a kingdom of Italy, comprehending the ancient countries of Samnium, Campania, Apulia, and Magna Graecia. It is bounded on all sides by the Mediterranean and Adriatic, except on the north-east, where it terminates on the Ecclesiastical state. Its greatest length from south-east to north-west is about 235 English miles; and its breadth from north-east to south-west, from 96 to 120.

The ancient history of this country falls under the articles ROME and ITALY; the present state of it, as well as of the rest of Italy, is owing to the conquests of Charlemagne. When that monarch put an end to the kingdom of the Lombards, he obliged the dukes of Friuli, Spoleto, and Benevento, to acknowledge him as king of Italy; but allowed them to exercise the same power and authority which they had enjoyed before his conquest. Of these three dukedoms of Benevento was by far the most powerful and extensive, the duchy as it comprehended almost all the present kingdom of Naples; that part of Farther Calabria beyond the rivers Sarno and Peto, a few maritime cities in Hither Calabria, with the city of Acripoli, and the promontory in its neighbourhood called Capo di Liqo; and lastly, the dukedoms of Gaeta, Naples, and Amalfi, which were very inconsiderable, and extended along the shore only about 100 miles, and were interrupted by the Gaitaldate or county of Capua.

This flourishing and extensive dukedom was at this time governed by Arechis, who had married one of duke of Benevento, and likewise built Salerno on the sea-coast, surrounding it with a very strong and high wall. He engaged in several wars with the Greeks, whom he sometimes obliged to give him hostages; but having invaded the territories of the pope, whom Pepin could not affright, Charlemagne was prevailed on to return to Italy. Arechis, unable to oppose such a formidable enemy, sent his eldest son, Romuald, to Rome, with an offer of submission; but, at the instigation of the pope, Charles refused the offer. offer, and detained his son prisoner; after which he ravaged the country, and made himself master of Capua. Other deputies, however, proved more successful; and, in the year 787, a peace was concluded on these conditions: That Arechis and the Beneventans should renew their allegiance to the Franks; that he should pay a yearly tribute to Pepin; deliver up all his treasure; and give his son Grimoald and his daughter Adelgisa, with twelve others, as hostages for his fidelity: however, after many treaties, Adelgisa was restored to her father.

Charles had no sooner left Italy, than Arechis forgot all his engagements, and began to negotiate with Irene, empress of Constantinople, and her son Constantine, for expelling the Franks out of Italy. For himself, he desired the honour of patriciate, and the dukedom of Naples with all its dependencies; and, in return, promised to acknowledge the Greek emperor as his sovereign, and to live after the manner of the Greeks. He required, however, to be supported by a Greek army; and that his brother-in-law Adalgisus, son to Desiderius the last king of the Lombards, should be sent over into Italy, to raise a party among his countrymen. These conditions were readily accepted, on condition that prince Romuald should be sent as an hostage; ambassadors were sent to Naples with the ensigns of the patrician order, namely the mantle of cloth of gold, the sword, the comb, and the sandals; but before the ceremony could be performed, prince Romuald died, and soon after him his father; whose death was supposed to have been hastened by that of his son.

After the death of Arechis, the Beneventans sent a most submissive embassy to Charlemagne, intreating him to send them Grimoald, the late king's son, and only lawful heir to his crown; threatening at the same time to revolt if their prince was denied them. Charles readily granted their request, and allowed Grimoald to depart, after he had agreed to the following conditions, viz. That he should oblige the Lombards to shave their beards; that, in writings, and on money, the name of the king should be put before that of the prince; and that he should cause the walls of Salerno, Acerenza, and Confa, to be entirely demolished.

The new king was received by his subjects with the utmost joy; and for some time continued faithful to his engagements, excepting only the last article, which he either neglected or eluded. So far, however, was he from afflicting the Greeks, that he gave notice of their machinations to Pepin king of Italy; raised an army to oppose his uncle Adalgisus; and being joined by Hildebrand duke of Spoleto, and Vinigife the general of Pepin, he attacked the Greeks in Calabria soon after they had landed, entirely defeated and took his uncle prisoner, and, as is said, put him to a cruel death. Yet in a short time Grimoald contracted an alliance with the Greek emperor by marrying his niece Wanzia; and in the fifth year of his reign a war broke out between him and Pepin, which continued for twelve years; at the end of which time a truce was concluded. Grimoald survived this pacification only three years, and was succeeded by his treasurer Grimoald II. who submitted to Charlemagne after the death of Pepin; and from this time the Beneventans were looked upon as tributaries of the western emperors.

As yet, however, the city of Naples did not own allegiance to the dukes of Benevento, but was held by the eastern emperors; and frequent wars took place between the Beneventans and Neapolitans. This happened to be the case when Grimoald II. ascended the throne. He concluded a peace with them; which however, was of no long continuance; for Theodore, governor of Naples, having granted protections to Dauferius a noble Beneventan, who had been concerned in a conspiracy against his prince, Grimoald marched against the city of Naples, and invested it by sea and land. Theodore still refused to deliver up the traitor, and a general engagement both by land and sea was the consequence; in which the Neapolitans were defeated with so great slaughter, that the sea was stained with their blood for more than seven days. Theodore then consented to deliver up Dauferius, with 8000 crowns for the expenses of the war; and Grimoald not only pardoned Dauferius, but received him into favour; the traitor, however, reflecting on the heinousness of his crime, was seized with remorse; and went a pilgrimage to the holy land, carrying a large stone in his mouth, by way of penance, which he never took out but at his meals.

In the year 821, Grimoald was murdered by Radelchis count of Confa, and Sico gaftald of Acerenza, and the latter of whom succeeded to the dukedom of Benevento. Radelchis being soon after seized with remorse, became a monk; while Sico associated his son Sicardo with him in the government; and both, being of an ambitious and restless disposition, sought a pretence for attacking the Neapolitans. This was soon found, and the city was invested by sea and land. The walls were furiously battered; and part of them being beat down, Sico prepared for a general assault. Stephen, at that time duke of Naples, pretended to submit; but, that he might prevent the city from being pillaged, intreated Sico to put off his entry till the morning, and in the meantime sent out his mother and his two children as hostages. Sico consented to his request; but next morning found the breach built up, and the Neapolitans prepared for their defence. Exasperated at their perfidy, he renewed his attacks with vigour, but without any success; the besieged defending themselves with the utmost obstinacy. At last, perceiving that they should not be able to hold out much longer, they consented to a peace on the following conditions, viz. That the Neapolitans should pay an annual tribute to the princes of Benevento, and confess to the tranporting of the body of St. Janarius from his church without the walls of Naples to Benevento. These conditions being ratified, Sico returned with great honour to Benevento; but soon after renewed the war, under pretence that the Neapolitans had neglected to pay the stipulated sum; and hostilities continued till his death, which happened in 833.

Sico was succeeded in the government of Benevento by his son Sicardo, who had married the daughter of successor Dauferius; and being influenced by the evil counsels of Roffrid his wife's brother, oppressed his subjects to such a degree that they conspired against his life. He besieged Naples with a powerful army, and took possession of Acerra and Atella, both of which he fortified. But Bonus, the Neapolitan duke, defended himself himself so vigorously, that the Beneventans were obliged to retire, and even to abandon Accera and Atella, the fortifications of which were immediately demolished. At last Sicardo agreed to a peace for five years, on the intercession of Lothaire, emperor and king of Italy; but his chief motive was thought to have been the fear of the Saracens, whom the duke of Naples had called over from Africa to his assistance: for no sooner were they sent back than Sicardo attempted to delay the conclusion of the treaty; but the emperor interfering his authority, a peace was concluded in the year 836, after the war had continued, with very little intermission, for 16 years.

