a famed city of antiquity, the capital of Africa Propria; and which for many years, disputed with Rome the sovereignty of the world. According to Velleius Paterculus, this city was built when 65, according to Justin and Trogus 72, according to others 100 or 140 years before the foundations of Rome were laid. It is on all hands agreed that the Phoenicians were the founders.

The beginning of the Carthaginian history, like that of all other nations, is obscure and uncertain. In the 7th year of Pygmalion king of Tyre, his sister Elisa or Elisa, or Dido, is said to have fled, with some of her companions and vassals, from the cruelty and avarice of her brother, who had put to death her husband Sinther, in order to get possession of his wealth.

She first touched at the island of Cyprus, where she met with a priest of Jupiter, who was desirous of attending her; to which she readily consented, and fixed the priesthood in his family. At that time it was a custom in the island of Cyprus, for the young women to go on certain stated days, before marriage, to the sea side, there to look for strangers, that might possibly arrive on their coasts, in order to prostitute themselves for gain, that they might thereby acquire a dowry. Out of these the Tyrians selected 80, whom they carried along with them. From Cyprus they sailed directly for the coast of Africa; and at last safely landed in the province called Africa Propria, not far from Utica, a Phoenician city of great antiquity. The inhabitants received their countrymen with great demonstrations of joy, and invited them to settle among them. The common fable is, that the Phoenicians imposed upon the Africans in the following manner: They desired, for their intended settlement, only as much ground as an ox's hide would encompass. This request the Africans laughed at; but were surprised, when, upon their granting it, they saw Elisa cut the hide into the smallest threads, by which means it surrounded a large territory; in which she built the citadel called Byrsa. The learned, however, are now unanimous in exploding this fable: and it is certain that citadel by the Carthaginians for many years paid an annual tribute to the Africans for the ground they possessed.

The new city soon became populous and flourishing, by the accession of the neighbouring Africans, who came thither at first with a view of traffic. In a short time it became so considerable, that Jarbas, a neighbouring prince, thought of making himself master of it without any effusion of blood. In order to this, he desired that an embassy of ten of the most noble Carthaginians might be sent him; and, upon their arrival, proposed to them a marriage with Dido, threatening war in case of refusal. The ambassadors, being afraid to deliver this message, told the queen that Jarbas desired some person might be sent him who was capable of civilizing his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any of her subjects who would leave their relations for the conversation of such barbarians. For this they were reprimanded by the queen; who told them that they ought to be ashamed of refusing to live in any manner for the benefit of their country. Upon this, they informed her of the true nature of their message from Jarbas; and that, according to her own decision, she ought to sacrifice herself for the good of her country. The unhappy queen, rather than submit to be the wife of such a barbarian, caused a funeral pile to be erected, and put an end to her life with a dagger.

This is Justin's account of the death of Queen Dido, and is the most probable; Virgil's story of her amours with Aeneas being looked upon as fabulous, even in the days of Macrobius, as we are informed by that historian. How long monarchical government continued in Carthage, or what happened to this state in its infancy, we are altogether ignorant, by reason of the Punic archives being destroyed by the Romans; so that there is a chasm in the Carthaginian history for above 300 years. It however appears, that from the very beginning the Carthaginians applied themselves to maritime affairs, and were formidable by sea in the time of Cyrus and Cambyses. From Diodorus Siculus and Justin, it appears that the principal support of the Carthaginians were the mines of Spain, in which country they seem to have established themselves very early. By means of the riches drawn from these mines, they were enabled to equip such formidable fleets as we are told they fitted out in the time of Cyrus or Cambyses. Justin intimates, that the first Carthaginian settlement in Spain happened when the city of Gades, now Cadiz, was but of late standing, or even its infancy. The Spaniards finding this new colony begin to flourish, attacked it with a numerous army, insomuch that the inhabitants were obliged to call in the Carthaginians to their aid. The latter very readily granted their request, and not only repulsed the Spaniards, but made themselves masters of almost the whole province in which their new city stood. By this success, they were encouraged to attempt the conquest of the whole country: but having to do with very warlike nations, they could not push their conquests to any great length at first; and it appears, from the accounts of Livy and Polybius, that the greatest part of Spain remained unfounded till the time of Hamilcar, Asdrubal, and Hannibal.

About 503 years before the birth of Christ, the Carthaginians entered into a treaty with the Romans. It related chiefly to matters of navigation and commerce. From it we learn that the whole island of Sardinia, and part of Sicily, were then subject to Carthage; that they were very well acquainted with the coasts of Italy, and had made some attempts upon them before this time: and that, even at this early period, a spirit of jealousy had taken place between the two republics. Some time near this period, the Carthaginians had a mind to discontinue the tribute they had hitherto paid the Africans for the ground on which their city stood. But notwithstanding all their power, they were at present unsuccessful; and at last were obliged to conclude a peace, one of the articles of which was, that the tribute should be continued.

By degrees the Carthaginians extended their power over all the islands in the Mediterranean, Sicily included; and for the entire conquest of this, they made vast preparations, about 480 years before Christ. Their army consisted of 300,000 men; their fleet was composed of upwards of 2000 men of war, and 3000 transports; and with such an immense armament, they made no doubt of conquering the whole island in a single campaign. In this, however, they found themselves miserably deceived. Hamilcar their general having landed his numerous forces, invested Himera, a city of considerable importance. He carried on his attacks with the greatest assiduity; but was at last attacked in his trenches by Gelon and Theron, the tyrants of Syracuse and Agrigentum, who gave the Carthaginians one of the greatest overthrow mentioned in history. An hundred and fifty thousand were killed in the battle and pursuit, and all the rest taken utterly prisoners; so that of so mighty an army not a single person escaped. Of the 2000 ships of war and 3000 transports, of which the Carthaginian fleet consisted, eight ships only, which then happened to be out at sea, made their escape: these immediately set sail for Carthage; but were all cast away, and every soul perished, except a few who were saved in a small boat, and at last reached Carthage with the dismal news of the total loss of the fleet and army. No words can express the consternation of the Carthaginians upon receiving the news of so terrible a disaster. Ambassadors were immediately dispatched to Sicily, with orders to conclude a peace upon any terms. They put to sea without delay; and landing at Syracuse, threw themselves at the conqueror's feet. They begged Gelon, with many tears, to receive their city into his favour, and grant them a peace on whatever terms he should choose to prescribe. He granted their request, upon condition that Carthage should pay him 2000 talents of silver to defray the expenses of the war; that they should build two temples, where the articles of the treaty should be lodged and kept as sacred; and that for the future they should abstain from human sacrifices. This was not thought a dear purchase of a peace for which there was such occasion; and to show their gratitude for Gelon's moderation, the Carthaginians complimented his wife Demerata with a crown of gold worth 100 talents.

From this time we find little mention of the Carthaginians for 70 years. Some time during this period, however, they had greatly extended their dominions in Africa, and likewise shaken off the tribute which gave them so much uneasiness. They had warm disputes with the inhabitants of Cyrene the capital of Cyrenaica, about a regulation of the limits of Cyreneans. of their respective territories. The consequence of these disputes was a war, which reduced both nations so low, that they agreed first to a cessation of arms, and then to a peace. At last it was agreed, that each state should appoint two commissioners, who should set out from their respective cities on the same day, and that the spot on which they met should be the boundary of both states. In consequence of this, two brothers called Phileni were sent out from Carthage, who advanced with great celerity, while those from Cyrene were much more slow in their motions.

Whether this proceeded from accident or design, or perfidy, we are not certainly informed; but, be this as it will, the Cyreneans, finding themselves greatly outstripped by the Phileni, accused them of breach of faith, asserting that they had set out before the time appointed, and consequently that the convention between their principals was broken. The Phileni desired them to propose some expedient whereby their differences might be accommodated; promising to submit to it whatever it might be. The Cyreneans then proposed, either that the Phileni should retire from the place where they were, or that they should be buried alive upon the spot. With this last condition the brothers immediately complied, and by their death gained a large extent of territory to their country. The Carthaginians ever after celebrated this as a most brave and heroic action; paid them divine honours; and endeavoured to immortalize their names by erecting two altars there, with suitable inscriptions upon them.

About the year before Christ 412, some disputes happening between the Egestines and Selinuntines, inhabitants of two cities in Sicily, the former called in the Carthaginians to their assistance; and occasioned a new invasion of Sicily by that nation. Great preparations were made for this war: Hannibal, whom they had appointed general, was empowered to raise an army equal to the undertaking, and equip a suitable fleet. They also appointed certain funds for defraying all the expenses of the war, intending to exert their whole force to reduce the island under their subjection.

The Carthaginian general having landed his forces, immediately marched for Selinus. In his way he took Emporium, a town situated on the river Mazara; and having arrived at Selinus, he immediately invested it. The besieged made a very vigorous defence; but at last the city was taken by storm, and the inhabitants were treated with the utmost cruelty. All were massacred by the savage conqueror, except the women who fled to the temples; and these escaped, not through the merciful disposition of the Carthaginians, but because they were afraid, that if driven to despair they would set fire to the temples, and by that means consume the treasure they expected to find in those places. Sixteen thousand were massacred; 2250 escaped to Agrigentum; and the women and children, about 5000 in number, were carried away captives. At the same time the temples were plundered, and the city razed to the ground.

After the reduction of Selinus, Hannibal laid siege to Himera; that city he desired above all things to become master of, that he might revenge the death of his grandfather Hamilcar, who had been slain before it by Gelon. His troops, flushed with their late success, behaved with undaunted courage: but finding his battering engines not to answer his purpose sufficiently, he undermined the wall, supporting it with large beams of timber, to which he afterwards set fire, and thus laid part of it flat on the ground. Notwithstanding this advantage, however, the Carthaginians were several times repulsed with great slaughter; but at last they became masters of the place, and treated it in the same manner as they had done Selinus. After this, Hannibal, dismissing his Sicilian and Italian allies, returned to Africa.

The Carthaginians were now so much elated, that they meditated the reduction of the whole island. But as the age and infirmities of Hannibal rendered him incapable of commanding the forces alone, they joined in commission with him Imilcar, the son of Hanno, one of the same family. On the landing of the Carthaginian army, all Sicily was alarmed, and the principal cities put themselves into the best state of defense they were able. The Carthaginians immediately marched to Agrigentum, and began to batter the walls with great fury. The besieged, however, defended themselves with incredible resolution, in a sadly burnt all the machines raised against their city, and repelled the enemy with great slaughter. The Syracusans, in the mean time, being alarmed at the danger of Agrigentum, sent an army to its relief. On their approach they were immediately attacked by the Carthaginians; but after a sharp dispute the latter were defeated, and forced to fly to the very walls of Agrigentum, with the loss of 6000 men. Had the Agrigentine commanders now fallen out, and fallen upon the fugitives, in all probability the Carthaginian army must have been destroyed; but, either through fear or corruption, they refused to stir out of the place, and this occasioned the loss of it. Immense booty was found in the city; and the Carthaginians behaved with their usual cruelty, putting all their inhabitants to the sword, not excepting even those who had fled to the temples.

The next attempt of the Carthaginians was designed against the city of Gela; but the Geleans, being greatly alarmed, implored the protection of Syracuse: and, at their request, Dionysius was sent to assist them with 2000 foot and 400 horse. The Geleans were so well satisfied with his conduct, that they treated him with the highest marks of distinction; they even sent ambassadors to Syracuse to return thanks for the important services done them by sending him thither; and soon after he was appointed generalissimo of the Syracusan forces and those of their allies against the Carthaginians. In the mean time Imilcar, having razed the city of Agrigentum, made an incursion into the territories of Gela and Comarina; which having ravaged in a dreadful manner, he carried off such immense quantity of plunder, as filled his whole camp. He then marched against the city; but though Gela, being but indifferently fortified, he met with a very vigorous resistance; and the place held out for a long time without receiving any assistance from its allies. At last Dionysius came to its assistance with an army of 50,000 foot and 1000 horse. With these he attacked the Carthaginian camp, but was repulsed with great loss; after which, he called a council of war, the result of whose deliberations was, that since the enemy was so much superior to them in strength, it would be highly imprudent to put all to the issue of a battle; and therefore that the inhabitants should be persuaded to abandon the country, as the only means of saving their lives. In consequence of this, a trumpet was sent to Imilcar to declare a cessation of arms till the next day, in order, as was pretended, to bury the dead, but in reality to give the people of Gela an opportunity of making their escape. Towards the beginning of the night the bulk of the citizens left the place; and he himself with the army followed them about midnight. To amuse the enemy, he left 2000 of his light-armed troops behind him, commanding them to make fires all night, and set up loud shouts as though the army still remained in the town. At day-break these took the same route as their companions, and pursued their march with great celerity. The Carthaginians, finding the city deserted by the greatest part of its inhabitants, immediately entered it, putting to death all who had remained; after which, Imilcar having thoroughly plundered it, moved towards Camarina. The inhabitants of this city had been likewise drawn off by Dionysius, and it underwent the same fate with Gela.

Notwithstanding these successes, however, Imilcar finding his army greatly weakened, partly by the casualties of war, and partly by a plague, which broke out in it, sent a herald to Syracuse to offer terms of peace. His unexpected arrival was very agreeable to the Syracusans, and a peace was immediately concluded upon the following terms, viz. That the Carthaginians, besides their ancient acquisitions in Sicily, should still possess the countries of the Silicani, the Scolinuntines, the Himereans, and Agrigentines; that the people of Gela and Camarina should be permitted to reside in their respective cities, which yet should be dismantled, upon their paying an annual tribute to the Carthaginians; that all the other Sicilians should preserve their independency except the Syracusans, who should continue in subjection to Dionysius.

The tyrant of Syracuse, however, had concluded this peace with no other view than to gain time, and to put himself in a condition to attack the Carthaginian territories with greater force. Having accomplished this, he acquainted the Syracusans with his design, and they immediately approved of it; upon which he gave up to the fury of the populace the persons and possessions of the Carthaginians who resided in Syracuse, and traded there on the faith of treaties. As there were many of their ships at that time in the harbour, laden with cargoes of great value, the people immediately plundered them; and, not content with this, ransacked all their houses in a most outrageous manner. This example was followed throughout the whole island; and in the mean time Dionysius dispatched a herald to Carthage, with a letter to the senate and people, telling them, that if they did not immediately withdraw their garrisons from all the Greek cities in Sicily, the people of Syracuse would treat them as enemies. With this demand, however, he did not allow them to comply; for without waiting for any answer from Carthage, he advanced with his army to Eryx, near which stood the city of Motya, a Carthaginian colony of great importance; and this he immediately invested. But soon after, leaving his brother Leptines to carry on the attack, he himself went with the greatest part of his forces to reduce the cities in alliance with the Carthaginians. He destroyed their territories with fire and sword, cut down all their trees; and then sat down before Egeita and Entella, most of the other towns having opened their gates at his approach: but these baffling his utmost efforts, he returned to Motya, and pushed on the siege of that place with the utmost vigour.

The Carthaginians, in the mean time, though alarmed at the message sent them by Dionysius, and though reduced to a miserable situation by the plague which had broken out in their city, did not despond, but sent officers to Europe, with considerable sums, to raise troops with the utmost diligence. Ten galleys were also sent from Carthage to destroy all the ships that were found in the harbour of Syracuse. The admiral, according to his orders, entered the harbour in the night, without being discovered by the enemy; and having sunk most of the ships he found there, returned without the loss of a man.

All this while the Motyans defended themselves with incredible vigour; while their enemies, furious at revenging the cruelties exercised upon their countrymen by the Carthaginians, fought like lions. At last the place was taken by storm, and the Greek soldiers began a general massacre. For some time Dionysius was not able to restrain their fury: but at last he proclaimed that the Motyans should fly to the Greek temples; which they accordingly did, and a stop was put to the slaughter; but the soldiers took care thoroughly to plunder the town, in which they found a great treasure.

The following spring, Dionysius invaded the Carthaginian territories, and made an attempt upon Egeita: but here he was again disappointed. The Carthaginians were greatly alarmed at his progress; but, next year, notwithstanding a considerable loss sustained in a sea-fight with Leptines, Himileo their general landed a powerful army at Panormus, seized upon Eryx, and then advancing towards Motya, made himself master of it before Dionysius could send any forces to its relief. He next advanced to Motya, which he likewise besieged and took; after which most of the Siculi revolted from Dionysius.

Notwithstanding this defection, Dionysius, finding his forces still amount to 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, feasted at advanced against the enemy. At the same time Leptines was sent with the Syracusan fleet against that of the Carthaginians, but with positive orders not to break the line of battle upon any account whatever. But, notwithstanding these orders, he thought proper to divide his fleet, and the consequence of this was a total defeat; above 100 of the Syracusan galleys being sunk or taken, and 20,000 of their men killed in the battle or in the pursuit. Dionysius, disheartened by this Syracusan misfortune, returned with his army to Syracuse, being afraid that the Carthaginian fleet might become masters of that city, if he should advance to fight the land army. Himileo did not fail immediately to invest the capital; and had certainly become master of it, and consequently of the whole island, had not a most malignant pestilence obliged him to desist from all further operations. This dreadful malady made great havoc among his forces both by sea and land; and, to complete... plete his misfortunes, Dionysius attacked him unexpectedly, totally ruined his fleet, and made himself master of his camp.

Himilco, finding himself altogether unable to sustain another attack, was obliged to come to a private agreement with Dionysius; who for 300 talents consented to let him escape to Africa with the shattered remains of his fleet and army. The unfortunate general arrived at Carthage, clad in mean and forlorn attire, where he was met by a great number of people bewailing their sad and inauspicious fortune. Himilco joined them in their lamentations; and, being unable to survive his misfortunes, put an end to his own life. He had left Mago in Sicily, to take care of the Carthaginian interests in the best manner he could. In order to this, Mago treated all the Sicilians subject to Carthage with the greatest humanity; and, having received a considerable number of soldiers from Africa, he at last formed an army with which he ventured a battle; in this he was defeated, and driven out of the field, with the loss of 800 men; which obliged him to desist from farther attempts of that nature.

