the art of taking impressions from characters or figures, moveable and immovable, on paper, linen, silk, &c. There are three kinds of printing: the one from moveable letters, for books; another from copper-plates, for pictures; and the last from blocks, in which the representation of birds, flowers, &c., are cut, for printing calicoes, linen, &c. The first is called common or letter-press printing; the second, rolling-press printing; and the last, calico, &c., printing. The principal difference between the three consists in this, that the first is cast in relief, in distinct pieces; the second engraved in crevices; and the third cut in relief, and generally stamped, by placing the block upon the materials to be printed, and striking upon the back of it.
Of the above branches, LETTER-PRESS PRINTING is the most curious, and deserves the most particular notice: for to it are owing chiefly our deliverance from ignorance and error, the progress of learning, the revival of the sciences, and numberless improvements in arts, which, without this noble invention, would have been either lost to mankind, or confined to the knowledge of a few. "To the art of printing (says an elegant essayist*), it is acknowledged we owe the reformation. It has been justly remarked, that if the books of Luther had been multiplied only by the slow process of the hand-writing, they must have been few, and would have been easily suppressed by the combination of wealth and power: but, poured forth in abundance from the press, they spread over the land with the rapidity of an inundation, which acquires additional force from the efforts used to obstruct its progress. He who undertook to prevent the dispersion of the books once issued from the press, attempted a task no less arduous than the destruction of the hydra. Resistance was vain, and religion was reformed: and we who are chiefly interested in this happy revolution must remember, amidst the praises bestowed on Luther, that his endeavours had been ineffectual, unassisted by the invention of Faustus.
"How greatly the cause of religion has been promoted by the art, must appear, when it is considered, that it has placed those sacred books in the hand of every individual, which, besides that they were once locked up in a dead language, could not be procured without great difficulty. The numerous comments on them of every kind, which tend to promote piety, and to form the Christian philosopher, would probably never have been composed, and certainly would not have extended their beneficial influence, if typography had still been unknown. By that art, the light, which is to illuminate a dark world, has been placed in a situation more advantageous to the emission of its rays: but if it has been the means of illustrating the doctrines, and enforcing the practice of religion, it has also, particularly in the present age, struck at the root of piety and moral virtue, by propagating opinions favourable to the sceptic and the voluptuary. It has enabled modern authors wantonly to gratify their avarice, their vanity, and their misanthropy, in delineating novel systems subversive of the dignity and happiness of human nature: but though the perversion of the art is lamentably remarkable in those volumes which issue, with offensive profusion, from the vain, the wicked, and the hungry, yet this good results from the evil, that as truth is great and will prevail, she must derive fresh lustre, by displaying the superiority of her strength in the conflict with folly."
Thus the art of printing, in whatever light it is viewed, has deserved respect and attention. From the ingenuity of the contrivance, it has ever excited mechanical curiosity; from its intimate connection with learning, it has justly claimed historical notice; and from its extensive influence on morality, politics, and religion, it is now become a subject of very important speculation.
"But however we may felicitate mankind on the invention, there are perhaps those who wish, that, together with its companion art of manufacturing gunpowder, it had not yet been brought to light. Of its effects on literature, they assert, that it has increased the number of books, till they distract rather than improve the mind; and of its malignant influence on morals, they complain, that it has often introduced a false refinement, incompatible with the simplicity of primitive piety and genuine virtue. With respect to its literary ill consequences, it may be said, that though it produces to the world an infinite number of worthless publications, yet true wit and fine composition will still retain their value, and it will be an easy talk for critical discernment to select these from the surrounding mists of absurdity: and though, with respect to its moral effects, a regard to truth extorts the confession, that it has diffused immorality and irreligion, divulged with cruel impertinence the secrets of private life, and spread the tale of scandal through an empire; yet these are evils which will either shrink away unobserved in the triumphs of time and truth over falsehood, or which may, at any time, be suppressed by legislative interposition."
Some writers have ascribed the origin of this art to History of the East, and affixed a very early period to its invention; particularly P. Jovins, (Hist. lib. xiv. p. 226, ed. of Florence, 1550), from whom Oforius and many others have embraced the same opinion. But these have evidently confounded the European mode of printing with the engraved tablets which to this day are used in China. The invention of these tablets has been ascribed by many writers even to an earlier period than the commencement of the Christian era; but is with more probability assigned, by the very accurate Phil. Complet, to the year 930. The Historia Sinensis of Abdalla, written in Peric in 1317, speaks of it as an art in very common use. Meerman, vol. i. p. 16, 218, 219, vol. ii. p. 186. N. Trigault asserts that the Chinese practised the art of printing. Printing five centuries before. Count Ferre Rezzonico found at Lyons plates with words and names engraven by a Nuremberger 1380.
The honour of having given rise to the European method has been claimed by the cities of Harlem, Montz, and Strasbourg. And to each of these it may be ascribed in a qualified sense, as they made improvements upon one another.
I. The first testimony of the inventor is that recorded by Hadrian Junius, in his Batavia, p. 253, ed. Lugd. Bat. 1588; which, though it hath been rejected by many, is of undoubted authority. Junius had the relation from two reputable men; Nicolaus Galius (A), who was his schoolmaster; and Quirinius Talefius, his intimate and correspondent. He ascribes it to Laurentius, the son of John (Æditus, or Cufos, of the cathedral at Harlem, at that time a respectable office), upon the testimony of Cornelius, some time a servant to Laurentius, and afterwards bookbinder to the cathedral, an office which had before been performed by Franciscan friars. His narrative was thus: "That, walking in a wood near the city (as the citizens of opulence use to do), he began at first to cut some letters upon the rind of a beech-tree; which, for fancy's sake, being impressed on paper, he printed one or two lines, as a specimen for his grand-children (the sons of his daughter) to follow. This having happily succeeded, he meditated greater things (as he was a man of ingenuity and judgment); and first of all, with his son-in-law Thomas Peter (who, by the way, left three sons, who all attained the consular dignity), invented a more glutinous writing-ink, because he found the common ink sunk and spread; and then formed whole pages of wood, with letters cut upon them; of which sort I have seen some essays, in an anonymous work, printed only on one side, intitled, Speculum nostrae salutis; in which it is remarkable, that in the infancy of printing (as nothing is complete at its first invention) the back sides of the pages were pasted together, that they might not by their nakedness betray their deformity. These beechen letters he afterwards changed for leaden ones, and these again for a mixture of tin and lead [flanneus] as a less flexible and more solid and durable substance. Of the remains of which types, when they were turned to waste metal, those old wine-pots were cast, that are still preserved in the family-house, which looks into the market-place, inhabited afterwards by his great-grandson Gerard Thomas, a gentleman of reputation; whom I mention for the honour of the family, and who died old a few years since. A new invention never fails to engage curiosity. And when a commodity never before seen excited purchasers, to the advantage of the inventor, the admiration of the art increased; dependents were enlarged, and workmen multiplied;
Vol. XV. Part II.
(a) Galius seems to be the same who is called Clae Lottynza. Gael, Scabinus Harlemi, as it is in the Fasti of that city, in the years 1531, 1533, and 1535. Quirinius in the same Fasti is called Mr Quiryn Dirkzoon. He was many years amanuensis to the great Erasmus, as appears from his epistle, 23rd July 1529, tom. iii. Oper. p. 1222. He was afterwards Scabinus in 1537 & seq., and Conful in 1552 & seq. But in the troubles of Holland he was cruelly killed by the Spanish soldiers, May 23, 1573. There are some letters of Hadrian Junius to this Talefius, in the Epistle Juniana, p. 198.
(b) John Faust, or Fust, is by many supposed to have derived his name from faustus, "happy;" and Dr Faustus seems to carry an air of grandeur in the appellation: but very erroneously. John Faust, or Fust, is no more than John Hand, whence our name Fift. remarkable confirmation of this, Henry Spiechel, who wrote, in the 16th century, a Dutch poem intitled *Herpiegel*, expresses himself thus: "Thou first, Laurentius, to supply the defect of wooden tablets, adapted it wooden types, and afterwards didst connect them with a thread, to imitate writing. A treacherous servant surreptitiously obtained the honour of the discovery. But truth itself, though destitute of common and wide-spread fame; truth, I say, still remains." No mention in the poem of metal types; a circumstance which, had he been robbed of such, as well as of wooden ones, would scarcely have been passed over in silence.
When Laurentius first devised his rough specimen of the art, can only be guessed at. He died in 1440, after having published the *Speculum Belgicum*, and two editions of *Donatus*, all with different wooden types; which it is probable (considering the difficulties he had to encounter, and the many artists whom he must necessarily have had occasion to consult) cost him some years to execute; so that the first essay might be about 1430, which nearly agrees with Petrus Scriverius, who says the invention was about 10 or 12 years before 1440.
See LAURENTIUS.
