the women at Anantpore, which was positively contradicted. On this account therefore the publishers of the above-mentioned work retract that part of their narrative, as being founded in misrepresentation. Notwithstanding this vindication, however, they still draw the following conclusions. "It is already sufficiently evident, how little has been effected by this vindication of the Bombay officers. The great outlines of the expedition remain unaltered. It is still true that a remarkable degree of severity was employed in the field; that, in the capture of the fortresses of Canara, the principle of a storm and no quarter was very frequently applied; and that the acquisition of money was too much the governing object in every stage of the undertaking. The vindication of the officers has therefore done them little service; and it happens here, as it generally does in the case of an imperfect reply, that the majority of the facts are rather strengthened and demonstrated by the attempt to refute them. With respect to the conclusion of the story, the treasures of Hyderagur, and the charge brought against them by Tippoo, that they had broken the terms of the capitulation, and that when the fort was surrendered not a rupee was to be found in it; these circumstances are passed over by the officers in the profoundest silence. It was this that roused the Sultan to vengeance; and it is to this that he appeals for his justification in disregarding a capitulation which had been first dissolved by the vanquished English."

The vindication above alluded to was signed by one major and 52 subaltern officers. It seems not, however, to have given entire satisfaction to the military gentlemen themselves, as other vindications have appeared said to be written by officers; but these being anonymous, can be supposed to add very little weight to that already mentioned, where such a respectable body have signed their names. We shall therefore drop a subject so disagreeable, and the invigoration of which at the same time is entirely foreign to the plan of this work.

It now remains to give some account of the war with the Mahrattas, begun, as was formerly hinted, on account of the protection afforded to the afflatus Roganaut-row. This man had formerly obliged the Mogul to take shelter in the English factory at Bengal; but being unable to keep up his credit among his countrymen, was expelled as already related. On his arrival at Bombay, an alliance was formed betwixt him and the English government; by which the latter engaged to replace him in the Mahratta regency in consideration of some valuable cessions of territory. The supreme council of Bengal, however, disowned this treaty, and concluded one with the Mahrattas in the month of March 1776; by which it was agreed that they should provide for Ragobah's subsistence according to his rank, on condition of his residing in their country. This being not at all agreeable to Ragobah, he fled once more to Bombay, where a new confederacy was entered into for his restoration. The council of Bengal approved of this on account of the approaching rupture with France; and in consequence of this, a detachment was, in February 1778, ordered to march across the continent of India. By some mismanagements in this expedition the whole army was obliged to capitulate with the Mahratta general on the 9th of January 1779. One of the terms of the capitulation was, that a body of troops which were advancing on the other side should be obliged to return to Bengal. But General Goddard, the commander of these forces, denying the right of the council of Bengal to remand him, proceeded on his march, and arrived on the 18th of February. Here he received orders to conclude a new treaty, if it could be obtained on earlier terms than that of the capitulation by which it had been engaged to cede all our acquisitions in the country of the Mahrattas.

Such extreme disregard to any stipulations that could be made, undoubtedly provoked the Mahrattas, and induced them to join in the confederacy with Hyder Aly already mentioned. The war, however, was successfully begun by General Goddard in January 1780. In three months he reduced the whole province of Guzerat. Madajee Sindia the Mahratta general advanced to oppose him; but as he did not choose to venture a battle, the English general stormed his camp, and totally routed him. Other exploits were performed in the course of this campaign; during which the governor-general (Mr Hastings) seeing no hopes of an accommodation, entered into a treaty with the rajah of Gohud, and with his consent Major Popham reduced a fortres in his dominions named Guallior, garrisoned by the Mahrattas, and hitherto reckoned impregnable.

These successes were followed by the dreadful incursions of Hyder Aly already related, which put a stop to the conquests of General Goddard; all the forces he could spare being required to assist the army under Sir Eyre Coote. The last exploit of General Goddard was the reduction of the island of Salsette, and of a strong fortres named Baffin in its neighbourhood. The army of Sindia, consisting of 30,000 men, was also defeated this year by Colonel Carnac; and the Mahrattas, disheartened by their losses, consented to a separate peace with the English, leaving Hyder Aly to manage the war as he thought proper.