Notwithstanding all these terrible disasters, the Carthaginians could not forbear making new attempts upon the island of Sicily; and about the year before Christ 392, Mago landed in it with an army of 80,000 men. This attempt, however, was attended with no better success than before: Dionysius found means to reduce him to such straits for want of provisions, that he was obliged to sue for peace. This continued for nine years, at the end of which the war was renewed with various successes. It continued with little interruption till the year before Christ 376, when the Syracusan state being rent by civil dissensions, the Carthaginians thought it a proper time to exert themselves, in order to become masters of the whole island. They fitted out a great fleet, and entered into alliance with Icetas, tyrant of Leontini, who pretended to have taken Syracuse under his protection. By this treaty, the two powers engaged to assist each other, in order to expel Dionysius II., after which they were to divide the island between them. The Syracusans applied for succours to the Corinthians; and they readily sent them a body of troops under the command of Timoleon an experienced general. By a stratagem, he got his forces landed at Tauromenium. The whole of them did not exceed 1200 in number: yet with these he marched against Icetas, who was at the head of 5000 men: his army surprised at supper, put 300 of them to the sword, and took 600 prisoners. He then marched to Syracuse, and broke into one part of the town before the enemy had any notice of his approach: here he took post, and defended himself with such resolution, that he could not be dislodged by the united power of Icetas and the Carthaginians.

In this place he remained for some time, in expectation of a reinforcement from Corinth; till the arrival of which he did not judge it practicable to extend his conquests.—The Carthaginians, being apprised that the Corinthian succours were detained by tempestuous weather at Thurium, posted a strong squadron, under Hammo their admiral, to intercept them in their passage to Sicily. But that commander, not imagining the Corinthians would attempt a passage to Sicily in such a stormy season, left his station at Thurium, and ordering his seamen to crown themselves with garlands, and adorn their vessels with bucklers both of the Greek and Carthaginian form, sailed to Syracuse in a triumphant manner. Upon his arrival there, he gave the troops in the citadel to understand that he had taken the succours Timoleon expected, thinking by this means to intimidate them to surrender. But, while he thus trifled away his time, the Corinthians marched with great expedition to Rhegium, and, taking the advantage of a gentle breeze, were easily wafted over into Sicily. Mago, the Carthaginian general, was no sooner informed of the arrival of this reinforcement, than he of Mago was struck with terror, though the whole Corinthian army did not exceed 4000 men; and soon after, fearing a revolt of his mercenaries, he weighed anchor, in spite of all the remonstrances of Icetas, and set sail for Africa. Here he no sooner arrived, than, overcome with grief and shame for his unparalleled cowardice, he laid violent hands on himself. His body was hung up on a gallows or cross, in order to deter succeeding generals from forfeiting their honour in so flagrant a manner.

After the flight of Mago, Timoleon carried all before him. He obliged Icetas to renounce his alliance with the state of Carthage, and even deposed him, and continued his military preparations with the greatest vigour. On the other hand, the Carthaginians prepared for the ensuing campaign with the greatest alacrity. An army of 70,000 men was sent over, with a fleet of 200 ships of war, and 1000 transports laden with warlike engines, armed chariots, horses, and all other sorts of provisions. This immense multitude, however, was overthrown on the banks of the Crimissus by Timoleon: 10,000 were left dead on the field of battle; and of these above 3000 were native Carthaginians of the best families in the city. Above 15,000 were taken prisoners; all their baggage and provisions, with 200 chariots, 1000 coats of mail, and 10,000 shields, fell into Timoleon's hands. The spoil, which consisted chiefly of gold and silver, was so immense, that the whole Sicilian army was three days in collecting it and stripping the slain. After this signal victory, he left his mercenary forces upon the frontiers of the enemy, to plunder and ravage the country; while he himself returned to Syracuse with the rest of his army, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Soon after, Icetas, grown weary of his private station, concluded a new peace with the Carthaginians; and, having assembled an army, ventured an engagement with Timoleon: but in this he was utterly defeated; and himself, with Eupolemus his son, and Euthymus, general of his horse, were brought bound to Timoleon by their own soldiers. The two first were immediately executed as tyrants and traitors, and the last murdered in cold blood; Icetas's wives and daughters were likewise cruelly put to death after a public trial. In a short time after, Mamericus, another of the Carthaginian confederates, was overthrown by Timoleon, with the loss of 2000 men. These misfortunes induced the Carthaginians to conclude a peace on the following terms: That all the Greek cities should be set free; that the river Halycus should be the boundary between the territories of both parties; that the natives of the cities subject to the Carthaginians... Carthaginians should be allowed to withdraw, if they pleased, to Syracuse, or its dependencies, with their families and effects; and, lastly, that Carthage should not, for the future, give any assistance to the remaining tyrants against Syracuse.

About 316 years before Christ, we find the Carthaginians engaged in another bloody war with the Sicilians, on the following occasion; Sofistratus, who had usurped the supreme authority at Syracuse, having been forced by Agathocles to raise the siege of Rhegium, returned with his shattered troops to Sicily. But soon after this unsuccessful expedition he was obliged to abdicate the sovereignty and quit Syracuse. With him were expelled above 600 of the principal citizens, who were suspected of having formed a design to overturn the plan of government which then prevailed in the city. As Sofistratus and the exiles thought themselves ill treated, they had recourse to the Carthaginians, who readily espoused their cause. Hereupon the Syracusans, having recalled Agathocles, who had before been banished by Sofistratus, appointed him commander in chief of all their forces, principally on account of the known aversion he bore that tyrant. The war, however, did not then continue long; for Sofistratus and the exiles were quickly received again into the city, and peace was concluded with Carthage: The people of Syracuse, however, finding that Agathocles wanted to make himself absolute, exacted an oath from him, that he would do nothing to the prejudice of the democracy. But, notwithstanding this oath, Agathocles pursued his purpose, and by a general massacre of the principal citizens of Syracuse, raised himself to the throne. For some time he was obliged to keep the peace he had concluded with Carthage; but at last, finding his authority established, and that his subjects were ready to second his ambitious designs, he paid no regard to his treaties, but immediately made war on the neighbouring states, which he had expressly agreed not to do, and then carried his arms into the very heart of the island. In these expeditions he was attended with such success, that in two years' time he brought into subjection all the Greek part of Sicily. This being accomplished, he committed great devastations in the Carthaginian territories, their general Hamilcar not offering to give him the least disturbance. This perfidious conduct greatly incensed the people of those districts against Hamilcar, whom they accused before the senate. He died, however, in Sicily; and Hamilcar the son of Gisco was appointed to succeed him in the command of the forces. The last place that held out against Agathocles was Messana, whither all the Syracusan exiles had retired. Papiphilus, Agathocles's general, found means to cajole the inhabitants into a treaty: which Agathocles, according to custom, paid no regard to, but, as soon as he was in possession of the town, cut off all those who had opposed his government. For, as he intended to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour against Carthage, he thought it a point of good policy to destroy as many of his Sicilian enemies as possible.

The Carthaginians in the meantime having landed a powerful army in Sicily, an engagement soon ensued, in which Agathocles was defeated with the loss of 7000 men. After this defeat he was obliged to shut himself up in Syracuse, which the Carthaginians immediately invested, and most of the Greek states in the island submitted to them.

Agathocles, seeing himself stripped of almost all his dominions, and his capital itself in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, formed a design, which, were it not attested by writers of undoubted authority, would seem absolutely incredible. This was no less than to transfer the war into Africa, and lay siege to the enemy's capital, at a time when he himself was besieged, and only one city left to him in all Sicily. Before he departed, however, he made all the necessary preparations for the defence of the place, and appointed his brother Antandrus governor of it. He also gave permission to all who were not willing to stand the fatigues of a siege to retire out of the city. Many of the principal citizens, Justin says 1600, accepted of this offer: but they were no sooner got out of the place, than they were cut off by parties posted on the road for that purpose. Having seized upon their estates, Agathocles raised a considerable sum, which was intended in some measure to defray the expense of the expedition: however, he carried with him only 50 talents to supply his present wants, being well assured that he should find in the enemy's country whatever was necessary for his subsistence. As the Carthaginians had a much superior fleet, they for some time kept the mouth of the harbour blocked up; but at last a fair opportunity offered; and Agathocles hoisting sail, by the activity of his rowers soon got clear both of the port and city of Syracuse. The Carthaginians pursued him with all possible expedition; but, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, Agathocles got his troops landed with very little opposition.

Soon after his forces were landed, Agathocles burnt his fleet, probably that his soldiers might behave with his fleet, the greater resolution, as they saw no possibility of flying from their danger. He first advanced to a place called the Great City. This, after a feeble resistance, he took and plundered. From hence he marched to Tunis, which surrendered on the first summons; and Agathocles levelled both places with the ground.

The Carthaginians were at first thrown into the greatest consternation; but, soon recovering themselves, the citizens took up arms with so much alacrity, that in a few days they had on foot an army of 40,000 foot and 1000 horse, with 2000 armed chariots. The command of this army they entrusted to Hanno and Bomilcar, two generals between whom there subsisted a great animosity. This occasioned the defeat of their whole army, with the loss of their camp, though all the forces of Agathocles did not exceed 14,000 in number. Among other rich spoils the conqueror found many chariots of curious workmanship, which carried 20,000 pair of fetters and manacles that the enemy had provided for the Sicilian prisoners. After this defeat, the Carthaginians, supposing themselves to have fallen under the displeasure of their deities on account of their neglecting to sacrifice children of noble families to them, resolved to expiate this guilt. Accordingly 200 children of the first rank were sacrificed to their bloody gods, besides 300 other persons who voluntarily offered themselves to pacify the wrath of these deities.

After these expiations, Hamilcar was recalled from Sicily. Sieily. When the messengers arrived, Hamilcar commanded them not once, to mention the victory of Agathocles; but, on the contrary, to give out among the troops that he had been entirely defeated, his forces all cut off, and his fleet destroyed by the Carthaginians. This threw the Syracusans into the utmost despair; however, one Eurymnon, an Eolian, prevailed upon Antandrus not to consent to a capitulation, but to stand a general assault. Hamilcar being informed of this, prepared his battering engines, and made all the necessary preparations to storm the town without delay. But while matters remained in this situation, a galley, which Agathocles had caused to be built immediately after the battle, got into the harbour of Syracuse, and acquainted the inhabitants with the certainty of Agathocles's victory. Hamilcar, observing that the garrison flocked down to the port on this occasion, and expecting to find the walls unguarded, ordered his soldiers to erect scaling ladders, and begin the intended assault. The enemy having left the ramparts quite exposed, the Carthaginians mounted them without being discovered, and had almost possession of an entire part lying between two towers, when the patrol discovered them. Upon this, a warm dispute ensued; but at last the Carthaginians were repulsed with loss. Hamilcar, therefore, finding it in vain to continue the siege after such glad tidings had restored life and soul to the Syracusans, drew off his forces, and sent a detachment of 5000 men to reinforce the troops in Africa. He still entertained hopes, however, that he might oblige Agathocles to quit Africa, and return to the defense of his own dominions. He spent some time in making himself master of such cities as sided with the Syracusans; and, after having brought all their allies under subjection, returned again to Syracuse, hoping to surprise it by an attack in the night-time. But being attacked while advancing through narrow passes, where his numerous army had no room to act, he was defeated with great slaughter, and himself taken prisoner, carried into Syracuse, and put to death.

In the meantime the Agrigentines, finding that the Carthaginians and Syracusans had greatly weakened each other by this war, thought it a proper opportunity to attempt the sovereignty of the whole island. They therefore commenced a war against both parties; and prosecuted it with such success, that in a short time they wrested many places of note, both out of the hands of the Syracusans and Carthaginians.

In Africa the tyrant carried everything before him. He reduced most of the places of any note in the territory of Carthage; and hearing that Elymas king of Libya had declared against him, he immediately entered Libya Superior, and in a great battle overthrew that prince, putting to the sword a good part of his troops, and the general who commanded them; after which he advanced against the Carthaginians with such expedition, that he surprized and defeated them with the loss of 2000 killed, and a great number taken prisoners. He next prepared for the siege of Carthage itself; and in order thereto advanced to a post within five miles of that city. On the other hand, notwithstanding the great losses they had already sustained, the Carthaginians, with a powerful army, encamped between him and their capital. In this situation Agathocles received advice of the defeat of the Carthaginian forces before Syracuse, and the head of Hamilcar their general. Upon this he immediately rode up to the enemy's camp, and showing them the head, gave them an account of the total destruction of their army before Syracuse. This threw them into such consternation, that in all human probability Agathocles would have made himself master of Carthage, had not an unexpected mutiny arisen in his camp, which gave the Carthaginians an opportunity of recovering from their terror.

The year following an engagement happened, in which neither party gained any great advantage: but an alliance soon after, the tyrant, notwithstanding all his victories, found himself unable to carry on the war alone; and therefore endeavoured to gain over to his interest Ophellas, one of the captains of Alexander the Great. In this he perfectly succeeded; and to succour his new ally the more effectually, Ophellas sent to Athens for a body of troops. Having finished his military preparations, Ophellas found his army to consist of 10,000 foot and 600 horse, all regular troops, besides 100 chariots, and a body of 10,000 men, attended by their wives and children, as though he had been going to plant a new colony. At the head of these forces he continued his march towards Agathocles for 18 days; and then encamped at Automale, a city about 3000 stadia distant from the capital of his dominions. From thence he advanced through the Regio Syrtyca; but found himself reduced to such extremities, that his army was in danger of perishing for want of bread, water, and other provisions. They were also greatly annoyed by serpents and wild beasts, with which that desert region abounded. The serpents made the greatest havoc among the troops; for, being of the same colour with the earth, and extremely venomous, many soldiers, who trod upon them without seeing them, were flung to death. At last, after a very fatiguing march of two months, he approached Agathocles, and encamped at a small distance from him, to the no small terror of the Carthaginians, who apprehended the most fatal consequences from this junction. Agathocles at first cared for him, and advised him to take all possible care of his troops that had undergone so many fatigues; but soon after cut off his head by treachery, and then by fair words and promises persuaded his troops to serve under himself.

Agathocles, now finding himself at the head of a numerous army, assumed the title of King of Africa, intending soon to complete his conquests by the reduction of Carthage. He began with the siege of Utica, which was taken by assault. After this he marched against Hippo Diarrhytus, the Biferta of the moderns, which was also taken by storm; and after this most of the people bordering upon the sea coasts, and even those who inhabited the inland parts of the country, submitted to him. But in the midst of this obliged career of success, the Sicilians formed an association in return favour of liberty; which obliged the tyrant to return home, leaving his son Archagathus to carry on the war in Africa.

Archagathus, after his father's departure, greatly extended the African conquests. He sent Eumachus Archagathus at the head of a large detachment to invade some of the neighbouring provinces, while he himself, with the greatest part of his army, observed the motions of the Carthaginians. Eumachus falling into Numidia, first took the great city of Tocas, and conquered several of the Numidian cantons. Afterwards he besieged and took Phellina; which was attended with the submission of the Asphodelodians, a nation, according to Diodorus, as black as the Ethiopians. He then reduced several cities; and being at last elated with such a run of good fortune, resolved to penetrate into the more remote parts of Africa. Here he at first met with success; but hearing that the barbarous nations were advancing in a formidable body to give him battle, he abandoned his conquests, and retreated with the utmost precipitation towards the sea coasts, after having lost abundance of men.

This unfortunate expedition made a great alteration for the worse in the affairs of Archagathus. The Carthaginians being informed of Eumachus's bad success, resolved to exert themselves in an extraordinary manner to repair their former losses. They divided their forces into three bodies: one of these they sent to the sea coasts, to keep the towns there in awe; another they dispatched into the Mediterranean parts, to preserve the allegiance of the inhabitants there; and the last body they ordered to the Upper Africa, to support their confederates in that country. Archagathus, being apprised of the motions of the Carthaginians, divided his forces likewise into three bodies. One of these he sent to observe the Carthaginian troops on the sea coasts, with orders to advance afterwards into the Upper Africa; another under the command of Æschron, one of his generals, he posted at a proper distance in the heart of the country, to have an eye both on the enemy there and the barbarous nations; and with the last, which he led in person, he kept near Carthage, preserving a communication with the other two, in order to send them succours, or recall them, as the exigency of affairs should require.—The Carthaginian troops sent into the heart of the country, were commanded by Hannibal, a general of great experience, who being informed of the approach of Æschron, laid an ambuscade for him, into which he was drawn, and cut off with 4000 foot and 200 horse. Himilco, who commanded the Carthaginian forces in upper Africa, having advice of Eumachus's march, immediately advanced against him. An engagement ensued, in which the Greeks were almost totally cut off, or perished with thirst after the battle; out of 8000 foot only 30, and of 800 horse only 40, having the good fortune to make their escape.

Archagathus receiving the melancholy news of these two defeats, immediately called in the detachments he had sent out to harass the enemy, which would otherwise have been instantly cut off. He was, however, in a short time hemmed in on all sides, in such a manner as to be reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions, and ready every moment to be swallowed up by the numerous forces which surrounded him. In this deplorable situation Agathocles received an express from Archagathus, acquainting him of the losses he had sustained, and the scarcity of provisions he laboured under. Upon this the tyrant, leaving the care of the Sicilian war to one Leptines, by a stratagem got 18 Etruscan ships that came to his assistance out of the harbour; and then engaging Carthage, the Carthaginian squadron which lay in its neighbourhood, took five of their ships, and made all their men prisoners. By this means he became master of the port, and secured a passage into it for the merchants of all nations, which soon restored plenty to that city, where the famine before had begun to make great havoc. Supplying himself, therefore, with a sufficient quantity of necessaries for the voyage he was going to undertake, he immediately set sail for Africa.

