country of Asia, situated on the most easterly part of that continent. It is bounded on the north by Tartary; from which it is divided, partly by a prodigious wall of 1,500 miles in length, and partly by high, craggy, and inaccessible mountains.

On the east, it is bounded by the ocean; on the west, by part of the Mogul's empire, and India beyond the Ganges, from which it is parted by other ridges of high mountains and sandy deserts; on the south, it is bounded partly by the kingdoms of Lao, Tonquin, Ava, and Cochin-China, and partly by the southern or Indian sea, which flows between it and the Philippine islands.

There are several ways of computing its length and breadth. According to some of these, it is reckoned 1269, 1600, or 1800 miles in length, and as much in breadth: however, by the best and latest accounts, this vast country is somewhat of an oval form, the breadth being less than the length by little more than a fourth part. It contains 15 provinces, exclusive of that of Lyau-tong, which is situated without the great wall, though under the same dominion. Their names are, 1. Shenfu, 2. Shanfu, 3. Pecheli, which are situated on the north side, along the wall; 4. Shantong, 5. Kyan-nang, 6. Che-kyang, 7. Fo-ken, which are situated along the eastern ocean; 8. Quang-tong, 9. Quang-fu, 10. Yu-nan, 11. Se-chuen, which stretch themselves towards the south and south-west; and, 12. Honan, 13. Hu-quand, 14. Quey-chew, 15. Kyang-fu; which take up the middle part.

For a particular description of all these, see their proper articles.

The origin of all nations is involved in obscurity and fable, but that of the Chinese much more so than any other. Every nation is inclined to assume too high an antiquity to itself; but the Chinese carry theirs beyond all bounds. Indeed, though no people on earth are more exact in keeping records of every memorable transaction, yet such is the genius of the Chinese for superstition and fable, that the first part of their history is deservedly contemned by every rational person. What contributes more to the uncertainty of the Chinese history is, that neither we, nor they themselves, have anything but fragments of their ancient historical books; for, about 213 years before Christ, the reigning emperor Si-whang-ti caused all the books in the empire to be burned, except those written by lawyers and physicians. Nay, the more effectually to destroy the memory of every thing contained in them, he commanded a great number of learned men to be buried alive, lest, from their memories, they should commit to writing something of the true memoirs of the empire. The inaccuracy of the Chinese annals is complained of even by their most respected author Confucius himself; who also affirms, that before his time many of the oldest materials for writing such annals had been destroyed.

According to the Chinese histories, the first monarch of the whole universe (that is, of China), was called Puon-ku, or Puon-cu. This, according to some, was the first man; but according to Bayer and Menzelius, two of the greatest critics in Chinese literature that have hitherto appeared, the word signifies the highest antiquity. Puon-ku was succeeded by Tiene-hoang, which signifies the emperor of heaven. They call him also the intelligent heaven, the supreme king of the middle heaven, &c. According to some of their historians, he was the inventor of letters, and of the cyclic characters by which they determine the place of the year, &c. Tiene-hoang was succeeded by Ti-hoang (the emperor of the earth), who divided the day and night, appointing 30 days to make one moon, and fixed the winter solstice to the 11th moon. Ti-hoang was succeeded by Gine-hoang (sovereign of men), who with his nine brothers shared the government among them. They built cities, and surrounded them with walls; made a distinction between the sovereign and subjects; instituted marriage, &c.

The reigns of these four emperors make up one of what the Chinese called ki, "ages," or "periods," of which there were nine before Po-hi, whom their most illustrious people acknowledge as the founder of their empire.

The history of the second ki contradicts almost everything said of the first; for though we have but just now been told that Gine-hoang and his brethren built cities surrounded with walls; yet, in the succeeding age, the people dwelt in caves, or perched upon trees as it were in nests. Of the third ki we hear nothing; and in the fourth, it seems matters had been still worse, as we are told that men were then only taught to retire into the hollows of rocks. Of the fifth and sixth we have no accounts. These six periods, according to some writers, contained 90,000 years; according to others, 1,100,750.

In the seventh and eighth ki, they tell us over again what they had said of the first; namely, that men be- gan to leave their caves and dwell in houses, and were taught to prepare clothes, &c. Tchine-fang, the first monarch of the eighth ki, taught his subjects to take off the hair from skins with rollers of wood, and cover themselves with the skins so prepared. He taught them also to make a kind of web of their hair, to serve as a covering to their heads against rain. They obeyed his orders with joy, and he called his subjects people clothed with skins. His reign lasted 350 years; that of one of his successors, also, named Yeou-tiao-chi, lasted more than 300; and his family continued for 12 or 18,000 years. But what is very surprising, all these thousands and millions of years had elapsed without mankind's having any knowledge of fire. This was not discovered till towards the close of this period, by one Souigine. After so useful a discovery, he taught the people to dress their victuals; whereas before they had devoured the flesh of animals quite raw, drunk their blood, and swallowed even their hair and feathers. He is also said to have been the inventor of fishing, letters, &c.

In the ninth period, we find the invention, or at least the origin of letters, attributed to one Tlang-hie, who received them from a divine tortoise that carried them on his shell, and delivered them into the hands of Tlang-hie. During this period also, music, money, carriages, merchandise, commerce, &c. were invented. There are various calculations of the length of these ki or periods. Some make the time from Puan-ku to Confucius, who flourished about 479 years before Christ, to contain 279,000 years; others, 2,276,000; some, 2,759,860 years; others, 3,276,000; and some no less than 96,961,740 years.

These extravagant accounts are by some thought to contain obscure and imperfect hints concerning the cosmogony and creation of the world, &c. Puan-ku, the first emperor, they think, represents eternity preceding the duration of the world. The succeeding ones, Tiene-hoang, Ti-hoang, and Gine-hoang, they imagine, signify the creation of the heavens and earth, and the formation of man. The ten ki or ages, nine of which preceded Fo-hi, mean the ten generations preceding Noah. This may very possibly be the case; for about 300 years before Christ, some Jews travelled into China, who might have made the Mosaic writings known there.

What we have now related, contains the substance of that part of the Chinese history which is entirely fabulous. After the nine ki or "ages" already taken notice of, the tenth commenced with Fo-hi; and the history, though still very dark, obscure and fabulous, begins to grow somewhat more confident and intelligible. Fo-hi was born in the province of Shenfu. His mother walking upon the bank of a lake in that province, saw a very large print of a man's foot in the sand there; and, being surrounded with an iris or rainbow, became impregnated. The child was named Fo-hi; and, when he grew up, was by his countrymen elected king, on account of his superior merit, and styled Tyen-tse, that is, "the son of heaven." He invented the eight gua, or symbols, consisting of three lines each, which, differently combined, formed 64 characters that were made use of to express every thing. To give these the greater credit, he pretended that he had seen them inscribed on the back of a dragon-horse (an animal shaped like a horse, with the wings and scales of a dragon), which arose from the bottom of a lake. Having gained great reputation among his countrymen by this prodigy, he is said to have created mandarins or officers, under the name of dragons. Hence we may assign a reason why the emperors of China always carry a dragon in their banners. He also instituted marriage, invented music, &c. Having established a prime minister, he divided the government of his dominions among four mandarins, and died after a reign of 115 years.

After Fo-hi followed a succession of emperors, of miraculous whom nothing remarkable is recorded, except that in the reign of Tau, the seventh after Fo-hi, the sun did not set for ten days, so that the Chinese were afraid of a general conflagration. This event the compilers of the Universal History take to be the same with that hypothesis mentioned in the book of Joshua, when the sun and moon stood still for about the space of a day. Fo-hi's posterity will have to be the same with Noah. They imagine, that after the deluge this patriarch remained some time with his descendants; but on their wicked combination to build the tower of Babel, he separated himself from them with as many as he could persuade to go along with him; and that, still travelling eastward, he at last entered the fertile country of China, and laid the foundation of that vast empire.—But, leaving these fabulous and conjectural times, we shall proceed to give some account of that part of the Chinese history which may be more certainly depended on.