3. What was the specimen he first diverted himself with in cutting, at the distance of three centuries, one would think impossible to be discovered. And yet Joh. Entchedius, a printer, thinks he was so happy as to find it, being an old parchment *Horarium*, printed on both sides, in eight pages, containing the Letters of the Alphabet, the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles Creed, and three short prayers. And Mr Meerman having shown this to proper artists who were judges of these matters, they gave it as their opinion that it agreed exactly with the description of Junius. It is conformable to the first edition of the Dutch *Speculum Salvationis*, and the fragments of both *Donatus* of Holland, both which are the works of the same Laurentius, and were preceded by this. In these types, which are certainly moveable, cut, and uneven, there is a rudeness which Mr Meerman has not observed in any other instances. There are no numbers to the pages, no signatures, no direction-words, no divisions at the end of the lines; on the contrary, a syllable divided in the middle is seen, thus, *Sp iritiu*, in p. 8. l. 2, 3. There are neither distinctions nor points, which are seen in the other works of Laurentius; and the letter *i* is not marked with an accent, but with a dot at the top. The lines throughout are uneven. The shape of the pages not always the same; not (as they should be) rectangular, but sometimes rhomb-like, sometimes an *isocele trapezium*; and the performance seems to be left as a specimen both of his piety, and of his ingenuity in this essay of a new invented art. Mr Meerman has given an exact engraving of this singular curiosity.
But, whatever else may appear doubtful in the narrative of Junius, it is very clear, that the first essays of the art are to be attributed to Laurentius, who used only separate wooden types. See the article LAURENTIUS.
II. Some of Laurentius's types were stolen from him by one of his servants (c), John GEINSFELCH senior's Mentz, who fled therewith to MENTZ. Having introduced the
(c) Authors differ as to the person who committed this robbery. It is clear from all accounts that his name was John; but what his surname was is the disputed point. Junius, after some hesitation, ascribes it to John Fust; but with injustice: for he was a wealthy man, who assisted the first printers at Mentz with money; and though he afterwards was proprietor of a printing-office, yet he never, as far as appears, performed any part of the business with his own hands, and consequently he could never have been a servant to Laurentius. Nor is the conjecture of Scriverius better founded, which fixes it upon John Gutenberg, who (as appears by authentic testimonies) resided at Strasbourg from 1436 to 1444, and during all that period employed much fruitless labour and expense in endeavouring to attain this art. Mr Meerman once thought, "it might be either John Meidenbachius, (who, we are told by Seb. Munster and the author of *Chronographia Moguntinensis*, was an assistant to the first Mentz printers); or John Peterheimus (who was sometime a servant to Fust and Schoeffer, and set up a printing-house at Francfort in 1459): or, lastly, some other person, who, being unable through poverty to carry on the business, discovered it to Geinsfleisch at Mentz." But more authentic intelligence afterwards convinced him there were two persons of this name; and that John Geinsfleisch senior* was the dishonest servant, who was born at Mentz, and who in the papers published by Kohlerus, we find there in the year 1441, and not before: for though he was of a good family, yet he was poor, and seems to have been obliged, as well as his brother, to seek his livelihood in a foreign country; and perhaps was content to be under Laurentius, that, when he had learned the art, he might follow it in his own. But, to leave conjecture, we may produce some certain testimonies.
1. It is what Junius himself says, that the person who stole the types did it with a view to let up elsewhere; nor is it likely that he would either make no use of an art he had seen so profitable to Laurentius, or that he would teach it to another and submit to be again a servant.
2. The Lambeth Record (which is printed below, from Mr Atkyns) tells us that "Mentz gained the art by the brother of one of the workmen of Harlem, who learned it at home of his brother, who after set up for himself at Mentz."—By the strictest examination of the best authorities, it is plain, that by these two brothers the two Geinsfleiches must be meant. But as the younger (Gutenberg) was never a servant to Laurentius, it must be the senior who carried off the types, and instructed his brother in the art; who first applied himself to the business at Strasbourg, and afterwards joined his elder brother, who had in the mean time settled at Mentz.
* He was called Geinsfleisch junior; the other was distinguished by the name of Geinsfleisch senior. They were two young fellows of a family distinguished by knighthood. They were both married men; and were probably of the same age. It was not uncommon in that age for two brothers to have the same Christian name. The elder appeared imprudent and illiberal. The younger collected himself, with many aggravating circumstances. The youngest was remarkable for his love and fidelity, entering into a contract of marriage with Anna, a noble girl of The Iron Gate, refusing to marry her till compelled by a judicial sentence; and afterwards cared not what became of the lady, but left her behind at Strasbourg when he came to England. He was frequently quarrelled with his wife; but with Andrew Drizelten, Andrew Heilman, and John Rig, all of whom he had been connected with at Strasbourg, in his different employments of making looking glasses, polishing of precious stones, and engraving; attaining the art of printing; and with those he involved himself in three law-suits. See Meerman, vol. ii. p. 163, &c. N. the art from Harlem into this his native city, he set with all diligence to carry it on; and published, in 1442, *Alexandri Galli Doctrinale*, and *Petri Hispani Tractatus*; two works, which, being small, best suited his circumstances; and for which, being much used in the schools, he might reasonably expect a profitable sale. They were executed with wooden types, cut after the model of those he had stolen.
In 1443 he hired the house Zum Jungen; and was assisted with money by Fust, a wealthy person, who in return had a share of the business; and about the same time John Mentelinus was admitted a partner, as were some others whose names are not transmitted to our times; and in 1444 they were joined by Gutenberg, who for that purpose quitted Strasbourg. Wooden types being found not sufficiently durable, and not answering expectation in other respects, the two brothers first invented cut metal types. But while these were preparing, which must have been a work of time, several works were printed, both on wooden separate types and on wooden blocks; which were well adapted to small books of frequent use, such as the *Tabula Alphabetica*, the *Catholicon*, *Donati Grammatica*, and the *Confessionalia*.
From the above-mentioned printers in conjunction, after many smaller essays, the Bible was published in 1450, with large cut metal types (p). And it is no wonder, considering the immense labour this work cost, that it should be seven or eight years in completing. In this same year the partnership was dissolved, and a new one entered into, in August, between Fust and Gutenberg; the former supplying the money, the latter skill, for their common benefit. Various difficulties arising, occasioned a law-suit for the money which Fust had advanced; which was determined against Gutenberg. A dissolution of this partnership ensued in 1455; and in 1457 a magnificent edition of the Psalter was published by Fust and Schoeffer, with a remarkable commendation, in which they affirmed to themselves the merit of a new invention, (*viz.* of metal types), *ad inventionem artificiosam imprimenti ac characterizandi*. This book was uncommonly elegant, and in some measure the work of Gutenberg; as it was four years in the press, and came out but 18 months after the partnership was dissolved between him and Fust.
The latter continued in possession of the printing-office; and Gutenberg, by the pecuniary affluence of Conrad Humery, syndic of Mentz (e), and others, opened another office in the same city; whence appeared, in 1460, without the printer's name, the *Catholicon Jo. de Janua*, with a pompous colophon in praise of its beauty, and ascribing the honour of the invention to the city of Mentz. It was a very handsome book, though inferior to the Psalter which had been published in 1457 by Fust and Schoeffer. Both the Psalter and *Catholicon* were printed on cut metal types (f). It may not be improper to observe here, that as the Psalter is the earliest book which is known to have a genuine date, it became a common practice, after that publication, for printers to claim their own performances, by adding their names to them.
III. The progress of the art has been thus traced through
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What is still stronger, two chronologers of Strasbourg, the one named Dan Speklinus, the other anonymous (in Meerman's *Documentum*, n° LXXXV., LXXXVI.), tells us expressly, that John Geinslech (*viz.* the senior, whom they distinguished from Gutenberg), having learned the art by being servant to its first inventor, carried it by theft into Mentz his native country. They are right in the fact, though mistaken in the application of it; for they make Strasbourg the place of the invention, and Mentelinus the inventor, from whom the types were stolen. But this is plainly an error: for Geinslech lived at Mentz in 1441, as appears from undoubted testimonies; and could not be a servant to Mentelinus, to whom the before mentioned writers ascribe the invention in 1440, though more ancient ones do not attempt to prove that he began to print before 1444 or 1447. Nor will the narrative agree better with Gutenberg, who was an earlier printer than Mentelinus; since, among the evidences produced by him in his law-suit, 1439, no Geinslech senior appears, nor any other servant but Laurentius Beildek. The narration therefore of the theft of Geinslech, being spread by various reports through the world, and subsisting in the time of these chronologers, was applied by them (to serve the cause they wrote for) to Strasbourg; but serves to confirm the truth, since no writer derives the printing spoils from any other country than Holland or Alsatia. The chronologers have likewise, instead of Fust, called Gutenberg the wealthy man; who, from all circumstances, appears to have been poor. They also call Schoeffer the son-in-law of Mentelinus; when it is clear that he married the daughter of Fust.
(p) Many writers have supposed that this was the edition of which some copies were sold in France, by Fust, as manuscripts, for the great price of 500 or 600 crowns, which he afterwards lowered to 60, and at last to less than 40. But it was the second and more expensive edition of 1462, that was thus disposed of, when Fust went to Paris in 1466, and which had cost 4000 florins before the third *quaternion* (or quire of four sheets) was printed. Meerman, vol. I. p. 6. 151, 152.