Upon his arrival in this country, Agathocles reviewed his forces, and found them to consist of 6000 Greeks, as many Samnites, Celtes, and Etruscans; besides 10,000 Africans, and 1500 horse. As he found his troops almost in a state of despair, he thought this a proper time for offering the enemy battle. The Carthaginians, however, did not think proper to accept the challenge; especially as, by keeping close in their camp, where they had plenty of everything, they could starve the Greeks to a surrender without striking a stroke. Upon this Agathocles attacked the Carthaginian camp with great bravery, made a considerable impression upon it, and might perhaps have carried it, had not his mercenaries deserted him almost successively at the first onset. By this piece of cowardice he was forced to retire with precipitation to his camp, whither the Carthaginians pursued him very closely, doing great execution in the pursuit.

The next night, the Carthaginians sacrificed all the prisoners of distinction as a grateful acknowledgment to the gods for the victory they had gained. While they were employed in this inhuman work, the wind suddenly rising, carried the flames to the sacred tabernacle near the altar, which was entirely consumed, as well as the general's tent, and those of the principal officers adjoining to it. A dreadful alarm took place through the whole camp, which was heightened by the great progress the fire made. For the soldiers' tents consisting of very combustible materials, and the wind blowing in a most violent manner, the whole camp was almost entirely reduced to ashes; and many of the soldiers, endeavouring to carry off their arms, and the rich baggage of their officers, perished in the flames. Some of those who made their escape met with a fate equally unhappy: For, after Agathocles had received the last blow, the Africans deserted him, and were in that instant coming over in a body to the Carthaginians. These, the persons who were flying from the flames took to be the whole Syracusan army advancing in order of battle to attack their camp. Upon this a dreadful confusion ensued. Some took to their heels; others fell down in heaps one upon another; and others engaged their comrades, mistaking them for the enemy. Five thousand men lost their lives in this tumult, and the rest thought proper to take refuge within the walls of Carthage; nor could the appearance of daylight, for some time, dispel their terrible apprehensions. In the meantime the African deserters, observing the great confusion the Carthaginians were in, and not knowing the meaning of it, were so terrified, that they thought proper to return to the place from whence they came. The Syracusans, seeing a body of troops advancing towards them in good order, concluded that the enemy were... were marching to attack them, and therefore immediately cried out, "To arms." The flames ascending out of the Carthaginian camp into the air, and the lamentable outcry proceeding from thence, confirmed them in this opinion, and greatly heightened their confusion. The consequence was much the same as in the Carthaginian camp; for coming to blows with one another instead of the enemy, they scarce recovered their senses upon the return of light, and the intestine fray was so bloody that it cost Agathocles 4000 men.

The last disaster so disheartened the tyrant, that he immediately set about contriving means for making his escape privately; and this he at last, though with great difficulty, effected. After his departure, his two sons were immediately put to death by the soldiers, who, choosing a leader from among themselves, made peace with the Carthaginians upon the following conditions: 1. That the Greeks should deliver up all the places they held in Africa, receiving from them 300 talents; 2. That such of them as were willing to serve in the Carthaginian army should be kindly treated, and receive the usual pay; and, 3. That the rest should be transported to Sicily, and have the city of Selinus for their habitation.

From this time, to that of their first war with the Romans, we find nothing remarkable in the history of the Carthaginians. The first Punic war, as it is commonly called, happened about 256 years before Christ. At that time the Carthaginians were possessed of extensive dominions in Africa; they had made considerable progress in Spain; were masters of Sardinia, Corsica, and all the islands on the coast of Italy; and had extended their conquests to a great part of Sicily. The occasion of the first rupture between the two republics was as follows: The Mamertines being vanquished in battle, and reduced to great straits by Hiero king of Syracuse, had resolved to deliver up Messina, the only city they now possessed, to that prince, with whose mild government and strict probity they were well acquainted. Accordingly, Hiero was advancing at the head of his troops to take possession of the city, when Hannibal, who at that time commanded the Carthaginian army in Sicily, prevented him by a stratagem. He came to meet Hiero, as it were, to congratulate him on his victory; and amused him, while some of the Carthaginian troops filed off towards Messina. Hereupon the Mamertines, seeing their city supported by a new reinforcement, were divided into several opinions. Some were for accepting the protection of Carthage; others were for surrendering to the king of Syracuse; but the greater part were for calling in the Romans to their assistance. Deputies were accordingly dispatched to Rome, offering the possession of the city to the Romans, and in the most moving terms imploring protection. This, after some debate, was agreed to; and the consul Appius Claudius received orders to attempt a passage to Sicily at the head of a powerful army. Being obliged to stay some time at Rome, however, one Caius Claudius, a person of great intrepidity and resolution, was dispatched with a few vessels to Rhegium. On his arrival there, he observed the Carthaginian squadron to be so much superior to his own, that he thought it would be little better than madness to attempt at that time to transport forces to Carthage, Sicily. He crossed the straits, however, and had a conference with the Mamertines, in which he prevailed upon them all to accept of the protection of Rome; and on this he made the necessary preparations for transporting his forces. The Carthaginians, being informed of the resolution of the Romans, sent a strong squadron of galleys under the command of Hanno to intercept the Roman fleet; and accordingly the Carthaginian admiral, coming up with them near the coast of Sicily, attacked them with great fury. During the engagement, a violent storm arose, which dashed many of the Roman vessels against the rocks, and did a vast deal of damage to their squadron; by which means Claudius was forced to retire to Rhegium, and this he accomplished with great difficulty. Hanno restored all the vessels he had taken; but ordered the deputies sent with them to expostulate with the Roman general upon the infraction of the treaties subsisting between the two republics. This expostulation, however just, produced an open rupture: Claudius soon after posting himself at Messina.

Such was the beginning of the first Punic war, Carthage which is said to have lasted 24 years. The first year, the Carthaginians and Syracusans laid siege to Messina; but not acting in concert as they ought to have done, were overthrown by the consul Appius Claudius; and this defeat so much disgusted Hiero with the Carthaginians, that he soon after concluded an alliance with the Romans. After this treaty, having no enemy to contend with but the Carthaginians, the Romans made themselves masters of all the cities on the western coast of Sicily, and at the end of the campaign carried back most of their troops with them to take up their winter quarters in Italy.

The second year, Hanno the Carthaginian general Agrigentum fixed his principal magazine at Agrigentum. This place was very strong by nature, had been rendered almost impregnable by the new fortifications raised by the Carthaginians during the preceding winter, and was defended by a numerous garrison commanded by one Hannibal, a general of great experience in war. For five months the Romans attempted to reduce the place by famine, and had actually brought the inhabitants to great distress, when a Carthaginian army of 50,000 foot, 6000 horse, and 60 elephants, landed at Lilybaeum, and from thence marched to Heraclea, within 20 miles of Agrigentum. There the general received a deputation from some of the inhabitants of Erbesa, where the Romans had their magazines, offering to put the town into his hands. It was accordingly delivered up; and by this means the Romans became so much distressed, that they had certainly been obliged to abandon their enterprise, had not Hiero supplied them with provisions. But all the assistance he was able to give could not long have supported them, as their army was so much weakened by disorders occasioned by famine, that, out of 100,000 men, of whom it originally consisted, scarce a fourth part remained fit for service, and could no longer subsist on such parsimonious supplies. But in the mean time Hannibal acquainted Hanno that the city was reduced to the utmost distress; upon which he resolved to venture an engagement, which he had before declined. In this the Romans were victorious, and the city surrendered. The third year, Hannibal received orders to ravage the coast of Italy; but the Romans had taken care to post detachments in such places as were most proper to prevent his landing, so that the Carthaginian found it impossible to execute his orders. At the same time, the Romans, perceiving the advantages of being masters of the sea, set about building 120 galleys. While this was doing, they made themselves masters of most of the inland cities, but the Carthaginians reduced or kept fleady in their interest most of the maritime ones; so that both parties were equally successful during this campaign.

The fourth year, Hannibal by a stratagem made himself master of 17 Roman galleys; after which he committed great ravages on the coast of Italy, whither he had advanced to take a view of the Roman fleet. But he was afterwards attacked in his turn, lost the greatest part of his ships, and with great difficulty made his own escape. Soon after he was totally defeated by the consul Duilius, with the loss of 80 ships taken, 13 sunk, 7000 men killed, and as many taken prisoners. After this victory Duilius landed in Sicily, put himself at the head of the land forces, relieved Segesta, besieged by Hamilcar, and made himself master of Macella, though defended by a numerous garrison.

The fifth year a difference arose between the Romans and their Sicilian allies, which came to such a height, that they encamped separately. Of this Hamilcar availed himself, and attacking the Sicilians in their entrenchments, put 4000 of them to the sword. He then drove the Romans from their posts, took several cities from them, and overran the greatest part of the country. In the mean time, Hannibal, after his defeat, sailed with the shattered remains of his fleet to Carthage: but, in order to secure himself from punishment, he sent one of his friends with all speed, before the event of the battle was known there, to acquaint the senate, that the Romans had put to sea with a good number of heavy ill-built vessels, each of them carrying some machine, the use of which the Carthaginians did not understand; and asked whether it was the opinion of the senate that Hannibal should attack them? These machines were the corvi, which were then newly invented, and by means of which, chiefly, Duilius had gained the victory. The senate were unanimous in their opinion that the Romans should be attacked; upon which the messenger acquainted them with the unfortunate event of the battle. As the senators had already declared themselves for the engagement, they spared their general's life, and, according to Polybius, even continued him in the command of the fleet. In a short time, being reinforced by a good number of galleys, and attended by some officers of great merit, he sailed for the coast of Sardinia. He had not been long here, before he was surprised by the Romans, who carried off many of his ships, and took great numbers of his men prisoners. Carthage. This so incensed the rest, that they seized their unfortunate admiral, and crucified him; but who was his immediate successor does not appear.

The sixth year, the Romans made themselves masters of the islands of Corsica and Sardinia, who commanded the Carthaginian forces in the latter, defended himself at a city called Olbia with incredible bravery; but being at last killed in one of the attacks, the place was surrendered, and the Romans soon became masters of the whole island.

The seventh year, the Romans took the town of Mytilenae, in Sicily, from whence they marched towards Camarina, but in their way were surrounded in a deep valley, and in the most imminent danger of being cut off by the Carthaginian army. In this extremity, a legionary tribune, by name M. Calpurnius Flamma, desired the general to give him 300 chosen men; promising, with this small company, to find the enemy such employment as should oblige them to leave a passage open for the Roman army. He performed his promise with a bravery truly heroic; for, having seized, in spite of all opposition, an eminence, and entrenched himself on it, the Carthaginians, jealous of his design, flocked from all quarters to drive him from his post. But the brave tribune kept their whole army in play, till the consul, taking advantage of the diversion, drew his army out of the bad situation into which he had imprudently brought it. The legions were no sooner out of danger, than they hastened to the relief of their brave companions: but all they could do was to save their bodies from the insults of their enemies; for they found them all dead on the spot, except Calpurnius, who lay under a heap of dead bodies all covered with wounds, but still breathing. His wounds were immediately dressed, and it fortunately happened that none of them proved mortal; and for this glorious enterprise he received a crown of grain. After this the Romans reduced several cities, and drove the enemy quite out of the territory of the Agrigentines; but were repulsed with great loss before Lipara.

The eighth year, Regulus, who commanded the Carthaginian fleet, observing that of the Carthaginians lying along the coast in disorder, sailed with a squadron of ten galleys, to observe their number and strength, rendering the rest of the fleet to follow him with all expedition. But as he drew too near the enemy, he was surrounded by a great number of Carthaginian galleys. The Romans fought with their usual bravery; but being overpowered with numbers, were obliged to yield. The consul, however, found means to make his escape, and joined the rest of the fleet; and then had his full revenge of the enemy, 18 of their ships being taken, and eight sunk.

The ninth year, the Romans made preparations for invading Africa. Their fleet for this purpose consisted of 330 galleys, each of them having on board 120 soldiers and 300 rowers. The Carthaginian fleet consisted of 360 sail, and was much better manned than that of the Romans. The two fleets met near Ecnomus, a promontory in Sicily; where, after a bloody engagement, which lasted the greater part of the day, the Carthaginians were entirely defeated, with the loss of 30 galleys sunk, and 63 taken with all their men. Carthage. The Romans lost only 24 galleys, which were all sunk.—After this victory, the Romans having refitted their fleet, set sail for the coast of Africa with all expedition. The first land they got sight of was Cape Hermea, where the fleet lay at anchor for some time, waiting till the galleys and transports came up. From thence they coasted along till they arrived before Clupea, a city to the east of Carthage, where they made their first descent.

No words can express the consternation of the Carthaginians on the arrival of the Romans in Africa. The inhabitants of Clupea were so terrified, that, according to Zonaras, they abandoned the place, which the Romans immediately took possession of. Having left there a strong garrison to secure their shipping, and keep the adjacent territory in awe, they moved nearer Carthage, taking a great number of towns; they likewise plundered a prodigious number of villages, laid vast numbers of noblemen's seats in ashes, and took above 20,000 prisoners. In short, having plundered and ravaged the whole country, almost to the gates of Carthage, they returned to Clupea loaded with the immense booty they had acquired in the expedition.

The tenth year, Regulus pushed on his conquests with great rapidity. To oppose his progress, Hamilcar was recalled from Sicily, and with him Bostar and Adrural were joined in command. Hamilcar commanded an army just equal to that of Regulus. The other two commanded separate bodies, which were to join him or act apart as occasion required. But, before they were in a condition to take the field, Regulus, pursuing his conquests, arrived on the banks of the Bagrada, a river which empties itself into the sea at a small distance from Carthage. Here he had a monstrous serpent to contend with, which, according to the accounts of those days, infected the waters of the river, poisoned the air, and killed all other animals with its breath alone. When the Romans went to draw water, this huge dragon attacked them; and twisting itself round their bodies, either squeezed them to death, or swallowed them alive. As its hard and thick scales were proof against their darts and arrows, they were forced to have recourse to the balista, which they made use of in sieges to throw great stones, and to beat down the walls of besieged cities. With these they discharged showers of huge stones against this new enemy, and had the good luck with one of them, to break his back-bone; which disabled him from twisting and winding his immense body, and by that means gave the Romans an opportunity of approaching and dispatching him with their darts. But his dead body corrupted the air and the water of the river; and spread to great an infection over the whole country, that the Romans were obliged to decamp. We are told that Regulus sent to Rome the skin of this monster, which was 120 feet long; and that it was hung up in a temple, where it was preserved to the time of the Numantine war.

Having passed this river, he besieged Adis, or Adda, not far from Carthage, which the enemy attempted to relieve; but as they lay encamped among hills and rocks, where their elephants, in which the main strength of their army consisted, could be of no use, Regulus attacked them in their camp, killed 17,000 of them and took 5000 prisoners, and 18 elephants. Upon Carthage, the fame of this victory, deputations came from all quarters, insomuch that the conqueror in a few days became master of 80 towns; among which were the city and port of Utica. This increased the alarm at Carthage; which was reduced to despair, when Regulus laid siege to Tunis, a great city about nine miles from the capital. The place was taken in sight of the Carthaginians, who, from their walls, beheld all the operations of the siege, without making the least attempt to relieve it. And to complete their misfortunes, the Numidians, their neighbours, and implacable enemies, entered their territories, committing everywhere the most dreadful devastations, which soon occasioned a great scarcity of provisions in the city. The public magazines were soon exhausted; and, as the city was full of selfish merchants, who took advantage of the public distress, to sell provisions at an exorbitant price, a famine ensued, with all the evils which attend it.

In this extremity Regulus advanced to the very gates of Carthage; and, having encamped under the walls, sent deputies to treat of a peace with the senate. The deputies were received with inexplicable joy; but the conditions they proposed were such that the senate could not hear them without the greatest indignation. They were, 1. That the Carthaginians should relinquish all claims to Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily. 2. That they should restore to the Romans all the prisoners they had taken from them since the beginning of the war. 3. That if they cared to redeem any of their own prisoners, they should pay so much a head for them as Rome should judge reasonable. 4. That they should for ever pay the Romans an annual tribute. 5. That for the future they should fit out but one man of war for their own use, and 50 triremes to serve in the Roman fleet, at the expense of Carthage, when required by any of the future consuls. These extravagant demands provoked the senators, who loudly and unanimously rejected them; the Roman deputies, however, told them that Regulus would not alter a single letter of the proposals, and that they must either conquer the Romans or obey them.

In this extreme distress, some mercenaries arrived from Greece, among whom was a Lacedemonian, by appointed name Xanthippus, a man of great valour and experience in war. This man, having informed himself of the circumstances of the late battle, declared publicly, that their overthrow was more owing to their own misconduct than to the superiority of the enemy. This discourse being spread abroad, came at last to the knowledge of the senate; and by them, and even by the desire of the Carthaginian generals themselves, Xanthippus was appointed commander in chief of their forces. His first care was to discipline his troops in a proper manner. He taught them how to march, encamp, widen and close their ranks, and rally after the Lacedemonian manner under their proper colours. He then took the field with 12,000 foot, 4000 horse, and 100 elephants. The Romans were surprized at the sudden alteration they observed in the enemy's conduct; but Regulus, elated with his last success, came and encamped at a small distance from the Carthaginian army in a vast plain, where their elephants The Romans utterly defeated and Regulus taken.

He is cruelly used.

Carthaginians defeated by sea and land.

Carthaginians obliged to abandon Africa.

Their fleet totally destroyed by storm.