As the Chinese, contrary to the practice of almost all nations, have never fought to conquer other countries, but rather to improve and content themselves with their own, their history for many ages furnishes nothing remarkable. The whole of their emperors, abstracting from those who are said to have reigned in the fabulous times, are comprehended in 22 dynasties, mentioned in the following table.

| Emperors | Before Christ | |----------|--------------| | 1. Hya, containing | 17 | | 2. Shang, or Ing, | 28 | | 3. Chew, | 35 | | 4. Thn, | 4 | | 5. Han, | 25 | | 6. Hew-han, | 2 | | 7. Thn, | 15 | | 8. Song, | 8 | | 9. Thp, | 5 | | 10. Lyang, | 4 | | 11. Chin, | 4 | | 12. Swi, | 3 | | 13. Twang, | 20 | | 14. Hew-liang, | 2 | | 15. Hew-tang, | 4 | | 16. Hew-thn, | 2 | | 17. Hew-han, | 2 | | 18. Hew-chew, | 3 | | 19. Song, | 18 | | 20. Iwen, | 9 | | 21. Ming, | 16 | | 22. Thng, | |

This... This table is formed according to the accounts of the Jesuit Du Halde, and is commonly reckoned to be the most authentic; but according to the above-mentioned hypothesis of the compilers of the Universal History, who make Yao contemporary with Joshua, the dynasty of Hya did not commence till the year before Christ 1357; and to accommodate the history to their hypothesis, great alterations must be made in the duration of the dynasties.

The most interesting particulars of the Chinese history relate only to the incursions of the Tartars, who at last conquered the whole empire, and who still continue to hold the sovereignty; though by transferring the seat of the empire to Peking, and adopting the Chinese language, manners, &c., Tartary would seem rather to have been conquered by China, than China by Tartary. These incursions are said to have begun very early; even in the time of the emperor Shun, successor to Yao above mentioned, in whose reign the miraculous fallstice happened. At this time, the Tartars were repulsed, and obliged to retire into their own territories. From time to time, however, they continued to threaten the empire with invasions, and the northern provinces were often actually ravaged by the Tartars in the neighbourhood. About the year before Christ 213, Shi-wang-ti, having fully subdued all the princes, or kings as they were called, of the different provinces, became emperor of China with unlimited power. He divided the whole empire into 36 provinces; and finding the northern part of his dominions much incommodeed by the invasions of the neighbouring barbarians, he sent a formidable army against them, which drove them far beyond the boundaries of China. To prevent their return, he built the famous wall already mentioned, which separates China from Tartary. After this, being elated with his own exploits, he formed a design of making posterity believe that he himself had been the first Chinese emperor that ever sat on the throne. For this purpose, he ordered all the historical writings to be burnt, and caused many of the learned to be put to death, as already mentioned.

What effect the great wall had for some time had in preventing the invasions of the Tartars, we are not told; but in the tenth century of the Christian era, those of Kitan or Lyau got a footing in China. The Kitan were a people of eastern Tartary, who dwelt to the north and north-east of the province of Pecheli in China, particularly in that of Lyau-tong, lying without the great wall. These people having subdued the country between Korea and Kashgar, became much more troublesome to the Chinese than all the other Tartars. Their empire commenced about the year 916, in the fourth year of Mo-ti-kyan-ti, second emperor of the 14th Chinese dynasty called Hwa-Lyang. In 946, Mingt-fong, second emperor of the 15th dynasty, being dead, Sheking-tang his son-in-law rebelled against Mingt-fong, his son and successor, whom he deprived of his crown and life. This he accomplished by means of an army of 50,000 men furnished by the Kitan. Fi-ti, the son of Mingt-fong, being unable to resist the usurper, fled to the city Ghey-chew; where shutting himself up with his family and all his valuable effects, he set fire to the palace, and was burnt to ashes. On his death, Sheking-tang assumed the title of emperor; founded the 16th dynasty; and changed his name to that of Kaut-fu. But the Kitan general refusing to acknowledge him, he was obliged to purchase a peace by yielding up to the Tartars 16 cities in the province of Pecheli, besides a yearly present of 300,000 pieces of silk.

This submission served only to inflame the avarice and ambition of the Kitan. In 959, they broke the treaty when least expected, and invaded the empire afresh. Ts-fang, the emperor at that time, opposed them with a formidable army; but through the treachery of his general Lyew-chi-ywen, the Tartars were allowed to take him prisoner. On this, Ts-fang was glad to recover his liberty, by accepting of a small principality; while the traitor became emperor of all China, and, changing his name to Kaut-fu, founded the 17th dynasty. The Tartars, in the mean time, ravaged all the northern provinces without opposition, and then marched into the southern. But being here stopped by some bodies of Chinese troops, the general thought proper to retire with his booty into Tartary. In 962, Kaut-fu dying, was succeeded by his son In-ti. The youth of this prince gave an opportunity to the eunuchs to raise commotions; especially as the army was employed at a distance in repelling the invasions of the Tartars. This army was commanded by Ko-ghey, who defeated the enemy in several battles, and thus restored peace to the northern provinces. In the mean time, In-ti was slain by his eunuchs, and the empress placed his brother on the throne; but Ko-ghey returning in triumph, was saluted emperor by his victorious army; and the empress being unable to support the rights of her son, was obliged to submit, while Ko-ghey, assuming the name of Tay-fu, founded the 18th dynasty. Nine years after this, however, the grandees of the empire, setting aside Kong-ti, the third in succession from Tay-fu, on account of his non-age, proclaimed his guardian, named Chau-guang-yu, emperor; who, assuming the name of Kau-tfu, founded the 19th dynasty, called Song or T'ong.

Under this monarch the empire began to recover itself; but the Kitan still continued their incursions. The successors of Kau-tfu opposed them with various success; but at last, in 978, the barbarians became so strong as to lay siege to a considerable city. Tay-tsong, successor to Kau-tfu, detached 300 soldiers, each carrying a light in his hand, against them in the nighttime, with orders to approach as near as possible to the Tartar camp. The barbarians imagining, by the number of lights, that the whole Chinese army was at hand, immediately fled, and, falling into ambuscades laid for them by the Chinese general, were almost all cut to pieces.

This check, however, did not long put a stop to the ravages of the Kitan. In the year 999, they laid siege to a city in the province of Pecheli; but Ching-tsong, successor to Tay-tsong, came upon them with his army so suddenly, that they betook themselves to flight. The emperor was advised to take advantage of their consternation, and recover the country which had been yielded to them; but, instead of pursuing his victory, he bought a peace by consenting to pay annually 100,000 tael (about 34,000l.), and 200,000 pieces of silk. The youth and pacific disposition of Jin-tsong, Jin-tsong, successor to the Ching-tsong, revived the courage of the Kitan; and, in 1035, war would have been renewed, had not the emperor condescended to make a treaty as that concluded by his father. Two years after, the Tartars demanded restitution of ten cities in the province of Pecheli, which had been taken by Ke-ghey founder of the 18th dynasty: upon which Jin-tsong engaged to pay them an annual tribute of 200,000 taels of silver, and 300,000 pieces of silk, in lieu of these cities.

From this time the Kitan remained in peaceable possession of their Chinese dominions till the year 1117. Whey-tsong, at that time emperor, being able neither to bear their ravages, nor by himself to put a stop to them, resolved upon a remedy which at last proved worse than the disease. This was to call in the Nu-che, Nyu-che, or Eastern Tartars, to destroy the kingdom of the Kitan. From this he was dissuaded by the king of Korea, and most of his own ministers; but, disregarding their salutary advice, he joined his forces to those of the Nu-che. The Kitan were then everywhere defeated; and at last reduced to such extremity, that those who remained were forced to leave their country, and fly to the mountains of the west.