(e) At the death of Gutenberg, Conrad Humery took possession of all his printing materials; and engaged to the archbishop Adolphus, that he never would sell them to any one but a citizen of Mentz. They were, however, soon disposed of to Nicholas Bechtermuntze of Altavilla, who, in 1469, published *Vocabularium Latino-Teutonicum*, which was printed with the same types which had been used in the *Catholicon*. This very curious and scarce *Vocabulary* was shown to Mr Meerman, by Mr Bryant, in the Duke of Marlborough's valuable library at Blenheim. It is in quarto, 35 lines long, contains many extracts from the *Catholicon*, and is called *Ex quo*, from the preface beginning with those words. Meerman, vol. II. p. 96.
(f) Gutenberg never used any other than either wooden or cut metal types till the year 1462. In 1465 he was admitted *inter Aulicos* by the elector Adolphus, with an annual pension; and died in February 1468. His elder brother Geinslech died in 1462. Their epitaphs are printed by Mr Meerman, vol. II. p. 154, 295. through its second period, the invention of cut metal types.
But the honour of completing the discovery is due to Peter Schoeffer (c) de Gernsheim.
A very clear account of this final completion of the types is preserved by Trithemius (h). Pius has inventus facerentur habitiore, inveneruntque modum fundendi formas omnium Latinorum alphabeti literarum, quas ipsi matrices nominabant: ex quibus rursum aneos five flammeos caracteres fundant, ad omne praefatum sufficiens, quos prius manibus fecerant. Et revera scit ante xxx feriae annos ex ore Petri Opilius de Gernsheim, civis Maguntini, qui gener erat primi artis inventoris, audivit, magnum a primo inventionis fuc hæc art imperficia habuit difficulatem. — Petrus autem memoratus Opilio, tunc famulos polleae genere, ficit disimus, inventoris primi, Johannis Fult, homo ingeniosus et prudentis, facilem modum fundendi characteres excoquavit, et artem, ut nunc est, complevit.
Another ample testimony in favour of Schoeffer is given by Jo. Frid. Faustus of Aschaffenburg, from papers preserved in his family: “Peter Schoeffer of Gernsheim, perceiving his master Fult’s design, and being himself ardently desirous to improve the art, found out (by the good providence of God) the method of cutting (incendi) the characters in a matrix, so that the letters might easily be finally cast, instead of being cut. He privately cut matrices for the whole alphabet; and when he showed his master the letters cast from these matrices, Fult was so pleased with the contrivance, that he promised Peter to give him his only daughter, Christina, in marriage; a promise which he soon after performed. But there were as many difficulties at first with these letters, as there had been before with wooden ones; the metal being too soft to support the force of the impression: but this defect was soon remedied, by mixing the metal with a substance which sufficiently hardened it (i).”
Fult and Schoeffer concealed this new improvement, by administering an oath of secrecy to all whom they intrusted, till the year 1462; when, by the dispersion of their servants into different countries, at the sacking of Mentz by the archbishop Adolphus, the invention was publicly divulged.
The first book printed with these improved types was Durandi Rationale, in 1459; at which time, however, they seem to have had only one size of cast letters, all the larger characters which occur being cut types, as appears plainly by an inspection of the book. From this time to 1466, Fult and Schoeffer continued to print a considerable number of books; particularly two famous editions of Tully’s Offices. In their earliest books, they printed more copies on vellum than on paper, which was the case both of their Bibles and Tully’s Offices. This, however, was soon inverted; and paper introduced for the greatest part of their impressions; a few only being printed on vellum for curiosities, and for the purpose of being illuminated. How long Fult lived, is uncertain; but in 1471 we find Schoeffer was in partnership with Conrad Henßl and a kinsman of his master Fult. He published many books after the death of his father-in-law; the last of which that can be discovered is a third edition of the Pfalter in 1490, in which the old cut types of the first edition were used.
IV. With regard to the claim of STRASBURG: Claim of It has been already mentioned, that Gutenberg was engaged in that city in different employments; and, among others, in endeavouring to attain the art of printing. That these endeavours were unsuccessful, is plain from an authentic judicial decree of the senate of Strasbourg in 1439, after the death of Andrew Drizchen (k).
But there are many other proofs that Gutenberg and his partners were never able to bring the art to perfection.
1. Wimpfelingius*, the oldest writer in favour of Epitome Strasbourg, tells us, that Gutenberg was the inventor of Rerum Germanicarum “a new art of writing,” ars impressoria, which might also be called a divine benefit, and which he happily completed at Mentz; but does not mention one book Meerman, of his printing; though he adds, that Mentzelus printed many volumes correctly and beautifully, and acquired great wealth; whence we may conclude that he perfected what Gutenberg had in vain strived.
2. Wimpfelingius, in another book†, tells us, the Catalonian art of printing was found out by Gutenberg incompletement, which implies, not that he practised the art in an imperfect manner (as Laurentius had done at Harlem), but rather that he had not been able to accomplish what he aimed at.
3. Gutenberg, when he left Strasbourg in 1444 or
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(c) In German, Schöffer; in Latin, Opilio; in English, Shepherd.—He is supposed by Mr Meerman to have been the first engraver on copperplates.
(h) Annales Hirsauenses, tom. ii. ad ann. 1450.—As this book was finished in 1514, and Trithemius tells us he had the narrative from Schoeffer himself about 30 years before; this will bring us back to 1484, when Schoeffer must have been advanced in years, and Trithemius about 22 years old, who died in 1516. See Wolf, Hist. Lat. i. c. 10. Fabr. Med. & Infin. Act. i. 9.
(i) See Meerman, vol. I. p. 183, who copied this testimony from Wollius, Monument. Typograph. vol. i. p. 468.
(k) Their first attempts were made about 1436 with wooden types. Mr Meerman is of opinion that Geinslech junior (who was of an enterprising genius, and had already engaged in a variety of projects) gained some little insight into the business by visiting his brother who was employed by Laurentius at Haarlem, but not sufficient to enable him to practise it. It is certain that, at the time of the law-suit in 1439, much money had been expended, without any profit having arisen; and the unfortunate Drizchen, in 1438, on his death-bed, lamented to his confessor, that he had been at great expense, without having been reimbursed a single obolus. Nor did Gutenberg (who persisted in his fruitless endeavours) reap any advantage from them; for, when he quitted Strasbourg, he was overwhelmed in debt, and under a necessity of selling everything he was in possession of. [Meerman, vol. I. p. 198—202.] All the depositions in the law-suit above-mentioned (with the judicial decree) are printed by Mr Meerman, vol. II. p. 58—88. N. the following year, and entered into partnership with Geinsleicht senior and others, had occasion for his brother's assistance to enable him to complete the art; which shows that his former attempts at Straßburg had been unsuccessful.
4. These particulars are remarkably confirmed by Trithemius, who tells us, in two different places, that Gutenberg spent all his substance in quest of this art; and met with such insuperable difficulties, that, in despair, he had nearly given up all hopes of attaining it, till he was assisted by the liberality of Fust, and by his brother's skill, in the city of Mentz.
5. Ulric Zell says the art was completed at Mentz; but that some books had been published in Holland earlier than in that city. Is it likely that Zell, who was a German, would have omitted to mention Straßburg, if it had preceded Mentz in printing?
There is little doubt therefore that all Gutenberg's labours at Straßburg amounted to no more than a fruitless attempt, which he was at last under the necessity of relinquishing; and there is no certain proof of a single book having been printed in that city till after the dispersion of the printers in 1462, when Mentelinus and Eggefenius successfully pursued the business.
In fine, the pretensions of Straßburg fall evidently to be set aside. And as to the other two cities, Harlem and Mentz, the disputes between them seem easily cleared up, from the twofold invention of printing above-mentioned: the first with separate wooden types at Harlem, by Laurentius, about 1430, and after continued by his family; the other with metal types, first used, and afterwards cast, which were invented at Mentz, but not used in Holland till brought thither by Theodoric Martens at Alost about 1472.
From this period printing made a rapid progress in most of the principal towns of Europe. In 1490, it reached Constantinople; and, according to Mr Palmer, p. 281, &c., it was extended, by the middle of the next century, to Africa and America. It was introduced into Russia about 1560; but, from motives either of policy or superstition, it was speedily suppressed by the ruling powers; and, even under the present enlightened emperors, has scarcely emerged from its obscurity. That it was early practised in the inhospitable regions of Iceland, we have the respectable authority of Mr Bryant: "Arngrim Jonas was born amidst the snows of Iceland; yet as much prejudiced in favour of his country as those who are natives of a happier climate. This is visible in his Crymogæa; but more particularly in his Anatomie Bifkinaiana. I have in my possession this curious little treatise, written in Latin by him in his own country, and printed Typis Holensibus in Islandia Boreali, anno 1612. Hola is placed in some maps within the Arctic circle, and is certainly not far removed from it. I believe it is the farthest north of any place where arts and sciences have ever resided." Observations and Inquiries relating to various parts of Ancient History, 1767, p. 277.