The Romans found themselves now obliged, for want of provisions, to evacuate both Clupea and Utica, and abandon Africa altogether. Being desirous of signaling the end of their consulship by some important conquest in Sicily, the consuls fleeced for that island, contrary to the advice of their pilots, who represented their danger, on account of the season being so far advanced. Their obstinacy proved the destruction of the whole fleet; for a violent storm arising, out of 370 vessels only 80 escaped shipwreck, the rest being swallowed up by the sea, or dashed against the rocks. This was by far the greatest loss that Rome had ever sustained; for besides the ships that were cast away with their crews, a numerous army was destroyed, with all the riches of Africa, which had been by Regulus amassed and deposited in Clupea, and were now from thence transporting to Rome. The whole coast Carthage from Pachinum to Camerina was covered with dead bodies and wrecks of ships; so that history can scarce afford an example of such a dreadful disaster.

The twelfth year, the Carthaginians hearing of this misfortune of the Romans, renewed the war in Sicily with fresh fury, hoping the whole island, which was now left defenceless, would fall into their hands. Carthalo, a Carthaginian commander, besieged and took Agrigentum. The town he laid in ashes, and demolished the walls, obliging the inhabitants to fly to Olympos. Upon the news of this success, Adruba was sent to Sicily with a large reinforcement of troops, the Carthalo and 150 elephants. They likewise fitted out a squadron, with which they retook the island of Corcyra, and marched a strong body of forces into Mauritania and Numidia, to punish the people of those countries for showing a disposition to join the Romans. In Sicily the Romans possessed themselves of Cephalodium and Panormus, but were obliged by Carthalo to raise the siege of Drepanum with great loss.

The Romans sent out a fleet of 260 galleys, which appeared off Lilybaeum in Sicily; but finding this place too strong, they steered from thence to the eastern coast of Africa, where they made several descents, surprized some cities, and plundered several towns and villages. They arrived safe at Panormus, and in a few days fell for Italy, having a fair wind till they came off Cape Palinurus, where so violent a storm overtook them, that 160 of their galleys and a great number of their transports were lost; upon which the Roman senate made a decree, that for the future no more than 50 vessels should be equipped; and that these should be employed only in guarding the coast of Italy, and transporting the troops into Sicily.

The Romans made themselves masters of Himera and Lipara in Sicily; and the Carthaginians conceiving new hopes of conquering that island, began to make fresh levies in Gaul and Spain, and to equip a new fleet. But their treasuries being exhausted, they applied to Ptolemy king of Egypt, intreating him to lend them 2000 talents; but he, being resolved to stand neuter, refused to comply with their request; telling them that he could not, without breach of fidelity, assist one friend against another. However, the republic of Carthage making an effort, equipped a fleet of 200 sail, and raised an army of 30,000 men, horse and foot, and 140 elephants, appointing Adruba commander in chief both of the fleet and army. The Romans, then, finding the advantages of a fleet, resolved to equip one, notwithstanding all former disasters; and while the vessels were building, two consuls were chosen, men of valour and experience, to supersede the acting ones in Sicily. Metellus, however, one of the former consuls, being continued with the title of proconsul, found means to draw Adruba into a battle on disadvantageous terms near Panormus, and then falling out upon him, gave him a most terrible overthrow. Twenty thousand of the enemy were killed, and many elephants. A hundred and four elephants were taken with their leaders, and sent to Rome, where they were hunted and put to death in the circus.

The Romans besieged Lilybaeum; Carthage, and the siege continued during the rest of the first Punic war, and was the only thing remarkable that happened during that time. The Carthaginians, on the first news of its being beleaguered, sent Regulus with some deputies to Rome to treat of a peace; but, instead of forwarding the negotiation, he hindered it: notwithstanding he knew the torments prepared for him at Carthage, could not be prevailed upon to stay at Rome, but returning to his enemies country, was put to a most cruel death. During this siege, the Roman fleet under Claudius Pulcher was utterly defeated by Adherbal the Carthaginian admiral. Ninety of the Roman galleys were lost in the action, 8000 of their men either killed or drowned, and 20,000 taken and sent prisoners to Carthage; and the Carthaginians gained this signal victory without the loss of a single ship, or even a single man. Another Roman fleet met with a still severer fate. It consisted of 120 galleys, 800 transports, and was laden with all sort of military stores and provisions. Every one of these vessels was lost by a storm, with all they contained, not a single plank being saved that could be used again; so that the Romans found themselves once more deprived of their whole naval force.

In the mean time, the Carthaginian soldiery having shown a disposition to mutiny, the senate sent over Hamilcar Barcas, father of the famous Hannibal, to Sicily. He received a charter from the senate to act as he thought proper; and, by his excellent conduct and resolution, showed himself the greatest general of his age. He defended Eryx, which he had taken by surprise, with such vigour, that the Romans would never have been able to make themselves masters of it, had they not fitted out a new fleet at the expense of private citizens, which, having utterly defeated that of the Carthaginians, Hamilcar, notwithstanding all his valour, was obliged to yield up the place which he had so long and so bravely defended. The following articles of peace were immediately drawn up between the two commanders. 1. The Carthaginians shall evacuate all the places which they have in Sicily, and entirely quit that island. 2. They shall, in 20 years, pay the Romans, at equal payments every year, 2200 talents of silver, that is, 437,250l. sterling. 3. They shall restore the Roman captives and deserters without ransom, and redeem their own prisoners with money. 4. They shall not make war upon Hiero king of Syracuse, or his allies. These articles being agreed to, Hamilcar surrendered Eryx upon condition that all his soldiers should march out with him, upon his paying for each of them 18 Roman denarii. Hostages were given on both sides, and deputies were sent to Rome to procure a ratification of the treaty by the senate. After the senators had thoroughly informed themselves of the state of affairs, two more articles were added, viz. 1. That 1000 talents should be paid immediately, and the 2200 in the space of 10 years at equal payments. 2. That the Carthaginians should quit all the little islands about Italy and Sicily, and never more come near them with ships of war, or raise mercenaries in those places. Necessity obliged Hamilcar to consent to these terms; but he returned to Carthage with a hatred to the Romans which he did not even suffer to die with him, but transmitted to his son the great Hannibal.

The Carthaginians were no sooner got out of this bloody and expensive war, than they found themselves engaged in another, which was like to have proved fatal to them. It is called by ancient historians the Libyan war, or the war with the mercenaries. The principal occasion of it was, that when Hamilcar returned mercenary to Carthage, he found the republic so much impoverished, that, far from being able to give these troops the largesses and rewards promised them, it could not pay them their arrears. He had committed the care of transporting them to one Gisco, who, being an officer of great penetration, as though he had foreseen what would happen, did not ship them off all at once, but in small and separate parties, that those who came first might be paid off and sent home before the arrival of the rest. The Carthaginians at home, however, did not act with the same prudence. As the state was almost entirely exhausted by the late war, and the immense sum of money, in consequence of the peace, paid to the Romans, they judged it would be a laudable action to save something to the public. They did not therefore pay off the mercenaries in proportion as they arrived, thinking it more proper to wait till they all came together, with a view of obtaining some remission of their arrears. But, being soon made sensible of their wrong conduct on this occasion, by the frequent disorders these barbarians committed in the city, they with some difficulty prevailed upon the officers to take up their quarters at Sicca, and canton their troops in that neighbourhood. To induce them to this, however, they gave them a sum of money for their present subsistence, and promised to comply with their pretensions when the remainder of their troops arrived from Sicily. Here, being wholly immersed in idleness, to which they had long been strangers, a neglect of discipline ensued, and of course a turbulent and licentious spirit immediately took place. They were now determined not to acquiesce in receiving their bare pay, but to insist upon the rewards Hamilcar had promised them, and even to compel the state of Carthage to comply with their demands by force of arms. The senate being informed of the imprudent insubordination of the soldiery, dispatched Hannibal, one of the suffetes, to pacify them. Upon his arrival at Sicca, he expatiated largely upon the poverty of the state, and the heavy taxes with which the citizens of Carthage were loaded; and therefore, instead of answering their high expectations, he desired them to be satisfied with receiving part of their pay, and remit the remainder to serve the pressing exigencies of the republic. The mercenaries being highly provoked, that neither Hamilcar, nor any other of the principal officers, who commanded them in Sicily, and were the best judges of their merit, made their appearance on this occasion, but only Hannibal, a person utterly unknown, and above all others utterly disagreeable to them, immediately had recourse to arms. Assembling therefore in a body, to the number of 20,000, they advanced to Tunis, and immediately encamped before that city.

The Carthaginians, being greatly alarmed at the approach of so formidable a body to Tunis, made large concessions to the mercenaries, in order to bring them back to their duty; but, far from being softened, they grew more insolent upon these concessions, taking taking them for the effects of fear; and therefore were altogether adverse to thoughts of accommodation. The Carthaginians, making a virtue of necessity, showed a disposition to satisfy them in all points, and agreed to refer themselves to the opinion of some general in Sicily, which they had all along desired; leaving the choice of such commander entirely to them. Gisco was accordingly pitched upon to mediate this affair, the mercenaries believing Hamilcar to have been a principal cause of the ill treatment they met with, since he never appeared among them, and, according to the general opinion, had voluntarily resigned his commission. Gisco soon arrived at Tunis with money to pay the troops; and, after conferring with the officers of the several nations apart, he harangued them in such a manner, that a treaty was upon the point of being concluded, when Spendius and Mathos, two of the principal mutineers, occasioned a tumult in every part of the camp. Spendius was by nation a Campanian, who had been a slave at Rome, and had fled to the Carthaginians. The apprehensions he was under of being delivered to his old master, by whom he was sure to be hanged or crucified, prompted him to break off the accommodation. Mathos was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, and was well acquainted with the implacable disposition of the Carthaginians, he knew that a peace must infallibly prove his ruin. He therefore joined with Spendius, and intimated to the Africans the danger of concluding a treaty at that juncture, which could not but leave them singly exposed to the rage of the Carthaginians. This incensed the Africans, who were much more numerous than the troops of any other nation, that they immediately assembled in a tumultuous manner. The foreigners soon joined them, being inspired by Spendius with an equal degree of fury. Nothing was now to be heard but the most horrid oaths and imprecations against Gisco and the Carthaginians. Whoever offered to make any remonstrance, or lend an ear to temperate counsels, was stoned to death by the enraged multitude. Nay, many persons lost their lives barely for attempting to speak, before it could be known whether they were in the interest of Spendius or the Carthaginians.

In the midst of these commotions, Gisco behaved with great firmness and intrepidity. He left no methods untried to soften the officers and calm the minds of the soldiery; but the torrent of sedition was now so strong, that there was no possibility of keeping it within bounds. They therefore seized upon the military chest, dividing the money among themselves in part of their arrears, put the person of Gisco under arrest, and treated him as well as his attendants with the utmost indignity. Mathos and Spendius, to destroy the remotest hopes of an accommodation with Carthage, applauded the courage and resolution of their men, loaded the unhappy Gisco and his followers with irons, and formally declared war against the Carthaginians. All the cities of Africa, to whom they had sent deputies to exhort them to recover their liberty, soon came over to them, except Utica and Hippo Diarrhytus. By this means their army being greatly increased, they divided it into two parts, with one of which they moved towards Utica, whilst the other marched to Hippo, in order to besiege both places. The Carthaginians, in the meantime, found themselves ready to sink under the pressure of their misfortunes. After they had been harassed 24 years by a most cruel and destructive foreign war, they entertained some hopes of enjoying repose. The citizens of Carthage drew their particular subsistence from the rents or revenues of their lands, and the public expenses from the tribute paid from Africa; all which they were not only deprived of at once, but, what was worse, had it directly turned against them. They were destitute of arms and forces either by sea or land; had made no preparations for the sustaining of a siege, or the equipping of a fleet. They suffered all the calamities incident to the most ruinous civil war; and, to complete their misery, had not the least prospect of receiving assistance from any foreign friend or ally. Notwithstanding their deplorable situation, however, they did not despond, but pursued all the measures necessary to put themselves into a posture of defense. Hanno was appointed commander in chief of all their forces; and the most strenuous efforts were made, not only to repel all the attempts of the mutineers, but even to reduce them by force of arms.

In the mean time Mathos and Spendius laid siege to Utica and Hippacra at once; but as they were carried on by detachments drawn from the army for that purpose, they remained with the main body of their forces at Tunis, and thereby cut off all communication betwixt Carthage and the continent of Africa. By this means the capital was kept in a kind of blockade. The Africans likewise harassed them by perpetual alarms, advancing to the very walls of Carthage by day as well as by night, and treating with the utmost cruelty every Carthaginian that fell into their hands.

Hanno was despatched to the relief of Utica with a good body of forces, 100 elephants, and a large train of battering engines. Having taken a view of the enemy, he immediately attacked their intrenchments, and after an obstinate dispute forced them. The mercenaries lost a vast number of men; and consequently the advantages gained by Hanno were so great, that they might have proved decisive, had he made a proper use of them: But becoming secure after his victory, and his troops being everywhere off their duty, the mercenaries, having rallied their forces, fell upon him, cut off many of his men, forced the rest to fly into the town, retook and plundered the camp, and seized all the provisions, military stores, &c., brought to the relief of the besieged. Nor was this the only instance of Hanno's military incapacity. Notwithstanding he lay encamped in the most advantageous manner near a town called Gorza, at which place he twice overthrew the enemy, and had it in his power to have totally ruined them, he yet neglected to improve those advantages, and even suffered the mercenaries to possess themselves of the isthmus which joined the peninsula on which Carthage stood, to the continent of Africa.

These repeated mistakes induced the Carthaginians once more to place Hamilcar Barcas at the head of their forces. He marched against the enemy with command 10,000 men, horse, and foot, being all the troops the Carthaginians. Carthage. Carthaginians could then assemble for their defence; a full proof of the low state to which they were at that time reduced. As Mathos, after he had posted himself of the isthmus, had posted proper detachments in two passes on two hills facing the continent, and guarded the bridge over the Bagrada, which through Hanno's neglect he had taken, Hamilcar saw little probability of engaging him upon equal terms, or indeed of coming at him. Observing, however, that on the blowing of certain winds, the mouth of the river was choked up with sand, so as to become passable, though with no small difficulty, as long as these winds continued; he halted for some time at the river's mouth, without communicating his design to any person. As soon as the wind favoured his intended project, he passed the river privately by night, and immediately after his passage, he drew up the troops in order of battle; and advancing into the plain where his elephants were capable of acting, moved towards Mathos who was posted at the village near the bridge. This daring action greatly surprized and intimidated the Africans. However, Spendius receiving intelligence of the enemy's motions, drew a body of 10,000 men out of Mathos's camp, with which he attended Hamilcar on one side, and ordered 15,000 from Utica to observe him on the other, thinking by this means to surround the Carthaginians, and cut them all off at one stroke. By feigning a retreat, Hamilcar found means to engage them at a disadvantage, and gave them a total overthrow, with the loss of 6000 killed and 2000 taken prisoners. The rest fled, some to the town at the bridge, and others to the camp at Utica. He did not give them time to recover from their defeat, but pursued them to the town near the bridge before mentioned; which he entered without opposition, the mercenaries flying in great confusion to Tunis; and upon this many towns submitted of their own accord to the Carthaginians, whilst others were reduced by force.

Notwithstanding these disasters, Mathos pushed on the siege of Hippo with great vigour, and appointed Spendius and Autaritus, commanders of the Gauls, with a strong body to observe the motions of Hamilcar. These two commanders, therefore, at the head of a choice detachment of 6000 men drawn out of the camp at Tunis, and 2000 Gallic horse, attended the Carthaginian general, approaching him as near as they could with safety, and keeping close to the skirts of the mountains. At last Spendius, having received a strong reinforcement of Africans and Numidians, and posting himself of all the heights surrounding the plain in which Hamilcar lay encamped, resolved not to let slip so favourable an opportunity of attacking him. Had a battle now ensued, Hamilcar and his army must in all probability have been cut off; but, by the defection of one Naravafus a young Numidian nobleman, with 2000 men, he found himself enabled to offer his enemies battle. The fight was obstinate and bloody; but at last the mercenaries were entirely overthrown, with the loss of 10,000 men killed and 4000 taken prisoners. All the prisoners that were willing to enlist in the Carthaginian service Hamilcar received among his troops, supplying them with the arms of the soldiers who had fallen in the engagement. To the rest he gave full liberty to go where they pleased, upon condition that they should never for the future bear arms against the Carthaginians; informing them, at the same time, however, that as many violators of this agreement as fell into his hands must expect to find no mercy.

Mathos and his associates, fearing that this affected plenty of Hamilcar might occasion a defection among the troops, thought that the best expedient would be to put them upon some action, so excusable in its nature that no hopes of reconciliation might remain. By their advice, therefore, Gisco, and all the Carthaginian prisoners were put to death; and when Hamilcar sent to demand the remains of his countrymen, he received for answer, that whoever professed hereafter to come upon that errand, should meet with Gisco's fate: after which they came to a resolution to treat with the same barbarity all such Carthaginians as should fall into their hands. In return for this enormity, Hamilcar threw all the prisoners that fell into his hands to be devoured by wild beasts; being convinced that compassion served only to make his enemies more fierce and untractable.

The war was now carried on generally to the advantage of the Carthaginians; nevertheless, the malecontents still found themselves in a capacity to take the field with an army of 50,000 men. They watched Hamilcar's motions, but kept on the hills, carefully avoiding to come down into the plains, on account of the Numidian horse and Carthaginian elephants. Hamilcar, being much superior in skill to any of their generals, at last shut them up in a post, so situated, that it was impossible to get out of it. Here he kept them strictly besieged: and the mercenaries, not daring to venture a battle, began to fortify their camp, and surround it with ditches and intrenchments. They were soon pressed by famine so sorely, that they were obliged to eat one another: but they were driven to despair by the consciousness of their guilt, and therefore did not desire any terms of accommodation. At last being reduced to the utmost extremity of misery, they insisted that Spendius, Autaritus, and Zarxas their leaders, should in person have a conference with Hamilcar, and make proposals to him. Peace was accordingly concluded upon the following terms, viz. That ten of the ringleaders of the malecontents should be left entirely to the mercy of the Carthaginians, and that the troops should all be disarmed, every man retiring only in a single coat. The treaty was no sooner concluded, than Hamilcar, by virtue of the first article, seized upon the negociators themselves; and the army being informed that their chiefs were under arrest, had immediately recourse to arms, as suspecting they were betrayed; but Hamilcar, drawing out his army in order of battle, surrounded them, and either cut them to pieces, or trod them to death with his elephants. The number of wretches who perished on this occasion amounted to above 40,000.