Thus the empire of the Kitan was totally destroyed, but nothing to the advantage of the Chinese; for the Tartar general, elated with his conquest, gave the name of Kin to his new dominion, assumed the title of emperor, and began to think of aggrandizing himself, and enlarging his empire. For this purpose, he immediately broke the treaties concluded with the Chinese emperor; and, invading the provinces of Pecheli and Shensi, made himself master of the greater part of them. Whey-tsong, finding himself in danger of losing his dominions, made several advantageous proposals to the Tartar; who, seeming to comply with them, invited him to come and settle matters by a personal conference. The Chinese monarch complied; but, on his return, the terms agreed on seemed intolerable to his ministers; so that they told him the treaty could not subsist, and that the most cruel war was preferable to such an ignominious peace. The Kin monarch, being informed of all that passed, had recourse to arms, and took several cities. Whey-tsong was weak enough to go in person to hold a second conference; but, on his arrival, was immediately seized by the Tartar. He was kept prisoner under a strong guard during the remaining part of his life; and ended his days in 1126, in the defeat of Shamo, having nominated his eldest son Kin-tsong to succeed him.

Kin-tsong began his reign with putting to death six ministers of state, who had betrayed his father into the hands of the Kin Tartars. The barbarians in the meantime purified their conquests without opposition. They crossed the Whang-ho, or Yellow river, which a handful of troops might have prevented; and marching directly towards the imperial city, took and plundered it. Then seizing the emperor and his consort, they carried them away captives: but many of the principal lords, and several of the ministers, preferring death to such an ignominious bondage, killed themselves. The Kin being informed by the empress Meng that she had been divorced, they left her behind. This proved the means of saving the empire; for by her wisdom and prudence she got the crown placed on the head of Kau-tsong, ninth son of the emperor Whey-tsong by his divorced empress.

Kau-tsong fixed his court at Nanking the capital of Kyang-nan; but soon after was obliged to remove it to Kang-chew in Che-kyang. He made several efforts to recover some of his provinces from the Kin, but without effect. Ili-tsong the Kin monarch, in the mean time, endeavoured to gain the esteem of his Chinese subjects by paying a regard to their learning and learned men, and honouring the memory of Confucius. Some time after he advanced to Nanking, from whence Kau-tsong had retired, and took it: but, receiving advice that Yo-fi, general of the Song, or southern Chinese, was advancing by long marches to the relief of that city, they set fire to the palace, and retired northward. However, Yo-fi arrived time enough to fall upon their rear-guard, which suffered the Kin very much; and from this time the Kin never dared checked to cross the river Kyang. In a few years afterwards the Chinese emperor submitted to become tributary to the Kin, and concluded a peace with them upon very dishonourable terms. This submission, however, was of little avail: for, in 1163, the Tartars broke the peace, and, invading the southern province with a formidable army, took the city of Yang-chew. The king, having approached the river Kyang, near its mouth, where it is widest as well as most rapid, commanded his troops to cross it, threatening with his drawn sword to kill those who refused. On receiving such an unreasonable command, the whole army mutinied; and the king being killed in the beginning of the tumult, the army immediately retired.

From this time to the year 1210, nothing remarkable occurs in the Chinese history; but this year, attacked by Jenghiz-khan, chief of the western Tartars, Moguls, Jenghiz-khan and Mungir, quarrelled with Yong-tsi emperor of the Kin; and at the same time the king of Hya, disfurnished of Hya, at being refused assistance against Jenghiz-khan, threatened him with an invasion on the west side. Yong-tsi prepared for his defence; but in 1211, receiving news that Jenghiz-khan was advancing southward with his whole army, he was seized with fear, and made proposals of peace, which were rejected. In 1212, the Great wall Mogul generals forced the great wall; or, according to some writers, had one of the gates treacherously opened to them, to the north of Shanxi; and made incursions as far as Peking, the capital of the Kin empire. At the same time the province of Lyau-tong was almost totally reduced by several Kitan lords who had joined Jenghiz-khan; several strong places were taken, and an army of 300,000 Kin defeated by the Moguls. In autumn they laid siege to the city of Tay-tong-fu; where, although the governor Hujaku fled, yet Jenghiz-khan met with considerable resistance. Having lost a vast number of men, and being himself wounded by an arrow, he was obliged to raise the siege and retire into Tartary; after which the Kin retook several cities. The next year, however, Jenghiz-khan re-entered China; retook the cities which the Kin had reduced the year before; and overthrew their their armies in two bloody battles, in one of which the ground was strewed with dead bodies for upwards of four leagues.

The same year Yong-tsi was slain by his general Hujaku; and Sun, a prince of the blood, advanced in his room. After this the Moguls, attacking the empire with four armies at once, laid waste the provinces of Shan-fu, Honan, Pecheli, and Shan-tong. In 1214 Jenghiz-khan sat down before Peking; but instead of assaulting the city, offered terms of peace, which were accepted, and the Moguls retired into Tartary. After their departure, the emperor, leaving his son at Peking, removed his court to Pyen-lyang near Kay-fong-fu, the capital of Honan. At this Jenghiz-khan being offended, immediately sent troops to besiege Peking. The city held out to the fifth month of the year 1215, and then surrendered. At the same time the Moguls finished the conquest of Lyau-tong; and the Song refused to pay the usual tribute to the Kin.

In 1216, Jenghiz-khan returned to pursue his conquests in the west of Asia, where he laid seven years; during which time his general Muhuli made great progress in China against the Kin emperor. He was greatly assisted by the motions of Ning-tsong emperor of the Song, or Southern China; who, incensed by the frequent perfidies of the Kin, had declared war against them, and would hearken to no terms of peace, though very advantageous proposals were made. Notwithstanding this, however, in 1220, the Kin, exerting themselves, raised two great armies, one in Shenfu, and the other in Shan-tong. The former baffled the attempts of the Song and king of Hya, who had united against them; but the latter, though no fewer than 200,000, were entirely defeated by Muhuli. In 1221, that officer passed the Whang-ho, and died after conquering several cities.

In 1224, the Kin emperor died; and was succeeded by his son Shew, who made peace with the king of Hya; but next year, that kingdom was entirely destroyed by Jenghiz-khan. In 1226, Oktay, son to Jenghiz-khan, marched into Honan, and besieged Kay-fong-fu, capital of the Kin empire, but was obliged to withdraw into Shenfu, where he took several cities, and cut in pieces an army of 30,000 men. In 1227 Jenghiz-khan died, after having desired his sons to demand a passage for their army through the dominions of the Song, without which he said they could not easily vanquish the Kin.