In the mean time, however, the expences incurred by these wars were so high, that Mr Hastings, who was obliged to furnish them somehow or other, was reduced to the greatest difficulties. For this purpose not only all the treasure of Bengal was exhausted, but it was found necessary to draw extraordinary contributions from the British allies, which was productive of many disagreeable circumstances. One of the most remarkable was the revolt of Benares. The rajah of this country had formerly put himself under the protection of the English, who on their part agreed to secure his dominions to him on condition of his paying an annual subsidy to the nabob of Oude. In 1779 the rajah died, and was succeeded by his son Cheit Sing, who held the sovereignty at the time we speak of. On the death of the nabob in 1775, a new treaty was made with his successor, by which the sovereignty of Benares was transferred to the East India company, an acquisition equivalent to 240,000l. per annum; at the same time that the subsidy paid by Suja Dowla, and which, by Lord Clive, had been fixed at 36,000l. and afterwards raised to 252,000l. was now augmented to 312,000l. per annum.

On receiving intelligence in July 1778, that war had actually commenced between France and England, Cheit Sing was required to pay 50,000l. as his share of the public burdens. Such a demand was paid with extreme reluctance on the part of a prince who already contributed 240,000l. and probably thought that an abundant equivalent for the protection enjoyed. The same requisition, however, was made the two succeeding years, but with a promise that the demand should cease when peace was restored. Instead of any present alleviation, however, a body of troops was also quartered upon him, and he was likewise obliged to pay for their maintenance, lest he should not voluntarily pay the additional 50,000l. In November 1780, in addition to all these demands, he was also required to send into the field such a body of horse as he could spare; but this requisition, owing to some misunderstanding, was never complied with.

In July 1781 Mr Hastings having, it is said, received some intelligence that the oppressed rajah might be seduced into rebellion, set out on a visit to the nabob of Oude, and in his way proposed to clear up the misunderstanding with him. The method by which he intended to clear up this misunderstanding was to lay a fine upon the poor prince of 400,000l. or 500,000l.; and as a reason for doing so, it was alleged that the late rajah had left a million sterling in his treasury; a sum fum which was continually increasing. Cheit Sing, advanced to the borders of his territories to meet the governor general, behaved with all imaginable submission; and having got private intelligence of what was meditated against him, offered to pay down 200,000l. This was refused; and the governor general having reached the capital, forbid the rajah his preface, and by a letter acquainted him with his causes of complaint. Cheit Sing sent a very submissive answer; but as he endeavoured to exculpate himself, Mr Hastings was so far from being satisfied, that he put the prince under an arrest.

Such an unheard-of proceeding excited the utmost surprise and resentment in subjects accustomed to regard their sovereign with a degree of reverence little short of adoration. On the very day of the arrest they assembled tumultuously, cut in pieces the guard which had been set on the palace, and carried off their prince in triumph. It does not appear, however, that this was any other than a transitory tumult; for though they could easily have cut off the governor-general, they made no attempt against him. Cheit Sing protested his innocence, and made the most unlimited offers of submission, but all in vain. His government was declared vacant, and the semidary bestowed on the next heir; the annual subsidy to the government of Bengal was augmented from 240,000l. to 400,000l. annually. The miserable rajah was forced to fly his country; and his mother, though promised leave to retire upon conditions, was attacked in her retreat and plundered by the soldiery. After all his endeavours to procure money, however, Mr Hastings found this adventure turn out much less profitable than he had expected; for the treasury of the fugitive prince was seized and retained by the soldiery.

As to the nabob of Oude, a new treaty was concluded with him; the design of which was evidently to ease him of some of the burdens to which he was at that time subjected. Part of the British troops were therefore withdrawn from his dominions. As Fizulla Khan, the most prosperous of his dependents, had been called upon to furnish a body of 5000 horse to join the nabob's army, and had not complied with the requisition, the guarantee of his treaty with the nabob, formerly executed, was withdrawn; but it being afterwards discovered that his territory was not equivalent to the claims of the governor, the treaty was renewed on payment of a slight fine. As the widow of Sujah Dowla was suspected of favouring the late rajah Cheit Sing, the reigning prince was allowed to reclaim the treasures of his father in her possession, and likewise to deprive her of a small province she had in possession, on condition of paying her a certain stipulated allowance annually. The treasures were seized as payment of the debts of the prince to the company.