After the destruction of the army, Hamilcar invested Tunis, whither Mathos had retired with all his remaining forces. Hamilcar had another general, named Hannibal, joined in the command with him. Hannibal's quarters was on the road leading to Carthage, and Hamilcar's on the opposite side. The army was no sooner encamped, than Hamilcar caused Spendius, and the rest of the prisoners, to be led out in in the view of the besieged, and crucified near the walls. Mathos, however, observing that Hannibal did not keep so good a guard as he ought to have done, made a sally, attacked his quarters, killed many of his men, took several prisoners, among whom was Hannibal himself, and plundered his camp. Taking the body of Spendius from the cross, Mathos immediately substituted Hannibal in its room; and 30 Carthaginian prisoners of distinction were crucified around him.

Upon this disaster, Hamilcar immediately decamped, and posted himself along the sea coast, near the mouth of the river Bagrada.

The senate, though greatly terrified by this unexpected blow, omitted no means necessary for their preservation. They sent 30 senators, with Hanno at their head, to consult with Hamilcar about the proper measures for putting an end to this unnatural war, conjuring, in the most pressing manner, Hanno to be reconciled to Hamilcar, and to sacrifice his private resentment to the public benefit. This, with some difficulty, was effected; and the two generals came to a full resolution to act in concert for the good of the public. The senate at the same time, ordered all the youth capable of bearing arms to be pressed into the service: by which means a strong reinforcement being sent to Hamilcar, he soon found himself in a condition to act offensively. He now defeated the enemy in all encounters, drew Mathos into frequent ambuscades, and gave him one notable overthrow near Leptis. This reduced the rebels to the necessity of hazarding a decisive battle, which proved fatal to them. The mercenaries fled almost at the first onset; most of their army fell in the field of battle, and in the pursuit. Mathos, with a few, escaped to a neighboring town, where he was taken alive, carried to Carthage, and executed; and then by the reduction of the revolted cities an end was put to this war, which, from the excesses of cruelty committed in it, according to Polybius, went among the Greeks by the name of the inexplicable war.

During the Libyan war, the Romans, upon some absurd pretences, wrested the island of Sardinia from the Carthaginians; which the latter, not being able to resist, were obliged to submit to. Hamilcar, finding his country not in a condition to enter into an immediate war with Rome, formed a scheme to put it on a level with that haughty republic. This was by making an entire conquest of Spain, by which means the Carthaginians might have troops capable of coping with the Romans. In order to facilitate the execution of this scheme, he inspired both his son-in-law Asdrubal, and his son Hannibal, with an implacable aversion to the Romans, as the great opposers of his country's grandeur. Having completed all the necessary preparations, Hamilcar, after having greatly enlarged the Carthaginian dominions in Africa, entered Spain, where he commanded nine years, during which time he subdued many warlike nations, and amassed an immense quantity of treasure, which he distributed partly amongst his troops, and partly amongst the great men at Carthage; by which means he supported his interests with these two powerful bodies. At last, he was killed in a battle, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Asdrubal. This general fully answered the expectations of his countrymen; greatly enlarged their dominions in Spain; and built the city of New Carthage, now Cartagena. He made such progress in his conquests, that the Romans began to grow jealous. They did not, however, choose at present to come to an open rupture, on account of the apprehensions they were under of an invasion from the Gauls. They judged it most proper, therefore, to have recourse to milder methods; and prevailed upon Asdrubal to conclude a new treaty with them. The articles of it were,

1. That the Carthaginians should not pass the Iberus, the river. 2. That the Saguntines, a colony of Zacynthians, and many other cities situated between the Iberus and that part of Spain subject to the Carthaginians, as well as the other Greek colonies there, should enjoy their ancient rights and privileges.

Asdrubal, after having governed the Carthaginian dominions in Spain for eight years, was treacherously murdered by a Gaul, whose master he had put to death. Three years before this happened, he had written to Carthage, to desire that young Hannibal, then twenty-two years of age, might be sent to him. This request was complied with, notwithstanding the opposition of Hanno: and, from the first arrival of the young man in the camp, he became the darling of the whole army. The great resemblance he bore to Hamilcar rendered him extremely agreeable to the troops. Every talent and qualification he seemed to possess, that contribute towards forming a great man. After the death of Asdrubal, he was saluted general by the army with the highest demonstration of joy. He immediately succeeded in putting himself in motion; and in the first campaign conquered the Oleades, a nation seated near the Iberus. The next year he subdued the Vaccei, another nation in that neighborhood. Soon after, the Carpetani, in Spain, one of the most powerful nations in Spain, declared against the Carthaginians. Their army consisted of 100,000 men, with which they proposed to attack Hannibal on his return from the Vaccei; but by a stratagem they were utterly defeated, and the whole nation obliged to submit.

Nothing now remained to oppose the progress of the Carthaginian arms but the city of Saguntum. Hannibal, however, for some time, did not think proper to come to a rupture with the Romans by attacking that place. At last he found means to embroil some of the neighboring cantons, especially the Turdetani, or, as Appian calls them, the Torbolites, with Saguntum, the Saguntines, and thus furnished himself with a pretense to attack their city. Upon the commencement of the siege, the Roman senate despatched two ambassadors to Hannibal, with orders to proceed to Carthage, in case the general refused to give them satisfaction. They were scarcely landed, when Hannibal, who was carrying on the siege of Saguntum with great vigour, sent them word that he had something else to do than to give audience to ambassadors. At last, however, he admitted them; and, in answer to their remonstrances, told them, that the Saguntines had drawn their misfortunes upon themselves, by committing hostilities against the allies of Carthage; and at the same time desired the deputies, if they had any complaints to make of him, to carry them to the senate of Carthage. On their arrival in that capital, they demanded that Hannibal might be delivered up to the Romans to be punished according to his deserts. and this not being complied with, war was immediately declared between the two nations.

The Saguntines are said to have defended themselves for eight months with incredible bravery. At last, however, the city was taken, and the inhabitants were treated with the utmost cruelty. After this conquest, Hannibal put his African troops into winter quarters at New Carthage; but in order to gain their affection, he permitted the Spaniards to retire to their respective homes.

The next campaign, having taken the necessary measures for securing Africa and Spain, he passed the Iberus, subdued all the nations betwixt that river and the Pyrenees, appointed Hanno commander of all the new conquered district, and immediately began his march for Italy. Upon mustering his forces, after they had been weakened by sieges, desertion, mortality, and a detachment of 10,000 foot and 1000 horse, left with Hanno to support him in his new post, he found them to amount to 50,000 foot and 9000 horse, all veteran troops, and the best in the world. As they had left their heavy baggage with Hanno, and were all light-armed, Hannibal easily crossed the Pyrenees; passed by Ruscino, a frontier town of the Gauls, and arrived on the banks of the Rhone without opposition. This river he passed, notwithstanding some opposition from the Gauls; and was for some time in doubt whether he should advance to engage the Romans, who, under Scipio, were bending their march that way, or continue his march for Italy. But to the latter he was soon determined by the arrival of Magilus, prince of the Boii, who brought rich presents with him, and offered to conduct the Carthaginian army over the Alps. Nothing could have happened more favourable to Hannibal's affairs than the arrival of this prince, since there was no room to doubt the sincerity of his intentions. For the Boii bore an implacable enmity to the Romans, and had even come to an open rupture with them, upon the first news that Italy was threatened with an invasion from the Carthaginians.

It is not known with certainty where Hannibal began to ascend the Alps. As soon as he began his march, the petty kings of the country assembled their forces in great numbers; and, taking possession of the eminences over which the Carthaginians must necessarily pass, they continued harassing them, and were no sooner driven from one eminence than they seized on another, disputing every foot of land with the enemy, and destroyed great numbers of them by the advantage they had of the ground. Hannibal, however, having found means to possess himself of an advantageous post, defeated and dispersed the enemy; and soon after took their capital city, where he found the prisoners, horses, &c., that had before fallen into the hands of the enemy, and likewise corn sufficient to serve the army for three days. At last, after a most fatiguing march of nine days, he arrived at the top of the mountains. Here he encamped, and halted two days, to give his wearied troops some repose, and to wait for the stragglers. As the snow had lately fallen in great plenty, and covered the ground, this sight terrified the Africans and Spaniards, who were much affected with the cold. In order, therefore, to encourage them, the Carthaginian general led them to the top of the highest rock on the side of Italy, and thence gave them a view of the large and fruitful plains of Umbria, acquainting them that the Gauls, whose country they saw, were ready to join them. He also pointed out to them the place whereabout Rome stood, telling them, that by climbing the Alps they had scaled the walls of that rich metropolis; and, having thus animated his troops, he decamped, and began to descend the mountains. The difficulties they met with in their descent were much greater than those that had occurred while they ascended. They had indeed no enemy to contend with, except some scattered parties that came to steal rather than to fight; but the deep snows, the mountains of ice, craggy rocks, and frightful precipices, proved more terrible than any enemy. After they had for some days marched through narrow, steep, and slippery ways, they came at last to a place which neither elephants, horses, nor men, could pass. The way, which lay between two precipices, was exceeding narrow; and the declivity, which was very steep, had become more dangerous by the falling away of the earth. Here the guides stopped; and the whole army being terrified, Hannibal proposed at first to march round about, and attempt some other way; but all places round him being covered with snow, he found himself reduced to the necessity of cutting a way into the rock itself, through which his men, horses, and elephants, might descend. This work was accomplished with incredible labour; and then Hannibal, having spent nine days in ascending, and six in descending, the Alps, gained at length Umbria; and, notwithstanding all the disasters he had met with by the way, entered the country with all the boldness of a conqueror.

Hannibal, on his entry into Umbria, reviewed his army; when he found that of the 50,000 foot, with whom he set out from New Carthage five months and fifteen days before, he had now but 20,000, and that his 9000 horse were reduced to 6000. His first care, after he entered Italy, was to refresh his troops; who, after so long a march, and such inexpressible hardships, looked like as many skeletons raised from the dead, or savages born in a desert. He did not, however, suffer them to languish long in idleness; but, joining the Umbrians, who were at war with the Taurilians, laid siege to Taurinum, the only city in Taurinum the country, and in three days time became master of it, putting all who resisted to the sword. This struck the neighbouring barbarians with such terror, that of their own accord they submitted to the conqueror, and supplied his army with all sorts of provisions.

Scipio, the Roman general, in the mean time, who had gone in quest of Hannibal on the banks of the Rhone, was surprised to find his antagonist had crossed the Alps and entered Italy. He therefore returned with the utmost expedition. An engagement ensued near the river Ticinus, in which the Romans were defeated. The immediate consequence was, that Scipio repassed that river, and Hannibal continued his march to the banks of the Po. Here he staid two days, before he could cross that river over a bridge of boats. He then sent Mago in pursuit of the enemy, who, having rallied their scattered forces, and repassed the Po, were encamped at Placentia. Afterwards having concluded a treaty with several of the Gallic cantons, Carthage cantons, he joined his brother with the rest of the army, and again offered battle to the Romans; but this they thought proper to decline; and at last the consul being intimidated by the defection of a body of Gauls, abandoned his camp, passed the Trebia, and posted himself on an eminence near that river. Here he drew lines round his camp, and waited the arrival of his colleague with the forces from Sicily.

Hannibal being apprised of the consul's departure, sent out the Numidian horse to harass him on his march; himself moving with the main body to support them in case of need. The Numidians arriving before the rear of the Roman army had quite passed the Trebia, put to the sword or made prisoners all the stragglers they found there. Soon after, Hannibal coming up, encamped in sight of the Roman army on the opposite bank. Here having learned the character of the consul Sempronius lately arrived, he soon brought him to an engagement, and entirely defeated him. Ten thousand of the enemy retired to Placentia; but the rest were either killed or taken prisoners. The Carthaginians pursued the flying Romans as far as the Trebia, but did not think proper to repass that river on account of the excessive cold.

Hannibal, after this action upon the Trebia, ordered the Numidians, Celtiberians, and Lusitanians, to make incursions into the Roman territories, where they committed great devastations. During his state of inaction, he endeavoured to win the affections of the Gauls, and likewise of the allies of the Romans; declaring to the Gallic and Italian prisoners, that he had no intention of making war upon them, being determined to restore them to their liberty, and protect them against the Romans: and to confirm them in their good opinion of him, he dismissed them all without ransom.

Next year having crossed the Apennines, and penetrated into Etruria, Hannibal received intelligence that the new consul Flaminius lay encamped with the Roman army under the walls of Aretium. Having learned the true character of this general, that he was of a haughty, fierce, and rash disposition, he doubted not of being soon able to bring him to a battle. To inflame the impetuous spirit of Flaminius, the Carthaginian general took the road to Rome, and, leaving the Roman army behind him, destroyed all the country through which he passed with fire and sword; and as that part of Italy abounded with all the elegancies as well as necessaries of life, the Romans and their allies suffered an incredible loss on this occasion. The rash consul was inflamed with the utmost rage on seeing the ravages committed by the Carthaginians; and therefore immediately approached them with great temerity, as if certain of victory. Hannibal in the mean time kept on, still advancing towards Rome, having Crotona on the left hand, and the lake Trasymen on the right; and at last, having drawn Flaminius into an ambuscade, entirely defeated him. The general himself, with 15,000 of his men, fell on the field of battle. A great number were likewise taken prisoners; and a body of 6000 men, who had fled to a town in Etruria, surrendered to Maharbal the next day. Hannibal lost only 1500 men on this occasion, most of whom were Gauls; though great numbers, both of his soldiers and of the Romans, died of their wounds. Carthage being soon after informed that the consul Servilius had detached a body of 4000, or, according to Apian, a Roman 8000 horse from Ariminum, to reinforce his colleague detachment in Etruria, Hannibal sent out Maharbal, with all the cut to cavalry, and some of the infantry, to attack him. Pieces of The Roman detachment consisted of chosen men, and taken, was commanded by Centenius a patrician. Maharbal had the good fortune to meet with him, and after a short dispute entirely defeated him. Two thousand of the Romans were laid dead on the spot; the rest, retiring to a neighbouring eminence, were surrounded by Maharbal's forces, and obliged next day to surrender at discretion; and this disaster, happening within a few days after the defeat at the lake Trasymen, almost gave the finishing stroke to the Roman affairs.

The Carthaginian army was now so much troubled with a scorbustic disorder, owing to the unwholesome encampments they had been obliged to make, and the morasses they had passed through, that Hannibal found it absolutely necessary to repose them for some time in the territory of Adria, a most pleasant and fertile country. In his various engagements with the Romans he had taken a great number of their arms, with which he now armed his men after the Roman manner. Being now likewise master of that part of the country bordering on the sea, he found means to send an express to Carthage with the news of the glorious progress of his arms. The citizens received this news with the most joyful acclamations, at the same time coming to a resolution to reinforce their armies both in Italy and Spain, with a proper number of troops.

The Romans being now in the utmost consternation, named a dictator, as was their custom in times of great danger. The person they chose to this office was Fabius Maximus, surnamed Verrucosus; a man as cool and cautious as Sempronius and Flaminius were warm and impetuous. He set out with a design not to engage Hannibal, but only to watch his motions and cut off his provisions, which he knew was the most proper way to destroy him in a country so far from his own. Accordingly he followed him through Umbria and Picenum, into the territory of Adria, and then through the territories of the Marucini and Frenatini into Apulia. When the enemy marched he followed them; when they encamped, he did the same; but for the most part on eminences, and at some distance from their camp, watching all their motions, cutting off their stragglers, and keeping them in a continual alarm. This cautious method of proceeding greatly distressed the Carthaginians, but at the same time raised discontent in his own army. But neither these discontented nor the ravages committed by Hannibal, could prevail upon Fabius to alter his measures. The former, therefore, entered Campania, one of the finest countries of Italy. The ravages he committed there raised such complaints in the Roman army, that the dictator, for fear of irritating his soldiers, was obliged to pretend a desire of coming to an engagement. Accordingly he followed Hannibal with more expedition than usual; but at the same time avoided, under various pretences, an engagement with more care than the enemy sought it. Hannibal, finding he could not by any means bring the dictator to a battle, resolved... Carthage resolved to quit Campania, which he found abounding more with fruit and wine than corn, and to return to Samnium through the pass called Eribanus. Fabius concluding from his march that this was his design, got there before him, and encamped on Mount Callicula, which commanded the pass, after having placed several bodies in all the avenues leading to it.

Hannibal was for some time at a loss what to do; but at last contrived the following stratagem, which Fabius could not foresee nor guard against. Being encamped at the foot of Mount Callicula, he ordered Adrubar to pick out of the cattle taken in the country 2000 of the strongest and nimblest oxen, to tie faggots to their horns, and to have them and the herdsmen ready without the camp. After supper, when all was quiet, the cattle were brought in good order to the hill, where Fabius had placed some Roman parties in ambush to stop up the pass. Upon a signal given, the faggots on the horns of the oxen were set on fire; and the herdsmen, supported by some battalions armed with small javelins, drove them on quietly. The Romans, seeing the light of the fires, imagined that the Carthaginians were marching by torchlight. However, Fabius kept close in his camp, depending on the troops he had placed in ambush; but when the oxen, feeling the fire on their heads, began to run up and down the hills, the Romans in ambush thinking themselves surrounded on all sides, and climbing the ways where they saw least light, returned to their camp, leaving the pass open to Hannibal. Fabius, though rallied by his soldiers for being thus overreached by the Carthaginian, still continued to pursue the same plan, marched directly after Hannibal, and encamped on some eminences near him.