Soon after the conclusion of this peace, the Saracens landed at Brindisi; and having made themselves masters of the place, ravaged all the neighbouring country. Sicardo marched against them with a numerous army; but the Saracens having dug a great number of ditches which they slightly covered over, found means to draw the Beneventans in among them, whereby they were repulsed with great loss. However, Sicardo, having reinforced his army, marched again to attack them; but the Saracens, despairing of success, pillaged and burnt Brindisi, and then retired with their booty, and a great many captives, to Sicily. Sicardo then, without any apparent provocation, attacked the city of Amalfi, levelled its walls with the ground, carried off all its wealth, and the body of its tutelar saint Triphomen. A great many of the inhabitants were transported to Salerno; and by promoting alliances between the inhabitants of both places, he endeavoured to unite Amalfi to his own principality as firmly as possible.

During all these transactions, Sicardo had tyrannized over his subjects in such a manner, that at last he became intolerable. Among other acts of injustice, he imprisoned his own brother Siconolphus; compelled him to turn priest; and afterwards sent him bound to Tarento, where he caused him to be shut up in an old tower that had been built for a citadel. By such acts of tyranny his nobles were provoked to conspire against him; and in the year 839 he was murdered in his tent.

On the death of Sicardo, Radelchis, his secretary or treasurer, was unanimously elected prince of Benevento; but Siconolphus, the last king's brother, having regained his liberty, formed a great party against the new prince. Radelchis did not fail to oppose him with a formidable army; and a most ruinous civil war ensued. Both parties by turns called in the Saracens; and these treacherous allies acted sometimes against one, and sometimes against the other; or turned their arms against both, as seemed most suitable to their own interest. Thus the war continued with the utmost animosity for 12 years, during which time the principality was almost entirely ruined; till at last the emperor Lewis interfered, and obliged the competitors to agree to a partition of the principality. By this treaty, Radelchis promised to acknowledge Siconolphus and his successors as lawful princes of the principality of Salerno, which was declared to contain Tarento, Latiniano, Caflano, Cofenzo, Laino, Lucania, Conisa, Montella, Rota, Salerno, Sarno, Ciratium, Furculo, Capua, Feano, Sora, and the half of the Gaetaldate of Acerenza, where it joins Latiano and Conisa. The boundary betwixt Benevento and Capua was fixed at St. Angelo ad Cerros; Alli Perigrini was made the boundary betwixt Benevento and Salerno, and Staffilo betwixt Benevento and Conisa. The monasteries of Monte Cassino and St Vincent were declared to be immediately under the protection of the emperor: both princes stipulated that no hostilities should be committed by either against the subjects of each other; and promised to join their forces in order to drive out the Saracens. Soon after this pacification, however, both Radelchis and Siconolphus died; the former appointing his son Radelgarius, or Radelcar, to succeed him; and the latter leaving an infant son, Sico, to the care of his godfather, Peter.

The war with the Saracens proved very unsuccessful; neither the united efforts of the princes, nor the full war assistance of the emperor Lewis himself, being able to expel the infidels; and, in 854, Adelgife the second son of Radelchis, who had now succeeded, on the death of his brother Radelcar, to the principality of Benevento, was obliged to pay them an annual subsidy. Two years after, Lando, count of Capua, revolted from the prince of Salerno, and could not be reduced. In the mean time, Sico, the lawful prince of Salerno, had been poisoned by Count Lando, and the principality usurped by Ademarius, the son of Peter above mentioned; but in 861, Ademarius himself was seized and imprisoned by Gausferius, the son of Dauerius formerly mentioned. This was occasioned by his cruelty and rapaciousness, which entirely alienated the hearts of his subjects from him, and encouraged Gausferius to become the head of the conspirators. The Saracens in the mean time committed terrible ravages throughout the Beneventan territories; which at last obliged Adelgife to enter into an alliance with Gausferius, and both together sent a most humble embassy to the emperor Lewis, requesting him to take them under his protection. About the same time an embassy arrived from Constantinople, proposing a junction of the forces of the eastern and western empires against the infidels; upon which Lewis gave orders for assembling a formidable army. But in the mean time Adelgife fell off from his alliance, and made peace with the Saracens; nay, according to some, he encouraged them in their incursions, and it was at his desire that they invaded the duchy of Capua, and afterwards that of Naples, which they ravaged in a most barbarous manner. The Neapolitans, in conjunction with the duke of Spoleto and the count of Mars, endeavoured to oppose them; but being defeated, the Saracens continued their ravages with redoubled fury, and retired to Bari, which was their capital city, with an immense booty.

In 866, Lewis arrived at Sora with his army; and having marched to Capua, was there joined by Landulph, the bishop and count, with a body of Capuans; but Landulph soon after persuading his countrymen to desert, Lewis marched against that city, which he took after a siege of three months, and almost totally destroyed. In the end of the year he was joined by Gausferius with his quota of troops, having ordered the eyes of Ademarius to be put out in his absence. Lewis confirmed him in the principality, and marched with his army to Benevento, where Adelgife received ceived him with great respect. Having reduced some inconsiderable places belonging to the Saracens, Lewis soon after invested Bari; but as the Saracens received continual supplies from their countrymen settled in Sicily, and besides were protected by the Neapolitans, he could not reduce the place till the year 871, though he had received considerable assistance from his brother Lotharius, and the Greek emperor had sent him a fleet of 200 sail. The expulsion of the Saracens was completed the same year by the taking of Tarento; after which the emperor returned with great glory to Benevento, resolving next to carry his arms into Sicily, and expel the infidels from thence also. But his future schemes of conquest were frustrated by a quarrel between him and Adelgiso. The latter, pretending to have been insulted by the empress, and oppressed by the French, seized the emperor himself, and kept him prisoner for 40 days. His imprisonment would probably have been of much longer continuance, had not a body of Saracens arrived from Africa, who, being joined by such of their countrymen as had concealed themselves in Italy, laid siege to Salerno with an army of 30,000 men, ravaging the neighbouring country at the same time with the utmost barbarity. By this new invasion Adelgiso was so much alarmed, that he set the emperor at liberty, but first obliged him to swear that he would not revenge the insult that had been offered him, and that he would never return to Benevento. Lewis having then joined his forces to those of the prince of Salerno, soon obliged the Saracens to raise the siege of Salerno; but though they were prevented from taking that city, they entirely destroyed the inhabitants of Calabria, leaving it, according to the expression of one of the historians of that time, "as desolate as it was at the flood."

In the year 873, Lewis being absolved from his oath by the pope, went to Benevento, and was reconciled to Adelgiso; but soon after this reconciliation he died, and the Saracens continued their ravages to such a degree that the inhabitants of Bari were constrained to deliver up their city to the Greeks. At the same time, the Salernitanos, Neapolitanos, Cajetanos, and Amalfitanos, having made peace with the Saracens, were compelled to agree to their proposal of invading the territories of the Roman pontiff. His holiness exerted himself to the utmost, both with spiritual and temporal weapons, in order to defend his right; but was at last reduced to the necessity of becoming a tributary to the infidels, and promising to pay them a large sum annually.

