a celebrated empire of antiquity, bounded on the west by Media, on the north by Hyrcania, on the east by Ariana, on the south by Carmania the desert; surrounded on every side by mountains, which still serve as a boundary, though its name is now changed, having obtained that of Lyra or Arac; and to distinguish it from Chaldea, that of Eryc Agami. By Ptolemy it is divided into five districts, viz. Gamifine, or Gamifene, Parthyene, Choarane, Atricene, and Tabiene. The ancient geographers enumerate a great many cities in this country. Ptolemy in particular reckons 25 large cities; and it certainly must have been very populous, since we have accounts of 2000 villages, besides a number of cities, in this district being destroyed by earthquakes. Its capital was named Hecatompolis, from the circumstance of its having 100 gates. It was a noble and magnificent place; and, according to some, it still remains under the name of Ispahan, the capital of the present Persian empire.

Parthia is by some supposed to have been first peopled by the Phetri or Pathi, often mentioned in scripture, and will have the Parthians to be descended from Phethrus the son of Mifaim. But however true this may be with regard to the ancient inhabitants, yet it is certain, that those Parthians who were so famous in history, descended from the Scythians, though from Parthia what tribe we are not certainly informed.

The history of the ancient Parthians is totally lost. All that we know about them is, that they were first subject to the Medes, afterwards to the Persians, and lastly to Alexander the Great. After his death the province fell to Seleucus Nicator, and was held by him and his successors till the reign of Antiochus Theus, about the year 250 before Christ. At this time the Parthians revolted, and chose one Arfaces for their king. The immediate cause of this revolt was the cause of lewdness of Agathocles, to whom Antiochus had committed the care of all the provinces beyond the Euphrates. This man made an infamous attempt on Tigranides, a youth of great beauty; which so enraged Theus, his brother Arfaces, that he excited his countrymen to revolt; and before Antiochus had leisure to attend to the rebellion, it became too powerful to be crushed. Seleucus Callinicus, the successor of Antiochus Theus, attempted to reduce Arfaces; but the latter having had so much time to strengthen himself, defeated and drove his antagonist out of the country. Seleucus, however, in a short time, undertook another expedition against Arfaces; but was still more unfortunate than he had been in the former, being not only defeated in a great battle, but taken prisoner, and died in captivity. The day on which Arfaces gained this victory was ever after observed among the Parthians as an extraordinary festival. Arfaces being thus fully established in his new kingdom, reduced Hyrcania and some other provinces under his power; and was at last killed in a battle against Arcarathes IV. king of Cappadocia. From this prince all the other kings of Parthia took the surname of Arfaces, as those of Egypt did that of Ptolemy from Ptolemy Soter.

Arfaces I. was succeeded by his son Arfaces II., who, entering Media, made himself master of that country, while Antiochus the Great was engaged in a war with Ptolemy Euergetes king of Egypt. Antiochus, however, was no sooner disengaged from that war, than he marched with all his forces against Arfaces, and at first drove him quite out of Media. But he soon returned with an army of 100,000 foot and 20,000 horse, with which he put a stop to the further progress of Antiochus; and a treaty was soon after concluded, in which it was agreed, that Arfaces should remain master of Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition of his afflicting him in his wars with other nations.

Arfaces II. was succeeded by his son Priapatus; Conquells who reigned 15 years, and left three sons, Phrahatas, of the Parthian, and Artabanus. Phrahatas, the eldest, than more succeeded to the throne, and reduced under his subjection the Mardi, who had never been conquered by any but Alexander the Great. After him, his brother Mithridates was invested with the regal dignity. He reduced the Bactrians, Medes, Persians, Elymeans, and overran in a manner all the east, penetrating beyond the boundaries of Alexander's conquests. Demetrius Nicator, who then reigned in Syria, endeavoured to recover those provinces; but his army was entirely destroyed, and himself taken prisoner, in which state he remained till his death; after which victory Mithridates made himself master of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, so that he now commanded all the provinces from between the Euphrates and the Ganges. Mithridates died in the 37th year of his reign, and left the throne to his son Phrahates II., who was scarce settled in his kingdom when Antiochus Sidetes marched against him at the head of a numerous army, under pretence of delivering his brother Demetrius, who was still in captivity. Phrahates was defeated in three pitched battles; in consequence of which he lost all the countries conquered by his father, and was reduced within the limits of the ancient Parthian kingdom. Antiochus did not, however, long enjoy his good fortune; for his army, on account of their numbers amounting to no fewer than 400,000, being obliged to separate into such distances as prevented them, in case of any sudden attack, from joining together, the inhabitants, whom they had most cruelly oppressed, taking advantage of this separation, conspired with the Parthians to destroy them. This was accordingly executed; and the vast army of Antiochus, with the monarch himself, were slaughtered in one day, scarce a single person escaping to carry the news to Syria. Phrahates, elated with this success, proposed to invade Syria; but in the mean time, happening to quarrel with the Scythians, he was by them cut off with his whole army, and was succeeded by his uncle Artabanus.

The new king enjoyed his dignity but a very short time, being, a few days after his accession, killed in another battle with the Scythians. He was succeeded by Pacorus I., who entered into an alliance with the Romans; and he by Phrahates III. This monarch took under his protection Tigranes the son of Tigranes the Great, king of Armenia, gave him his daughter in marriage, and invaded the kingdom with a design to place the son on the throne of Armenia; but on the approach of Pompey he thought proper to retire, and soon after solemnly renewed the treaty with the Romans.

Phrahates was murdered by his children Mithridates and Orodes; and soon after the former was put to death by his brother, who thus became sole master of the Parthian empire. In his reign happened the memorable war with the Romans under Crassus. This was occasioned not by any breach of treaty on the side of the Parthians, but through the shameful advice of Crassus. The whole Roman empire at that time had been divided between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus; and by virtue of that partition, the eastern provinces had fallen to the lot of Crassus. No sooner was he invested with this dignity, than he resolved to carry the war into Parthia, in order to enrich himself with the spoils of that people, who were then looked upon to be very wealthy. Some of the tribunes opposed him, as the Parthians had religiously observed the treaty; but Crassus having, by the assistance of Pompey, carried every thing before him, left Rome in the year 55 B.C. and pursued his march to Brundisium, where he immediately embarked his troops, though the wind blew very high; and after a difficult passage, where he lost many of his ships, he reached the ports of Galatia.