It was a constant opinion, delivered down by our historians, as hath been observed by Dr Middleton, that the Art of Printing was introduced and first practised in England by William Caxton, a mercer and citizen of London; who, by his travels abroad, and a residence of many years in Holland, Flanders, and Germany, in the affairs of trade, had an opportunity of informing himself of the whole method and process of the art; and by the encouragement of the great, and particularly of the abbot of Westminster, first set up a press in that abbey, and began to print books soon after the year 1471.
This was the tradition of our writers; till a book, which had scarce been observed before the Restoration, was then taken notice of by the curious, with a date of its impression from Oxford, anno 1468, and was considered immediately as a clear proof and monument of the exercise of printing in that university several years before Caxton began to deal in it.
This book, which is in the public library at Cambridge, is a small volume of 41 leaves in 4to, with this title: Expeditio Sancti Jeronimi in Symbolum Apollinarum ad Papam Laurentium: and at the end, Explicit expositione, &c. Impressa Oxoniae, & inita Anno Domini MCCCCLXXXIII. xvii die Decembri.
The appearance of this book has robbed Caxton of the glory that he had long possessed, of being the author of printing in this kingdom; and Oxford has ever since carried the honour of the first press. The only difficulty was, to account for the silence of history in an event so memorable, and the want of any memorial in the university itself concerning the establishment of a new art amongst them of such use and benefit to learning. But this likewise has been cleared up by the discovery of a record, which had lain obscure and unknown at Lambeth-palace, in the Register of the See of Canterbury; and gives a narrative of the whole transaction, drawn up at the very time.
An account of this record was first published in a thin quarto volume, in English; with this title: "The Original and Growth of Printing, collected out of History and the Records of this Kingdome: wherein is also demonstrated, that Printing appertaineth to the Pre-rogative Royal, and is a Flower of the Crown of England. By Richard Atkins, esq. — Whitehall, April the 25. 1664. By order and appointment of the right honourable Mr Secretary Morrice, let this be printed. Tho. Rycaut. London: Printed by John Streeter, for the Author. 1664." 4to.
It sets forth in short, "That as soon as the art of printing made some noise in Europe, Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, moved the then king (Henry VI.) to use all possible means for procuring a printing-mould (for so it was then called) to be brought into this kingdom. The king (a good man, and much given to works of this nature) readily hearkened to the motion; and, taking private advice how to effect his design, concluded it could not be brought about without great secrecy, and a considerable sum of money given to such person or persons as would draw off some of the workmen of Harlem in Holland; where John Gutenberg had newly invented it, and was himself personally at work. It was resolved, that less than 1000 marks would not produce the desired effect; towards which sum the said archbishop presented the king 300 marks. The money being now prepared, the management of the design was committed to Mr Robert Turnour; who then was master of the robes to the king, and a person most in favour with him, of any of his condition. Mr Turnour took to his assistance Mr Caxton, a citizen of good abilities, who traded much into Holland; which was a creditable pretence, as well for his going, as stay in the Low Countries. Mr Turnour was in dispute..." Printing. (his beard and hair shaven quite off); but Mr Caxton appeared known and public. They, having received the said sum of 1000 merks, went first to Amsterdam, then to Leyden, not daring to enter Harlem itself; for the town was very jealous, having imprisoned and apprehended divers persons who came from other parts for the same purpose. They staid till they had spent the whole thousand merks in gifts and expenses: so as the king was fain to send 100 merks more, Mr Turnour having written to the king that he had almost done his work; a bargain, as he said, being struck betwixt him and two Hollanders, for bringing off one of the underworkmen, whose name was Frederick Corfellis (or rather Corfellis), who late one night stole from his fellows in disguise into a vessel prepared before for that purpose; and so, the wind favouring the design, brought him safe to London. It was not thought so prudent to set him on work at London; but, by the archbishop's means (who had been vice-chancellor and afterwards chancellor of the university of Oxon) Corfellis was carried with a guard to Oxon; which guard constantly watched, to prevent Corfellis from any possible escape, till he had made good his promise in teaching them how to print. So that at Oxford printing was first set up in England, which was before there was any printing-press or printer in France, Spain, Italy, or Germany (except the city of Mentz), which claims seniority, as to printing, even of Harlem itself, calling her city, Urlem Moguntinam artis typographiae inventricem primam; though it is known to be otherwise, that city gaining the art by the brother of one of the workmen of Harlem, who had learnt it at home of his brother, and after set up for himself at Mentz. This press at Oxon was at least ten years before there was any printing in Europe, except at Harlem and Mentz, where it was but new-born. This press at Oxford was afterwards found inconvenient to be the sole printing-place of England; as being too far from London and the sea. Wherefore the king set up a press at St Alban's, and another in the city of Westminster, where they printed several books of divinity and physic for the king (for reasons best known to himself and council) permitted then no law-books to be printed; nor did any printer exercise that art, but only such as were the king's sworn servants; the king himself having the price and emolument for printing books.—By this means the art grew so famous, that anno primo Richard III. c. 9, when an act of parliament was made for restraint of aliens for using any handicrafts here (except as servants to natives), a special proviso was inserted, that strangers might bring in printed or written books to sell at their pleasure, and exercise the art of printing here, notwithstanding that act: so that in the space of 40 or 50 years, by the indulgence of Edward IV., Edward V., Richard III., Henry VII., and Henry VIII., the English proved so good proficient in printing, and grew so numerous, as to furnish the kingdom with books; and so skilful, as to print them as well as any beyond the seas; as appears by the act 25 Hen. VIII. c. 15, which abrogates the said proviso for that reason. And it was further enacted in the said statute, that if any person bought foreign books bound, he should pay 6s. 8d. per book. And it was further provided and enacted, that in case the said printers or sellers of books were unreasonable in their prices, they should be moderated by the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, the two lords chief justices, or any two of them; who also had power to fine them 3s. 4d. for every book whose price should be enhanced.—But when they were by charter corporated with bookbinders, bookellers, and founders of letters, 3 & 4 Philip and Mary, and called The Company of Stationers—they kick'd against the power that gave them life, &c.—Queen Elizabeth, the first year of her reign, grants by patent the privilege of sole printing all books that touch or concern the common laws of England, to Totell a servant to her majesty, who kept it entire to his death; after him, to one Yeft Weir, another servant to her majesty; after him, to Weight and Norton; and after them, king James grants the same privilege to More, one of the signet; which grant continues to this day, &c."
From the authority of this record, all our later writers declare Corfellis to be the first printer in England; Caxton or Mr Anthony Wood, the learned Mr Maittaire, Palmer, and one John Bagford, an industrious man, who had first published proposals for an History of Printing, (Phil. Trans. for April 1707). But Dr Middleton has called in question the authenticity of this account, and has urged several objections to it, with the view of supporting Caxton's title to the precedence with respect to the introduction of the art into this country; of which we shall quote one or two, with the answers that have been made to them.
Objection 1.—"The silence of Caxton concerning a fact in which he is said to be a principal actor, is a sufficient confutation of it: for it was a constant custom with him, in the prefaces or conclusions of his works, to give an historical account of all his labours and transactions, as far as they concerned the publishing and printing of books. And, what is still stronger, in the continuation of the Polychronicon, compiled by himself, and carried down to the end of Henry the sixth's reign, he makes no mention of the expedition in quest of a printer; which he could not have omitted, had it been true; whilst in the same book he takes notice of the invention and beginning of printing in the city of Mentz."
Answer.—As Caxton makes no mention in his Polychronicon of his expedition in quest of a printer; so neither does he of his bringing the art into England, which it is as much a wonder he should omit as the other. And as to his saying that the invention of printing was at Mentz, he means, of printing on fusile separate types. In this he copies, as many others have, from the Faecicularis Temporum; a work written in 1470, by Wernerus Rolevinch de Laer, a Carthusian monk, a MS. copy of which was in the library of Gerard Jo. Voßius (see lib. iii. de Histor. Latin. c. 6.); and afterwards continued to the year 1474, when it was first printed at Cologne typis Arnoldi ter Huernen. It was republished in 1481 by Heinricus Wirzburgh de Vach, a Cluniac monk, without mentioning the name either of the printer or of the place of publication. It is plain that Caxton had one at least, or more probably both, of these editions before him, when he wrote his continuation of Polychronicon, as he mentions this work in his preface, and adopts the sentiments of its editor. (See Meerman, vol. ii. p. 37, and his Documenta, N VII. XXIV. and XXV.)
Obj. 2.—"There is a farther circumstance in Caxton's history, that it seems inconsistent with the record; for we find him still beyond sea, about twelve years after the Printing the supposed transactions, "learning with great charge and trouble the art of printing" (Recule of the Histories of Troye, in the end of the 2d and 3d books); which he might have done with ease at home, if he had got Corfells into his hands, as the record imports, so many years before; but he probably learnt it at Cologne, where he resided in 1471, (Recule, &c. ibid.), and whence books had been first printed with date the year before."