After the death of that great conqueror, the war was carried on with various success; but though the Moguls took above 60 important posts in the province of Shenfu, they found it impossible to force Ton-quan, which it behoved them to do in order to penetrate effectually into Honan. In April 1231 they took the capital of Shenfu, and defeated the Kin army which came to its relief. Here one of the officers defied Prince Toley to demand a passage from the Song through the country of Han-chong-fu. This proposal Toley communicated to his brother Oktay, who approved of it as being conformable to the dying advice of Jenghiz-khan. Hereupon Toley, having assembled all his forces, sent a messenger to the Song generals to demand a passage through their territories. This, however, they not only refused, but put the messenger to death; which so enraged Toley that he swore to make them repent of it, and was soon as good as his word. He decamped in August 1231; and having forced the passes, put to the sword the inhabitants of Wha-yang and Fong-chew, two cities in the district Exploits of Hang-chong-fu. Then having cut down rocks to fill up deep abysses, and made roads through places almost inaccessible, he came and besieged the city of Hang-chong-fu itself. The miserable inhabitants fled to the mountains on his approach, and more than 100,000 of them perished. After this, Toley divided his forces, consisting of 30,000 horse, into two bodies. One of these went westward to Myen-chew; from thence, after opening the passageways of the mountains, they arrived at the river Kyaling, which runs into the great Kyang. This they crossed on rafts made of the wood of demolished houses; and then, marching along its banks, seized many important posts. At last, having destroyed more than 140 cities, towns, or fortresses, they returned to the army. The second detachment seized an important post in the mountains, called Toung-tong, five or seven leagues to the eastward of Hang-chong-fu. On the other side Oktay advanced, in October, towards Pu-chew a city of Shenfu; which being taken after a vigorous defence, he prepared to pass the Whang-ho. Toley, after surmounting incredible difficulties, arrived in December on the borders of Honan, and made a show as if he designed to attack the capital of the Kin empire. On his first appearance in Honan through a passage so little suspected, every body was filled with terror and astonishment, so that he proceeded for some time without opposition. At last the emperor ordered his generals, Hota, Ilapua, and others, to march against the enemy. Toley boldly attacked them; but was obliged to retire, which he did in good order. Hota was for pursuing him, laying that the Mogul army did not exceed 30,000 men, and that they seemed not to have eaten anything for two or three days. Ilapua, however, was of opinion that there was no occasion for being so hasty, as the Moguls were enclosed between the rivers Han and Whang-ho, so that they could not escape. This negligence they soon had occasion to repent of; for Toley, by a stratagem, made himself master of their heavy baggage; which accident obliged them to retire to Tang-chew. From thence they sent a messenger to acquaint the emperor that they had gained the battle, but concealed the loss of their baggage. This good news filled the court with joy; and the people who had retired into the capital for its defense, left it again, and went into the country; but, in a few days after, the vanguard of the Moguls, who had been sent by the emperor Oktay, appeared in the field, and carried off a great number of those that had quitted the city.

In January 1232, Oktay passing the Whang-ho, Capital of encamped in the district of Kay-fong-fu, capital of the the Kin Kin empire, and sent his general Suputay to besiege empire be the city. At that time the place was near 30 miles in circumference; but having only 40,000 soldiers to defend it, as many more from the neighbouring cities, and 20,000 peasants, were ordered into it; while the emperor published an affecting declaration, animating the people to defend it to the last extremity. Oktay, having heard with joy of Toley’s entrance into Honan, ordered him to send succours to Suputay. On the China. the other hand, the Kin generals advanced with 150,000 men to relieve the city; but being obliged to divide their forces, in order to avoid in part the great road, which Toley had obstructed with trees, they were attacked by the prince at a disadvantage, and, after a faint resistance, defeated with great slaughter, and the loss of both their generals, one killed and the other taken. The emperor now ordered the army at Tong-quan and other fortified places to march to the relief of Kay-fong-fu. They assembled accordingly, to the number of 110,000 foot and 15,000 horse; and were followed by vast numbers of people, who expected by their means to be protected from the enemy. But many of these troops having deserted, and the rest being enfeebled by the fatigues of their march, they dispersed on the approach of their pursuers, who killed all they found in the highways. After this the Moguls took Tong-quan and some other considerable posts; but were obliged to raise the sieges of Quay-te-fu and Loyang by the bravery of the governors. Kyang-thin, governor of Loyang, had only 3 or 4000 soldiers under him, while his enemies were 30,000 strong. He placed his worst soldiers on the walls, putting himself at the head of 400 brave men; whom he ordered to go naked, and whom he led to all dangerous attacks. He invented engines to cast large stones, which required but few hands to play them, and aimed so true as to hit at 100 paces distance. When their arrows failed, he cut those shot by the enemy into four pieces; pointed them with pieces of brass coin; and discharged them from wooden tubes with as much force as bullets are from a musket. Thus he harassed the Moguls for three months so grievously, that they were obliged, notwithstanding their numbers, to abandon the enterprise.

Oktay, at last, notwithstanding his successes, resolved to return to Tartary; and offered the Kin emperor peace, provided he became tributary, and delivered up to him 27 families which he named. These offers were very agreeable to the emperor; but Suputay, taking no notice of the treaty, pushed on the siege of the capital with more vigour than ever. By the help of the Chinese slaves in his army, the Mogul general soon filled the ditch; but all his efforts seemed only to inspire the besieged with new vigour. The Moguls at that time made use of artillery, but were unable to make the least impression upon the city walls. They raised walls round those they besieged, which they fortified with ditches, towers, and battlements. They proceeded also to sap the walls of the city; but were very much annoyed by the artillery of the besieged, especially by their bombs, which sinking into the galleries, and bursting underground, made great havoc among the miners. For 16 days and nights the attacks continued without intermission; during which time an incredible number of men perished on both sides; at length, Suputay, finding that he could not take the city, withdrew his troops, under pretence of conferences being on foot. Soon after the plague began in Kay-fong-fu; and raged with such violence, that, in 30 days, 900,000 biers were carried out, besides a vast multitude of the poorer sort who could not afford any.

In a short time two unlucky accidents occasioned a renewal of the war; which now put an end to the empire of the Kin. Gan-yong, a young Mogul lord, having assumed the government of some cities in Kyaing-nan, and killed the officer sent to take possession of them, declared for the Kin. The emperor unwarily took Gan-yong into his service, and gave him the title of prince. Upon this Oktay sent an envoy, attended by 30 other persons, to inquire into the affair; but the Kin officers killed them all, without being punished by the emperor. Suputay, having informed his master of all these proceedings, was ordered to continue the war in Honan. Shew-fu now commanded his officers to unite their troops for the defence of the capital; but before his orders could be obeyed, they were attacked and defeated, one after another, by the Moguls. This obliged him to raise soldiers from among the peasants, for whose subsistence the people were taxed 1/3 of the rice they possessed. The city began now to be distressed for want of provisions; and as it was but in a bad posture of defence, the emperor marched with an army against the Moguls. His expedition proved unfortunate; for, pending part of his army to besiege a city called Why-chew, it was again totally cut in pieces, and Suputay a second time sat sieged, down before the capital.

On hearing this bad news, the emperor repassed the and taken Whang-ho, and retired to Quay-te-fu. Here he had not been long before the capital was delivered up by treachery, and Suputay put all the males of the imperial race to death; but, by the express command of Oktay, spared the inhabitants, who are said to have amounted to 1,400,000 families. After this disaster, the unhappy monarch left his troops at Quay-te-fu, and retired to Juning-fu, a city in the southern part of Honan, attended only by 400 persons. Here the siege of the Moguls made him think of living at Juning-fu, ease; but while he flattered himself with these vain hopes, the enemy's army arrived before the city and invested it. The garrison were terrified at their approach; but were encouraged by the emperor, and his brave general Hu-ye-hu, to hold out to the last. As there was not in the city a sufficient number of men, the women, dressed in men's clothes, were employed to carry wood, stones, and other necessary materials to the walls. All their efforts, however, were ineffectual. They were reduced to such extremities, that for three months they fed on human flesh; killing the old and feeble, as well as many prisoners, for food. This being known to the Moguls, they made a general assault in January 1234. The attack continued from morning till night; but at last the assailants were repulsed. In this action, however, the Kin lost all their best officers; upon which the emperor resigned the crown to Cheng-lin a prince of the blood. Next morning, while the ceremony of investing the new emperor was performing, the enemy mounted the south walls, which were defended only by 200 men; and the south gate being at the same time abandoned, the whole army broke in. They were opposed, however, by Ha-ye-hu; who, with 1000 soldiers, continued to fight with amazing intrepidity. In the mean time Unhappy Shew-fu, seeing everything irreparably lost, lodged late of the seal of the empire in a hovel; and then causing emperor sheaves of straw to be set round it, ordered it to be set on fire as soon as he was dead. After giving this order he hanged himself, and his commands were executed. cuted by his domestics. Hu-fye-hu, who still continued fighting with great bravery, no sooner heard of the tragic death of the emperor, than he drowned himself in the river Ju; as did also 500 of his most resolute soldiers. The same day the new emperor, Cheng-lin, was slain in a tumult; and thus an end was put to the dominion of the Kin Tartars in China.