From Galatia Crassus hastened to Syria, and passing through Judea, plundered the temple at Jerusalem in his way. He then marched with as great expedition as he could to the river Euphrates, which he crossed on a bridge of boats; and, entering the Parthian dominions, began hostilities. As the enemy had not expected an invasion, they were quite unprepared for resistance; and therefore Crassus overran all Mesopotamia; and if he had taken advantage of the consternation which the Parthians were in, might have also reduced Babylonia. But instead of this, early in the autumn, he repassed the Euphrates, leaving only 7000 foot and 1000 horse to garrison the places he had reduced; and putting his army into winter quarters in Syria, gave himself totally up to his favourite passion of amassing money.

Early in the spring, the Roman general drew his forces out of their winter quarters, in order to pursue the war with vigour; but, during the winter, Orodes had collected a very numerous army, and was well prepared to oppose him. Before he entered upon action, however, the Parthian monarch sent ambassadors to Crassus, in order to expostulate with him on his injustice in attacking an ally of the Roman empire; but Crassus, without attending to what they said, only returned for answer, that "they should have his answer at Seleucia."

Orodes, finding that a war was not to be avoided, divided his army into two bodies. One he commanded in person, and marched towards Armenia, in order to oppose the king of that country, who had raised a considerable army to assist the Romans. The other he sent into Mesopotamia, under the command of Surena or Surenas, a most experienced general, by whose conduct all the cities which Crassus had reduced were quickly retaken. On this some Roman soldiers who made their escape, and fled to the camp of Crassus, filled the minds of his army with terror at the accounts of the number, power, and strength, of the enemy. They told their fellow-soldiers, that the Parthians were very numerous, brave, and well-disciplined; that it was impossible to overtake them when they fled, or escape them when they pursued; that their defensive weapons were proof against the Roman darts, and their offensive weapons so sharp, that no buckler was proof against them, &c. Crassus looked upon all this only as the effects of cowardice; but the common soldiers, and even many of the chief officers, were so disheartened, that Crassus, the same who afterwards conspired against Caesar, and most of the legionary tribunes, advised Crassus to suspend his march, and consider better of the enterprise before he proceeded further in it. But Crassus obstinately persisted in his former resolution, being encouraged by the arrival of Artabazus king of Armenia, who brought with him 6000 horse, and promised to send 10,000 cavalry and 30,000 foot, whenever he should stand in need of them. At the same time, he advised him by no means to march his army through the plains of Mesopotamia, but to take his route over the mountains of Armenia. He told him, that as Armenia was a mountainous country, the enemy's cavalry, in which their main strength consisted, would there be entirely useless; and besides, his army would there be plentifully supplied with all manner of necessaries: whereas, if he marched by the way of Mesopotamia, he would be perpetually harassed by the Parthian horse, and frequently be obliged to lead his army through sandy deserts, where he would be distressed for want of water and all other provisions. This salutary advice, how- ever, was rejected, and Crassus entered Mesopotamia with an army of about 40,000 men.

The Romans had no sooner crossed the Euphrates, than Crassus advised his general to advance to some of those towns in which the garrisons yet remained, in order to halt and refresh his troops; or if he did not choose to follow this advice, he said that his best way would be to march along the banks of the Euphrates to Seleucia; as by this method he would prevent the Parthians from surrounding him, at the same time that he would be plentifully supplied with provisions from his ships. Of this advice Crassus seemed to approve; but was dissuaded by Abgarus king of Edessa, whom the Romans took for an ally, but who was in reality a traitor sent by Surenas to bring about the destruction of the Roman army.

Under the conduct of this faithless guide, the Romans entered a vast green plain divided by many rivulets. Their march proved very easy through this fine country; but the farther they advanced, the worse the roads became, insomuch that they were at last obliged to climb up rocky mountains, which brought them to a dry and sandy plain, where they could neither find food to satisfy their hunger, nor water to quench their thirst. Abgarus then began to be suspected by the tribunes and other officers, who earnestly intreated Crassus not to follow him any longer, but to retreat to the mountains; at the same time an express arrived from Artabazus, acquainting the Roman general that Orodes had invaded his dominions with a great army, and that he was obliged to keep his troops at home, in order to defend his own dominions. The same messenger advised Crassus in his master's name to avoid by all means the barren plains, where his army would certainly perish with hunger and fatigue, and by all means to approach Armenia, that they might join their forces against the common enemy. But all was to no purpose; Crassus, instead of hearkening either to the advice of the king or his own officers, first flew into a violent passion with the messengers of Artabazus, and then told his troops, that they were not to expect the delights of Campania in the most remote parts of the world.

Thus they continued their march for some days across a desert, the very sight of which was sufficient to throw them into the utmost despair; for they could not perceive, either near them or at a distance, the least tree, plant, or brook, not so much as an hill, or a single blade of grass; nothing was to be seen all around them but huge heaps of burning sand. The Romans had scarcely got through this desert, when word was brought them by their scouts, that a numerous army of Parthians was advancing full march to attack them; for Abgarus, under pretence of going out on parties, had often conferred with Surenas, and concerted measures with him for destroying the Roman army. Upon this advice, which occasioned great confusion in the camp, the Romans being quite exhausted and tired out with their long and troublesome march, Crassus drew up his men in battalia, following at first the advice of Caius, who was for extending the infantry as wide as possible, that they might take up the more ground, and by that means prevent the enemy from surrounding them; but Abgarus assuring the proconsul that the Parthian forces were not so numerous as was represented, he changed this disposition, and believing only the man who betrayed him, drew up his troops in a square, which faced every way, and had on each side 12 cohorts in front. Near each cohort he placed a troop of horse to support them, that they might charge with the greater security and boldness. Thus the whole army looked more like one phalanx than troops drawn up in manipuli, with spaces between them, after the Roman manner. The general himself commanded in the centre, his son in the left wing, and Crassus in the right.