Anf.—Caxton tells us, in the preface to The History of Troye, that he began that translation March 1. 1468, at Bruges; that he proceeded on with it at Ghent; that he finished it at Cologne in 1471; and printed it, probably, in that city with his own types. He was 30 years abroad, chiefly in Holland; and lived in the court of Margaret duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward IV. It was therefore much easier to print his book at Cologne, than to cross the sea to learn the art at Oxford. But further, there was a special occasion for his printing it abroad. Corfells had brought over so far the art of printing as he had learned it at Harlem, which was the method of printing on wooden separate types, having the face of the letter cut upon them. But the art of casting metal types being divulged in 1462 by the workmen of Mentz, Caxton thought proper to learn that advantageous branch before he returned to England. This method of casting the types was such an improvement, that they looked on it as the original of printing; and Caxton, as most others do, ascribes that to Mentz. —Caxton was an affiliate with Turnour in getting off Corfells; but it is nowhere supposed that he came with him into England. (See Meerman, vol. ii. p. 34. B.)
Obj. 3.—"As the Lambeth record was never heard of before the publication of Atkyn's book, so it has never since been seen or produced by any man; though the registers of Canterbury have on many occasions been diligently and particularly searched for it. They were examined, without doubt, very carefully by archbishop Parker, for the compiling his Antiquities of the British Church; where, in the life of Thomas Bourchier, tho' he congratulates that age on the noble and useful invention of printing, yet he is silent as to the introduction of it into England by the endeavours of that archbishop; nay, his giving the honour of the invention to Strauburg clearly shows that he knew nothing of the story of Corfells conveyed from Harlem, and that the record was not in being in his time. Palmer himself owns, 'That it is not to be found there now; for that the late earl of Pembroke assured him, that he had employed a person for some time to search for it, but in vain.' (Hist. of Printing, p. 314.) On these grounds we may pronounce the record to be a forgery; though all the writers above-mentioned take pains to support its credit, and call it an authentic piece.
Atkyns, who by his manner of writing seems to have been a bold and vain man, might possibly be the inventor; for he had an interest in imposing it upon the world, in order to confirm the argument of his book, that printing was of the prerogative royal; in opposition to the company of stationers, with whom he was engaged in an expensive suit of law, in defence of the king's patents, under which he claimed some exclusive powers of printing. For he tells us, p. 3. 'That, upon considering the thing, he could not but think that a public person, more eminent than a mercer, and a public purse, must needs be concerned in so public a good; and the more he considered, the more inquisitive he was to find out the truth. So that he had formed his hypothesis before he had found his record; which he published, he says, as a friend to truth; 'not to suffer one man to be intitled to the worthy achievements of another; and as a friend to himself, not to lose one of his best arguments of entitling the king to this art.' But, if Atkyns was not himself the contriver, he was imposed upon at least by some more crafty man, who imagined that his interest in the cause, and the warmth that he showed in prosecuting it, would induce him to swallow for genuine whatever was offered of the kind."
Anf.—On the other hand, is it likely that Mr Atkyns would dare to forge a record, to be laid before the king and council, and which his adversaries, with whom he was at law, could disprove?—(2.) He says he received this history from a person of honour, who was some time keeper of the Lambeth library. It was easy to have confuted this evidence, if it was false, when he published it, April 25. 1664.—(3.) John Bagford (who was born in England 1651, and might know Mr Atkyns, who died in 1677), in his History of Printing at Oxford, blames those who doubted of the authenticity of the Lambeth MS.; and tells us that he knew Sir John Birkenhead had an authentic copy of it, when in 1665 [which Bagford by some mistake calls 1664, and is followed in it by Meerman] he was appointed by the house of commons to draw up a bill relating to the exercise of that art. This is confirmed by the Journals of that house, Friday Oct. 27. 1665, vol. VIII. p. 622, where it is ordered, that this Sir John Birkenhead should carry the bill on that head to the house of lords for their consent.—The act was agreed to in the upper house on Tuesday Oct. 31. and received the royal assent on the same day; immediately after which the parliament was prorogued. See Journals of the House of Lords, Vol. XI. p. 700.—It is probable, then, that after Mr Atkyns had published his book in April 1664, the parliament thought proper, the next year, to inquire into the right of the king's prerogative; and that Sir John Birkenhead took care to inspect the original, then in the custody of archbishop Sheldon; and, finding it not sufficient to prove what Mr Atkyns had cited it for, made no report of the MS. to the house; but only moved, that the former law should be renewed. The MS. was probably never returned to the proper keeper of it; but was afterwards burnt in the fire of London, Sept. 13. 1666.—(4.) That printing was practised at Oxford, was a prevailing opinion long before Atkyns. Bryan Twyne, in his Apologia pro Antiquitate Academia Oxoniensis, published 1608, tells us, it is so delivered down in ancient writings; having heard, probably, of this Lambeth MS. And king Charles I. in his letters patent to the University of Oxford, March 5. in the eleventh of his reign, 1635, mentions printing as brought to Oxford from abroad. As to what is objected, "that it is not likely that the press should undergo a ten or eleven years sleep, viz. from 1468 to 1479," it is probably urged without foundation. Corfells might print several books without date or name of the place, as Ulric Zell did at Cologne, from 1467 to 1473; and from that time to 1494. Corfells's name, it may be said, appears not in any of his publications; but neither does Further, the famous Shakefpeare, who was born in 1564, and died 1616, in the Second Part of Henry VI. act iv. sc. 7. introduces the rebel John Cade, thus upbraiding Lord Treasurer Say: "Thou hast most traiterously corrupted the youth of the realm, in creating a grammar-school; and whereas, before, our forefathers had no other book but the score and the tally, thou hast caused Printing to be used; and, contrary to the king, his crown, and dignity, thou hast built a paper-mill."—Whence now had Shakefpeare this accusation against lord Say? We are told in the Poetical Register, vol. II. p. 231. ed. Lond. 1724, that it was from Fabian, Pol. Vergel, Hall, Hollingshed, Grafton, Stow, Speed, &c. But not one of these ascribes printing to the reign of Henry VI. On the contrary, Stow, in his Annals, printed at London 1569, p. 686, gives it expressly to William Caxton, 1471. "The noble science of printing was about this time found out in Germany at Maguncia, by one John Guthumburgus a knight. One Conradus an Almaine brought it into Rome: William Caxton of London mercer, brought it into England about the year 1471, and first practised the same in the Abbie of St Peter at Westminster; after which time it was likewise practised in the Abbies of St Augustine at Canterbury, Saint Albons, and other monasteries of England." What then shall we say, that the above is an anachronism arbitrarily put into the mouth of an ignorant fellow out of Shakefpeare's head? We might believe so, but that we have the record of Mr Atkyns confirming the same in king Charles II.'s time. Shall we say, that Mr Atkyns borrowed the story from Shakefpeare, and published it with some improvements of money laid out by Henry VI. from whence it might be received by Charles II. as a prerogative of the crown? But this is improbable, since Shakefpeare makes Lord Treasurer Say the instrument of importing it, of whom Mr Atkyns mentions not a word. Another difference there will still be between Shakefpeare and the Lambeth MS.; the poet placing it before 1449, in which year Lord Say was beheaded; the MS. between 1454 and 1459, when Bourchier was archbishop. We must say, then, that lord Say first laid the scheme, and sent some one to Harlem, though without success; but after some years it was attempted happily by Bourchier. And we must conclude, that as the generality of writers have overlooked the invention of printing at Harlem with wooden types, and have ascribed it to Mentz where metal types were first made use of; so in England they have passed by Corfells (or the first Oxford Printer, whoever he was, who printed with wooden types at Oxford), and only mentioned Caxton as the original artist who printed with metal types at Westminster. [See Meerman, vol. ii. 7, 8.] It is strange, that the learned commentators on our great dramatic poet, who are so minutely particular upon less important occasions, should every one of them, Dr Johnson excepted, pass by this curious passage, leaving it entirely unnoticed. And how has Dr Johnson trifled, by slightly remarking, "that Shakefpeare is a little too early with this accusation"?—The great critic had undertaken to decipher obsolete words, and investigate unintelligible phrases; but never, perhaps, bestowed a thought on Caxton or Corfells, on Mr Atkyns or the authenticity of the Lambeth Re. Printing, cord.
But, independent of the record altogether, the book stands firm as a monument of the exercise of printing in Oxford five years older than any book of Caxton's with a date. In order to get clear of this strong fact Dr Middleton,
1. Supposes the date in question to have been falsified originally by the printer either by design or mistake; and an X to have been dropped or omitted in the age of its impression. Examples of this kind, he says, are common in the history of printing. And, "whilst I am now writing, an unexpected instance is fallen into my hands, to the support of my opinion; an Inauguration Speech of the Woodwardian Professor, Mr Mayson, just fresh from the press, with its date given 10 years earlier than it should have been, by the omission of an x, viz. MDCCCLXIV; and the very blunder exemplified in the last piece printed at Cambridge, which I suppose to have happened in the first from Oxford."—To this it has been very properly answered, That we should not pretend to set aside the authority of a plain date, without very strong and cogent reasons; and what the Doctor has in this case advanced will not appear, on examination, to carry that weight with it that he seems to imagine. There may be, and have been, mistakes and forgeries in the date both of books and of records too; but this is never allowed as a reason for suspecting such as bear no mark of either. We cannot from a blunder in the last book printed at Cambridge, infer a like blunder in the first book printed at Oxford. Besides, the type used in this our Oxford edition seems to be no small proof of its antiquity. It is the German letter, and very nearly the same with that used by Fust [who has been supposed to be] the first printer; whereas Caxton and Rood use a quite different letter, something between this German and our old English letter, which was soon after introduced by De Worde and Bynfon.