Hostilities continued in India between the French and English till the year 1783 was far advanced, and long after tranquillity had been restored to other parts of the world. In the beginning of the season for action the governor and council of Bengal determined to send an ample supply to the presidency of Madras, that so they might be enabled to put an end to the war, which Tippoo seemed willing to prosecute with even more vigour than his father had done. For this purpose Sir Eyre Coote, who, for his health, had gone to Bengal by sea, set sail once more for Madras, being intrusted with a large sum of money for the necessary expenses of the war. In his passage he was chased for 48 hours by two French men of war. The solicitude and fatigue he underwent during this time, being almost constantly upon deck, occasioned a relapse, so that he died in two days after his arrival at Madras. His death was greatly lamented, as the greatest expectations had been formed of an happy conclusion being put to the war by his extraordinary military talents, for which he had already acquired so great reputation in India.

The invasion of Tippoo's dominions having called him off from the Carnatic, general Stuart took the opportunity of attacking him in another quarter. Colonel Fullarton was dispatched with a large body of troops to invade the province of Coimbatore. This he executed with great success; over-running the country, taking several fortresses, and making a very alarming diversion on this side of Tippoo's dominions. General Stuart, however, having still greater designs in view, was obliged to recall this gentleman in the midst of his successes. The siege of the strong fortress of Cuddalore was now become the principal place of arms belonging to the French; was strongly fortified, and garrisoned by a numerous body of the best troops in France, as well as a considerable number of Tippoo's choicest forces. The siege therefore proved so difficult, that though the English displayed the utmost valour and military skill, they were not able to reduce the place until hostilities were interrupted by the news of a general pacification having taken place in Europe. In this siege a remarkable circumstance took place, viz. that of a corps of sepoys grenadiers encountering and overcoming the French troops opposed to them with fixed bayonets. For this remarkable instance of valour, they not only received the highest applause at the time, but provision was made for themselves and families by the presidencies to which they belonged.

After the reduction of Hyderanagar, and the destruction of the army under general Matthews, the English possessed only three places of consequence in the kingdom of Canara. These were Mangalore, Onore, and Carwa. The siege of all these places was undertaken at once. Mangalore, the principal port in the country, was defended by a very numerous garrison under Major Campbell. Tippoo sat down before it on the 19th of May; and the attack and defence were both conducted with the greatest spirit and activity. Notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the besiegers, however, and that the garrison were reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions, they held out in spite of every difficulty, until the general pacification being concluded, the place was afterwards delivered up. In other parts nothing more happened than an indecisive engagement between M. Suffrein and admiral Hughes; so that the British empire in Bengal was for that time fully established, and has since continued unmolested by foreign enemies, till very lately, that the ambition of Tippoo Saib has again prompted him to invade the territories of the nabob, an ally of Britain. This has again brought on a war with that restless, but able prince; whom the British, however, in conjunction with the Mah- Mahrattas, under the conduct of Lord Cornwallis, are pursuing towards his capital; of the reduction of which, as well as of the entire ruin of Tippoo, the most fan-guine hopes are entertained.

**India Company.** See Company.

**India Rubber.** See Caoutchouc.

**Indian,** in a general sense, denotes any thing belonging to the Indies, East or West.

**Indian Berry.** See Menispermum.

**Indian Bread.** See Jatropha.

**Indian Corn, or Maize.** See Zea.

**Indian Crottes.** See Tropaeolum.

**Indian Fig.** See Cactus.

**Indian Pagod-tree.** See Ficus.

**Indian Ink.** See Ink.

**Indian Reed.** See Cannna.

**Indication,** in physic, whatever serves to direct the physician how to act.

**Indicative,** in grammar, the first mood or manner of conjugating a verb, by which we simply affirm, deny, or ask something: as, *amant,* they love; *non amant,* they do not love; *amantne?* do they love?

See Grammar.

**Indiction,** in chronology, a cycle of 15 years. See Cycle.

**Indictment,** in law, one of the modes of prosecuting an offender. See Prosecution.

In English law, it is a written accusation of one or more persons of a crime or misdemeanor, preferred to, and presented upon oath by, a grand jury. To this end, the sheriff of every county is bound to return to every session of the peace, and every commission of oyer and terminer, and of general gaol-delivery, twenty-four good and lawful men of the county, some out of every hundred, to inquire, present, do, and execute all those things, which on the part of our lord the king shall then and there be commanded them. They ought to be freeholders; but to what amount is uncertain: which seems to be *caufus omnibus,* and as proper to be supplied by the legislature as the qualifications of the petit jury; which were formerly equally vague and uncertain, but are now settled by several acts of parliament. However, they are usually gentlemen of the best figure in the county. As many as appear upon this panel, are sworn upon the grand jury, to the amount of twelve at the least, and not more than twenty-three; that twelve may be a majority. Which number, as well as the constitution itself, we find exactly described so early as the laws of king Ethelred:

> Exeant seniores duodecim thani, et prefectus cum eis, ut jurent super sanctuarium quod eis in manus datur, quod nolint ulrum innocentem accipere, nec aliquem nocium dare.