In this order they advanced to the banks of a small river called the Balissus, the sight of which was very pleasing to the soldiers, who were much harassed with drought and excessive heat. Most of the officers were for encamping on the banks of this river, or rather rivulet, to give the troops time to refresh themselves after the fatigues of so long and painful a march; and, in the mean time, to procure certain intelligence of the number and disposition of the Parthian army; but Crassus, suffering himself to be hurried on by the inconsiderate ardour of his son, and the horse he commanded, only allowed the legions to take a meal standing; and before this could be done by all, he ordered them to advance, not slowly, and halting now and then, after the Roman manner, but as fast as they could move, till they came in sight of the enemy, who, contrary to their expectation, did not appear either so numerous or so terrible as they had been represented; but this was a stratagem of Surenas, who had concealed his men in convenient places, ordering them to cover their arms, lest their brightness should betray them, and, starting up at the first signal, to attack the enemy on all sides. The stratagem had the desired effect; for Surenas no sooner gave the signal, than the Parthians, rising as it were out of the ground, with dreadful cries, and a most frightful noise, advanced against the Romans, who were greatly surprised and dismayed at that sight; and much more so, when the Parthians, throwing off the covering of their arms, appeared in shining cuirasses, and helmets of burnished steel, finely mounted on horses covered all over with armour of the same metal. At their head appeared young Surenas, in a rich dress, and was the first who charged the enemy, endeavouring, with his pike-men, to break through the first ranks of the Roman army; but finding it too close and impenetrable, the cohorts supporting each other, he fell back, and retired in a seeming confusion; but the Romans were much surprized when they saw themselves suddenly surrounded on all sides, and galled with continual showers of arrows. Crassus ordered his light-armed foot and archers to advance, and charge the enemy; but they were soon repulsed, and forced to cover themselves behind the heavy-armed foot. Then the Parthian horse, advancing near the Romans, discharged showers of arrows upon them, every one of which did execution, the legionaries being drawn up in such close order, that it was impossible for the enemy to miss their aim. As their arrows were of an extraordinary weight, and discharged with incredible force and impetuosity, nothing was proof against them. The two wings advanced in good order to repulse them, but to no effect; for the Parthians shot their arrows with as great dexterity when their backs were turned, Parthia, as when they faced the enemy; so that the Romans, whether they kept their ground, or pursued the flying enemy, were equally annoyed with their fatal arrows.

The Romans, as long as they had any hopes that the Parthians, after having spent their arrows, would either betake themselves to flight, or engage them hand to hand, flood their ground with great resolution and intrepidity; but when they observed that there were a great many camels in their rear loaded with arrows, and that those who emptied their quivers wheeled about to fill them anew, they began to lose courage, and loudly to complain of their general for suffering them thus to stand still, and serve only as a butt to the enemy's arrows, which, they well knew, would not be exhausted till they were all killed to a man. Hereupon Crassus ordered his son to advance, at all adventures, and attack the enemy with 1300 horse, 500 archers, and 8 cohorts. But the Parthians no sooner saw this choice body (for it was the flower of the army) marching up against them, than they wheeled about, and betook themselves, according to their custom, to flight. Hereupon young Crassus, crying out as loud as he could, "They fly before us," pushed on full speed after them, not doubting but he should gain a complete victory; but when he was at a great distance from the main body of the Roman army, he perceived his mistake; for those who before had fled, facing about, charged him with incredible fury. Young Crassus ordered his troops to halt, hoping that the enemy, upon seeing their small number, would not be afraid to come to a close fight; but herein he was likewise greatly disappointed; for the Parthians, contenting themselves to oppose his front with their heavy armed horse, surrounded him on all sides; and, keeping at a distance, discharged incessant showers of arrows upon the unfortunate Romans, thus surrounded and pent up. The Parthian cavalry, in wheeling about, raised so thick a dust, that the Romans could scarce see one another, much less the enemy; nevertheless, they found themselves wounded with arrows, though they could not perceive whence they came. In a short time, the place where they stood was all strown with dead bodies.

Some of the unhappy Romans finding their entrails torn, and many overcome by the exquisite torments they suffered, rolled themselves in the sand with the arrows in their bodies, and expired in that manner. Others endeavouring to tear out by force the bearded points of the arrows, only made the wounds the larger and increased their pain. Most of them died in this manner; and those who outlived their companions were no more in a condition to act; for when young Crassus exhorted them to march up to the enemy, some showed him their wounded bodies, others their hands nailed to their bucklers, and some their feet pierced through and pinned to the ground; so that it was equally impossible for them either to attack the enemy or defend themselves. The young commander, therefore, leaving his infantry to the mercy of the enemy, advanced at the head of the cavalry against their heavy-armed horse. The thousand Gauls whom he had brought with him from the west, charged the enemy with incredible boldness and vigour; but their lances did little execution on men armed with cuirasses, and horses covered with tried armour; however, they behavved with great resolution; for some of them taking hold of the enemy's spears, and cleaving with them, threw them off their horses on the ground, where they lay without being able to stir, by reason of the great weight of their armour; others dismounting, crept under the enemy's horses, and thrusting their swords into their bellies, made them throw their riders. Thus the brave Gauls fought, though greatly harassed with heat and thirst, which they were not accustomed to bear, till most of their horses were killed, and their commander dangerously wounded. They then thought it advisable to retire to their infantry, which they no sooner joined, than the Parthians invested them anew, making a most dreadful havoc of them with their arrows. In this desperate condition, Crassus, spying a rising ground at a small distance, led the remains of his detachment thither, with a design to defend himself in the best manner he could, till succours should be sent him from his father. The Parthians pursued him; and having surrounded him in his new post, continued showering arrows upon his men, till most of them were either killed or disabled, without being able to make use of their arms, or give the enemy proofs of their valour.