The empire of China was now to be shared between the Song, or southern Chinese, and the Moguls. It had been agreed upon, that the province of Honan should be delivered up to the Song as soon as the war was finished. But they, without waiting for the expiration of the term, or giving Oktay notice of their proceedings, introduced their troops into Kay-fong-fu, Lo-yang, and other considerable cities. On this the Mogul general resolved to attack them; and repassing the Whang-bo, cut in pieces part of the garrison of Lo-yang, while they were out in search of provisions. The garrison of Kay-fong-fu likewise abandoned that place; and the Song emperor degraded the officers who had been guilty of those irregularities, sending ambassadors to Oktay, at the same time, to define a continuance of the peace. What Oktay's answer was we are not told, but the event showed that he was not well pleased; for, in 1235, he ordered his second son Prince Kotovan, and his general Chahay, to attack the Song in Se-chuen, while others marched towards the borders of Kyang-nan.

In 1236, the Moguls made great progress in the province of Huquang, where they took several cities, and put vast numbers to the sword. This year they introduced paper or silk money, which had formerly been used by Chang-tsong, fifth emperor of the Kin. Prince Kotovan forced the passages into the district of Hang-chong-fu in the province of Shenfu, which he entered with an army of 500,000 men. Here a terrible battle was fought between the vast army of the Moguls and the Chinese troops, who had been driven from the passes they defended. The latter consisted only of 10,000 horse and foot, who were almost entirely cut off; and the Moguls lost such a number of men, that the blood is said to have run for two leagues together. After this victory the Moguls entered Se-chuen, which they almost entirely reduced, committing such barbarities, that, in one city, 40,000 people chose rather to put an end to their own lives than submit to such cruel conquerors.

In 1237, the Moguls received a considerable check before the city of Gantong in Kyang-nan, the siege of which they were obliged to raise with loss. In 1238, they besieged Lu-chuw, another city in the same province. They surrounded it with a rampart of earth and a double ditch; but the Chinese general ordered their intrenchments to be filled with immense quantities of herbs steeped in oil, and then set on fire, while he shot stones upon them from a tower seven stories high. At the same time a vigorous sally was made; and the Mogul army being thrown into the utmost disorder, were obliged finally to abandon the siege, and retire northwards.

In 1239, these barbarians were opposed by a general called Meng kong, with great success; who, this and the following year, gained great honour by his exploits. While he lived, the Moguls were never able to make any considerable progress; but his death, in 1246, proved of the greatest detriment to the Chinese affairs; and soon after, the Tartars renewed the war with more vigour and success than ever. In 1255, they re-entered the province of Se-chuen; but still met with vigorous opposition in this quarter, because the Chinese took care to have Se-chuen furnished with good troops and generals. Though they were always beaten, being greatly inferior in number to their enemies, yet they generally retook the cities the Moguls had reduced, as the latter were commonly obliged to withdraw for want of provisions and forage. In 1259 they undertook the siege of Ho-chew, a strong city to the west of Peking, defended by Vang-Ho-chew-kyen, a very able officer, who commanded a numerous garrison. The siege continued from the month of February till August; during which time the Moguls lost an immense number of men. On the 10th of August they made a general assault in the night. They mounted the walls before the governor had intelligence; but were soon attacked by him with the utmost fury. The Mogul emperor, Meng-ko, himself came to the escala; but his presence was not sufficient to overcome the valour of Vang-kyen. At the same time the scaling-ladders of the Moguls were blown down by a storm; upon which a terrible slaughter ensued, and amongst the rest fell the emperor himself. Upon this disaster the Mogul generals agreed to raise the siege, and retired towards Shen-fu.

On the death of Meng-ko, Hupilay, or Kublay-Khan, who succeeded him, laid siege to Vu-chang-fu, a city not far distant from the capital of the Song empire.

At this the emperor being greatly alarmed, distributed immense sums among his troops; and, having raised a formidable army, marched to the relief of Vu-chang-fu. Unfortunately the command of this army was committed to the care of Kya-tse-tau, a man without either courage or experience in war. He was besides very vain and vindictive in his temper; often using the best officers ill, and entirely overlooking their merit, which caused many of them to go over to the Moguls. The siege of Vu-chang-fu was commenced, and had continued a considerable time, when Kya-tse-tau, afraid of its being lost, and at the same time not daring to take any effectual step for its relief, made proposals of peace. A treaty was accordingly concluded, by which Kya-tse-tau engaged to pay an annual tribute of about 50,000l. in silver and as much in silk; acknowledging likewise the sovereignty of the Moguls over the Song empire. In consequence of this treaty, the Moguls retreated after the boundaries of the two empires had been fixed, and repassed the Kyang; but 170 of them having strayed on the other side of the river, were put to death by Kya-tse-tau.

This wicked minister totally concealed from the treacherous emperor his having made such a shameful treaty with the Moguls; and the 170 soldiers massacred by his order, gave occasion to a report that the enemy had been defeated; so that the Song court believed that they had been compelled to retreat by the superior valour and wisdom of Kya-tse-tau. This proved the ruin of the empire; for, in 1260, the Mogul emperor sent Hauking to the Chinese court to execute the treaty according to the terms agreed on with Kya-tse-tau. The minister, dreading the arrival of this envoy, imprisoned him near Nanking; and took all possible care that neither Hupilay, nor Li-Hong the Chinese emperor, should ever hear any thing of him.

It was impossible such unparalleled conduct could fail to produce a new war. Hupilay's courtiers incessantly pressed him to revenge himself on the Song for their treacherous behaviour; and he soon published a manifesto against them, which was followed by a renewal of hostilities in 1268. The Mogul army amounted to 300,000 men; but notwithstanding their numbers, little progress was made till the year 1271. Syan-yang and Fan-ching, cities in the province of Se-chew, had been besieged for a long time ineffectually; but this year an Igor lord advised Hupilay to send for several of those engineers out of the west, who knew how to cast stones of 150 pounds weight out of their engines, which made holes of seven or eight feet wide in the strongest walls. Two of these engineers were accordingly sent for; and after giving a specimen of their art before Hupilay, were sent to the army in 1272. In the beginning of 1273 they planted their engines against the city of Fan-ching, and presently made a breach in the walls. After a bloody conflict the suburbs were taken; and soon after the Moguls made themselves masters of the walls and gates of the city. Nevertheless, a Chinese officer, with only 100 soldiers, resolved to fight from street to street. This he did for a long time with the greatest obstinacy, killing vast numbers of the Moguls; and both parties are said to have been so much overcome with thirst, that they drank human blood to quench it. The Chinese set fire to the houses, that the great beams, falling down, might embarrass the way of their pursuers; but at last, being quite wearied out, and filled with despair, they put an end to their own lives.

After the taking of Fan-ching, all the materials which had served at the siege were transported to Seyen-yang. The two engineers posted themselves against a wooden retrenchment raised on the ramparts. This they quickly demolished; and the besieged were so intimidated by the noise and havoc made by the stones cast from these terrible engines, that they immediately surrendered.

In 1274, Pe-yen, an officer of great valour, and endowed with many other good qualities, was promoted to the command of the Mogul army. His first exploits were the taking of two strong cities; after which he passed the great river Ky-ang, defeated the Song army, and laid siege to Vu-chang-fu. This city was soon intimidated into a surrender; and Pe-yen, by restraining the barbarity of his soldiers, whom he would not allow to hurt any body, soon gained the hearts of the Chinese so much, that several cities surrendered to him on the first summons. In the meantime the treacherous Kya-tse-tau, who was sent to oppose Pe-yen, was not ashamed to propose peace on the terms he had formerly concluded with Hupilay; but these being rejected, he was obliged at length to come to an engagement. In this he was defeated, and Pe-yen continued his conquests with great rapidity. Having taken the city of Nanking, and some others, he marched towards Hang-chew-fu, the capital of the Song empire. Peace was now again proposed, but rejected by the Mogul general; and at last the empress was constrained to put herself, with her son, then an infant, into the hands of Pe-yen, who immediately sent them to Hupilay.