In the mean time, all Italy was thrown into the greatest confusion by the death of Charles the Bald, who died of poison at Pavia, as he was coming to the pope's assistance. Sergius duke of Naples continued a firm friend to the infidels; nor could he be detached from their interests even by the thunder of a papal excommunication; but unluckily happening to fall into the hands of his brother Athanasius bishop of Naples, the zeal of that prelate prompted him to put out his eyes, and send him a close prisoner to Rome; for which the highest encomiums were bestowed on him by the holy father.

In 876, Adelgiso was murdered by two of his nephews; one of whom, by name Gaiderius, seized the principality. About the same time Landolph bishop of Capua dying, a civil war ensued among his children, though their father's dominions had been divided among them according to his will. The princes of Salerno and Benevento, the duke of Spoleto, and Gregory the Greek governor of Bari and Otranto, took different sides in the quarrel, as they thought most proper; and to complete the confusion, the new bishop was expelled, and his brother, though a layman, chosen to that office, and even consecrated by the pope, who wrote to Gaufurius, forbidding him to attack Capua under pain of excommunication. But though Gaufurius was, in general, obedient to the pope's commands, he proved refractory in this particular, and laid siege to Capua for two years successively.

Thus the Capuan territories were reduced to the most miserable situation; being obliged to maintain at the same time the armies of the prince of Benevento and the duke of Spoleto. The Saracens, in the meantime, took the opportunity of strengthening themselves in Italy; and Athanasius, notwithstanding the great commendations he had received from the pope for putting out his brother's eyes, consented to enter into an alliance with them, in conjunction with whom he ravaged the territories of the pope, as well as those of Benevento and Spoleto, plundering all the churches, monasteries, towns, and villages, through which they passed. At the same time the prince of Salerno was obliged to grant them a settlement in the neighbourhood of his capital; the duke of Geeta invited them to his assistance, being oppressed by the count of Capua; and even the pope himself was obliged to make peace with them, and to grant them a settlement on the north side of the Carigliano, where they fortified themselves, and continued for more than 40 years.

To put a stop to the confusion which reigned in Italy, the pope now thought proper to restore the bishop of Capua, who had been expelled, but allowed his brother to reside in the city, and govern one half of the diocese; but notwithstanding this partition, the civil dissensions continued with the utmost violence, the nearest relations murdering or banishing each other, according as the fortune of the one or the other prevailed.—Athanasius, notwithstanding all the pope's remonstrances, continued his alliance with the Saracens; in conjunction with whom he ravaged the territory of Benevento, and fomented the divisions in Capua, in hopes of being able to make a conquest of it. At last his holiness thought proper to issue a sentence of excommunication against him; but this attached him to the Saracens more than ever; insomuch that he sent to Suchaim, king of the Saracens in Sicily, desiring him to come over and command a great body of his countrymen who had settled at the foot of Mount Vesuvius. Suchaim accepted the invitation, and immediately turned his arms against Athanasius; allowing his troops to live at discretion in the territory of Naples, where they ravished the women, and plundered the inhabitants. These calamities were, by the superstitious Neapolitans, imagined to be a consequence of the sentence of excommunication; and therefore they used their utmost endeavours to persuade the prelate to conclude a league with some Christian prince, and renounce all connection with the infidels. In this they at last proved successful, and Athanasius concluded an alliance with Guaimarius prince of Saler- in consequence of which the Saracens were obliged to quit the Neapolitan territories, and retire to Agropoli. Athanasius then directed his force against Capua, of which he made himself master in the year 882. The Saracens, however, still continued their incursions, and ravaged several provinces in such a manner, that they became entirely defoliate.

These confusions continued for a long time; during which the Greeks found an opportunity of making themselves masters of Benevento, and had well nigh become masters also of Salerno; but in this they failed through the treachery of the bishop, and in the year 896 they were totally expelled by the bishop, four years after they had become masters of it. In 915 the Saracens received such an overthrow at Carigliano, that scarce one of them remained. However, a new body soon arrived from Africa, and invested the sea-coasts for some time longer. A war also ensued between Landulph and the Greeks; which concluded disadvantageously for the former, who was obliged to submit to the emperor of Constantinople in 943.

In 961, Otho the Great, king of Germany, invaded Italy with a powerful army against Berengarius III. and, marching to Rome, received the imperial crown from the hands of the Pope. In 964, he erected Capua into a principality, received homage from the other princes of Lombardy, and formed a design of recovering Puglia and Calabria from the Greeks. But in this last scheme he failed; and after various hostilities a treaty was concluded, and the young princess Theophania married to Otho's son, afterwards emperor.

All this time the Saracens continued their incursions; and the Greeks had gained ground so much, that they were now in possession of two thirds of the present kingdom of Naples; but in the year 1002 or 1033, the Normans first began to be remarkable in Italy. They had, about a century before, embraced Christianity, and became very zealous in all the superstitions which were then practised. They were particularly zealous in visiting sacred places, especially Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem; and being naturally of a very martial disposition, they forced through great bodies of Greeks and Saracens who opposed their passage. About this time 49, or, as others write, 100, of these Normans, returning from Jerusalem by sea, landed at Salerno in the habit of pilgrims, where they were honourably received by Guaimarius. During their residence at Salerno, a great body of Saracens landed, and invested the city. Guaimarius, not being in a condition to oppose the invaders by force, was preparing to pay them a large sum of money, which they demanded, when the Normans proposed to attack them; and, having got arms and horses from the prince, they engaged the infidels with such fury and bravery, that they entirely defeated them, and obliged them to fly to their ships. By this complete victory Guaimarius was filled with such admiration of the valour of these strangers, that he entreated them to remain in his country; offering them lands, and the most honourable employments; but not being able to prevail with them to stay in Italy, or even accept of his presents; at their departure he sent some ambassadors with them to Normandy, in vessels loaded with exquisite fruits, rich furniture for horses, &c., in order to allure the valiant Normans to leave their own country. This kind invitation encouraged a Norman chief, named Osmond Drengot, to settle in Italy about the year 1015; having killed another lord in a duel, which obliged him to leave his own country, in order to avoid the resentment of his sovereign, Robert duke of Normandy. In the meantime, the city of Bari had revolted from the Greeks, and chosen one Mello for their leader, whose wife and children happened soon after to fall into the hands of their enemies, and were sent prisoners to Constantinople. No sooner, therefore, did Mello hear of the arrival of these adventurers, than he engaged them to assist him; and having drawn together a considerable army, defeated the Greeks with great slaughter, and obliged them to abandon their camp. In this engagement the Normans distinguished themselves by their bravery; and the news of their success soon brought from Normandy an innumerable multitude of their countrymen, with their wives and children. By this reinforcement, Mello gained two other victories, took a great many towns, and obliged the Greeks to abandon a large territory; but, in 1019, they were utterly defeated, and every thing recovered by the last defeat.

The Greek general, Bajanus, continued to go on with such surprising success, that he almost entirely re-established the affairs of his countrymen in Italy, and made a distinct province of the western part of Puglia, which he called Capitanata, and which to this day retains the name of Capitanata. His great progress at last alarmed the emperors of Germany; and, in 1027, Pandulphus prince of Capua made himself master of Naples; but was obliged, three years afterwards, to leave it, by the Normans, who built the city of Aversa, which was now erected into a county. In consequence of this piece of good fortune, great numbers of Norman adventurers migrated into Italy; among whom were William, Drogo, and Umbert, three of the sons of Tancred duke of Hautville; from whose posterity those princes were descended, who first conquered the island of Sicily from the Saracens, and formed the present kingdom of Naples.