2. "For the probability of his opinion (he says), the book itself affords sufficient proof; for, not to insist on what is less material, the neatness of the letter, and regularity of the page, &c. above those of Caxton, it has one mark, that seems to have carried the matter beyond probable, and to make it even certain, viz. the use of signatures, or letters of the alphabet placed at the bottom of the page, to show the sequel of the pages and leaves of each book; an improvement contrived for the direction of the bookbinders; which yet was not practised or invented at the time when this book is supposed to be printed; for we find no signatures in the books of Fust or Schoeffer at Mentz, nor in the improved or beautiful impressions of John de Spira and Jensoff at Venice, till several years later. We have a book in our library, that seems to fix the very time of their invention, at least in Venice; the place where the art itself received the greatest improvements: Baldi lectura super Codic. &c. printed by John de Colonia and Jo. Manthom de Ghertszem, anno MCCCCLXXIII. It is a large and fair volume in folio, without signatures, till about the middle of the book, in which they are first introduced, and so continued forward; which makes it probable, that the first thought of them was suggested during the impression; for we have likewise Lectura Burtholi super Codic. &c. in two noble and beautiful volumes in folio, printed the year before at the same place, by Vindelin de Spira, without them: yet from this time forward they are generally found in all the works of the Venetian printers, and from them propagated to the other printers of Europe. They were used at (L) Cologne, in 1475; at Paris, 1476; by Caxton, not before 1480: but if the discovery had been brought into England, and practised at Oxford 12 years before, it is not probable that he would have printed so long at Westminster without them. Mr Palmer indeed tells us, p. 54, 180, that Anthony Zarot was esteemed the inventor of signatures; and that they are found in a Terence printed by him at Milan in the year 1470, in which he first printed. I have not seen that Terence; and can only say, that I have observed the want of them in some later works of this, as well as of other excellent printers of the same place. But, allowing them to be in the Terence, and Zarot the inventor, it confutes the date of our Oxford book as effectually as if they were of later origin at Venice; as I had reason to imagine, from the testimony of all the books that I have hitherto met with."—As to these proofs, first, the neatness of the letter, and the regularity of the page, prove, if any thing, the very reverse of what the Doctor affirms. The art of printing was almost in its infancy brought to perfection; but afterwards debased by later printers, who consulted rather the cheapness than the neatness of their work. Our learned disputant cannot be unacquainted with the labours of Fust and Jenso. He must know, that though other printers may have printed more correctly, yet scarce any excel them, either in the neatness of the letter, or the regularity of the page. The same may be observed in our English printers. Caxton and Rood were indifferently good printers; De Worde and Pynson were worse; and those that follow them most abominable. This our anonymous Oxford printer excels them all; and for this very reason we should judge him to be the most ancient of all. Our disputant lays great stress on the use of signatures. But no certain conclusion can be drawn either from the use or non-use of these lesser improvements of printing. They have in different places come into use at different times, and have not been continued regularly even at the same places. If Anthony Zarot used them at Milan in 1470, it is certain later printers there did not follow his example; and the like might happen also in England. But, what is more full to our purpose, we have in the Bodleian library an Aesop's Fables printed by Caxton. This is, it is believed, the first book which has the leaves numbered. But yet this improvement, though more useful than that of the signatures, was disused both by Caxton himself and other later printers in England. It is therefore not at all surprising (if true) that
Vol. XV. Part II.
Dr Middleton is mistaken in the time and place of the invention of signatures. They are to be found even in very ancient MSS. which the earliest printers very studiously imitated; and they were even used in some editions from the office of Lawrence Coster (whence Corfelli came), which consisted of wooden cuts, as in Figure typica et antiqua Nova Testamenti; and in some editions with metal types, as in Gaf. Pergamensis epistle, published at Paris, without a date, but printed A.D. 1470, (Maittaire*, Annal. vol. i. p. 25.) and in Mommetreclius, *See Maittaire, printed by Helias de Llouffen, at Bern in Switzerland, 1470; and in De Tondeli wyfone, at Antwerp, 1472. Venice, therefore, was not the place where they were first introduced.—They began to be used in Baldus, it seems, when the book was half finished. The printer of that book might not know, or did not think, of the use of them before. See Meermaan, vol. ii. p. 18.; and Phil. Trans. vol xxiii. n° 208. p. 1509. which he had learned at Harlem. Into this detail, therefore, we have been led, not so much by the importance of the question, as on account of several anecdotes connected with it, which seemed equally calculated to satisfy curiosity and afford entertainment.
Caxton had been bred very reputably in the way of trade, and served an apprenticeship to one Robert Large a mercer; who, after having been sheriff and lord mayor of London, died in the year 1441, and left by will, as may be seen in the prerogative-office, XXI merks to his apprentice William Caxton: a considerable legacy in those days, and an early testimonial of his good character and integrity.
From the time of his master's death, he spent the following thirty years beyond sea in the business of merchandise: where, in the year 1464, we find him employed by Edward IV. in a public and honourable negociation, jointly with one Richard Whitehill, Esq.; to transact and conclude a treaty of commerce between the king and his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, to whom Flanders belonged. The commission styles them, ambassadores, procuratores, nuncios, et deputati specialis; and gives to both or either of them full powers to treat, &c.
Whoever turns over his printed works, must contract a respect for him, and be convinced that he preserved the same character through life, of an honest, modest man; greatly industrious to do good to his country, to the best of his abilities, by spreading among the people such books as he thought useful to religion and good manners, which were chiefly translated from the French. The novelty and usefulness of his art recommended him to the special notice and favour of the great; under whose protection, and at whose expense, the greatest part of his works were published. Some of them are addressed to king Edward IV., his brother the duke of Clarence, and their sister the duchess of Burgundy; in whose service and pay he lived many years before he began to print, as he often acknowledges with great gratitude. He printed likewise for the use, and by the express order, of Henry VII., his son prince Arthur, and many of the principal nobility and gentry of that age.
It has been generally asserted and believed, that all his books were printed in the abbey of Westminster; yet we have no assurance of it from himself, nor any mention of the place before the year 1477: so that he had been printing several years without telling us where.
There is no clear account left of Caxton's age: but he was certainly very old, and probably above four score, at the time of his death. In the year 1471 he complained of the infirmities of age creeping upon him, and feeling his body: yet he lived 23 years after, and pursued his business, with extraordinary diligence, in the abbey of Westminster, till the year 1494, in which he died; not in the year following, as all who write of him affirm. This appears from some verses at the end of a book, called "Hilton's Scale of Perfection," printed in the same year:
Infinite laud with thankynge many folde I yield to God me socouryng with his grace This boke to finyshe which that ye beholde Scale of Perfection calde in every place
Whereof th' auctor Walter Hilton was And Wynkyn de Worde this hath sett in print In William Caxtons hows so fyll the cale, God refit his foule. In joy ther mot it flynt. Impreflus anno salutis MCCCCLXXXIII.
Though he had printed for the use of Edward IV. and Henry VII., yet there appears no ground for the notion which Palmer takes up, that the first printers, and particularly Caxton, were sworn servants and printers to the crown; for Caxton, as far as can be observed, gives not the least hint of any such character or title; though it seems to have been instituted not long after his death; for of his two principal workmen, Richard Pynson and Wynkyn de Worde, the one was made printer to the king, the other to the king's mother the Lady Margaret. Pynson gives himself the first title, in The imitation of the Life of Christ; printed by him at the commandment of the Lady Margaret, who had translated the fourth book of it from the French, in the year 1504; and Wynkyn de Worde affirms the second, in The seven Penitential Psalms, expounded by Bishop Fisher, and printed in the year 1509. But there is the title of a book given by Palmer, that seems to contradict what is here said of Pynson: viz. Psalterium ex mandato viduariae Angliae Regis Henrici Septimi, per Gulielmum Fanque, impressorem regium, anno MDIIII; which being the only work that has ever been found of this printer, makes it probable that he died in the very year of its impression, and was succeeded immediately by Richard Pynson. No book hath yet been discovered printed in Scotland in this period, though the English printers were able to export some of their works to other countries. See Henry's History of Great Britain, vol. v. p. 471.
Before 1465, the uniform character was the old Gothic or German; whence our Black was afterwards characters formed. But in that year an edition of Laclantius was used in printed in a kind of Semi-Gothic, of great elegance, printing, and approaching nearly to the present Roman type; which last was first used at Rome in 1467, and soon after brought to great perfection in Italy, particularly by Jenson.
Towards the end of the 5th century, Aldus invented the Italic character which is now in use, called, from his name, Aldine or cursiva. This sort of letter he contrived, to prevent the great number of abbreviations that were then in use.