Soon after this, the dictator was recalled to Rome; and as Hannibal, notwithstanding the terrible ravages he had committed, had all along spared the lands of Fabius, the latter was suspected of holding a secret correspondence with the enemy. In his absence, Minucius, the general of the horse, gained some advantages, which greatly tended to increase the discontent with the dictator, insomuch that before his return Minucius was put upon an equal footing with himself. The general of the horse proposed that each should command his day; but the dictator chose rather to divide the army, hoping by that means to save at least a part of it. Hannibal soon found means to draw Minucius to an engagement, and by his masterly skill in laying ambushes, the Roman general was surrounded on every side, and would have been cut off with all his troops, had not Fabius hastened to his assistance, and relieved him. Then the two armies uniting, advanced in good order to renew the fight; but Hannibal, not caring to venture a second action, founded a retreat, and retired to his camp; and Minucius, being ashamed of his rashness, resigned the command of the army to Fabius.

The year following, the Romans augmented their army to 87,000 men, horse and foot, under the command of Aemilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, the consuls for the year; and Hannibal being reduced to the greatest straits for want of provisions, resolved to leave Samnium, and penetrate into the heart of Apulia. Accordingly he decamped in the night; and by leaving fires burning, and tents standing in his camp, made the Romans believe for some time that his retreat was only feigned. When the truth was discovered, Aemilius was against pursuing him; but in this he was seconded by few besides Scipio, one of the consuls of the preceding year; Terentius and all the other officers being obstinately bent on pursuing the enemy. They accordingly overtook them at Cannae, till this time an obscure village in Apulia. A battle ensued at this place, as memorable as any mentioned in history; in which the Romans, though almost double in number to the Carthaginians, were put to flight with most terrible slaughter; at least 45,000 of them being left dead on the field of battle, and 10,000 taken prisoners in the action or pursuit. The night was spent in Hannibal's camp in feasting and rejoicings, and next day in stripping the dead bodies of the unhappy Romans; after which the victorious general invested their two camps, where he found 4000 men.

The immediate consequence of this victory, as Hannibal had foreseen was a disposition of that part of Italy called the Old Province, Magna Grecia, Tarentum, and part of the territory of Capua, to submit to him. The neighbouring provinces likewise discovered an inclination to shake off the Roman yoke, but wanted first to see whether Hannibal was able to protect them. His first march was into Samnium, being informed that the Hirpini and other neighbouring nations were disposed to enter into an alliance with the Carthaginians. He advanced to Compsa, which opened its gates to him. In this place he left his heavy baggage, as well as the immense plunder he had acquired. After which he ordered his brother Mago, with a body of troops destined for that purpose, to possess himself of all the fortresses in Campania, the most delicious province of Italy. The humanity Hannibal had all along shown the Italian prisoners, as well as the fame of the complete victory he had lately obtained, wrought so powerfully upon the Lucani, Brutii, and Apulians, that they expressed an eager desire of being taken under his protection. Nay, even the Campanians themselves, a nation more obliged to the Romans than any in Italy, except the Latins, discovered an inclination to abandon their natural friends. Of this the Carthaginian general receiving intelligence, Capua bent his march towards Capua, not doubting but that, by means of the popular faction there, he should Hannibal easily make himself master of it; which accordingly happened. Soon after this place had made its submission, many cities of the Brutii opened their gates to Hannibal, who ordered his brother Mago to take possession of them. Mago was then dispatched to Carthage, with the important news of the victory at Cannae, and the consequences attending it. Upon his arrival there, he acquainted the senate, that Hannibal had defeated five Roman generals, four of whom were consuls, one dictator, and the other general of horse to the dictator: that he had engaged five consular armies, killed two consuls, wounded one, and driven another out of the field, with scarce 50 men to attend him: that he had routed the general of the horse, who was of equal power with the consuls; and that the dictator was esteemed the only general fit to command an army, merely because he had not the courage to engage him; and as a demonstrative proof of what he advanced, he produced, according to some authors, authors, three bushels and a half of gold rings, taken from knights and senators who had been killed in the various engagements.

Hitherto we have seen Hannibal surprisingly victorious; and, indeed, if we consider what he had already done, we shall find his exploits superior to those of any other general, either ancient or modern. Other commanders have been celebrated for victories gained over barbarous and uncivilized nations. Alexander the Great invaded and overran the empire of Persia; but that kingdom was then sunk in sloth and effeminacy, so as to be an easy conquest; but had that great commander turned his arms against the western nations, who were of a more martial disposition, it is more than probable he had not conquered so easily. Hannibal, on the other hand, lived at a time when the Romans were not only the most powerful, but the most warlike nation in the whole world. That nation he attacked with an army of only 26,000 men, without resources either for recruits, money, or provisions, except what he could procure in the enemy's country. With these he had for three years resisted the Roman armies; which had been hitherto invincible by all other nations. Their armies had been commanded by generals of different temperaments, dispositions, and abilities: the losses they sustained are by the Roman writers imputed to the faults of the generals themselves; but experience had abundantly shown, that these commanders, with all their faults, were able to conquer the most warlike nations, when commanded by another than Hannibal. In the battles fought with the Romans he had destroyed 200,000 of their men, and taken 50,000 prisoners; yet from the time of the battle of Cannae, the affairs of this great man totally declined. The reason of this is, by the Roman historians, said to be, that when he put his army into winter quarters in Capua, he so enervated himself and his army by debaucheries in that place, that he became no longer capable of coping with the Roman forces. But this seems by no means to have been the case; for the Roman historians themselves own, that, after the battle of Cannae, he gave their armies many and terrible defeats, and took a great number of towns in their flight.

The true reason of that reverse of fortune which Hannibal now experienced, was his not having sufficient resources for recruiting his army. On the first news, indeed, of his success at Carthage, a body of 400 Numidian cavalry, 40 elephants, and 1000 talents of silver, were granted by the senate. A large detachment of Spanish forces was also appointed to follow them; and that these last might be ready in due time, Mago set out immediately for Spain to raise 20,000 foot and 4000 horse there. Had this ample supply been sent with proper expedition, it is by no means probable that the Romans would have had any occasion to reflect upon Hannibal's conduct at Capua. That general would undoubtedly have obliged the haughty republic to submit to the superior force of his arms the next campaign. But, notwithstanding the influence of the Barcian faction at Carthage, Hannibal and his adherents found means not only to retard the march of the supplies intended, but even to diminish their number. Mago, through the artifices of that infatuated party, could obtain an order for only 12,000 foot and 2500 horse; and even with this considerable body of troops he was sent into Spain. Hannibal being thus deserted by his country, found himself obliged to act on the defensive; his army amounting to no more than 26,000 foot and 9000 horse. But though obliged to act in this manner, he was only hindered from conquering; the utmost efforts of the whole Roman power not being able to drive this small army out of Italy for more than 14 years.

The Romans, though greatly reduced, were not measures yet exhausted. They were able still to send two confederate armies into the field, fully recruited and in good order; and as neither the Gauls nor Italians were natural allies of the Carthaginians, they did not fail to abandon them on the first reverse of fortune. After the Romans had recovered from the consternation into which they were thrown by the defeat at Cannae, they chose a dictator, and recalled Marcellus, the conqueror of Syracuse, from Sicily. All the young Romans, above 17 years of age, of what ranksoever, were obliged to enlist themselves; as were also those who had already served their legal time. By this means four legions and 10,000 horse were soon raised in the city. The allies of Rome, the colonies, and the municipia, furnished their contingents as usual. To these were added 8000 of the youngest and strongest slaves in the city. The republic purchased them of their masters, but did not oblige them to serve without their own consent, which they gave, by answering Volo, "I am willing;" whence they were called volones, to distinguish them from the other troops. As the Romans, after the loss of so many battles, had no swords, darts, or bucklers, left in their magazines, the volones were supplied with the arms which had been formerly taken from the enemy, and hung up in the public temples and porticoes. The finances of Rome were no less exhausted; but this defect was supplied by the liberality of her citizens. The senators shewing the example, were followed first by the knights, and afterwards by all the tribes; who stripping themselves of all the gold they had, brought it to the public treasury. The senators only reserved their rings, and the bullae about their children's necks. As for the silver coin, it was now, for the first time, alloyed with copper, and increased in its value. Thus the finances were put into a good condition, and a competent army raised.

This was plainly the last effort the Romans could make; and could Hannibal have procured a sufficient supply of men and money to enable him to cope with this army, and to break it as he had done the others before, there could have been no more resistance made on their part. He began, however, to be in want of money; and to procure it, gave the Roman prisoners leave to redeem themselves. These unhappy men agreed to send ten of their body to Rome to negotiate their redemption; and Hannibal required no other security for their return but their oath. Carthalo was sent at the head of them to make proposals of peace; to treat of but upon the first news of his arrival, the dictator sent peace, a letter to him, commanding him immediately to depart the Roman territory; and it was resolved not to redeem the captives. Upon this Hannibal sent the most considerable of them to Carthage; and of the rest he made gladiators, obliging them to fight with one another. All this time Cneius and Publius Scipio had carried on the war in Spain with great success against the Carthaginians. Alcibal had been ordered to enter Italy with his army to assist Hannibal; but being defeated by the Romans, was prevented. The dictator and senate of Rome, encouraged by this news, carried on the preparations for the next campaign with the greatest vigour, whilst Hannibal remained inactive at Capua. This inaction, however, seems to have proceeded from his expectation of succours from Africa, which never came, and which delay occasioned his ruin. The Roman dictator now released from prison all criminals, and persons confined for debt, who were willing to enlist themselves. Of these he formed a body of 6000 foot, armed with the broadswords and bucklers formerly taken from the Gauls. Then the Roman army, to the number of about 25,000 men, marched out of the city under the command of the dictator; while Marcellus kept the remains of Varro's army, amounting to about 15,000 men, at Castrum, in readiness to march whenever there should be occasion.

Thus the Roman forces were still superior to those of Hannibal; and as they now saw the necessity of following the example of Fabius Maximus, no engagement of any consequence happened the first year after the battle of Cannae. Hannibal made a fruitless attempt upon Nola, expecting it would be delivered up to him; but this was prevented by Marcellus, who had entered that city, and falling unexpectedly from three gates upon the Carthaginians, obliged them to retire in great confusion, with the loss of 5000 men. This was the first advantage that had been gained by the Romans where Hannibal had commanded in person, and raised the spirits of the former not a little. They were, however, greatly dejected, on hearing that the consul Poilhumius Albinus, with his whole army, had been cut off by the Boii, as he was crossing a forest. Upon this it was resolved to draw all the Roman forces out of Gaul and other countries, and turn them against Hannibal; so that the Carthaginian stood daily more and more in need of those supplies, which yet never arrived from Carthage. He reduced, however, the cities of Nuceria, Castrum, Petelia, Consentia, Crotona, Lecce, and several others in Great Greece, before the Romans gained any advantage over him, except that before Nola, already mentioned. The Campanians, who had espoused the Carthaginian interest, raised an army of 14,000 of their own nation in favour of Hannibal, and put one Marius Albus at the head of it; but he was surprised by the consul Sempronius, who defeated and killed him, with 2000 of his men. It was now found that Hannibal had concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with Philip king of Macedon; but, to prevent any disturbance from that quarter, a Roman army was sent to Macedon. Soon after this Marcellus defeated Hannibal in a pitched battle, having armed his men with long pikes used generally at sea, and chiefly in boarding of ships; by which means the Carthaginians were pierced through, while they were totally unable to hurt their adversaries with the short javelins they carried. Marcellus pursued them close; and before they got to their camp, killed 5000, and took 600 prisoners; losing himself about 1000 men, who were trampled down by the Numidian horse, commanded by Hannibal in person. After this defeat the Carthaginian general found himself deserted by 1200 of his best party of horse, partly Spaniards, and partly Numidians, who had crossed the Alps with him. This touched him so sensibly, that he left Campania, and retired into Apulia.

The Romans still continued to increase their forces; and Hannibal, not having the same resources, found it impossible to act against so many armies at once. Fabius Maximus advanced into Campania, whither Hannibal was obliged to return, in order to save Capua. He ordered Hannibal, however, at the head of 17,000 foot and 1700 horse, to seize Beneventum; but he was utterly defeated, scarce 2000 of his men being left alive. Hannibal himself, in the meantime, advanced to Nola, where he was again defeated by Marcellus, and began to lose ground; the Romans retook Calatium, Acca in Apulia, Arpi, and Aternum; but the city of Tarentum was delivered up to him by its inhabitants. The Romans then entered Campania, and ravaged the whole country, threatening Capua with a siege. The inhabitants immediately acquainted Hannibal with their danger; but he was so intent upon reducing the citadel of Tarentum, that he could not be prevailed upon to come to their assistance. In the mean time Hannibal was again utterly defeated by Fulvius, his camp taken, and he himself forced to fly into Bruttium, with a small body of horse. The consul then advanced with a design to besiege Capua in form. But in their way, Sempronius Gracchus, a man of great bravery, and an excellent general, was betrayed by a Lucanian and killed, which proved a very great detriment to the republic. Capua, however, was soon after invested on all sides; and the besieged once more sent to Hannibal, who now came to the Romans for their assistance with his horse, his light-armed infantry, and 33 elephants. He found means to inform the besieged of the time he designed to attack the Romans, ordering them to make a vigorous sally at the same time. The Roman generals, Appius and Fulvius, divided their troops: Appius taking upon him to make head against the garrison, and Fulvius to defend the intrenchments against Hannibal. The former found no difficulty in repulsing the garrison; and would have entered the city with them, had he not been wounded at the very gate, which prevented him from pursuing his design. Fulvius found it more difficult to withstand Hannibal, whose troops behaved themselves with extraordinary resolution. A body of Spaniards and Numidians had even the boldness to pass the ditch, and, in spite of all opposition, climbing the ramparts, penetrated into the Roman camp; but, not being properly seconded by the rest, they were all to a man cut in pieces. The Carthaginian general was so disheartened at this, especially after the garrison was repulsed, that he founded a retreat, which was made in good order. His next attempt for the relief of Capua was to march to Rome, where he hoped his approach would strike so much terror, that the armies would be called from before Capua; and that the Capuans might not be disheartened by his sudden departure, he found The news of his approach caused great consternation in the metropolis. Some of the senators were for calling all the armies in Italy into the neighbourhood of Rome, as thinking nothing less was able to resist the terrible Carthaginian. But Fabius told them that Hannibal's design was not to take Rome, but relieve Capua; upon which Fulvius was recalled to Rome with 15,000 foot and 1000 horse; and this obliged Hannibal again to retire. He then returned before Capua so suddenly that he surprized Appius in his camp, drove him out of it with the loss of a great number of men, and obliged him to intrench himself on some eminences, where he expected to be soon joined by his colleague Fulvius.

As Hannibal, however, now expected to have all the Roman forces upon him, he could do nothing more for the relief of Capua; which was of consequence obliged to submit to the Romans.

A little before the surrender of Capua, Hannibal came up with a Roman army commanded by one M. Centenius Penula, who had signalized himself on many occasions as a centurion. This rash man, being introduced to the senate, had the assurance to tell them, that if they would trust him with a body of only 5000 men, he would give a good account of Hannibal. They gave him 8000, and his army was soon increased to double that number. He engaged the Carthaginians on Hannibal's first offering him battle; but, after an engagement of two hours, was defeated, himself and all his men being slain except about 1000. Soon after, having found means to draw the praetor Cnecius Fulvius into an ambuscade, Hannibal cut in pieces almost his whole army, consisting of 18,000 men. In the mean time Marcellus was making great progress in Samnium. The city of Salapia was betrayed to him; but he took other two by assault. In the last of these he found 3000 Carthaginians, whom he put to the sword; and carried off 240,000 bushels of wheat, and 110,000 of barley. This, however, was by no means a compensation for the defeat which Hannibal soon after gave the proconsul Fulvius Centumalus, whom he surprized and cut off, with 13,000 of his men.

After this defeat the great Marcellus advanced with his army to oppose Hannibal. Various engagements happened without anything decisive. In one of them the Romans are said to have been defeated, and in another Hannibal; but notwithstanding these, it was neither in the power of Marcellus, nor any other Roman general, totally to defeat or disperse the army commanded by Hannibal in person. Nay, in the eleventh year of the war, Hannibal found means to decoy into an ambuscade and cut off the great Marcellus himself; the consequence of which was, that the Romans were obliged to raise the siege of Loeri, with the loss of all their military engines.

Hitherto the Carthaginians, though no longer the favourites of fortune, had lost but little ground; but now they met with a blow which totally ruined their affairs. This was the defeat of Adruba, Hannibal's brother, who had left Spain, and was marching to his assistance. He crossed the Pyrenees, without any difficulty; and, as the silver mines had supplied him with a very considerable quantity of treasure, he not only prevailed upon the Gauls to grant him a passage through their territories, but likewise to furnish him with a considerable number of recruits. Meeting with many favourable circumstances to expedite his march, he arrived at Placentia sooner than the Romans or even his brother Hannibal expected. Had he continued to use the same expedition with which he set out, and hastened to join his brother, it would have been utterly impossible to have saved Rome; but, sitting down before Placentia, he gave the Romans an opportunity of assembling all their forces to attack him. At last he was obliged to raise the siege, and began his march for Umbria. He sent a letter to acquaint his brother of his intended motion; but the messenger was intercepted: and the two consuls, joining their armies, with united forces fell upon the Carthaginians. As the latter were inferior both in numbers and resolution, they were utterly defeated, and Adruba was killed. About the same time, Hannibal himself is said to have suffered several defeats, and was retired to Canusium: but, on the fatal news of his brother's defeat and death, he was filled with despair, and retired to the extremity of Bruttium; where, assembling all his forces, he remained for a considerable time in a state of inaction, the Romans not daring to disturb him; so formidable did they esteem him alone, though every thing about him went to wreck, and the Carthaginian affairs seemed not far from the verge of destruction. Livy tells us, that it was difficult to determine whether his conduct was more wonderful in prosperity or in adversity. Notwithstanding which, Bruttium being but a small province, and many of its inhabitants being either forced into the service, or forming themselves into parties of banditti, so that a great part of it remained uncultivated, he found it a difficult matter to subdue there, especially as no manner of supplies were sent him from Carthage. The people there were as solicitous about preserving their possessions in Spain, and as little concerned about the situation of affairs in Italy, as if Hannibal had met with an uninterrupted course of success, and no disaster befallen him since he first entered that country.