In 1040, the Greek emperor Michael Paleologus, in order to secure the affection of his fickle subjects, undertook the conquest of Italy from the Saracens, and for that purpose sent a general named Michael Maniacus into Sicily. This commander, hearing of the great reputation of the Normans, sent to Guaimarius, prince of Salerno, intreating him to grant him some of those warriors. His request was most willingly hearkened to by the prince of Salerno, who, to encourage the Normans to engage in the expedition, promised them some additional rewards besides the emperor's pay. William, Drogo, and Umbert, accordingly marched from Salerno with 300 of their countrymen; and paf-mans passing over into Sicily, distinguished themselves most remarkably in the conquest of that island. Maniacus acknowledged, that the recovery of Messina was chiefly owing to their valour; and William with his Normans gained a complete victory over the Saracens before Syracuse, where he killed the governor of the city in single combat. Maniacus made himself master of Syracuse, and almost entirely reduced the whole island; but being accused of treason, was next year carried prisoner to Constantinople. His successor Doceanus, being being a man of no abilities, quickly lost the whole island except Messina, and treated his Norman auxiliaries with the utmost contempt. He would not allow them any share of the booty; and even caused one Ardoin, a noble Lombard, and associate and interpreter of the Normans, to be whipped round the camp, because he refused to part with the horse of a Saracen whom he had slain in single combat. The consequences of this tyrannical behaviour were very fatal to the Greeks. Ardoin soon after obtained leave to return to Italy under pretence of a vow, and all the Normans embarked at night along with him; but instead of going to Rome, Ardoin went immediately to Averla, where he persuaded count Rainulphus, sovereign of that province, to join with him in the design he had formed of attacking the Greek provinces in Italy, which, he showed him, would be an easy conquest, as the inhabitants submitted with great reluctance to the Greeks, and the provinces were at that time almost entirely defenceless. Rainulphus approved of the scheme, and raised 300 soldiers, whom he sent under 12 officers, to join the other Normans under the sons of Tancred; and made an agreement with Ardoin, that the conquests should be equally divided among the chief leaders. Their first enterprise was the reduction of Melphis, one of the strongest cities in Puglia, which presently surrendered; and they increased its fortifications so much, that it thenceforth became impregnable. Soon after this they made themselves masters of Venosa, Acroli, and Lavello, with very little opposition. Doceanus, alarmed with the rapidity of their conquests, immediately left Sicily, and marched with his army into Puglia, where he attacked the invaders near the river Oliviento; but after a fierce engagement, he was obliged to retire with considerable loss. The Greeks were soon after defeated a second time at Canne; and in a third engagement, which happened near the river Ofanto, the army of Doceanus was entirely routed, and he himself obliged to fly to Bari. On this bad success Doceanus was ordered to return to his command in Sicily, and another general was sent with an army into Puglia. This new commander, however, had no better success than his predecessor; for his army was entirely defeated in an engagement with the Normans, and he himself taken prisoner. Atelulphus, brother to one of the princes of Benevento, on whom the Normans had conferred the chief command, set at liberty the captive general without consulting them, on receiving from him a considerable sum of money. With this the Normans were so much displeased, that they deprived Atelulphus of his command, and bestowed it on Argyrus, son to the late Mello, who had escaped from Constantinople, and now assumed the title of duke and prince of Italy. Before this time also Maniacus, whom we have formerly mentioned, had returned to Italy; and to strike the greater terror into the revolted cities, had executed a number of people of all ages and sexes with great inhumanity. Soon after this Maniacus openly rebelled against the Greek emperor Constantinus, and prevailed upon his own army to proclaim him emperor, beginning hostilities immediately against the Greek cities. Argyrus at the same time took Giovenazzo and besieged Trani; and soon after besieged Maniacus himself in Tarento; but he, being afraid of falling into the hands of the Normans, fled to Otranto, and from thence to Bulgaria, where, being entirely defeated by one of the emperor's generals, he was taken prisoner, and had his head struck off.

The Normans having now conquered the greatest part of Puglia, proceeded to make a division of their conquests, in which, after each commander had got his proper share, the city of Melphis was left common to all, and appropriated as a place for assembling to consult about the most important affairs of the nation. Argyrus alone was neglected in this division; but he, having gained the favour of the emperor by expelling the rebel Maniacus from Italy, was by him created duke of Bari, on purpose to check the power of the Normans, with the title of prince and duke of Puglia. The Normans, however, were too powerful to be much awed by Argyrus, and behaved with great insolence to the neighbouring princes; but as they could not be expelled by force, and were confirmed in their conquests by Henry II., emperor of Germany, in 1047, the Greek emperor attempted to get rid of them, by sending Argyrus with large sums of money to bribe them to enter into his service against the Persians. But they, perceiving the snare, replied, that they were resolved not to leave Italy unless they were expelled by force; upon which Argyrus made use of the same money in bribing the Puglians to assassinate these invaders. This brought on a massacre, in which greater numbers of Normans perished than had fallen in all the late wars. Argyrus attempted to take advantage of the confusion produced by this massacre, but was defeated; after which he had recourse to Pope Leo, beseeching him to deliver Italy from these cruel tyrants; but this scheme proved still more unsuccessful than the others had been; for the pope himself was defeated and taken prisoner; and, in consequence of the respect shown him by the Normans, granted them, as a fief of the holy see, all the conquests they had made or should make in Calabria and Sicily.

Soon after this, the Norman power became extremely formidable; the famous Robert Guiscard ascended the throne in 1056. He made great progress in the conquest of Calabria, and reduced most of the cities which held for the Greeks in these parts. About the same time the counts of Capua were expelled from their territory; and the abbot Desiderius mentions his having been the children of Landulphus V., the last count, going about as vagabonds, and begging for their support. The pope, alarmed by these conquests, excommunicated the Normans in wholesale, pretending that they had seized some of the territories belonging to the church; but, by the pretended submission of Robert, he not only was persuaded to take off the sentence of excommunication, but to invest him with the provinces of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. After this, he continued the war against the Greeks with great success. In 1071, in conjunction with his brother Roger, he conquered the island of Sicily, and gave the investiture of the whole island to him with the title of count, referring to himself only the half of Pa-Guiscard, Iermo, Messina, and the valley of Demona. The like success attended his arms against Salerno in 1074; but after this, having unadvisedly taken some places from the pope, he again fell under the sentence of excommunication; yet he was reconciled to him in 1080, and received... received a second time the investiture of all his dominions. The next year he undertook an expedition against the Greeks; and though the emperor was afflicted by a Venetian fleet, Robert made himself master of the island of Corfu, reduced Durazzo, and great part of Romania; in so much that by the success of his arms, and his near approach to Constantinople, he struck an universal terror among the Greeks. But while Robert was thus extending his conquests, he was alarmed by the news of a formidable rebellion in Italy, and that the emperor Henry had taken the city of Rome, and closely shut up the pope in the castle of St Angelo. Robert therefore, leaving the command of the army to his son Boemund, returned to Italy, where he immediately dispersed the rebels, and released the pope, while his son gained a considerable victory over the Greeks. After this Robert made great preparations for another expedition into Greece, in order to second his son Boemund. Alexius Comnenus, who was about this time declared emperor by the Greek army, being assisted by the Venetian fleet, endeavoured to oppose his passage; but was entirely defeated, with the loss of a great many galleys. But a final stop was now put to his enterprises by his death, which happened in the island of Corfu in 1085.