In the time of king Richard I. (according to Hoveden), the process of electing the grand jury, ordained by that prince, was as follows: Four knights were to be taken from the county at large, who chuse two more out of every hundred; which two associated to themselves ten other principal freemen, and those twelve were to answer concerning all particulars relating to their own district. This number was probably found too large and inconvenient; but the traces of this institution still remain, in that some of the jury must be summoned out of every hundred. This grand jury are previously instructed in the articles of their inquiry, by a charge from the judge who presides upon the bench. They then withdraw to sit and receive indictments, which are preferred to them in the name of the king, but at the suit of any private prosecutor; and they are only to hear evidence on behalf of the prosecution: for the finding of an indictment is only in the nature of an inquiry or accusation, which is afterwards to be tried and determined; and the grand jury are only to inquire upon their oaths, whether there be sufficient cause to call upon the party to answer it. A grand jury, however, ought to be thoroughly persuaded of the truth of an indictment, so far as their evidence goes; and not to rest satisfied merely with remote probabilities: a doctrine that might be applied to very oppressive purposes.

The grand jury are sworn to inquire only for the body of the county, *pro corpore comitatus,* and therefore they cannot regularly inquire of a fact done out of that county for which they are sworn, unless particularly enabled by act of parliament. And to so high a nicety was this matter anciently carried, that where a man was wounded in one county, and died in another, the offender was at common law indictable in neither, because no complete act of felony was done in any one of them: but by statute 2 and 3 Ed. VI. c. 24. he is now indictable in the county where the party died. And, by statute 2 Geo. II. c. 21. if the stroke or poisoning be in England, and the death upon the sea or out of England, or vice versa, the offenders, and their accessories, may be indicted in the county where either the death, poisoning, or stroke, shall happen. And so in some other cases; as particularly, where treason is committed out of the realm, it may be inquired of in any county within the realm, as the king shall direct, in pursuance of statutes 26 Hen. VIII. c. 13. 33.; Hen. VIII. c. 23. 35.; Hen. VIII. c. 2. 5. 6.; Edw. VI. c. 11. And counterfeiters, washers, or minifiers, of the current coin, together with all manner of felons and their accessories, may, by statute 26 Hen. VIII. c. 6. (confirmed and explained by 34 and 35 Hen. VIII. c. 26. § 75. 76.) be indicted and tried for those offences, if committed in any part of Wales, before the justices of gaol-delivery and of the peace, in the next adjoining county of England, where the king's writ runneth: that is, at present in the county of Hereford or Salop; and not, as it should seem, in the county of Chester or Monmouth: the one being a county palatine where the king's writ did not run; and the other a part of Wales, in 26 Hen. VIII. Murders also, whether committed in England or in foreign parts, may, by virtue of the statute 33 Hen. VIII. c. 23. be inquired of and tried by the king's special commission in any shire or place in the kingdom. By statute 10 and 11 W. III. c. 25. all robberies, and other capital crimes, committed in Newfoundland, may be inquired of and tried in any county in England. Offences against the black act, 9 Geo. I. c. 22. may be inquired of and tried in any county of England, at the option of the prosecutor. So felonies, in destroying turnpikes, or works upon navigable rivers, erected by authority of parliament, may, by statutes 8 Geo. II. c. 20. and 13 Geo. III. c. 84. be inquired of and tried in any adjacent county. By statute 26 Geo. II. c. 19. plundering or stealing from any vessel in distress or wrecked, or breaking any ship contrary to 12 Ann. st. 2. Indictment, c. 18, may be prosecuted either in the county where the fact is committed, or in any county next adjoining; and if committed in Wales, then in the next adjoining English county: by which is understood to be meant, such English county as, by the statute 26 Hen. VIII. above mentioned, had before a concurrent jurisdiction of felonies committed in Wales. Felonies committed out of the realm, in burning or destroying the king's ships, magazines, or stores, may, by statute 12 Geo. III. c. 24, be inquired of and tried in any county of England, or in the place where the offence is committed. By statute 13 Geo. III. c. 63, misdemeanors committed in India may be tried upon information or indictment in the court of king's-bench in England; and a mode is marked out for examining witnesses by commission, and transmitting their depositions to the court. But, in general, all offences must be inquired into, as well as tried, in the county where the fact is committed. Yet if larceny be committed in one county, and the goods carried into another, the offender may be indicted in either; for the offence is complete in both. Or he may be indicted in England for larceny in Scotland, and carrying the goods with him into England, or vice versa; or for receiving in one part of the united kingdom goods that have been stolen in another. But for robbery, burglary, and the like, he can only be indicted where the fact was actually committed; for though the carrying away and keeping of the goods is a continuation of the original taking, and is therefore larceny in the second county, yet it is not a robbery or burglary in that jurisdiction. And if a person be indicted in one county for larceny of goods originally taken in another, and be thereof convicted, or stands mute, he shall not be admitted to his clergy; provided the original taking be attended with such circumstances as would have ousted him of his clergy by virtue of any statute made previous to the year 1691.