Young Crassus had two Greeks with him, who had settled in the city of Carrhae. These, touched with compassion, at seeing so brave a man reduced to such straits, premeditated to retire with them to the neighbouring city of Ichnes, which had declared for the Romans; but the young Roman rejected their proposal with indignation, telling them, that he would rather die a thousand times than abandon so many valiant men, who sacrificed their lives for his sake. Having returned this answer to his two Greek friends, he embraced and dismissed them, giving them leave to retire and shift for themselves in the best manner they could. As for himself, having now lost all hopes of being relieved, and seeing most of his men and friends killed round him, he gave way to his grief; and, not being able to make use of his arm, which was shot through with a large barbed arrow, he presented his side to one of his attendants, and ordered him to put an end to his unhappy life. His example was followed by Censorinus a senator, by Megabacchus an experienced and brave officer, and by most of the nobility who served under him. Five hundred common soldiers were taken prisoners, and the rest cut in pieces.

The Parthians, having thus cut off or taken the whole detachment commanded by young Crassus, marched without delay against his father, who, upon the first advice that the enemy fled before his son, and were closely pursued by him, had taken heart, the more because those who had remained to make head against him seemed to abate much of their ardour, the greatest part of them having marched with the rest against his son. Wherefore, having encouraged his troops, he had retired to a small hill in his rear, to wait there till his son returned from the pursuit. Young Crassus had dispatched frequent messages to his father, to acquaint him with the danger he was in; but they had fallen into the enemy's hands, and been by them put to the sword; only the last, who had escaped with great difficulty, arrived safe, and informed... ed him that his son was lost if he did not send him an immediate and powerful reinforcement. This news threw Caesius into the utmost consternation; a thousand affecting thoughts rose in his mind, and disturbed his reason to such a degree, that he scarce knew what he was doing. However, the desire he had of saving his son, and so many brave Romans who were under his command, made him immediately decamp, and march to their assistance; but he was not gone far before he was met by the Parthians, who, with loud shouts, and songs of victory, gave, at a distance, the unhappy father notice of his misfortune. They had cut off young Caesius's head, and, having fixed it on the point of a lance, were advancing full speed to fall on the father. As they drew near, Caesius was struck with that dismal and affecting sight; but, on this occasion, behaved like an hero; for though he was under the deepest concern, he had the presence of mind to stifle his grief, for fear of discouraging the army, and to cry out to the dismayed troops, "This misfortune is entirely mine; the loss of one man cannot affect the victory: Let us charge, let us fight like Romans; if you have any compassion for a father who has just now lost a son whose valour you admired, let it appear in your rage and resentment against these insulting barbarians." Thus Caesius strove to reanimate his troops; but his efforts were unsuccessful: their courage was quite sunk, as appeared from the faint and languishing shout which they raised, according to custom, before the action. When the signal was given, the Parthians, keeping to their old way of fighting, discharged clouds of arrows on the legionaries, without drawing near them; which did such dreadful execution, that many of the Romans, to avoid the arrows, which occasioned a long and painful death, threw themselves, like men in despair, on the enemy's heavy-armed horse, seeking from their spears a more quick and easy kind of death. Thus the Parthians continued plying them incessantly with their arrows till night, when they left the field of battle, crying out, that they would allow the father one night to lament the death of his son.

This was a melancholy night for the Romans. Caesius kept himself concealed from the soldiery, lying not in the general's tent, but in the open air, and on the bare ground, with his head wrapped up in his plaidamentum or military cloak; and was, in that forlorn condition, says Plutarch, a great example to the vulgar, of the instability of fortune; to the wife, a still greater of the pernicious effects of avarice, tenacity, and ambition. Octavius, one of his lieutenants, and Caesius, approached him, and endeavoured to raise him up and console him: but, seeing him quite sunk under the weight of his affliction, and deaf to all comfort, they summoned a council of war, composed of all the chief officers; wherein it was unanimously resolved, that they should decamp before break of day, and retire, without sound of trumpet, to the neighbouring city of Carrhae, which was held by a Roman garrison. Agreeable to this resolution, they began their march as soon as the council broke up; which produced dreadful outcries among the sick and wounded, who, perceiving that they were to be abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, filled the camp with their complaints and lamentations; but their cries and tears, though very affecting, did not stop the march of the others, which, indeed, was very slow, to give the stragglers time to come up. There were only 300 light horse, under the command of one Aegnatius, who purposed their march without stopping. These arriving at Carrhae about midnight, Aegnatius, calling to the centinels on the walls, desired them to acquaint Coponius, governor of the place, that Caesius had fought a great battle with the Parthians; and, without saying a word more, or letting them know who he was, continued his march with all possible expedition to the bridge of Zeugma; which he passed, and by that means saved his troops, but was much blamed for abandoning his general.

However, the message he sent to Coponius was of some temporary service to Caesius. For that commander, wisely conjecturing, from the manner in which the unknown person had given him that intelligence, that some misfortune had befallen Caesius, immediately ordered his garrison to stand to their arms; and, marching out, met Caesius, and conducted him and his army into the city: for the Parthians, though informed of his flight, did not offer to pursue him, observing therein the superstitious custom which obtained among them and the Persians, not to fight in the night; but when it was day, they entered the Roman camp, and having put all the wounded, to the number of 4000, to the sword, dispersed their cavalry all over the plain, in pursuit of the fugitives. One of Caesius's lieutenants, named Vargunteius, having separated in the night from the main body of the army, with four cohorts, missed his way, and was overtaken by the enemy; at whose approach he withdrew to a neighbouring hill, where he defended himself, with great valour, till all his men were killed, except 20, who made their way through the enemy sword in hand, and got safe to Carrhae: but Vargunteius himself lost his life on this occasion.