Though the power of the Normans was thus thoroughly established in Italy and Sicily, and though the prince of Benevento was in 1130 invested by the pope with the title of king of Sicily; yet by reason of the civil dissensions which took place among themselves, and the general confusion which reigned in Italy in those ages, they were obliged, notwithstanding their valour, to submit to the emperor in 1195. By him the Sicilians were treated with so great cruelty, that the empress Constanza was induced to conspire against him in 1107, took him prisoner, and released him only on condition of his sending off his army immediately for the Holy Land. This was complied with; but the emperor did not long survive the reconciliation, being poisoned, as was supposed, by order of the empress.

In 1254 the pope claimed the kingdom as a fief devolved on the church in consequence of a sentence of deposition pronounced against king Frederic at the council of Lyons; and, in 1263, the kingdom was, in consequence of this right, conferred on Charles count of Anjou. After much contention and bloodshed, the French thus became masters of Sicily and Naples. Their government was insupportably tyrannical; and at the same time the haughtiness of their king provoked the pope, that he resolved to humble him. Charles had resolved on an expedition against Constantinople; and for this purpose had fitted out a fleet of 100 galleys, 30 large ships, 200 transports, besides many other smaller vessels, on board of which he intended to embark 10,000 horse, and a numerous army of foot. This formidable armament greatly alarmed the emperor Michael Paleologus; for which reason he entered into a negociation with John di Procida, a noble Salernitan, lord of the isle of Procida in the bay of Naples, who had formed a scheme for a general revolt in the island of Sicily. John, though a nobleman, was also a physician, and had been counsellor to two former princes, and even to king Charles himself; but being stripped of his estate by the king under pretence of treason, and his wife being debauched by the French, he retired to Constantia queen of Arragon, where he was created a baron of the kingdom of Valencia, by her husband king Peter, and Lord of Luxen, Bénizzano, and Palma. As he was greatly exasperated against the French, he employed many spies both in Puglia and Sicily; and being informed that the Sicilians were totally disaffected to the French, he came to the island in disguise, and concerted a plan with the most powerful of the malcontents for a revolution in favour of Constantia, though she derived her right only as being the daughter of a former usurper named Manfred. Procida then set out for Constantinople, where, in some private conferences with the emperor, he persuaded him, that the most probable means of defeating Charles's scheme was by afflicting the Spaniards and Sicilian malcontents. Paleologus accordingly granted him a large sum of money, and on his departure sent one of his secretaries along with him, who, landing in Sicily, had a conference with the chief conspirator. John, having received letters from them, disguised himself in the habit of a Franciscan, and went to Suriano in the neighbourhood of Rome. As he well knew the enmity which subsisted between the pope and king Charles, he disclosed his design to his holiness; who readily entered into his measures, wrote to Peter to halt his armament, promising him the investiture of the island as soon as he had taken possession of it; and, by refusing the assistance he had promised to Charles, obliged him for the present to delay his expedition. In the beginning of the year 1280, Procida returned to Arragon, and by showing the letters from the pope and Sicilian barons, prevailed on Peter to embark in his design, by assuring him of the assistance of Paleologus. The king of Arragon accordingly prepared a formidable fleet under pretence of invading Africa, and is even said to have received 20,000 ducats from Charles, in order to assist him in his preparations.

But while John went on thus successfully with his scheme, all his measures were in danger of being broken by the death of pope Nicholas. The new pope, Martin IV., was entirely in the interest of Charles, on whom, in 1281, he conferred the senatorial dignity of Rome. Procida, however, still resolved to prosecute his scheme; and, leaving Italy, had another conference with the conspirators in Sicily; after which, he again went to Constantinople, and obtained from Paleologus 32,000 ounces of gold, with which he immediately returned to Arragon. The death of Nicholas had damped the ardour of Peter; but, being urged with great earnestness by John, he again renewed his preparations; which alarmed the pope and the king of France. In consequence of this they sent a message to him, desiring to know against what Saracens he designed to employ his armament. In this particular Peter refused to satisfy them; upon which they earnestly counselled Charles to guard against an invasion; but he neglected their advice, being wholly intent on his eastern expedition, and encouraged by a revolt which had happened in Greece; and to facilitate his expedition, he prevailed on the pope to excommunicate the Greeks, on pretence that they had broken some of the articles of union concluded at the council of Lyons a few years before. Peter in the meantime continued... his preparations with great diligence, intending to put to sea the following summer. Procida had returned to Palermo, to wait for a favourable opportunity of putting his design in execution, which was soon afforded him by the French. On Easter Monday, March 30th, 1282, the chief conspirators had assembled at Palermo; and, after dinner, both the Palermitans and French went in a grand procession to the church of Monreale, about three miles without the city. While they were sporting in the fields, a bride happened to pass by with her train, who being observed by one Drochettus, a Frenchman, he ran to her, and began to urge her in a rude manner, under pretence of searching for concealed arms. A young Sicilian, exasperated at this affront, stabbed him with his own sword; and a tumult ensuing, 200 French were immediately murdered. The enraged populace then ran to the city, crying out, "Let the French die, let the French die!" and, without distinction of age or sex, slaughtered all of that nation they could find, even such as had fled to the churches. The conspirators then left Palermo, and excited the inhabitants to murder the French all over the island, excepting in Messina, which city at first refused to be concerned in the revolt. But, being invited by the Palermitans to throw off the French yoke, a few weeks after, the citizens in a tumultuous manner destroyed some of the French; and pulling down the arms of king Charles, and erecting those of the city, chose one Baldwin for their governor, who saved the remaining French from the fury of the populace, and allowed them to transport themselves, with their wives and children, to Italy. Eight thousand persons are said to have been murdered on this occasion.

Immediately after this massacre, the Sicilians offered their allegiance to the king of Arragon; who accepted of the invitation, and landed with his forces at Trapani. From thence he went to Palermo, where he was crowned king of Sicily with great solemnity, and Charles left the island with precipitation. The day after he landed his army in Italy, the Arragonian fleet arrived, took 29 of his galleys, and the next day burnt 80 transports in presence of his army. Soon after this Charles sent an embassy to Peter, accusing him of perfidy, in invading his dominions in time of peace; and, according to some, challenged him at the same time to decide the matter by single combat. Others say, that the challenge was given by Peter. Certain it is, however, that a challenge was given, and to appearance accepted; but Peter determined to employ much more effectual means in support of his pretensions than trifling to a duel; and therefore pushed on his operations most vigorously, while his adversary trifled away his time: and thus he at last became master of the contested kingdom; which, however, he did not long enjoy, dying about the end of the year 1285.

By his will, Peter left the kingdom of Arragon to his eldest son Alphonso, and Sicily to Don James his other son, who was also to succeed to the kingdom of Arragon in case Alphonso should die without male issue. Accordingly, Don James was solemnly crowned at Palermo the 2d of February 1286. In 1295, however, he deserted them, and tamely resigned up his right to Charles, son to him above-mentioned, in a manner perhaps unparalleled. On his resignation the Sicilians conferred the crown upon his brother Don Frederic: after which the war continued with great violence till the year 1303, when a peace was concluded, and the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily formally rejoined; Frederic being allowed to keep the latter, under the name of Trinacria; and Charles being confirmed in the possession of the former, which he quietly enjoyed till his death in 1309.

Naples continued to be governed by its own kings till the beginning of the 16th century, when the kings of France and Spain contended for the sovereignty of this country. Frederic, at that time king of Naples, resigned the sovereignty to Louis XII., on being created duke of Anjou, and receiving an annual pension of 30,000 ducats. But, in 1504, the French were entirely defeated by the Spaniards, and obliged to evacuate the kingdom; and the following year Louis announced all pretentions to the crown, which from that time had remained almost constantly in the hands of the Spaniards.