When the grand jury have heard the evidence, if they think it a groundless accusation, they used formerly to endorse on the back of the bill, Ignoramus; or, We know nothing of it: intimating, that though the facts might possibly be true, that truth did not appear to them. But now they assent in English more absolutely, Not a true bill; or (which is the better way) Not found: and then the party is discharged without farther answer. But a fresh bill may afterwards be preferred to a subsequent grand jury. If they are satisfied of the truth of the accusation, they then endorse upon it, "A true bill;" anciently, Billa vera. The indictment is then said to be found, and the party stands indicted. But to find a bill, there must at least twelve of the jury agree: for so tender is the law of England of the lives of the subjects, that no man can be convicted at the suit of the king of any capital offence, unless by the unanimous voice of twenty-four of his equals and neighbours; that is, by twelve at least of the grand jury, in the first place, assenting to the accusation; and afterwards by the whole petit jury of twelve more, finding him guilty upon his trial. But if twelve of the grand jury assent, it is a good presentment, though some of the rest disagree. And the indictment, when so found, is publicly delivered into court.

Indictments must have a precise and sufficient certainty. By statute 1 Hen. V. c. 5, all indictments must set forth the Christian name, surname, and addition of the state and degree, mystery, town, or place, and the county of the offender; and all this to identify his person. The time and place are also to be ascertained, by naming the day and township in which the fact was committed: though a mistake in these points is in general not held to be material, provided the time be laid previous to the finding of the indictment, and the place to be within the jurisdiction of the court; unless where the place is laid, not merely as a venue, but as part of the description of the fact. But sometimes the time may be very material, where there is any limitation in point of time assigned for the prosecution of offenders; as by the statute 7 Will. III. c. 3, which enacts, that no prosecution shall be had for any of the treasons or misprisions therein mentioned (except an assassination designed or attempted on the person of the king), unless the bill of indictment be found within three years after the offence committed; and, in case of murder, the time of the death must be laid within a year and a day after the mortal stroke was given. The offence itself must also be set forth with clearness and certainty; and in some crimes particular words of art must be used, which are so appropriated by the law to express the precise idea which it entertains of the offence, that no other words, however synonymous they may seem, are capable of doing it. Thus, in treason, the fact must be laid to be done "treasonably, and against his allegiance;" anciently, "proditione et contra ligamentum suae debitionis;" else the indictment is void. In indictments for murder, it is necessary to say that the party indicted "murdered;" not "killed" or "flew;" the other; which, till the late statute, was expressed in Latin by the word murdravit. In all indictments for felonies, the adverb "feloniously," felonice, must be used; and for burglaries also, burglariter, or, in English, "burglariously:" and all these to ascertain the intent. In rapes, the word rapuit, or "ravished," is necessary, and must not be expressed by any periphrasis, in order to render the crime certain. So in larcinies also, the words felonice cepit et alportavit, "feloniously took or carried away," are necessary to every indictment; for these only can express the very offence. Also, in indictments for murder, the length and depth of the wound should in general be expressed, in order that it may appear to the court to have been of a mortal nature: but if it goes through the body, then its dimensions are immaterial; for that is apparently sufficient to have been the cause of the death. Also, where a limb, or the like, is absolutely cut off, there such description is needless. Lastly, in indictments, the value of the thing which is the subject or instrument of the offence must sometimes be expressed. In indictments for larcinies this is necessary, that it may appear whether it be grand or petit larceny; and whether intitled or not to the benefit of clergy. In homicides of all sorts it is necessary; as the weapon with which it is committed is forfeited to the king as a deadand. For the manner of process upon an indictment, see Process.