All their solicitude, however, about the affairs of Spain, was to no purpose; their generals, one after another, were defeated by the Romans. They had indeed cut off the two Scipios; but found a much more formidable enemy in the young Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus. He overthrew them in conjunction with Massinissa king of Numidia; and the latter thereafter abandoned their interest. Soon after, Syphax, king of the Massylii, was likewise persuaded to abandon their party. Scipio also gave the Spanish reguli a great overthrow, and reduced the cities of New Carthage, Gades, and many other important places. At last the Carthaginians began to open their eyes when it was too late. Maqo was ordered to abandon Spain, and fail with all expedition to Italy. He landed on the coast of Liguria with an army of 12,000 foot and 2000 horse; where he surprised Genoa, and also seized upon the town and port of Savo. A reinforcement was sent him to this place, and new levies went on very briskly in Liguria; but the opportunity was past, and could not be recalled. Scipio having carried all before him in Spain, palled over into Africa, where he met with no enemy capable in Africa. of opposing his progress. The Carthaginians, then, seeing themselves on the brink of destruction, were obliged to recall their armies from Italy, in order to save their city. Mago, who had entered Insubria, was defeated by the Roman forces there; and having retreated into the maritime parts of Liguria, met a courier who brought him orders to return directly to Carthage. At the same time, Hannibal was likewise recalled. When the messengers acquainted him with the senate's pleasure, he expressed the utmost indignation and concern, groaning, gnashing his teeth, and scarce refraining from tears. Never banished man, according to Livy, showed so much regret in quitting his native country, as Hannibal did at going out of that of the enemy.

The Carthaginian general was no sooner landed in Africa, than he sent out parties to get provisions for the army, and buy horses to remount the cavalry. He entered into a league with the regulus of the Arcadice, one of the Numidian tribes. Four thousand of Syphax's horse came over in a body to him; but as he did not think proper to repose any confidence in them, he put them all to the sword, and distributed their horses among his troops. Vermina, one of Syphax's sons, and Macetulus, another Numidian prince, likewise joined him with a considerable body of horse. Most of the fortresses in Massinissa's kingdom either surrendered to him upon the first summons, or were taken by force. Narce, a city of considerable note there, he made himself master of by stratagem. Tycheus, a Numidian regulus, and faithful ally of Syphax, whose territories were famous for an excellent breed of horses, reinforcing him also with 2000 of his best cavalry, Hannibal advanced to Zama, a town about five days' journey distant from Carthage, where he encamped. He thence sent out spies to observe the posture of the Romans. These being brought to Scipio, he was so far from inflicting any punishment upon them, which he might have done by the laws of war, that he commanded them to be led about the camp, in order to take an exact survey of it, and then dismissed them. Hannibal, admiring the noble assurance of his rival, sent a messenger to desire an interview with him: which, by means of Massinissa, he obtained. The two generals, therefore, escorted by equal detachments of horse, met at Nadagara, where, by the assistance of two interpreters, they held a private conference. Hannibal flattered Scipio in the most refined and artful manner, and expatiated upon all those topics which he thought could influence that general to grant his nation a peace upon tolerable terms; among other things, that the Carthaginians would willingly confine themselves to Africa, since such was the will of the gods, in order to procure a lasting peace, whilst the Romans would be at liberty to extend their conquests to the remotest nations. Scipio answered, that the Romans were not prompted by ambition, or any sinister views, to undertake either the former or present war against the Carthaginians, but by justice and a proper regard for their allies. He also observed, that the Carthaginians had, before his arrival in Africa, not only made him the same proposals, but likewise agreed to pay the Romans 5000 talents of silver, restore all the Roman prisoners without ransom, and deliver up all their galleys. He insisted on the perfidious conduct of the Carthaginians, who had broken a truce concluded with them; and told him, that, so far from granting them more favourable terms, they ought to expect more rigorous ones; which if Hannibal would submit to, a peace would ensue; if not, the decision of the dispute must be left to the sword.

This conference betwixt two of the greatest generals the world ever produced, ending without success, of Zama, they both retired to their respective camps; where they informed their troops, that not only the fate of Rome and Carthage, but that of the whole world, was to be determined by them the next day. An engagement ensued*, in which, as Polybius informs us, the surprising military genius of Hannibal displayed itself in an extraordinary manner. Scipio likewise, according to Livy, passed a high encomium upon him, on account of his uncommon capacity in taking advantages, the excellent arrangement of his forces, and the manner in which he gave his orders during the engagement. The Roman general, indeed, not only approved his conduct, but openly declared that it was superior to his own. Nevertheless, being vastly inferior to the enemy in horse, and the state of Carthage obliging him to hazard a battle with the Romans at no small disadvantage, Hannibal was utterly routed, and his camp taken. He fled first to Thon, and afterwards to Adrumentum, from whence he was recalled to Carthage; where being arrived, he advised his countrymen to conclude a peace with Scipio on whatever terms he thought proper to prescribe.

Thus was the second war of the Carthaginians with peace concluded. The conditions of peace concluded were very humiliating to the Carthaginians. They were obliged to deliver up all the Roman deserters, fugitive slaves, prisoners of war, and all the Italians whom Hannibal had obliged to follow him. They also delivered up all their ships of war, except ten triremes, all their tame elephants, and were to train up no more of these animals for the service. They were not to engage in any war without the consent of the Romans. They engaged to pay to the Romans, in 50 years, 10,000 Euboic talents, at equal payments. They were to restore to Massinissa all they had usurped from him or his ancestors, and to enter into an alliance with him. They were also to assist the Romans both by sea and land, whenever they were called upon to do so, and never to make any levies either in Gaul or Liguria. These terms appeared so intolerable to the populace, that they threatened to plunder and burn the houses of the nobility; but Hannibal having assembled a body of 6000 foot and 500 horse at Marthama, prevented an insurrection, and by his influence completed the accommodation.

The peace between Carthage and Rome was scarcely signed, when Massinissa unjustly made himself master of part of the Carthaginian dominions in Africa, under pretence that these formerly belonged to his family. The Carthaginians, through the villainous mediation of the Romans, found themselves under a necessity of ceding these countries to that ambitious prince, and of entering into an alliance with him. The good understanding between the two powers continued for many years afterwards; but at last Massinissa violated the treaties subsisting betwixt him and the Carthaginian. thaginiian republic, and not a little contributed to its subversion.

After the conclusion of the peace, Hannibal still kept up his credit among his countrymen. He was intrusted with the command of an army against some neighbouring nations in Africa; but this being disagreeable to the Romans, he was removed from it, and raised to the dignity of praetor in Carthage. Here he continued for some time, reforming abuses, and putting the affairs of the republic into a better condition; but this likewise being disagreeable to the Romans, he was obliged to fly to Antiochus king of Syria. After his flight, the Romans began to look upon the Carthaginians with a suspicious eye; though to prevent every thing of this kind, the latter had ordered two ships to pursue Hannibal, had confiscated his effects, razed his house, and by a public decree declared him an exile. Soon after, disputes arising between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, the latter, notwithstanding the manifest iniquity of his proceedings, was supported by the Romans. That prince, grasping at further conquests, endeavoured to embroil the Carthaginians with the Romans, by afflicting that the former had received ambassadors from Perseus king of Macedon; that the senate assembled in the temple of Æsculapius in the night time, in order to confer with them; and that ambassadors had been dispatched from Carthage to Perseus, in order to conclude an alliance with him. Not long after this, Masinissa made an irruption into the province of Tyreca, where he soon possessed himself of 70, or, as Appian will have it, 50 towns and castles. This obliged the Carthaginians to apply with great importunity to the Roman senate for redress, their hands being tied up by an article in the last treaty, that they could not repel force by force, in case of an invasion, without their consent. Their ambassadors begged, that the Roman senate would settle once for all what dominions they were to have, that they might from thenceforth know what they had to depend upon; or, if their state had any way offended the Romans, they begged that they would punish them themselves, rather than leave them exposed to the insults and vexations of so merciless a tyrant. Then prostrating themselves on the earth, they burst out into tears. But, notwithstanding the impudence their speech made, the matter was left undecided; so that Masinissa had liberty to pursue his rapines, as much as he pleased. But whatever villainous designs the Romans might have with regard to the republic of Carthage, they affected to show a great regard to the principles of justice and honour. They therefore sent Cato, a man famous for committing enormities under the specious pretence of public spirit, into Africa, to accommodate all differences betwixt Masinissa and the Carthaginians. The latter very well knew their fate, had they submitted to such a mediation; and therefore appealed to the treaty concluded with Scipio, as the only rule by which their conduct and that of their adversary ought to be examined. This unreasonable appeal incensed the righteous Cato, that he pronounced them a devoted people, and from that time resolved upon their destruction. For some time he was opposed by Scipio Nasica; but the people of Carthage, knowing the Romans to be their inveterate enemies, and reflecting upon the iniquitous treatment they had met with from them ever since the commencement of their disputes with Masinissa, were under great apprehensions of a visit from them. To prevent a rupture as much as possible, by a decree of the senate, they impeached Adrural, general of the army, and Carthalo, commander of the auxiliary forces, together with their accomplices, as guilty of high treason, for being the authors of the war against the king of Numidia. They sent a deputation to Rome, to discover what sentiments were entertained there of their late conduct, and to know what satisfaction the Romans required. These messengers meeting with a cold reception, others were dispatched, who returned with the same success. This made the unhappy citizens of Carthage believe that their destruction was resolved upon; which threw them into the utmost despair. And indeed they had but too just grounds for such a melancholy apprehension, the Roman senate now discovering an inclination to fall in with Cato's measures. About the same time, the city of Utica, being the second in Africa, and famous for its immense riches, as well as its equally commodious and capacious port, submitted to the Romans. Upon the possession of so important a fortress, which, by reason of its vicinity to Carthage, might serve as a place of arms in the attack of that city, the Romans declared war against the Carthaginians without the least hesitation. In consequence of this declaration, the consuls M. Romans a Manlius Nepos, and L. Marcius Censorinus, were despatched with an army and fleet to begin hostilities with the utmost expedition. The land forces consisted of 80,000 foot and 4000 chosen horse; and the fleet of 50 quinquernemis, besides a vast number of transports. The consuls had secret orders from the senate not to conclude the operations but by the destruction of Carthage, without which, it was pretended, the republic could not but look upon all her possessions as insecure. Pursuant to the plan they had formed, the troops were first landed at Lilybaeum in Sicily, from whence, after receiving a proper refreshment, it was proposed to transport them to Utica.

The answer brought by the last ambassadors to Carthage had not a little alarmed the inhabitants of that city. But they were not yet acquainted with the resolutions taken at Rome. They therefore sent fresh ambassadors thither, whom they invested with full powers to act as they thought proper for the good of the republic, and even to submit themselves without reserve to the pleasure of the Romans. But the most sensible persons among them did not expect any great success from this concession, since the early submission of the Uticans had rendered it infinitely less meritorious than it would have been before. However, the Romans seemed to be in some measure satisfied with it, since they promised them their liberty, the enjoyment of their laws, and in short, every thing that was dear and valuable to them. This threw them into a transport of joy, and they wanted words to extol the moderation of the Romans. But the senate immediately dashed all their hopes, by acquainting them that this favour was granted upon condition that they would send 300 young Carthaginian noblemen of the first distinction to the praetor Fabius at Lilybaeum, within the space of 30 days, and comply with all the orders of the consuls. These hard terms filled Carthage filled the whole city with inexpressible grief; but the hostages were delivered; and as they arrived at Lilybaeum before the 30 days were expired, the ambassadors were not without hopes of softening their hard-hearted enemy. But the consuls only told them, that upon their arrival at Utica they should learn the further orders of the republic.

The ministers no sooner received intelligence of the Roman fleet appearing off Utica, than they repaired thither, in order to know the fate of their city. The consuls however did not judge it expedient to communicate all the commands of the republic at once, lest they should appear so harsh and severe, that the Carthaginians would have refused to comply with them. They first, therefore, demanded a sufficient supply of corn for the subsistence of their troops. Secondly, That they should deliver up into their hands all the triremes they were then masters of. Thirdly, That they should put them in possession of all their military machines. And, fourthly, That they should immediately convey all their arms into the Roman camp.

As care was taken that there should be a convenient interval of time betwixt every one of these demands, the Carthaginians found themselves ensnared, and could not reject any one of them, though they submitted to the last with the utmost reluctance and concern. Cenforinus, now imagining them incapable of sustaining a siege, commanded them to abandon their city, or, as Zonaras will have it, to demolish it; permitting them to build another 80 stadia from the sea, but without walls or fortifications. This terrible decree threw the senate and every one else into despair; and the whole city became a scene of horror, madness, and confusion. The citizens cursed their ancestors for not dying gloriously in the defence of their country, rather than concluding such ignominious treaties of peace, that had been the cause of the deplorable condition to which their posterity was then reduced. At length, when the first commotion was a little abated, the senators assembled, and resolved to sustain a siege. They were stripped of their arms and destitute of provisions; but despair raised their courage, and made them find out expedients. They took care to shut the gates of the city; and gathered together on the ramparts great heaps of flares, to serve them instead of arms in case of a surprize. They took the malefactors out of prison, gave the slaves their liberty, and incorporated them in the militia. Asdrubal was recalled, who had been sentenced to die only to please the Romans; and he was invited to employ 20,000 men he had raised against his country in defence of it.

Another Asdrubal was appointed to command in Carthage; and all seemed resolute, either to save their city or perish in its ruins. They wanted arms; but, by order of the senate, the temples, porticoes, and all public buildings, were turned into workhouses, where men and women were continually employed in making arms. As they encouraged one another in their work, and lost no time in procuring to themselves the necessaries of life, which were brought to them at stated hours, they every day made 144 bucklers, 300 swords, 1000 darts, and 500 lances and javelins. As to battering and catapults, they wanted proper materials for them; but their industry supplied that defect. Where iron and brass were wanting, they made use of silver Carthage and gold, melting down the statues, vases, and even the utensils of private families; for, on this occasion, even the most covetous became liberal. As tow and flax were wanting to make cords for working the machines, the women, even those of the first rank, freely cut off their hair and dedicated it to that use. Without the walls, Asdrubal employed the troops in getting together provisions, and conveying them safe into Carthage; so that there was as great plenty there as in the Roman camp.

In the mean time the consuls delayed drawing near to Carthage, not doubting but the inhabitants, whom they imagined destitute of necessaries to sustain a siege, would, upon cool reflection, submit; but at length, finding themselves deceived in their expectation, they came before the place and invested it. As they were still persuaded that the Carthaginians had no arms, they flattered themselves that they should easily carry the city by assault. Accordingly they approached the walls in order to plant their scaling ladders; but to their great surprize they discovered a prodigious multitude of men on the ramparts, shining in the armour they had newly made. The legionaries were terrified at this unexpected sight, that they drew back, and would have retired, if the consuls had not led them on to the attack; which, however, proved unsuccessful; the Romans, in spite of their utmost efforts, being obliged to give over the enterprise, and lay aside all thoughts of taking Carthage by assault.

In the mean time, Asdrubal, having collected from all places subject to Carthage a prodigious number of troops, came and encamped within reach of the Romans, and soon reduced them to great straits for want of provisions. As Marcius, one of the Roman consuls, was posted near a marsh, the exhalations of the stagnating waters, and the heat of the season, infected the air, and caused a general sickness among his men. Marcius, therefore, ordered his fleet to draw as near the shore as possible, in order to transport his troops to a healthier place. Asdrubal being informed of this motion, ordered all the old barks in the harbour to be filled with faggots, tow, sulphur, bitumen, and other combustible materials; and then, taking advantage of the wind, which blew towards the enemy, let them drive upon their ships, which were for the most part consumed. After this disaster, Marcius was called home to preside at the elections; and the Carthaginians looking upon the absence of one of the consuls to be a good omen, made a brisk fall in the night; and would have surprized the consul's camp, had not Æmilianus, with some squadrons, marched out of the gate opposite to the place where the attack was made, and, coming round, fell unexpectedly on their rear, and obliged them to return in disorder to the city.

Asdrubal had posted himself under the walls of a city named Nepheris, 24 miles distant from Carthage, and situated on a high mountain, which seemed inaccessible on all sides. From thence he made incursions into the neighbouring country, intercepted the Roman convoys, fell upon their detachments sent out to forage, and even ordered parties to infest the consular army in their camp. Hereupon the consul resolved to drive the Carthaginian from this advantageous post, and set out for Nepheris. As he drew near the hills, Asdrubal bal suddenly appeared at the head of his army in order of battle, and fell upon the Romans with incredible fury. The consular army sustained the attack with great resolution; and Asdrubal retired in good order to his post, hoping the Romans would attack him there. But the consul, being now convinced of his danger, resolved to retire. This Asdrubal no sooner perceived, than he rushed down the hill, and falling upon the enemy's rear, cut a great number of them in pieces. The whole Roman army was now saved by the bravery of Scipio Æmilianus. At the head of 300 horse, he sustained the attack of all the forces commanded by Asdrubal, and covered the legions, while they passed a river in their retreat before the enemy. Then he and his companions threw themselves into the stream, and swam across it. When the army had crossed the river, it was perceived that four manipuli were wanting; and soon after they were informed that they had retired to an eminence, where they resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible. Upon this news Æmilianus, taking with him a chosen body of horse, and provisions for two days, crossed the river, and flew to the assistance of his countrymen. He seized a hill over against that on which the four manipuli were posted; and, after some hours' repose, marched against the Carthaginians who kept them invested; fell upon them at the head of his squadron with the boldness of a man determined to conquer or die; and, in spite of all opposition, opened a way for his fellow-soldiers to escape. On his return to the army, his companions, who had given him over for lost, carried him to his quarters in a kind of triumph; and the manipuli he had saved gave him a crown of gromen. By these and some other exploits, Æmilianus gained such reputation, that Cato, who is said never to have commended anybody before, could not refuse him the praises he deserved; and is said to have foretold that Carthage would never be reduced till Scipio Æmilianus was employed in that expedition.