The first essays in Greek that can be discovered of the first are a few sentences which occur in the edition of Tully's Offices, 1465, at Mentz; but these were miserably incorrect and barbarous, if we may judge from the specimens Mr Maittaire has given us, of which the following is one:
\[ \text{Οτικα απαραγματα και τατοιχα} \]
In the same year 1465, was published an edition of Laclantius's Institutes, printed in monasterio Sublacensi, in the kingdom of Naples, in which the quotations from the Greek authors are printed in a very neat Greek letter. They seem to have had but a very small quantity of Greek types in the monastery; for, in the first part of the work, whenever a long sentence occurred, a blank was left, that it might be written in with a pen; after the middle of the work, however, all the Greek that occurs is printed. The first printers who settled at Rome were Conrad Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, who introduced the present Roman type, in 1466, in Cicero's Epistle Familiares; in 1469 they printed a beautiful edition of Aulus Gellius, with the Greek quotations in a fair character, without accents or spirits, and with very few abbreviations.
The first whole book that is yet known is the Greek Grammar of Constantine Lascaris, in quarto, revised by Demetrius Cretenis, and printed by Dionysius Palavinius, at Milan, 1476. In 1481, the Greek Puffler was printed here, with a Latin translation, in folio; as was Aesop's Fables in quarto.
Venice soon followed the example of Milan; and in 1486 were published in that city the Greek Puffler and the Batrachomyomachia, the former by Alexander, and the latter by Laonics, both natives of Crete. They were printed in a very uncommon character; the latter of them with accents and spirits, and also with scholion.
In 1488, however, all former publications in this language were eclipsed by a fine edition of Homer's Works at Florence, in folio, printed by Demetrius, a native of Crete. Thus printing (says Mr Maittaire, p. 185.) seems to have attained its utmost perfection, after having exhibited most beautiful specimens of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew.
In 1493, a fine edition of Iocrates was printed at Milan, in folio, by Henry German and Sebastian ex Pantrenulo.
All the above works are prior in time to those of Aldus, who has been erroneously supposed to be the first Greek printer: the beauty, however, correctness, and number of his editions, place him in a much higher rank than his predecessors; and his characters in general were more elegant than any before used. He was born in 1445, and died in 1515.
Though the noble Greek books of Aldus had raised an universal desire of reviving that tongue, the French were backward in introducing it. The only pieces printed by them were some quotations, so wretchedly performed, that they were rather to be guessed at than read; in a character very rude and uncouth, and without accents. But Francis Tissard introduced the study of this language at Paris, by his Βιβλίον της γραμματικής, in 1507; and that branch of printing was afterwards successfully practised by Henry, Robert, and Henry Stephens. See the article STEPHENS.
The earliest edition of the whole Bible was, strictly speaking, the Complutensian Polyglott of Cardinal Ximenes; but as that edition, though finished in 1517, was not published till 1522, the Venetian Septuagint of 1518 may properly be called the first edition of the whole Greek Bible; Erasmus having published the New Testament only at Basle in 1516.
A very satisfactory account of Hebrew printing is thus given by Dr Kennicott in his Annual Accounts of the Collation of Hebrew MSS. p. 112. "The method which seems to have been originally observed in printing the Hebrew Bible was just what might have been expected: 1. The Pentateuch in 1482. 2. The Prior Prophets, in 1484. 3. The Posterior Prophets, in 1486. 4. The Hagiographa, in 1487. And, after the four great parts had been thus printed separately (each with a comment), the whole text (without a comment) was printed in one volume in 1488; and the text continued to be printed, as in these first editions, so in several others for 20 or 30 years, without marginal Keri or Majora, and with greater arguments to the more ancient MSS. till about the year 1520 some of the Jews adopted later MSS. and the Majora; which absurd preference has obtained ever since."
Thus much for the ancient editions given by Jews.
In 1642 a Hebrew Bible was printed at Mantua under the care of the most learned Jews in Italy. This Bible had not been heard of among the Christians in this country, nor perhaps in any other; though the nature of it is very extraordinary. The text indeed is nearly the same with that in other modern editions; but at the bottom of each page are various readings, amounting in the whole to above 2000, and many of them of great consequence, collected from manuscripts, printed editions, copies of the Talmud, and the works of the most renowned Rabbies. And in one of the notes is this remark:—"That in several passages of the Hebrew Bible the differences are so many and so great, that they know not which to fix upon as the true readings."
We cannot quit this subject without observing, on Dr Kennicott's authority, that as the first printed Bibles are more correct than the latter ones; so the variations between the first edition, printed in 1488, and the edition of Vander Hooght, in 1705, at Amsterdam, in 2 vols 8vo, amount, upon the whole, to above 1200! See further Bowyer and Nichols, p. 112—117.
When the art of printing was first discovered, they of early only made use of one side of a page: they had not yet printing found out the expedient of impressing the other. When their editions were intended to be curious, they omitted to print the first letter of a chapter, for which they left a blank space, that it might be painted or illuminated at the option of the purchaser. Several ancient volumes of these early times have been found, where these letters are wanting, as they neglected to have them painted.
When the art of printing was first established, it was the glory of the learned to be correctors of the press to the eminent printers. Physicians, lawyers, and bishops themselves, occupied this department. The printers then added frequently to their names those of the correctors of the press; and editions were then valued according to the abilities of the corrector.
In the productions of early printing may be distinguished the various splendid editions they made of Primers or Prayer-books. They were embellished with cuts finished in a most elegant taste; many of them were ludicrous, and several were obscene. In one of them an angel is represented crowning the Virgin Mary, and God the Father himself afflicting at the ceremony. We have seen in a book of natural history the Supreme Being represented as reading on the seventh day, when he retired from all his works. Sometimes St Michael is seen overcoming Satan; and sometimes St Anthony appears attacked by various devils of most hideous forms. The Prymer of Salisbury, 1533, is full of cuts; at the bottom of the title page there is the following remarkable prayer:
God be in my Bede, And in my Understandyng, God be in my Eyes, And in my Lokynge.
God God be in my Mouthe, And in my Spekyngye. God be in my Herte, And in my thinckinge. God be at myn ende, And at my departyngye.
The workmen employed in the art of printing are of two kinds: compositors, who range and dispose the letters into words, lines, pages, &c., according to the copy delivered them by the author; and pressmen, who apply ink upon the same, and take off the impression. The types being cast, the compositor distributes each kind by itself among the divisions of two wooden frames, an upper and an under one, called cases; each of which is divided into little cells or boxes. Those of the upper case are in number 98; they are all of the same size; and in them are disposed the capitals, small capitals, accented letters, figures, &c., the capitals being placed in alphabetical order. In the cells of the lower case, which are 54, are placed the small letters, with the points, spaces, &c. The boxes are here of different sizes, the largest being for the letters most used; and these boxes are not in alphabetical order, but the cells which contain the letter oftenest wanted are nearest the compositor's hand. Each case is placed a little sloped, that the compositor may the more easily reach the upper boxes. The instrument in which the letters are set is called a composing-stick (p. 1.), which consists of a long and narrow plate of brass or iron, &c., on the right side of which arises a ledge, which runs the whole length of the plate, and serves to sustain the letters, the sides of which are to rest against it; along this ledge is a row of holes, which serve for introducing the screw a, in order to lengthen or shorten the extent of the line, by moving the sliders b c farther from or nearer to the shorter ledge at the end d. Where marginal notes are required in a work, the two sliding pieces b c are opened to a proper distance from each other in such a manner as that while the distance between d c forms the length of the line in the text, the distance between the two sliding-pieces forms the length of the lines for the notes on the side of the page. Before the compositor proceeds to compose, he puts a rule or thin slip of brass-plate, cut to the length of the line, and of the same height as the letter, in the composing-stick, against the ledge, for the letter to bear against. Things thus prepared, the compositor having the copy lying before him, and his stick in his left-hand, his thumb being over the slider c; with the right he takes up the letters, spaces, &c., one by one, and places them against the rule, while he supports them with his left thumb by pressing them to the end of the slider c, the other hand being constantly employed in setting in other letters; the whole being performed with a degree of expedition and address not easy to be imagined.
A little being thus composed, if it end with a word or syllable, and exactly fill the measure, there needs no further care; otherwise, more spaces are to be put in, or else the distances left between the several words, in order to make the measure quite full, so that every line may end even. The spaces here used are pieces of metal exactly shaped like the shanks of the letters; they are of various thicknesses, and serve to support the letters, and to preserve a proper distance between the words; but not reaching so high as the letters, they make no impression when the work is printed. The first line being thus finished, the compositor proceeds to the next; in order to which he moves the brass-rule from behind the former, and places it before it, and thus composes another line against it after the same manner as before; going on thus till his stick is full, when he empties all the lines contained in it into the galley.