The submission of the empress did not yet put an end to the war. Many of the chief officers swore to do their utmost to rescue her from the hands of her enemies. In consequence of this resolution they distributed their money among the soldiery, and soon got together an army of 40,000 men. This army attacked the city where the young emperor Kong-tsung was lodged, but without success; after which, and several other vain attempts, they raised one of his brothers to the throne, who then took upon him the name of Twon-tsong. He was but nine years of age when he was raised to the imperial dignity, and enjoyed it but a very short time. In 1277 he was in great danger of perishing, by reason of the ship on board which he then was being carried away. The poor prince fell into the water, and was taken up half dead with the fright. A great part of his troops perished at that time, and he soon after made offers of submission to Hupilay. These, however, were not accepted; for, in 1278, the unhappy Twon-tsong was obliged to retire into a little desert island on the coast of Quang-tong, where he died in the 11th year of his age.

Notwithstanding the progress of the Moguls, vast territories still remained to be subdued before they of the Song could become masters of all the Chinese empire. On the death of Twon-tsong, therefore, the mandarins raised to the throne his brother, named Te-ping, at that time but eight years of age. His army consisted of no fewer than 200,000 men; but being utterly void of discipline, and entirely ignorant of the art of war, they were defeated by 20,000 Mogul troops. Nor was the fleet more successful; for being put in confusion by that of the Moguls, and the emperor in danger of falling into their hands, one of the officers taking him on his shoulders, jumped with him into the sea, where they were both drowned. Most of the mandarins followed this example, as did also the empress and minister, all the ladies and maids of honour, and multitudes of others, innumerable that 100,000 people are thought to have perished on that day. Thus ended the Chinese race of emperors; and the Mogul dynasty, known by the name of Yuen, commenced.

Though no race of men that ever existed were more remarkable for cruelty and barbarity than the Hupilay Moguls; yet it doth not appear that the emperors of the Yuen dynasty were in any respect worse than their predecessors. On the contrary, Hupilay, by the Chinese called Shi-tzu, found the way of reconciling the people to his government, and even of endearing himself to them so much, that the reign of his family is to this day styled by the Chinese the wise government. This he accomplished by keeping as close as possible to their ancient laws and customs, by his mild and just government, and by his regard for their learned men. He was indeed ashamed of the ignorance and barbarity of his Mogul subjects, when compared with the Chinese. The whole knowledge of the former was summed up in their skill in managing their arms and horses, being perfectly destitute of every art or science, or even of the knowledge of letters. In 1269, he had caused the Mogul characters to be contrived. trived. In 1280, he caused some mathematicians search for the source of the river Whang-ho, which at that time was unknown to the Chinese themselves. In four months' time they arrived in the country where it rises, and made a map of it, which they presented to his majesty. The same year a treatise on astronomy was published by his order; and, in 1282, he ordered the learned men to repair from all parts of the empire, to examine the state of literature, and take measures for its advancement.

At his first accession to the crown he fixed his residence at Tay-yuen-fu, the capital of Shen-fu; but thought proper afterwards to remove it to Peking. Here, being informed that the barks which brought to court the tribute of the southern provinces, or carried on the trade of the empire, were obliged to come by sea, and often suffered shipwreck, he caused that celebrated canal to be made, which is at present one of the wonders of the Chinese empire, being 300 leagues in length. By this canal above 9000 imperial barks transport with ease, and at small expense, the tribute of grain, rice, silk, &c., which is annually paid to the court. In the third year of his reign Shi-tsu formed a design of reducing the islands of Japan, and the kingdoms of Tonquin and Cochin-China. Both these enterprises ended unfortunately, but the first remarkably so; for of 100,000 persons employed in it, only four or five escaped with the melancholy news of the destruction of the rest, who all perished by shipwreck. Shi-tsu reigned 15 years, died in the 30th year of his age, and was succeeded by his grandson. The throne continued in the Yuen family to the year 1367, when Shun-ti, the last of that dynasty, was driven out by a Chinese named Chu. During this period the Tartars had become enervated by long prosperity; and the Chinese had been roused into valour by their subjection. Shun-ti, the reigning prince, was quite sunk in sloth and debauchery; and the empire, besides, was oppressed by a wicked minister named Ama.

In June 1355, Chu, a Chinese of mean extraction, and head of a small party, set out from How-chew, passed the Kyang, and took Taiping. He then associated himself with some other malcontents, at the head of whom he reduced the town of Tu-chew, in Kyang-nan. Soon after he made himself master of Nanking, having defeated the Moguls who came to its relief. In December 1356, he was able to raise 100,000 men, at the head of whom he took the city of U-chew, in the east borders of Quang-fu; and here, assembling his generals, it was resolved neither to commit slaughter nor to plunder. The most formidable enemy he had to deal with was Chen-yew-liang, styled "emperor of the Han." This man being grieved at the progress made by Chu, equipped a fleet, and raised a formidable army, in order to reduce Nan-chang-fu, a city of Kyang-fu, which his antagonist had made himself master of. The governor, however, found means to inform Chu of his danger; upon which that chief caused a fleet to be fitted out at Nanking, in which he embarked 200,000 soldiers. As soon as Chen-yew-liang was informed of his enemy's approach, he raised the siege of Nan-chang-fu, and gave orders for attacking Chu's naval force. An engagement ensued between a part of the fleets, in which Chu proved victorious; and next day, all the squadrons having joined in order to come to a general engagement, Chu gained a second victory, and burnt 100 of the enemy's vessels. A third and fourth engagement happened, in both which Chu gained the victory; and in the last, Chen-yew-liang himself was killed, his son taken prisoner, and his generals obliged to surrender themselves, with all their forces and vessels.

In January 1364, Chu's generals proposed to proclaim him emperor; but this he declined, and at first claimed contentment with the title of king of U. In February he made himself master of Wu chang-fu, capital of Hu-quang; where, with his usual humanity, he relieved those in distress, encouraged the literati, and would allow his troops neither to plunder nor destroy. This wise conduct procured him an easy conquest both of Kyan-fu and Hu-quang. The Chinese submitted to him in crowds, and professed the greatest veneration and respect for his person and government.

All this time Shun-ti, with an unaccountable negligence, never thought of exerting himself against Chu, but continued to employ his forces against the rebels who had taken up arms in various parts of the empire; so that Chu found himself in a condition to assume the title of emperor. This he chose to do at Nanking on the first day of the year 1368. After this his troops entered the province of Honan, which they presently reduced. In the third month, Chu, who had now taken the title of Hong-yu or Tai-yu, reduced the forts of Tong quan; after which his troops entered Pocheli from Honan on the one side, and Shang-tong on the other. Here his generals defeated and killed one of Shun-ti's officers; after which they took the city of Tong chew, and then prepared to attack the capital, from which they were now but 12 miles distant. On their approach the emperor fled with all his family beyond the great wall, and thus put an end to the dynasty of Yuen. In 1370 he died, and was succeeded by his son, whom the successor of Hong-yu drove beyond the Kobi or Great Desert, which separates China from Tartary. They continued their incursions, however, for many years; nor did they cease their attempts till 1583, when vast numbers of them were cut in pieces by the Chinese troops.