The next year, the war in Africa fell by lot to the consul L. Calpurnius Piso; and he continued to employ Æmilianus in several important enterprises, in which he was attended with uncommon success. He took several castles; and in one of his excursions, found means to have a private conference with Phameas, general, under Asdrubal, of the Carthaginian cavalry, and brought him over, together with 2200 of his horse, to the Roman interest. Under the consul Calpurnius Piso himself, however, the Roman arms were unsuccessful. He invested Clupea; but was obliged to abandon the enterprise, with the loss of a great number of men killed by the enemy in their sallies. From this place he went to vent his rage on a city newly built, and thence called Neapolis, which professed a strict neutrality, and had even a safeguard from the Romans. The consul, however, plundered the place, and stripped the inhabitants of all their effects. After this he laid siege to Hippagretum, which employed the Roman fleet and army the whole summer; and, on the approach of winter, the consul retired to Utica, without performing a single action worth notice during the whole campaign.

The next year Scipio Æmilianus was chosen consul, and ordered to pass into Africa; and, upon his arrival, the face of affairs was greatly changed. At the time of his entering the port of Utica, 3500 Romans were Carthage, in great danger of being cut in pieces before Carthage. There had lingered Megalia, one of the suburbs of the city; but as they had not furnished themselves with provisions to subsist there, and could not retire, being closely invested on all sides by the enemy's troops, the praetor Mancinus, who commanded this detachment, seeing the danger into which he had brought himself, dispatched a light boat to Utica, to acquaint the Romans there with his situation. Æmilianus received this letter a few hours after his landing; and immediately flew to the relief of the beleaguered Romans, obliged the Carthaginians to retire within their walls, and safely conveyed his countrymen to Utica. Having then drawn together all the troops, Æmilianus applied himself wholly to the siege of the capital.

His first attack was upon Megalia; which he carried by assault, the Carthaginian garrison retiring into the citadel of Byrsa. Asdrubal, who had commanded the Carthaginian forces in the field, and was now governor of the city, was so enraged at the loss of Megalia, that he caused all the Roman captives taken in the two years the war lasted, to be brought upon the ramparts, and thrown headlong, in the sight of the Roman army, from the top of the wall; after having, with an excess of cruelty, commanded their hands and feet to be cut off, and their eyes and tongues to be torn out. He was of a temper remarkably inhuman; and it is said that he even took pleasure in seeing some of these unhappy men flayed alive. Æmilianus, in the meantime, was busy in drawing lines of circumvallation and contravallation across the neck of land which joined the isthmus on which Carthage stood to the continent. By this means, all the avenues on the land side of Carthage being shut up, the city could receive no provisions that way. His next care was to raise a mole in the sea, in order to block up the old port; and this great work he effected with immense labour. The mole reached from the western neck of land, of which the Romans were masters, to the entrance of the port; and was 90 feet broad at the bottom, and 80 at the top. The besieged, when the Romans first began this surprising work, laughed at the attempt; but were no less alarmed than surprised, when they beheld a vast mole appearing above water, and by that means the port rendered inaccessible to ships, and quite useless. Prompted by despair, however, the Carthaginians, with incredible and almost miraculous industry, dug a new basin, and cut a passage into the sea, by wide basins, which they could receive the provisions that were sent them by the troops in the field. With the same diligence and expedition, they fitted out a fleet of 50 triremes; which, to the great surprise of the Romans, appeared suddenly advancing into the sea through this new canal, and even ventured to give the enemy battle. The action lasted the whole day, with little advantage on either side. The day after, the consul endeavoured to make himself master of a terrace which covered the city on the side next the sea; and on this occasion the besieged signalized themselves in a most remarkable manner. Great numbers of them, naked and unarmed, went into the water in the dead of the night, with unlighted torches in their hands; and having, partly by swimming, partly by wading, got within reach of the Roman Roman engines, they struck fire, lighted their torches and threw them with fury against the machines. The sudden appearance of these naked men, who looked like so many monsters started up out of the sea, so terrified the Romans who guarded the machines, that they began to retire with the utmost confusion. The consul, who commanded the detachment in person, and had continued all night at the foot of the terrace, endeavoured to stop his men, and even ordered those who fled to be killed. But the Carthaginians, perceiving the confusion the Romans were in, threw themselves upon them like so many wild beasts; and having put them to flight only with their torches, they set fire to the machines, and entirely consumed them.

This, however, did not discourage the consul; he renewed the attack a few days after, carried the terrace by assault, and lodged 4000 men upon it. As this was an important post, because it pent in Carthage on the sea side, Æmilianus took care to fortify and secure it against the fallies of the enemy; and then, winter approaching, he suspended all further attacks upon the place till the return of good weather. During the winter season, however, the consul was not inactive. The Carthaginians had a very numerous army under the command of one Diogenes, strongly encamped near Nepheris, whence convoys of provisions were sent by sea to the besieged, and brought into the new basin. To take Nepheris, therefore, was to deprive Carthage of her chief magazine. This Æmilianus undertook, and succeeded in the attempt. He first forced the enemy's intrenchments, put 70,000 of them to the sword, and made 10,000 prisoners; all the inhabitants of the country, who could not retire to Carthage, having taken refuge in this camp. After this he laid siege to Nepheris, which was reduced in 22 days. Afdrubal being disheartened by the defeat of the army, and touched with the misery of the besieged, now reduced to the utmost extremity for want of provisions, offered to submit to what conditions the Romans pleased, provided the city was spared; but this was absolutely refused.

Early in the spring, Æmilianus renewed the siege of Carthage; and in order to open himself a way into the city, he ordered Laelius to attempt the reduction of Cotho, a small island which divided the two ports. Æmilianus himself made a false attack on the citadel, in order to draw the enemy thither. This stratagem had the desired effect: for the citadel being a place of the greatest importance, most of the Carthaginians hastened thither, and made the utmost efforts to repulse the aggressors; but in the mean time Laelius having, with incredible expedition, built a wooden bridge over the channel which divided Cotho from the isthmus, entered the island, scaled the walls of the forts which the Carthaginians had built there, and made himself master of that important post. The consul, who was engaged before Byrsa, no sooner understood, by the loud shouts of the troops of Laelius, that he had made himself master of Cotho, than he abandoned the false attack, and unexpectedly fell on the Romans in the neighbouring gate of the city, which he broke down, notwithstanding the showers of darts that were incessantly discharged upon his men from the ramparts. As night coming on prevented him from proceeding farther, he made a lodgment within the gate, and waited there for the return of day, with a design to advance through the city to the citadel, and attack it on that side, which was but indifferently fortified. Pursuant to this design, at daybreak, he ordered 4000 fresh troops to be sent from his camp; and having solemnly devoted to the infernal gods the unhappy Carthaginians, he began to advance at the head of his men through the streets of the city, in order to attack the citadel. Having advanced to the market place, he found that the way to the citadel lay through three exceeding steep streets. The houses on both sides were very high, and filled with the Carthaginians, who overwhelmed the Romans as they advanced with darts and stones; so that they could not proceed till they had cleared them. To this end Æmilianus in person, at the head of a detachment, attacked the first house and made himself master of it sword in hand. His example was followed by the officers and soldiers, who went on from house to house, putting all they met with to the sword. As fast as the houses were cleared on both sides, the Romans advanced in order of battle towards the citadel; but met with a vigorous resistance from the Carthaginians, who on this occasion behaved with uncommon resolution. From the market place to the citadel, two bodies of men fought their way every step, one above on the roofs of the houses, the other below in the streets. The slaughter was expressibly great and dreadful. The air rung with shrieks and lamentations. Some were cut in pieces, others threw themselves down from the tops of the houses; so that the streets were filled with dead and mangled bodies. But the destruction was yet greater when the consul commanded fire to be set to that part of the quarter of the town which lay next to the citadel. Incredible multitudes, who had escaped the swords of the enemy, perished in the flames, or by the fall of the houses. After the fire, which lasted five days, had demolished a sufficient number of houses, Æmilianus ordered the rubbish to be removed, and a large area to be made, where all the troops might have room to act. Then he appeared with his whole army before Byrsa; which so terrified the Carthaginians, who had fled thither for refuge, that first of all 25,000 women, and then 30,000 men, came out of the gates in such a condition as moved pity. They threw themselves prostrate before the Roman general, asking no favour but life. This was readily granted, not only to them but to all that were in Byrsa except the Roman defectors, whose number amounted to 900. Afdrubal's wife earnestly entreated her husband to suffer her to cowardly join the supplicants, and carry with her to the consul her two sons who were as yet very young; but the barbarian denied her request, and rejected her remonstrances with menaces. The Roman defectors, feeling themselves excluded from mercy, resolved to die sword in hand, rather than deliver themselves up to the vengeance of their countrymen. Then Afdrubal, finding them all resolved to defend themselves to the last breath, committed to their care his wife and children; after which, he in a most cowardly and mean-spirited manner, came and privately threw himself at the conqueror's feet. The Carthaginians in the citadel no sooner understood that their commander had abandoned the place, than they threw open the gates, and put the Romans in possession of Byrsa. They had now no enemy to contend with but the 9000 deserters, who, being reduced to despair, retreated into the temple of Æsculapius, which was as a second temple within the first. There the proconsul attacked them; and these unhappy wretches, finding there was no way to escape, set fire to the temple. As the flames spread, they retreated from one part of the building to another, till they got to the roof. There Asdrubal's wife appeared in her best apparel, and having uttered the most bitter imprecations against her husband, whom she had standing below with Æmilianus, "Base coward! (said she) the mean things thou hast done to save thy life shall not avail thee: thou shalt die this instant, at least in thy two children." Having thus spoken, she stabbed both the infants with a dagger; and while they were yet struggling for life, threw them both from the top of the temple, and then leaped down after them into the flames.

Æmilianus delivered up the city to be plundered, but in the manner prescribed by the Roman military law. The soldiers were allowed to appropriate to themselves all the furniture, utensils, and brafs money, they should find in private houses; but all the gold and silver, the statues, pictures, &c. were reserved to be put into the hands of the quaestors. On this occasion the cities of Sicily, which had been often plundered by the Carthaginian armies, recovered a number of statues, pictures, and other valuable monuments; among the rest the famous brazen bull, which Phalaris had ordered to be cast, and used as the chief instrument of his cruelty, was restored to the inhabitants of Agrigentum. As Æmilianus was greatly inclined to spare what remained of this lately metropolis, he wrote to the senate on the subject, from whom he received the following orders: 1. The city of Carthage, with Byrsa and Megalia, shall be entirely destroyed, and no traces of them left. 2. All the cities that have lent Carthage any assistance shall be dismantled. 3. The territories of those cities which have declared for the Romans shall be enlarged with lands taken from the enemy. 4. All the lands between Hippo and Carthage shall be divided among the inhabitants of Utica. 5. All the Africans of the Carthaginian state, both men and women, shall pay an annual tribute to the Romans at so much per head. 6. The whole country, which was subject to the Carthaginian state, shall be turned into a Roman province, and be governed by a praetor, in the same manner as Sicily. Lastly, Rome shall send commissioners into Africa, there to settle jointly with the proconsul the state of the new province. Before Æmilianus destroyed the city, he performed those religious ceremonies which were required on such occasions; he first sacrificed to the gods, and then caused a plough to be drawn round the walls of the city. After this, the towers, ramparts, walls, and all the works which the Carthaginians had raised in the course of many ages, and at a vast expense, were levelled with the ground; and lastly, fire was set to the edifices of the proud metropolis, which consumed them all, not a single house escaping the flames. Though the fire began in all quarters at the same time, and burnt with incredible fury, it continued for 17 days before all the buildings were consumed.

Thus fell Carthage, about 146 years before the birth of Christ; a city whose destruction ought to be attributed more to the intrigues of an abandoned faction, composed of the most profligate part of its citizens, than to the power of its rival. The treasure which Æmilianus carried off, even after the city had been delivered up to be plundered by the soldiers, was immense, Pliny making it to amount to 4,470,000 pounds weight of silver. The Romans ordered Carthage never to be inhabited again, denouncing dreadful imprecations against those who, contrary to this prohibition, should attempt to rebuild any part of it, especially Byrsa and Megalia. Notwithstanding this, however, about 24 years after, C. Gracchus, tribune of the people, in order to ingratiate himself with them, undertook to rebuild it; and, to that end conducted thither a colony of 6000 Roman citizens. The workmen, according to Plutarch, were terrified by many unlucky omens at the time they were tracing the limits and laying the foundations of the new city; which the senate being informed of, would have suspended the attempt. But the tribune, little affected with such prelages, continued to carry on the work, and finished it in a few days. From hence it is probable that only a slight kind of huts were erected; but whether Gracchus executed his design, or the work was entirely discontinued, it is certain that Carthage was the first Roman colony ever sent out of Italy. According to some authors, Carthage was rebuilt by Julius Caesar; and Strabo, who flourished in the reign of Tiberius, affirms it in his time to have been equal, if not superior, to any other city in Africa. It was looked upon as the capital of Africa for several centuries after the commencement of the Christian era. Maxentius laid it in ashes about the fifth or seventh year of Constantine's reign. Genferic, king of the Vandals, took it A.D. 439; but about a century afterwards it was re-annexed to the Roman empire by the renowned Beli-farius. At last the Saracens, under Mohammed's successors, towards the close of the seventh century, completely destroyed it, that there are now scarcely any traces remaining.

At the commencement of the third Punic war, Carthage appears to have been one of the first cities in the world. It was seated on a peninsula 360 stadia or 45 miles in circumference, joined to the continent by an isthmus 23 stadia or three miles and a furlong in breadth. On the west side there projected from it a long tract of land half a stadium broad; which shooting out into the sea, separated it from a lake or morass, and was strongly fortified on all sides by rocks and a fling wall. In the middle of the city stood the citadel of Byrsa, having on the top of it a temple sacred to Æsculapius, seated upon rocks on a very high hill, to which the ascent was by 60 steps. On the south side the city was surrounded by a triple wall, 30 cubits high, flanked all round by parapets and towers, placed at equal distances of 480 feet. Every tower had its foundation sunk 32 feet deep, and was four stories high, though the walls were but two: they were arched; and, in the lower part, corresponding in depth with the foundation above-mentioned, were cells large enough to hold 300 elephants, with their fodder, &c. Over these were stalls and other conveniences for 4000 horses; and there was likewise room for lodging 20,000 foot and 4000 cavalry, without Carthage, in the least incommending the inhabitants. There were two harbours, so disposed as to have a communication with one another. They had one common entrance 70 feet broad, and shut up with chains. The first was appropriated to the merchants; and included in it a vast number of places of refreshment, and all kinds of accommodation for seamen. The second, as well as the island of Cothon, in the midst of it, was lined with large quays, in which were distinct receptacles for securing and sheltering from the weather 220 ships of war. Over these were magazines of all sorts of naval stores. The entrance into each of these receptacles was adorned with two marble pillars of the Ionic order; so that both the harbour and island represented on each side two magnificent galleries. Near this island was a temple of Apollo, in which was a statue of the god all of maffy gold; and the inside of the temple all lined with plates of the same metal, weighing 1000 talents. The city was 23 miles in circumference, and at the time we speak of contained 700,000 inhabitants.

Of their power we may have some idea, by the quantity of arms they delivered up to the Roman consuls. The whole army was affinishing at the long train of carts loaded with them, which were thought sufficient to have armed all Africa. At least it is certain, that on this occasion were put into the hands of the Romans 2000 catapults, 200,000 complete suits of armour, with an innumerable quantity of swords, darts, javelins, arrows, and beams armed with iron, which were thrown from the ramparts by the balistae.

The character transmitted of the Carthaginians is extremely bad; but we have it only on the authority of the Romans, who being their implacable enemies, cannot be much relied upon. As to their religion, manners, &c. being much the same with the Phoenicians, of which they were a colony, the reader is referred for an account of these things to the article PHOENICIA.

On the ruins of Carthage there now stands only a small village called Melcha. The few remains of Carthage consist only of some fragments of walls, and 17 cisterns for the reception of rain water.

There are three eminences, which are so many masses of fine marbles pounded together, and were in all probability the sites of temples and other distinguished buildings. The present ruins are by no means the remains of the ancient city destroyed by the Romans; who after taking it, entirely erased it, and ploughed up the very foundations: so truly they adhered to the well-known advice perpetually inculcated by Cato the Elder, Delenda est Carthago. It was again rebuilt by the Gracchi family, who conducted a colony to repopulate it: and continually increasing in splendour, it became at length the capital of Africa under the Roman emperors. It subsisted near 700 years after its first demolition, until it was entirely destroyed by the Saracens in the beginning of the 7th century.

It is a singular circumstance that the two cities of Carthage and Rome should have been built just opposite one to the other; the bay of Tunis and the mouth of the Tiber being in a direct line.

Littora litoribus contraria, fluitibus undas, Arma armi. VIRG. Aen. iv. 627.

New CARTHAGE, a considerable town of Mexico, in the province of Costa Rica. It is a very rich trading place. W. Long. 86. 7. N. Lat. 9. 5.