In the mean time Surenas, not knowing whether Surenas Caesius and Caesius had retired to Carrhae, or chosen pretends a different route; in order to be informed of the truth, and take his measures accordingly, dispatched a messenger, who spoke the Roman language, to the city of Carrhae, enjoining him to approach the walls, and acquaint Caesius himself, or Caesius, that the Parthian general was inclined to enter into a treaty with them, and demanded a conference. Both the proconsul and his quaestor Caesius spoke from the walls with the messenger; and, accepting the proposal with great joy, desired that the time and place for an interview might be immediately agreed upon. The messenger withdrew, promising to return quickly with an answer from Surenas: but that general no sooner understood that Caesius and Caesius were in Carrhae, than he marched thither with his whole army; and, having invested the place, acquainted the Romans, that if they expected any favourable terms, they must deliver up Caesius and Caesius to him in chains. Hereupon a council of the chief officers being summoned, it was thought expedient to retire from Carrhae that very night, and seek for another asylum. It was of the utmost importance that none of the inhabitants of Carrhae should be acquainted with their design till the time of its execution; but Caesius, whose whole conduct evidently shows that he was blinded, as Dio Caesius observes, Parthia, by some divinity, imparted the whole matter in confidence to one Andromachus, choosing him for his guide, and relying injudiciously on the fidelity of a man whom he scarce knew. Andromachus immediately acquainted Surenas with the design of the Romans; promising at the same time, as the Parthians did not engage in the night, to manage matters so, that they should not get out of his reach before day-break. Pursuant to his promise, he led them through many windings and turnings, till he brought them into deep marshy grounds, where the infantry were up to the knees in mire. Then Caffius, suspecting that their guide had led them into those bogs with no good design, refused to follow him any longer; and, returning to Carrhae, took his route towards Syria, which he reached with 500 horse. Octavius, with 5000 men under his command, being conducted by trusty guides, gained the mountains called by Plutarch and Appian Sinnaei, and there intrenched himself before break of day.

As for Caffius, he was still entangled in the marshes, when Surenas, at the rising of the sun, overtook him, and invested him with his cavalry. The proconsul had with him four cohorts, and a small body of horse; and with these he gained, in spite of all opposition, the summit of another hill within 12 furlongs of Octavius; who, seeing the danger that threatened his general, flew to his assistance, first with a small number of his men, but was soon followed by all the rest, who, being ashamed of their cowardice, quitted their post, tho' very safe, and, charging the Parthians with great fury, disengaged Caffius, and obliged the enemy to abandon the hill. Upon the retreat of the enemy, they formed themselves into an hollow square; and placing Caffius in the middle, made a kind of rampart round him with their bucklers, resolutely professing, that none of the enemy's arrows should touch their general's body, till they were all killed fighting in his defense. Surenas, loth to let so fine a prey escape, surrounded the hill, as if he designed to make a new attack: but, finding his Parthians very backward, and not doubting but the Romans, when night came on, would pursue their march, and get out of his reach, he had recourse again to artifice; and declared before some prisoners, whom he soon after set at liberty, that he was inclined to treat with the proconsul of a peace; and that it was better to come to a reconciliation with Rome, than to sow the seeds of an eternal war, by shedding the blood of one of her generals.

Agreeable to this declaration, Surenas, as soon as the prisoners were released, advanced towards the hill where the Romans were posted, attended only by some of his officers, and, with his bow unbent, and open arms, invited Caffius to an interview. So sudden a change seemed very suspicious to the proconsul; who therefore declined the interview, till he was forced, by his own soldiers, to intrust his life with an enemy whose treachery they had all experienced; for the legionaries flocking round him, not only abused him in an outrageous manner, but even menaced him if he did not accept of the proposals made him by the Parthian general. Seeing, therefore, that his troops were ready to mutiny, he began to advance, without arms or guards, towards the enemy, after having called the gods and his officers to witness the violence his troops offered him; and intreated all who were present, but especially Octavius and Petronius, two of the chief commanders, for the honour of Rome their common mother, not to mention, after his death, the shameful behaviour of the Roman legionaries. Octavius and Petronius could not resolve to let him go alone; but attended him down the hill, as did likewise some legionaries, keeping at a distance. Caffius was met at the foot of the hill by two Greeks; who, dismounting from their horses, saluted him with great respect; and desired him, in the Greek tongue, to send some of his attendants, who might satisfy him that Surenas, and those who were with him, came without arms. Hereupon Caffius sent two brothers, of the Rolician family; but Surenas, having caused them to be seized, advanced to the foot of the hill, mounted on a fine horse, and attended by the chief officers of his army. Caffius, who waited for the return of his two messengers, was surprized to see himself prevented by Surenas in person, when he least expected it. The Parthian general, perceiving, as he approached Caffius, that he was on foot, cried out, in a seeming surprize, "What do I see? a Roman general on foot, and we on horseback! Let an horse be brought for him immediately." "You need not be surprized (replied Caffius); we are come only to an interview, each after the custom of his country." "Very well (answered Surenas), there shall be henceforth a lasting peace between king Orodes and the people of Rome; but we must sign the articles of it on the banks of the Euphrates; for you Romans do not always remember your conventions." Caffius would have sent for an horse; but a very stately one, with a golden bit, and richly caparisoned, was brought to him by a Parthian; which Surenas presenting to him, "Accept this horse from my hands (said he), which I give you in the name of my master king Orodes." He had scarce uttered these words, when some of the king's officers, taking Caffius by the middle, set him upon the horse, which they began to whip with great violence before them in order to make him quicken his pace. Octavius, offended at this insult, took the horse by the bridle; Petronius, and the few Romans who were present, seconded him, and flocking all round Caffius, flopped his horse. The Parthians endeavoured to repulse them, and clear the way for the proconsul; wherein, on they began to jostle and push one another with great tumult and disorder. At last, Octavius, drawing his sword, killed one of the king's grooms; but, at the same time, another coming behind Octavius, with one blow laid him dead at his feet. Both parties fought with great resolution, the Parthians striving to carry off Caffius, and the Romans to rescue him out of their hands. In this scuffle most of the Romans who came to the conference were killed; and, among the rest, Caffius himself, but whether by a Roman or a Parthian is uncertain.