The 21st dynasty of Chinese emperors, founded in China a. 1368 by Chu, continued till the year 1644, when they were again expelled by the Tartars. The last emperor was named Whay-tsong, and ascended the throne in 1628. He was a great lover of the sciences, and a favourer of the Christians; though much addicted to the superstitions of the Bonzes. He found himself engaged in a war with the Tartars, and a number of rebels in different provinces. That he might more effectually suppress the latter, he resolved to make peace with the former; and for that end sent one of his generals, named Yuen, into Tartary, at the head of an army, with full power to negotiate a peace; but that traitor made one upon such shameful terms, that the emperor refused to ratify it. Yuen, in order to oblige his master to comply with the terms made by himself, poisoned his best and most faithful general, named Mau-ven-long; and then desired the Tartars to march directly to Peking, by a road different from that which he took with his army. This they accordingly did, and laid siege to the capital. Ywen was ordered to come to its relief; but, on his arrival, was put to the torture and strangled; of which the Tartars were no sooner informed, than they raised the siege, and returned to their own country. In 1656, the rebels above mentioned composed four great armies, commanded by as many generals; which, however, were soon reduced to two, commanded by Li and Chang. These agreed to divide the empire between them; Chang taking the western provinces, and Li the eastern ones. The latter seized on part of Shen-fu, and then on Honan, whose capital, named Kay-fong-fu, he laid siege to, but was repulsed with loss. He renewed it six months after, but without success; the besieged choosing rather to feed on human flesh than surrender. The imperial forces coming soon after to its assistance, the general made no doubt of being able to destroy the rebels at once, by breaking down the banks of the Yellow river; but unfortunately the rebels escaped to the mountains, while the city was quite overflowed, and 300,000 of the inhabitants perished.

After this disaster, Li marched into the provinces of Shen-fu and Honan; where he put to death all the mandarins, exacted great sums from the officers in place, and showed no favour to any but the populace, whom he freed from all taxes: by this means he drew so many to his interest, that he thought himself strong enough to assume the title of emperor. He next advanced towards the capital, which, though well garrisoned, was divided into factions. Li had taken care to introduce beforehand a number of his men in disguise; and by these the gates were opened to him the third day after his arrival. He entered the city in triumph at the head of 300,000 men, whilst the emperor kept himself shut up in his palace, busied only with his superstitions. It was not long, however, before he found himself betrayed; and, under the greatest consternation, made an effort to escape out of the palace, attended by about 600 of his guards. He was still more surprised to see himself treacherously abandoned by them, and deprived of all hopes of escaping the insults of his subjects. Upon this, preferring death to the disgrace of falling alive into their hands, he immediately retired with his empress, whom he tenderly loved, and the princess her daughter, into a private part of the garden. His grief was so great that he was not able to utter a word; but the soon understood his meaning, and, after a few silent embraces, hanged herself on a tree in a silken string. Her husband said only to write these words on the border of his vest: "I have been basely deserted by my subjects; do what you will with me, but spare my people." He then cut off the young princess's head with one stroke of his scimitar, and hanged himself on another tree, in the 17th year of his reign, and 36th of his age. His prime minister, queens, and eunuchs, followed his example; and thus ended the Chinese monarchy, to give place to that of the Tartars, which hath continued ever since.

It was some time before the body of the unfortunate monarch was found. At last it was brought before the rebel Li, and by him used with the utmost indignity; after which he caused two of Whay-tsong's sons, and all his ministers, to be beheaded; but his eldest son happily escaped by flight. The whole empire submitted peaceably to the usurper, except Prince U-fan-ghey, who commanded the imperial forces in the province of Lyau-tong. This brave prince, finding himself unable to cope with the usurper, invited the Tartars to his assistance; and Tsong-te their king immediately joined him with an army of 80,000 men. Upon this the usurper marched directly to Peking; but not thinking himself safe there, plundered and burnt the palace, and then fled with the immense treasure he had got. What became of him afterwards we are not told; but the young Tartar monarch was immediately declared emperor of China, his father Tsong-te having died almost as soon as he set his foot on that empire.

The new emperor, named Shun-chi, or Xun-chi, began his reign with rewarding U-fan-ghey, by conferring upon him the title of king; and assigned him the city of Si-nan-fu, capital of Shen-fu, for his residence. This, however, did not hinder U-fan-ghey from repenting of his error in calling in the Tartars, or, as he himself used to phrase it, "in feeding for lions to drive away dogs." In 1674, he formed a very strong alliance against them, and had probably prevailed if his allies had been faithful; but they treacherously deserted him one after another: which so affected him, that he died soon after. In 1681 Hong-wha, son to U-fan-ghey, who continued his efforts against the Tartars, was reduced to such straits that he put an end to his own life.

During this time, some resistance had been made to the Tartars in many of the provinces. Two princes of Chinese extraction had at different times been proclaimed emperors; but both of them were overcome and put to death. In 1682, the whole Empire provinces were so effectually subdued, that the emperor Kang-hi, successor to Shun-chi, determined to visit his native dominions of Tartary. He was accompanied by an army of 70,000 men, and continued for some months taking the diversion of hunting. For several years he repeated his visits annually; and in his journeys took Father Verbiet along with him; by which means we have a better description of these countries than could have been otherwise obtained. This prince was a great encourager of learning and Christianity of the Christian religion; and in favour of the latter he published a decree, dated in 1692. But in 1716, encouraged and then he revived some obsolete laws against the Christians; persecuted, nor could the Jesuits with all their art preserve the footing they had got in China. The causes of this alteration in his resolution are, by the missionaries, said to have been the flanders of the mandarins; but, from the known character of the Jesuits, it will be readily believed, that there was something more at bottom. This emperor died in 1722, and was succeeded by his son Yon-ching; who not only gave no encouragement to the missionaries, but persecuted all Christians of whatever denomination, not excepting even those of the imperial race. At the beginning of his reign he banished all the Jesuits into the city of Canton, and in 1732 they were banished from thence into Ma-kau, a little island inhabited by the Portuguese, but subject to China. He died in 1736: but though the Jesuits entertained great hopes from his successor, we have not heard that they have yet met with any success.

Thus we have given an account of the most memorable rable transactions recorded in the Chinese history. We now proceed to describe the present state of the empire and its inhabitants, according to the best and latest accounts.

The climate as well as the soil of this extensive empire is very different in different parts; severe cold being often felt in the northern provinces, while the inhabitants of the southern ones are scarcely able to bear the heat. In general, however, the air is accounted wholesome, and the inhabitants live to a great age.—The northern and western provinces have many mountains, which in the latter are cultivated, but in the north are barren, rocky, and incapable of improvement. On the mountains of Chenfu, Honan, Canton, and Fukien, are many forests, abounding with tall straight trees, of different kinds, fit for building, and particularly adapted for masts and ship timber. These are used by the emperor in his private buildings; and from these forests enormous trunks are sometimes transported to the distance of more than 300 leagues. Other mountains contain quicksilver, iron, tin, copper, gold, and silver. Formerly these last were not allowed to be opened, lest the people should thereby be induced to neglect the natural richness of the soil: and it is certain, that, in the 15th century, the emperor caused a mine of precious stones to be shut, which had been opened by a private person. Of late, however, the Chinese are less scrupulous, and a great trade in gold is carried on by them. Many extravagant fables are told by the Chinese of their mountains, particularly of one in Chenfu which throws out flames, and produces violent tempests, whenever any one beats a drum or plays on a musical instrument near it. In the province of Fukien is a mountain the whole of which is an idol, or statue of the god Fo. This natural colossus, for it appears not to have been the work of art, is of such an enormous size, that each of its eyes is several miles in circumference, and its nose extends some leagues.