The government of the Spaniards proved no less oppressive to the Neapolitans than that of others had been. The kings of Spain set no bounds to their exactions, and of consequence the people were loaded with all manner of taxes; even the most indispensible necessaries of life not being exempted. In 1647, a new tax was laid on fruit; which the people looked upon as the most grievous oppression, the chief part of their subsistence, during the summer months, being fruit, which in the kingdom of Naples is very plentiful and delicious. The edict for collecting the new duty was no sooner published, than the people began to murmur in a tumultuous manner; and when the viceroy came abroad, they surrounded his coach, bawling out to have their grievances redressed. They were encouraged in their sedition, by the news that the citizens of Palermo had actually revolted on account of the imposition of new duties. The viceroy, therefore, apprehensive of greater disorders, began to think of taking off the tax; but those who farmed the tax having bribed some of his favourites, he was by their means prevented not to abolish it. The indignation of the people, who had suspected his intention, was now greatly increased, especially as they were privately excited by several malcontents. The farmers of the revenue, and all those concerned in raising the taxes, had incurred the hatred and detestation of the people, particularly of Tommaso Aniello, commonly called Maffiello of Amalfi, a fisherman, whose wife, having been discovered smuggling a small quantity of meal, was imprisoned, and condemned to pay a fine of 100 ducats.

Maffiello, a few years before, had come to Naples from Amalfi, where his father had been a fisherman. At this time he was about 24 years of age, and the father of four children. He was of a middling stature, and an agreeable aspect; was distinguished for his boldness, activity, and integrity; and had a great influence with his companions, by whom he was beloved and esteemed. As he was obliged even to sell his furniture to pay the heavy fine, he had conceived an implacable hatred against the farmers of the taxes, and was also moved with compassion for the miserable state of the city and kingdom. He therefore formed a design, with some of his companions, to raise a tumult in the market-place on the festival-day of the Carmelites, usually celebrated about the middle of July, when bet- Naples between 500 and 600 youths entertain the people by a mock-fight; one half of them in the character of Turks, defending a wooden castle, which is attacked and stormed by the other half in the character of Christians. Massaniello being appointed captain of one of these parties, and one Pione, who was privy to his design, commanding the other, for several weeks before the festival they were very diligent in reviewing and training their followers, who were armed with sticks and reeds: but a small and unforeseen accident tempted them to begin their enterprise without waiting for the festival.

On the 7th of July a dispute happening in the market-place betwixt the tax gatherers and some gardeners of Pozzuolo who had brought some figs into the city, whether the buyer or seller should pay the duty; after the tumult had continued several hours, Massaniello, who was present with his company, excited the mob to pillage the office built in the market for receiving the duty, and to drive away the officers with stones. The elect of the people, who, by deciding against the gardeners, had increased the tumult, ran to the palace, and informed the viceroy, who most imprudently neglected all means of putting a stop to the commotion. Massaniello, in the mean time, being joined by great numbers of people, ordered his young troop to set fire to all the offices for the taxes throughout the city; which command being executed with dispatch, he then conducted them directly to the palace, where the viceroy, instead of ordering his Spanish and German guards to disperse them, encouraged their insolence by timidly granting their demands. As they rushed into the palace in a furious manner, he escaped by a private door, and endeavoured to save himself in the streets; he was trampled upon by them, and pulled by the hair and whiskers. However, by throwing some handfuls of gold among them, he again escaped, and took sanctuary in a convent of Minims, where, being joined by the archbishop of Naples, cardinal Filomarini, and several nobles, by their advice he signed a billet, by which he abolished all taxes upon provisions. As a means to quell the tumult, he likewise desired the cardinal to offer Massaniello a pension of 2400 crowns, who generously rejected the bribe; and declared, that if the viceroy would keep his word, he would find them obedient subjects.

It was now expected that the tumult would cease; but Massaniello, upon his return to the market-place, being joined by several malcontents, among whom were Genuino and one Peronne, who had formerly been a captain of the Sbirri, he was advised by them to order the houses of those concerned in raising the tax to be burned; which were accordingly in a few days reduced to ashes, with all their rich furniture. Massaniello being now absolute master of the whole city, and being joined by great numbers of people of desperate fortunes, he required the viceroy, who had retired to the Caffè Nuovo, to abolish all the taxes, and to deliver up the writ of exemption granted by Charles V. This new demand greatly embarrassed the viceroy; but to appease the people, he drew up a false deed in letters of gold, and sent it to them by their favourite the duke of Matalone, who had before been in confinement. The fraud, however, being discovered, the duke was pulled from his horse and maltreated by the mob, and at length committed as a prisoner to Peronne. This accident, to the great joy of the viceroy, enraged the people against the nobility, several of whom they killed, burnt the houses of others, and threatened to extirpate them all. Massaniello, in the mean time, tattered and half naked, commanded his followers, who were now well armed, and reckoned about 100,000 men, with a most absolute sway. He eat and slept little, gave his orders with great precision and judgment, appeared full of moderation, without ambition and interested views. But the duke of Matalone having procured his liberty by bribing Peronne, the viceroy imitated his example, and secretly corrupted Genuino to betray his chief. A conspiracy was accordingly formed against Massaniello by Matalone and Peronne; the duke, who was equally exasperated against the viceroy, proposing, that after his death his brother D. Joseph should head the rebels.

Massaniello in the mean time, by means of the cardinal archbishop, was negotiating a general peace and accommodation; but while both parties were assembling in the convent of the Carmelites, the banditti hired by Matalone made an unsuccessful attempt upon Massaniello's life. His followers immediately killed 150 of them. Peronne and D. Joseph being discovered to be concerned in the conspiracy, were likewise put to death, and the duke with great difficulty escaped. Massaniello by this conspiracy was rendered more insidious and ferocious. He began to abuse his power by putting several persons to death upon slight pretences; and, to force the viceroy to an accommodation, he cut off all communication with the castles, which were unprovided with provision and ammunition.—The viceroy likewise being afraid left the French should take advantage of the commotion, earnestly desired to agree to a treaty; which was accordingly concluded on the fifth day of the insurrection, by the mediation of the archbishop. By the treaty it was stipulated, that all duties imposed since the time of Charles V. should be abolished; that the writ of exemption granted by that emperor should be delivered to the people; that for the future no new taxes should be imposed; that the vote of the elect of the people should be equal to the votes of the nobility; that an act of oblivion should be granted for all that was past; and that the people should continue in arms under Massaniello till the ratification of the treaty by the king.

By this treaty, no less than 10,000 persons, who fattened upon the blood of the public, were ruined.—The people, when it was solemnly published, manifested an extreme joy, believing they had now recovered all their ancient rights and privileges. Massaniello, at the desire of the viceroy, went to the palace to visit him, accompanied by the archbishop, who was obliged to threaten him with excommunication, before he would consent to lay aside his rags and assume a magnificent dress. He was received by the duke with the greatest demonstrations of respect and friendship, while the duchess entertained his wife, and presented her with a robe of cloth of silver, and some jewels.—The viceroy, to preserve some shadow of authority, appointed him captain-general; and at his departure made him a present of a golden chain of great value, which with great difficulty he was prevailed upon to accept; etc. accept; but yielded at length to the intrigues of the cardinal. Next day, in consequence of the commission granted him by the viceroy, he began to exercise all the functions of sovereign authority; and having caused a scaffold to be erected in one of the streets, and several gibbets, he judged all crimes, whether civil or military, in the last resort; and ordered the guilty to be immediately put to death, which was the punishment he assigned to all offences. Though he neglected all forms of law, and even frequently judged by physiognomy, yet he is said not to have overlooked any criminal, or punished any innocent person.