Upon his death, the rest of the army either surrendered to the enemy, or, dispersing in the night, were pursued, and put to the sword. The Romans lost in this campaign at least 30,000 men; of which 20,000 were killed, and 10,000 taken prisoners.

When the battle of Carrhae was fought, king Orodes was in Armenia, where he had made peace with Artabazus. Parthia, bazus. While the two kings were solemnizing their new alliance with expensive and public feasts, Syllaces, or Syllaces, a Parthian officer, whom Surenas had sent with the news of his late victory, and the head of Crassus as a proof of it, arrived in the capital of Armenia. The transports of joy which Orodes felt at this sight, and these news, are not to be expressed; and the lords of both kingdoms, who attended their sovereigns, raised loud and repeated shouts of joy. Syllaces was ordered to give a more particular and distinct account of that memorable action; and when he had done, Orodes commanded melted gold to be poured into Crassus's mouth; reproaching him thereby with avarice, which had been always his predominant passion.

Surenas did not long enjoy the pleasure of his death by victory; for Orodes, jealous of his power and authority among the Parthians, soon after caused him to be put to death. Pacorus, the king's favourite son, was put at the head of the army; and, agreeable to his father's directions, invaded Syria: but he was driven out from thence with great loss by Cicero and Crassus, the only general who survived the defeat of Crassus. After this we find no mention of the Parthians, till the time of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, when the latter sent ambassadors to solicit succour against his rival. This Orodes was willing to grant, upon condition that Syria was delivered up to him; but as Pompey would not consent to such a proposal, the succours were not only denied, but, after the battle of Pharsalia, he put Lucius Hirtius in irons, whom Pompey had again sent to ask assistance, or at least to defile leave to shelter himself in the Parthian dominions.

Caesar is said to have meditated a war against the Parthians, which in all probability would have proved fatal to them. His death delivered them from this danger. But, not long after, the eastern provinces, being grievously oppressed by Mark Antony, rose up in arms; and having killed the tax-gatherers, invited the Parthians to join them, and drive out the Romans. They very readily accepted the invitation, and crossed the Euphrates with a powerful army under the command of Pacorus and Labienus a Roman general of Pompey's party. At first they met with great success, over-ran all Asia Minor, and reduced all the countries as far as the Hellespont and the Egean Sea, subduing likewise Phoenicia, Syria, and even Judaea. They did not however long enjoy their new conquests; for being elated with their victories, and despising the enemy, they engaged Ventidius, Antony's lieutenant, before Labienus had time to join them, and were utterly defeated. This so disheartened Labienus's army, that they all abandoned him; and he himself, being thus obliged to wander from place to place in disgrace, was at last taken and put to death at Cyprus. Ventidius pursuing his advantage, gained several other victories; and at last entirely defeated the Parthian army under Pacorus, cutting almost the whole of them in pieces, and the prince himself among the rest. He did not, however, pursue this last victory as he might have done; being afraid of giving umbrage to Antony, who had already become jealous of the great honour gained by his lieutenant. He therefore contented himself with reducing those places in Syria and Phoenicia which the Parthians had taken in the beginning of the war, until Antony arrived to take the command of the army upon himself.

Orodes was almost distracted with grief on receiving the dreadful news of the loss of his army and the death of his favourite son. However, when time had restored the use of his faculties, he appointed Phraates, the eldest, but the most wicked, of all his children, to succeed him in the kingdom, admitting him at the same time to a share of the sovereign authority with himself. The consequence of this was, that Phraates very soon attempted to poison his father with hemlock. But this, contrary to expectation, proving a cure for the droop, which an excess of grief had brought upon the king, the unnatural son had him stifled in bed; and soon after not only murdered all his own brethren, who were 30 in number, but cut off all hindered the rest of the royal family, not sparing even his own eldest son, lest the discontented Parthians should place him, as he was already of age, on the throne.

Many of the chief lords of Parthia being intimidated by the cruelty of Phraates, retired into foreign countries; and among these was one Moncelles, a person of great distinction, as well as skill and experience in war. This man, having fled to Antony, soon gained his confidence, and was by him easily prevailed upon to engage in a war against his countrymen. But Phraates, justly dreading the consequences of such a person's defection, sent a solemn embassy to invite him home on such terms as he should think fit to accept: which greatly provoked Antony; though he did not hinder him from returning, lest others should thereby be discouraged from coming over to him. He therefore dismissed him with great civility, sending ambassadors at the same time to Phraates to treat of a peace. Thus he hoped to divert the Parthian monarch's attention from making the necessary preparations for war, and that he should be able to fall upon him in the spring when he was in no condition to make resistance. But herein he was greatly disappointed; for on his arrival at the Euphrates, which he intended to pass, and enter the Parthian dominions on that side, he found all the passes so well guarded, that he thought proper to enter Media, with a design first to reduce that country, and then to enter Parthia.

This plan had been suggested to him by Artabazus Antony, king of Armenia, who in the end betrayed him; for instead of conducting the army the straight way from king of Armenia to the Euphrates, to the Araxes which parted Media from Armenia, and which was about 500 miles distant from the place whence he first set out, Artabazus led them over rocks and mountains so far about, that the army had marched above 1000 miles before they reached the borders of Media, where they intended to begin the war. Thus they were not only greatly fatigued, but had not sufficient time, the year being far spent, to put in execution the design on which they had come. However, as Antony was impatient to get back to Cleopatra, he left behind him most of the baggage of the army, and 300 wagons loaded with battering rams and other military engines for sieges; appointing Statianus, one of his lieutenants, with a body of 10,000 men, to guard them, and to bring them, by slower marches, after the army. With the rest of the forces he marched more than 300 miles before the rest, without allowing his men any repose till he arrived at Praaspa or Phrahatia, the capital of Media, which he immediately invested. But the Parthians, well knowing that he could not make any progress without his military machines, palled by his army, in order to attack Statianus; which they did with such success, that the body commanded by him were all to a man cut off, and all their military engines taken, among which was a battering ram 80 feet long.