The compositor then fills and empties his composing-stick as before, till a complete page be formed; when he ties it up with a cord or pack-thread; and setting it by, proceeds to the next, till the number of pages to be contained in a sheet is completed; which done, he carries them to the imposing-stone, there to be ranged in order, and fastened together in a frame called a chase; and this is termed imposing. The chase is a rectangular iron frame, of different dimensions according to the size of the paper to be printed, having two cross-pieces of the same metal, called a long and short cross, mortised at each end so as to be taken out occasionally. By the different situations of these crosses the chase is fitted for different volumes: for quartos and octavos, one traverses the middle lengthwise, the other broadwise, so as to interlock each other in the centre: for twelves and twenty-fours, the short cross is shifted nearer to one end of the chase; for folios, the long cross is left entirely out, and the short one left in the middle; and for broadsides, both crosses are set aside. To dress the chase, or arrange and fix the pages therein, the compositor makes use of a fet of furniture, consisting of flips of wood of different dimensions, and about half an inch high, that they may be lower than the letters: some of these are placed at the top of the pages, and called head-flips; others between them, to form the inner margin; others on the sides of the crosses, to form the outer margin, where the paper is to be doubled; and others in the form of wedges to the sides and bottoms of the pages. Thus all the pages being placed at their proper distances, and secured from being injured by the chase and furniture placed about them, they are all united, and fastened together by driving small pieces of wood called quoins, cut in the wedge-form, up between the flanking side of the foot and the side flaps and the chase, by means of a piece of hard wood and a mallet; and all being thus bound fast together, so that none of the letters will fall out, it is ready to be committed to the pressmen. In this condition the work is called a form; and as there are two of these forms required for every sheet, when both sides are to be printed, it is necessary the distances between the pages in each form should be placed with such exactness, that the impression of the pages in one form shall fall exactly on the back of the pages of the other, which is called register.
As it is impossible but that there must be some mistakes in the work, either through the oversight of the compositor, or by the casual transposition of letters in the cases; a sheet is printed off, which is called a proof, and given to the corrector; who reading it over, and rectifying it by the copy, making the alterations in the margin, it is delivered back to the compositor to be corrected.
The compositor then unlocking the form upon the correcting-stone, by loosening the quoins or wedges which bound the letters together, rectifies the mistakes by picking out the faulty or wrong letters with a slender sharp-pointed steel-bodkin, and putting others into their places. After this another proof is made, sent to the author, and corrected as before; and lastly, there is another proof called a re-proof, which is made in order to see whether all the mistakes marked in the last proof are corrected.
The pressman's business is to work off the forms thus prepared and corrected by the compositor; in doing which there are four things required, paper, ink, balls, and a press. To prepare the paper for use, it is to be first wetted by dipping several sheets together in water; these are afterwards laid in a heap over each other; and to make them take the water equally, they are all pressed close down with a weight at the top. The ink is made of oil and lamp-black; for the manner of preparing which, see Printing-Ink. The balls, by which the ink is applied on the forms, are a kind of wooden funnels with handles, the cavities of which are filled with wool or hair, as also a piece of alum leather or pelt nailed over the cavity, and made extremely soft by soaking in urine and by being well rubbed. One of these the pressman takes in each hand; and applying one of them to the ink-block, daubs and works them together to distribute the ink equally; and then blackens the form which is placed on the press, by beating with the balls upon the face of the letter.
The printing-press, represented no. 2, is a very curious though complex machine. The body consists of two strong cheeks a, placed perpendicularly, and joined together by four cross-pieces; the cap b; the head c, which is moveable, being partly sustained by two iron pins or long bolts, that pass the cap; the till or shelf d, by which the spindle and its apparatus are kept in their proper position; and the winter e, which bears the carriage, and sustains the effort of the press beneath. The spindle f is an upright piece of iron pointed with steel, having a male screw which goes into the female one in the head about four inches. Through the eye g of this spindle is fastened the bar h, by which the pressman makes the impression. The spindle passes through a hole in the middle of the till; and its point works into a brass pan or nut, supplied with oil, which is fixed to an iron plate let into the top of the platen. The body of the spindle is sustained in the centre of an open frame of polished iron, 1, 1, 2, 3, 3, fixed to it in such a manner as, without obstructing its free play, to keep it in a steady direction; and at the same time to serve for suspending the platen. This frame consists of two parts; the upper called the garter, 1, 1; the under, called the crane, 2, 2. These are connected together by two short legs or bolts, 3, 3; which being fixed below in the two ends of the crane, pass upward, through two holes in the till, and are received at top into two eyes at the ends of the garter, where they are secured by screws. The carriage i is placed a foot below the platen, having its fore-part supported by a prop called the fore-play, while the other rests on the winter. On this carriage, which sustains the platen, are nailed two long iron bars or ribs; and on the plank are nailed short pieces of iron or steel called cramp irons, equally tempered with the ribs, and which slide upon them when the platen is turned in or out. Under the carriage is fixed a long piece of iron called the spit, with a double wheel in the middle, round which leather-girts are fastened, nailed to each end of the plank: and to the outside of the spit is fixed a rounce m, or handle to turn round the wheel. Upon the plank is a square frame or coffin, in which is inclosed a polished stone on which the form n is laid; at the end of the coffin are three frames, viz. the two tympans and frisket: the tympans o are square, and made of three slips of very thin wood, and at the top a piece of iron still thinner; that called the outer tympan is fastened with hinges to the coffin: they are both covered with parchment; and between the two are placed blankets, which are necessary to take off the impression of the letters upon the paper. The frisket p is a square frame of thin iron, fastened with hinges to the tympan: it is covered with paper cut in the necessary places, that the sheet, which is put between the frisket and the great or outward tympan, may receive the ink, and that nothing may hurt the margins. To regulate the margins, a sheet of paper is fastened upon this tympan, which is called the tympan sheet; and on each side is fixed an iron point, which makes two holes in the sheet, which is to be placed on the same points when the impression is to be made on the other side. In preparing the press for working, the parchment which covers the outer tympan is wetted till it is very soft, in order to render the impression more equable; the blankets are then put in, and secured from slipping by the inner tympan: then while one pressman is beating the letter with the balls q, covered with ink taken from the ink-block, the other person places a sheet of white paper on the tympan-sheet; turns down the frisket upon it, to keep the paper clean and prevent its slipping; then bringing the tympans upon the form, and turning the rounce, he brings the form with the stone, &c. weighing about 300 lbs. weight, under the platen; pulls with the bar, by which means the platen presses the blankets and paper close upon the letter, whereby half the form is printed; then easing the bar, he draws the form still forward; gives a second pull; and letting go the bar, turns back the form, takes up the tympans and frisket, takes out the printed sheet, and lays on a fresh one; and this is repeated till he has taken off the impression upon the full number of sheets the edition is to consist of. One side of the sheet being thus printed, the form for the other is laid upon the press, and worked off in the same manner.
Chine Printing, is performed from wooden planks or blocks, cut like those used in printing of calico, paper, cards, &c.
Rolling-press Printing, is employed in taking off prints or impressions from copperplates engraven, etched, or scraped, as in mezzotintos. See Engraving.
This art is said to have been as ancient as the year 1540, and to owe its origin to Finiguerra, a Florentine goldsmith, who pouring some melted brimstone on an engraven plate, found the exact impression of the engraving left in the cold brimstone, marked with black taken out of the strokes by the liquid sulphur: upon this he attempted to do the same on silver plates with wet paper, by rolling it smoothly with a roller; and this succeeded: but this art was not used in England till the reign of king James I. when it was brought from Antwerp by Speed. The form of the rolling-press, The composition of the ink used therein, and the manner of applying both in taking off prints, are as follow:
The rolling-presses AL, no. 3, may be divided into two parts, the body and carriage: the body consists of two wooden cheeks PP, placed perpendicularly on a stand or foot LM, which sustains the whole press. From the foot likewise are four other perpendicular pieces c, c, c, c, joined by other cross or horizontal ones d, d, d, which serve to sustain a smooth even plank or table HIK, about four feet and a half long, two feet and a half broad, and an inch and a half thick. Into the cheeks go two wooden cylinders or rollers, DE, FG, about six inches in diameter, borne up at each end by the cheeks, whose ends, which are lessened to about two inches diameter, and called trunnions, turn in the cheeks about two pieces of wood in form of half-moons, lined with polished iron to facilitate the motion. Lastly, to one of the trunnions of the upper roller is fastened a cross, consisting of two levers AB, or pieces of wood, traversing each other, the arms of which cross serve instead of the bar or handle of the letter-press, by turning the upper roller, and when the plank is between the two rollers, giving the same motion to the under one, by drawing the plank forward and backward.
The ink used for copperplates, is a composition made of the stones of peaches and apricots, the bones of sheep and ivory, all well burnt, and called Frankfort black, mixed with nut-oil that has been well boiled, and ground together on a marble, after the same manner as painters do their colours.
The method of printing from copperplates is as follows: They take a small quantity of this ink on a rubber made of lime-egg, strongly bound about each other, and therewith smear the whole face of the plate as it lies on a grate over a charcoal fire. The plate being sufficiently inked, they first wipe it over with a foul rag, then with the palm of their left hand, and then with that of the right; and to dry the hand and forward the wiping, they rub it from time to time in whitening. In wiping the plate perfectly clean, yet without taking the ink out of the engraving, the address of the workman consists. The plate thus prepared, is laid on the plank of the press; over the plate is laid the paper, first well moistened, to receive the impression; and over the paper two or three folds of flannel. Things thus disposed, the arms of the cross are pulled, and by that means the plate with its furniture passed through between the rollers, which pinching very strongly, yet equally, presses the moistened paper into the strokes of the engraving, whence it licks out the ink.