His grandeur and prosperity was of very short continuance; for his mind becoming distracted and delirious for two or three days, he committed a great many mad and extravagant actions; and on the 18th of July was assassinated with the consent of the viceroy.

The tumult did not end with the death of Massaniello: on the contrary, the people now expelled the Spaniards from most of the cities throughout the kingdom; and this general insurrection being the subject of discourse at Rome, the duke of Guise, who happened then to be at the pope's court, took the opportunity, at the instigation of his holiness, to offer his service to the Neapolitans against the Spaniards. The duke was prompted by his ambition to engage in this enterprise, especially as he himself had some distant pretensions to the crown. The Spaniards in the meantime made a vigorous attack on the city; but were repulsed by the people, who now formally renounced their allegiance to them. In a short time, however, their city being surprised by the new viceroy, the count d'Onate, and the duke of Guise himself taken prisoner, the people returned to their allegiance; and thus all the attempts of the French on Naples were frustrated. Since that time the Spaniards continued in peaceable possession of the kingdom till the year 1707, when it was taken from them by prince Eugene. It was formally ceded to the emperor by the treaty of Rastadt in 1713; but was recovered by the Spaniards in 1734; and the king of Spain's eldest son is now king of Naples and Sicily. For a particular account of these revolutions, see the articles Spain and Sicily.

The climate of Naples is extremely hot, especially in July, August, and September. In winter there is seldom any ice or snow, except on the mountains. On account of its fertility, it is justly termed an earthly paradise; for it abounds with all sorts of grain, the finest fruit and garden-productions of every kind, with rice, flax, oil, and wine, in the greatest plenty and perfection. It affords also saffron, manna, alum, vitriol, sulphur, rock-crystal, marble, and several sorts of minerals, together with fine wool and silk. The horses of this country are famous, and the flocks and herds very numerous. Besides these products, of which a considerable part is exported, there are manufactures of snuff, soap, and glass-ware. Waistcoats, caps, stockings, and gloves, are also made of the hair or filaments of a shell-fish, which are warmer than those of wool, and of a beautiful glossy green. In this kingdom likewise is found that called the Phrygian stone, or pietra fungifera, which, being laid in a damp shady place, will yield mushrooms, sometimes of a very large size, especially if the stone is sprinkled with hot water. See Agaricus.

As to the mountains of this country, the principal are those of the Apennine, which traverse it from south to north; and Mount Vesuvius, which, as is well known, is a noted volcano, five Italian miles from Naples. The side of this mountain next the sea yields wine, particularly the two famed wines called Vino Greco and Lacryma Christi. One of the greatest inconveniences to which this kingdom is exposed is earthquakes, which the eruptions of Mount Vesuvius contribute, in some measure, to prevent. Another inconvenience, which, however, is common to it with other hot countries, is the great number of reptiles and insects, of which some are very poisonous.

With respect to religion, it is on a very bad footing here. The number of convents and monasteries is astonishing. It is said, the clergy and convents possess two thirds of the whole kingdom; nay, some maintain, that were the kingdom divided into five parts, four would be found in the hands of the church. Notwithstanding this power and influence of the clergy, they have not been able hitherto to get the inquisition established here. In the year 1731, measures were taken for lessening the number of convents; and lately the order of Jesuits hath been suppressed. The papal bulls cannot be made public without the king's permission; nor are Protestants compelled to kneel in the churches, or at meeting the host; and in Lent they can very easily procure flesh meat. In the year 1740, the Jews were allowed to settle in the kingdom during the term of 50 years, and several privileges were granted them during that period; at the expiration of which, the grant was supposed to be renewed, unless they were expressly ordered to quit the country.

The revenue of the kingdom is generally computed at 3,000,000 of crowns: but, as Mr Addison ob. &c. serves, there is no country in Europe which pays greater taxes, and where, at the same time, the public is let the better for them, most of them going to the enriching of the private persons to whom they are mortgaged.

The military force of this kingdom is said to consist of about 30,000 men, of which the Swiss regiments are the best. As to the marine, it consists only of a few galleys. The only order here is that of St Januarius, which was instituted by Don Carlos in the year 1738.

The king of Naples, or of the two Sicilies, is an hereditary monarch. The high colleges are the council of state, the privy-council, the treasury, the Sicily-council, the council of war, &c. This kingdom is a papal fief; and the king, in acknowledgment of the pope's feudal right, sends him every year a white palfrey, and a purse of 6000 ducats. The title of the king's eldest son is prince of Calabria. The number both of the high and low nobility in the kingdom of Naples is very great. "I am assured (says Dr Moore) that the king of Naples counts among his subjects 100 persons with the title of prince, and a still greater in Italy, with that of duke. Six or seven of these have estates which produce from 10 to 12 or 13,000l. a year; a considerable number have fortunes of about half the value; and the annual revenue of many is not above 1000l. or 2000l. The inferior orders of the nobility are much poorer. Many counts and marquises have not above 300l. or 400l. a year of paternal estate; many have still less; and not a few enjoy the title without any estate whatever. These nobles, however, are excessively... excessively fond of splendor and show, which appears in the brilliancy of their equipages, the number of their attendants, the richness of their dress, and the grandeur of their titles. The finest carriages are painted, gilt, varnished, and lined, in a richer and more beautiful manner than has yet become fashionable either in England or in France. They are often drawn by six and sometimes by eight horses. Before the carriage, it is the mode to have two running footmen, and behind three or four servants in the richest liveries. The ladies and gentlemen within the coaches glitter in all the brilliancy of lace, embroidery, and jewels—This finery is not confined to the persons within and without the coaches; it is extended to the horses, whose heads, manes, and tails, are ornamented with the rarest plumes, and let off with ribbon and artificial flowers."

We shall mention a circumstance from which an idea may be formed of the grandeur of a Neapolitan palace, and the number of domestics which some of the nobility retain. "I dined (continues our author) at the prince Iaccio's, where we passed through 12 or 13 large rooms before we arrived at the dining-room. There were 36 persons at table served by the prince's domestics, and each guest had a footman behind his chair, while other domestics belonging to the prince remained in the adjacent rooms and in the hall. No estate in England could support such a number of servants, paid and fed as English servants are; but in Naples the wages are very moderate indeed, and the greater number of men-servants, belonging to the first families, give their attendance through the day only, and find beds and provisions for themselves. It must be remembered also, that few of the nobles give any entertainments; and those who do not are said to live very sparingly; so that the whole of their revenue, whatever it may be, is expended on articles of show."

In the kingdom of Naples, the hereditary jurisdiction of the nobles over their vassals subsists in the full rigour of the feudal government. The peasants therefore are poor; and it depends entirely on the personal character of the master, whether their poverty be not the least of their grievances. As this power is too often abused, the importance of the nobility depends in a great measure on the favour of the king, who, under pretence of any offence, can confine them to their estates, or imprison them at pleasure. Unless this prince were to be very impolitic as to disgust all the nobility at once, and so unite the whole body against him, he has little to fear from their resentment. Even in case of such an union, as the nobles have lost the affection of their vassals, what could they do in opposition to a standing army of 30,000 men, entirely devoted to the crown? The government of Naples, therefore, is in fact a despotic monarchy, though something like the form of a feudal constitution in its ancient purity is still kept up by the biennial summons of the general assembly. This convention, which consists of the nobility and commons, is called together every two years, to deliberate on the customary free-gift to the crown.