Antony, notwithstanding this disaster, continued the siege of Praaspa; but was daily harassed by failings of the garrison from within, and the enemy's army without. At last he began to think of a retreat when his provisions were almost exhausted, finding it impossible to become master of the city. But as he was to march 300 miles through the enemy's country, he thought proper first to send ambassadors to the Parthian monarch, acquainting him that the Roman people were willing to allow him a peace, provided he would restore the standards and prisoners taken at Carrhae. Phrahates received the ambassadors, sitting on a golden throne; and, after having bitterly inveighed against the avarice and unbounded ambition of the Romans, told them that he would not part with the standards and prisoners; but that if Antony would immediately raise the siege of Praaspa, he would suffer him to retire unmolested.

Antony, who was reduced to great straits, no sooner received this answer than he broke up the siege, and marched towards Armenia. However, Phrahates was not so good as his word; for the Romans were attacked by the enemy no fewer than 18 times on their march, and were thrice in the utmost danger of being cut off. A famine also raged in the Roman army; upon which they began to desert to the enemy; and indeed Antony would probably have been left by himself, had not the Parthians, in a very cruel as well as impolitic manner, murdered all those who fled to them in flight of the retreating army. At last, after having lost 32,000 men, and being reduced to such despair that he was with difficulty prevented from laying violent hands on himself, he reached the river Araxes; when his men, finding themselves out of the reach of the enemy, fell down on the ground, and kissed it with tears of joy.

Antony was no sooner gone, than the kings of Media and Parthia quarrelled about the booty they had taken; and after various contests Phrahates reduced all Media and Armenia. After this, being elated with his conquests, he oppressed his subjects in such a cruel and tyrannical manner, that a civil war took place; in which the competitors were alternately driven out and restored, till the year 50, when one Vologeses, the son of Gotarzes, a former king, became peaceable possessor of the throne. He carried on some wars against the Romans, but with very indifferent success, and at last gladly consented to a renewal of the ancient treaties with that powerful people.

From this time the Parthian history affords nothing remarkable till the reign of the emperor Trajan; when the Parthian king, by name Cofdroes, infringed the treaty with Rome, by driving out the king of Armenia. Upon this Trajan, who was glad of any pretence to quarrel with the Parthians, immediately hastened into Armenia. His arrival there was so sudden and unexpected, that he reduced almost the whole country without opposition; and took prisoner Parthamanius, the king whom the Parthians had set up. After this he entered Mesopotamia, took the city of Nisibis, and reduced to a Roman province the whole of that wealthy country.

Early in the spring of the following year, Trajan, who had kept his winter quarters in Syria, took the field again; but was warmly opposed by Cofdroes. He found him encamped on the banks of the Euphrates, with a design to dispute his passage; which he did with such vigour, that the emperor, after having several times attempted to ford that river, and been always repulsed with great slaughter, was obliged to cause boats to be built on the neighbouring mountains, which he privately conveyed from thence on carriages to the water-side; and having in the night-time formed a bridge with them, he passed his army the next day; but not without great loss and danger, the Parthians harassing his men the whole time with incessant showers of arrows, which did great execution. Having gained the opposite bank, he advanced boldly into Assyria, the Parthians flying everywhere before him, and made himself master of Arbela. Thence he pursued his march; subduing, with incredible rapidity, countries where the Roman standard had never been displayed before. Babylonia, or the province of Babylon, voluntarily submitted to him. The city itself was, after a vigorous resistance, taken by storm; by which means he became master of all Chaldea and Assyria, the two richest provinces of the Parthian empire. From Babylon he marched to Ctesiphon, the metropolis of the Parthian monarchy; which he besieged, and at last reduced. But as to the particulars of these great conquests, we are quite in the dark; this expedition, however glorious to the Roman name, being rather hinted at than described, by the writers of those times. While Trajan was thus making war in the heart of the enemy's country, Cofdroes, having recruited his army, marched into Mesopotamia, with a design to recover that country, and cut off all communication between the Roman army and Syria. On his arrival in that province, the inhabitants flocked to him from all parts; and most of the cities, driving out the garrisons left by Trajan, opened their gates to him. Hereupon the emperor detached Lucius and Maximus, two of his chief commanders, into Mesopotamia, to keep such cities in awe as had not revolted, and to open a communication with Syria. Maximus was met by Cofdroes; and having ventured a battle, his army was entirely defeated, and himself killed. But Lucius being joined by Euricius and Clarus, two other commanders sent by Trajan with fresh supplies, gained considerable advantages over the enemy, and retook the cities of Nisibis and Seleucia, which had revolted.

And now Trajan, seeing himself possessed of all the best and most fruitful provinces of the Parthian empire, but at the same time being well apprised that he could not, without a vast expense, maintain his conquests, nor keep in subjection so fierce and warlike a people at such a distance from Italy; resolved to set over them a king of his own choosing, who should hold the crown of him and his successors, and acknowledge them... Parthia. them as his lords and sovereigns. With this view he repaired to Ctesiphon; and having there assembled the chief men of the nation, he crowned one of the royal family, by name Parthanaspates, king of Parthia, obliging all who were present to pay him their allegiance. He chose Parthanaspates, because that prince had joined him at his first entering the Parthian dominions, conducted him with great fidelity, and shown on all occasions an extraordinary attachment to the Romans. Thus the Parthians were at last subdued, and their kingdom made tributary to Rome. But they did not long continue in this state of subjection: for they no sooner heard of Trajan's death, which happened shortly after, than, taking up arms, they drove Parthanaspates from the throne; and recalling Ctesdros, who had retired into the country of the Hyrcanians, openly revolted from Rome. Adrian, who was then commander in chief of all the forces in the east, and soon after acknowledged emperor by the army, did not care, though he was at that time in Syria with a very numerous army, to engage in a new war with the Parthians; but contented himself with preserving the ancient limits of the empire, without any ambitious prospects of further conquests. Therefore, in the beginning of his reign, he abandoned those provinces beyond the Euphrates which Trajan had conquered; withdrew the Roman garrisons from Mesopotamia; and, for the greater safety of other places, made the Euphrates the boundary of and barrier in those parts, posting his legions along the banks of that river.