The inhabitants of this country have at all times borne but an indifferent character among other nations. "From the few hints dropped by the classic authors, we collect that the ancient Neapolitans were a race of Epicureans, of a soft indolent turn, averse from martial exercises, passionately fond of theatrical amusements and music, expert in all the refined arts that minister to the caprices of luxury, extravagant in their expressions and gestures, and dupes to various sorts of superstition. If we make allowance for a quantity of northern blood which has joined the original Grecian stream, and imported a roughness not yet worn off by the mildness of the climate, we shall find the modern Neapolitans very like the ancient.—Provisions being here plentiful and cheap, the lower class of people work but little. Their delight is to bask in the sun, and do nothing. Persons of a middle rank frequent places of public resort; and very few of any rank attend to their proper business with the zeal and activity we are wont to meet with in the professional men of colder countries. Gluttony is a predominant vice, while instances of intemperance are comparatively rare. In the female sex, the passion for finery is almost superior to every other; and, though chastity is not the characteristic virtue of the country, Mr Swinburne doubts whether a Neapolitan woman would not nine times out of ten prefer a present to a lover. That furious jealousy for which the nation Sicilian was once so remarkable, is now greatly abated. The breach of the conjugal vow sometimes occasions quarrels and affinities among people of an inferior station; and in the metropolis, affinities are often perpetrated from much less cogent motives. Of these vices, many are doubtless owing to that slavery and oppression under which they groan, and to a radical defect in the administration of justice, though the kingdom is divided into 12 provinces or jurisdictions.

Naples, anciently Parthenope, afterwards Neapolis, the capital of the kingdom of that name in Italy, lies in the province called Terra di Lavoro, which is the richest and best inhabited of the whole kingdom, and comprehends a part of the ancient Campania Felix, or the Happy. This city is fabled to owe its foundation to a siren, and to have received its ancient name from its supernatural founders. Whatever be its origin, it is the first for neatness, and the second for extent, of all the cities in Italy. It was formerly a place of strength; but its walls at present being of no real defence, its safety depends of course upon the force of its arms. It is most advantageously situated, having a delicious country on one side, and a noble bay of the Mediterranean on the other, with an excellent harbour. The circumference, including the suburbs, is said not to be less than 18 Italian miles, and the number of the inhabitants therein little less than 400,000. The houses are of stone, flat-roofed, and generally lofty and uniform; but many of them have balconies, with lattice-windows. The streets are well paved; but they are not lighted at night, and in the daytime are disfigured, in many places, by stalls, on which provisions are exposed to sale. Here are a great number of fine churches, convents, fountains, and palaces of the nobility, many of whom constantly reside here. It is usual to walk on the tops of the houses in the evenings, to breathe the sweet cool air, after a hot sultry day. The climate here is so mild and warm, even in the winter, that plenty of green peas, artichokes, asparagus, and other vegetables, may be had so early as the beginning of the new year, and even all the winter. This city swarms with monks and nuns of all sorts, to such a degree, that there are no less than 19 convents of the Dominicans alone, 18 of the Franciscans, 8 of the Augustines, and an equal proportion of the rest. The magnificence of many of the churches exceeds imagination. In a cloister of the Carthusian monastery is a crucifix, said to be done by Michael Angelo, of inimitable workmanship.

To repel hostile attempts by sea, which, from its situation, maritime powers might be tempted to make, Naples has, to the west, the Castel del Uovo, a confused pile of ancient buildings, and some modern batteries. The rock upon which this fortress stands was originally called Megara, then Lucullanum, and was considered as a place of strength so early as in the year 475. Along the line of the shore towards the east are some batteries on the points of land, the battlements of the arsenal, and above it the lofty wall of the Castel Nuovo. This last fortress has been the usual refuge of the sovereigns and viceroys in all civil wars and tumults; for which reason they have long fixed their residence near its walls. A block-house and batteries defend the mouth of the harbour, and at the eastern extremity of the town is the Torrione de Carmine, better known by the figure it made in Maffianello's rebellion than by its extent or military strength. The castle of Saint Elmo commands Naples in every direction, and is in reality calculated rather to annoy and awe the citizens than to defend them from foreign invaders. The city is indeed far from being secure against a bombardment; for the sea is so deep, that a large vessel may come up to the very mole in defiance of the block-house and batteries, &c. Pictures, statues, and antiquities, are not so common in Naples as might be expected in so great and ancient a city, many of the most valuable pieces having been sent to Spain by the viceroys. The bay is one of the finest in the world, being almost of a round figure, of about 30 miles in diameter, and three parts of it sheltered with a noble circuit of woods and mountains. The city stands in the bosom of this bay, in as pleasant a situation, perhaps, as in the world. Mr Keyller says, they reckon about 18,000 donne libere, or courtezans in the city, and Dr Moore computes the number of lazzarani or blackguards at above 30,000. The greater part of these wretches have no dwelling-houses, but sleep every night under porticos, piazzas, or any kind of shelter they can find. Those of them who have wives and children, live in the suburbs of Naples near Pausilippe, in huts, or in caverns or chambers dug out of that mountain. They are generally represented as a lazy, licentious, and turbulent set of people, as indeed by far the greater of the rabble are, who prefer begging or robbing, or running errands, to any fixed and permanent employment. Yet there are in Naples some flourishing manufactures, particularly of silk stockings, soap, snuff-boxes of tortoise shells and the lava of Mount Vesuvius, tables, and ornamental furniture of marble. The city is supplied with a vast quantity of water, by means of a very costly aqueduct, from the foot of Mount Vesuvius. Mr Addison says, it is incredible how great a multitude of retainers to the law there are in Naples, who find continual employment from the fiery temper of the inhabitants. There are five piazzas or squares in the city, appropriated to the nobility, viz. those called Capuana, Nido, Montagna, Porta, and Porta Nova. Of all the palaces, that of the king is not only the most magnificent, but also in the best style of architecture. The cathedral, though Gothic, is a very grand splendid edifice. It is here that the head and blood of St Januarius, the tutelary saint of Naples, are kept, the latter in two glass or crystal vials. The pretended liquefaction of the dried blood, as soon as brought near the head of the saint, is a thing well known; Mr Addison says, it is one of the most bungling tricks he ever saw. The harbour is spacious, and kept in good repair. It is fortified with a mole, which runs above a quarter of a mile into the sea, and at the extremity has a high lantern to direct ships safely into the harbour. Luxury here is restrained by severe sumptuary laws, and the women are more closely confined than in any other city of Italy. Here is an university and two academies of wits, the one called Gli Ardenti, and the other Gli Otti. The numerury for ladies of quality is said to be the largest in the whole world, containing no less than 350 nuns, besides servants. The Mount of Piety, or the office for advancing money to the poor, on pledges, at a low interest, or without any, has an income of upwards of 50,000 ducats. The arsenal is said to contain arms for 50,000 men. The walls of the city consist of hard black quarry stones, called piperno.—Instead of ice, vast quantities of snow are used for cooling their liquors, not so much as water being drank without it; so that, it is said, a scarcity of it would as soon occasion a mutiny as a dearth of corn or provisions. Certain persons, who farm the monopoly of it from the government, supply the city all the year round from a mountain about 18 miles off, at so much the pound. Naples stands 110 miles southeast from Rome, 164 north-east from Palermo in Sicily, 217 south-east from Florence, and 300 from Venice. E. Long 14° 20'. N. Lat. 40° 55'.