Ctesdros died after a long reign, and was succeeded by his eldest son Vologeses: in whose reign the Alani breaking into Media, then subject to the Parthians, committed there great devastations; but were prevailed upon, with rich presents sent them by Vologeses, to abandon that kingdom, and return home. Upon their retreat, Vologeses, having no enemy to contend with at home, fell unexpectedly upon Armenia; surprised the legions there; and having cut them all in pieces to a man, entered Syria; defeated with great slaughter Attilius Cornelianus, governor of that province; and advanced without opposition to the neighbourhood of Antioch; putting everywhere the Romans, and those who favoured them, to the sword. Hereupon the emperor Verus, by the advice of his colleague Antoninus surnamed the Philosopher, leaving Rome, hastened into Syria: and having driven the Parthians out of that province, ordered Statius Priscus to invade Armenia; and Cassius, with Martinus Verus, to enter the Parthian territories, and carry the war into the enemy's country. Priscus made himself master of Artaxata; and in one campaign drove the Parthians, though not without great loss on his side, quite out of Armenia. Cassius, on the other hand, having in several encounters defeated Vologeses, tho' he had an army of 400,000 men under his command, reduced, in four years time, all those provinces which had formerly submitted to Trajan, took Seleucia, burnt and plundered the famous cities of Babylon and Ctesiphon, with the stately palaces of the Parthian monarchs, and struck terror into the most remote provinces of that great empire. On his return, he lost above half the number of his forces by sickness and famine; so that, after all, the Romans, as Spartanus observe, had no great reason to boast of their victories and conquests.

However, Verus, who had never stirred during the whole time of the war from Antioch and Daphne, took upon him the lofty titles of Parthicus and Armenicus, as if he had acquired them justly in the midst of his pleasures and debaucheries. After the revolt and death of Cassius, Antoninus the Philosopher repaired into Syria to settle the affairs of that province. On his arrival there, he was met by ambassadors from Vologeses; who having recovered most of the provinces subdued by Cassius, and being unwilling either to part with them or engage in a new war, solicited the emperor to confirm him in the possession of them, promising to hold them of him, and to acknowledge the sovereignty of Rome. To these terms Antoninus readily agreed, and a peace was accordingly concluded between the two empires; which Vologeses did not long enjoy, being soon after carried off by a distemper, and not murdered by his own subjects, as we read in Constantius Manasses, who calls him Belgees.

Upon his death, Vologeses III. the son of his brother Sanatruces, and grandson of Ctesdros, was raised to the throne. He sided with Niger against the Severus emperor Severus: who thereupon having settled matters at home, marched with all his forces against him; and advancing to the city of Ctesiphon, whither he had retired, laid close siege to that metropolis. Vologeses made a most gallant defence; but the city, after a long siege, and much bloodshed on both sides, was at length taken by assault. The king's treasures, with his wives and children, fell into the emperor's hands; but Vologeses himself had the good luck to make his escape; which was a great disappointment to Severus, who immediately dispatched an express to acquaint the senate with the success that had attended him in his expedition against the only nation that was then formidable to Rome. But he had no sooner crossed the Euphrates, than Vologeses recovered all the provinces, except Mesopotamia, which he had reduced. These expeditions were chargeable to the Romans, and cost them much blood, without reaping any advantages from them; for as they had not sufficient forces to keep in awe the provinces they had subdued, the inhabitants, greatly attached to the family of Arsaces, never failed to return to their ancient obedience as soon as the Roman armies were withdrawn. Vologeses was soon after engaged in a war still more troublesome and destructive, with his brother Artabanus, who, encouraged by some of the discontented nobles, attempted to rob him of the crown, and place it on his own head. Vologeses gained several victories over his brother and rebellious subjects; but died before he could restore the empire to its former tranquillity.

Aratabanus, who had a numerous army at his devotion, did not meet with any opposition in seizing the throne, vacant by the death of his brother, though Tiridates had a better title to it, as being his elder brother. He had scarce settled the affairs of his kingdom, when the Emperor Caracalla, desirous to dignify himself, as several of his predecessors had done, by some memorable exploit against the Parthians, sent a solemn embassy to him, desiring his daughter in marriage. Aratabanus, overjoyed at this proposal, to determine which the prophet means. Of all others, I least approve of that which Jerom makes the sense, though the thing be true (if we may believe Cassiodorus and several natural historians, Aldrovandus, &c.), that partridges have such a love and desire to hatch young ones, that having lost their own eggs, they will steal the eggs of other partridges, and hatch them; which being hatched, the young ones knowing the cry of their proper dams, hearing them call, leave the partridge that hatched them (which is one thing quoted by Aldrovandus, to show the sagacity of that bird); but if this were the sense, the words would be, 'as the partridge sitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them, but enjoyeth them not;' whereas they are, 'hatcheth them not:' that is, having lost them, either by some man that hath taken them from her, or by some vermin or wild beast."

Pov's Annoe, in loc.

The words in the original are, נָעֲרִי יְהוּדָה, which the Septuagint translate ἐποίησεν τρυπῆς, &c. "The partridge cried; it gathered together what it had not produced;" and some translate the Hebrew, "The partridge lays many eggs, but does not hatch them all." Le Clerc, upon the authority of Bochart, understands the Hebrew word kore here to signify a woodcock. Le Clerc's translation is as follows: Rupicula ova colligit, fed non partit; facit sibi divinitas, fed sine jure, meditis suis diebus eas relinquit, atque ad extremum filia eff.