China has several large lakes; the principal one is that named Poyang-hou, in the province of Kiang-fu. It is formed by the confluence of four large rivers; extends near 100 leagues in length; and, like the sea, its waters are raised into tempestuous waves. The empire is watered by an immense number of rivers of different sizes, of which two are particularly celebrated, viz., the Yang-tse-kiang, or son of the sea, and Hoang-ho, or the yellow river. The former rises in the province of Yunnan, and passing through Houguang and Kiang-nan, falls into the eastern ocean, after a course of 1200 miles, opposite to the island of Tiong-ming, which is formed by the sand accumulated at its mouth. This river is of immense size, being half a league broad at Nanking, which is near 100 miles from its mouth. The navigation is dangerous, so that great numbers of vessels are lost on it. It runs with a rapid current, forming several islands in its course, which are again carried off, and new ones formed in different places, when the river is swelled by the torrents from the mountains. These islands, while they remain, are very useful; producing great quantities of reeds ten or twelve feet high, which are used in all the neighbouring countries for fuel. The Hoang-ho, or Yellow-river, has its name from the yellow colour given it by the clay and sand washed down in the time of rain. It rises in the mountains which border the province of Te-chuen on the west, and after a course of near 600 leagues, discharges itself into the eastern sea, not far from the mouth of the Kiang. It is very broad and rapid, but so shallow that it is scarcely navigable. It is very liable to inundations, often overflowing its banks, and destroying whole villages. For this reason it has been found necessary to confine it in several places by long and strong dikes, which yet do not entirely answer the purpose. The people of Honan, therefore, whose land is exceedingly low, have surrounded most of their cities with strong ramparts of earth, faced with turf, at the distance of three fur-long.

The Chinese have been at great pains to turn their lakes and rivers to the advantage of commerce, by promoting an inland navigation. One of their principal works for this purpose is the celebrated canal reaching from Canton to Peking, and forming a communication between the southern and northern provinces. This canal extends through no less a space than 600 leagues; but its navigation is interrupted in one place by a mountain, where passengers are obliged to travel 10 or 12 leagues over land. A number of other canals are met with in this and other provinces; most of which have been executed by the industry of the inhabitants of different cities and towns, in order to promote their communication with the various parts of the empire. Mr. Grohier remarks, that, in these works, the Chinese have "furnished obstacles that perhaps would have discouraged any other people: such, for example, is part of a canal which conducts from Chao-kung to Ning-po." Near these cities there are two canals, the waters of which do not communicate, and which differ ten or twelve feet in their level. To render this place passable for boats, the Chinese have constructed a double glacis, of large stones, or rather two inclined planes, which unite as an acute angle at their upper extremity, and extend on each side to the surface of the water. If the bark is in the lower canal, they push it up the plane of the first glacis by means of several capsizes until it is raised to the angle, when by its own weight it glides down the second glacis, and precipitates itself into the water of the higher canal with the velocity of an arrow. It is astonishing that these barks, which are generally very long and heavily loaded, never burst asunder when they are balanced on this acute angle; however, we never hear of any accident of this kind happening in the passage. It is true they take the precaution of using for their keels a kind of wood which is exceedingly hard, and proper for resisting the violence of such an effort.

The following remarkable phenomenon in a Chinese river is related by Father le Couteux, a French missionary. "Some leagues above the village Che-pai, which part (says he), the river becomes considerably smaller, although none of its waters flow into any other channel; and eight or nine leagues below, it refuses its former breadth, without receiving any additional supply, excepting what it gets from a few small rivulets, which are almost dry during the greater part of the year. Opposite to Che-pai it is so much diminished, that, excepting one channel, which is not very broad, I have passed and repassed it several times by the help of a com- I was always surprized to find this river so narrow and shallow in that place; but I never thought of inquiring into the cause of it, until the loss of a bark belonging to a Christian family afforded me an opportunity. In that place where the river diminishes almost of a sudden, it flows with great impetuosity; and where it resumes its former breadth it is equally rapid. At the fifth moon, when the water was high and the wind strong, the bark I have mentioned arriving above Che-pai, was driven on a sand-bank; for between these two places the river is full of moveable sands, which are continually shifting their situation. The master of the boat dropped his anchor until the wind should abate, and permit him to continue his voyage; but a violent vortex of moveable sand, which was cast up from the bottom of the river, laid the bark on its side; a second vortex succeeded; then a third; and afterwards a fourth, which shattered the bark to pieces. When I arrived at the place where this bark had been lost, the weather was mild and serene; I perceived eddies in the current everywhere around, which absorbed, and carried to the bottom of the river, whatever floated on the surface; and I observed, at the same time, that the sand was thrown violently up with a vortical motion. Above these eddies the water was rapid, but without any fall; and in the place below, where the river resumes its usual course, no eddies are to be seen, but the land is thrown up in the same violent manner; and in some places there are water-falls and a kind of small islands scattered at some distance from one another. These islands which appear above the surface of the water, are not solid earth, but consist of branches of trees, roots, and herbs collected together. I was told that these boughs rose up from the water, and that no one knew the place from whence they came. I was informed that these masses, which were 40 or 50 feet in extent on that side on which we passed, were immovable and fixed in the bottom of the river; that it was dangerous to approach them, because the water formed whirlpools everywhere around them; that, however, when the river was very low, the fishermen sometimes ventured to collect the bushes that floated on its surface, and which they used for fuel. I am of opinion, that, at the place of the river which is above Che-pai, the water falls into deep pits, from whence it forces up the sand with that vortical motion; and that it flows under-ground to the other place, eight or nine leagues below, where it carries with it all the boughs, weeds, and roots, which it washes down in its course, and thus forms those islands which appear above its surface. We know there are some rivers that lose themselves entirely, or in part, in the bowels of the earth, and which afterwards arise in some other place; but I believe there never was one known to lose part of its water below its own channel, and again to recover it at the distance of some leagues."

It has already been said, that China is, in general, a fertile country; and indeed all travellers agree in this respect, and make encomiums on the extent and beauty of its plains. So careful are the husbandmen of this empire to lose none of their ground, that neither inclosure, hedge, nor ditch, nay, scarce a single tree, are ever to be met with. In several places the land yields two crops a-year; and even in the interval between the harvests the people sow several kinds of pulse and small grain. The plains of the northern provinces yield wheat; those of the southern, rice, because the country is low and covered with water. Notwithstanding all this fertility, however, the inhabitants are much more frequently afflicted with famine than those of the European nations, though the countries of Europe produce much less than China. For this two causes are assigned. 1. The destruction of the rising crops by drought, hail, inundations, locusts, &c., in which case China cannot like the European countries be supplied by importation. This is evident by considering how it is situated with regard to other nations. On the north are the Mogul Tartars, a lazy and indolent race, who subsist principally on the flesh of their flocks; sowing only a little millet for their own use. The province of Leatong, which lies to the north-east, is indeed extremely fertile, but too far distant from the capital and centre of the empire to supply it with provisions; and besides, all carriage is impracticable but in the winter, when great quantities of game and fish, preserved in ice, are sent thither. No corn is brought from Korea to China; and though the Japan islands are only three or four days sailing from the Chinese provinces of Kiang-nan and Che-kyang, yet no attempt was ever made to obtain provisions from thence; whether it be that the Japanese have nothing to spare, or on account of the insults offered by these islanders to foreign merchants. Formosa lies opposite to the province of Fo-kien; but so far is that island from being able to supply anything, that in a time of scarcity it requires a supply from China itself. The province of Canton is also bounded by the sea, and has nothing on the south but islands and remote countries. One year, when rice was exceedingly scarce there, the emperor sent for F. Parrainin, a Jesuit missionary, and asked him if the city of Macao could not furnish Canton with rice until the supply he had ordered from other provinces should arrive: but was informed that Macao had neither rice, corn, fruit, herbs, nor flocks, and that it generally got from China what was necessary for its subsistence.—The only method, therefore, the Chinese can take to guard against famines arising from these causes, is to erect granaries and public magazines in every province and most of the principal cities of the empire. This has at all times been a principal object of care to the public ministers; but though this mode of relief still takes place in theory, so many ceremonies are to be gone through before any supply can be drawn from those public repositories, that it seldom arrives seasonably at the places where it is wanted: and thus numbers of unhappy wretches perish for want. 2. Another cause of the scarcity of grain in this empire, is the prodigious consumption of it in the composition of wines, and a spirituous liquor called rack. But though government is well apprized that this is one of the principal sources of famine throughout the empire, it never employed means sufficient to prevent it. Proclamations indeed have frequently been issued, prohibiting the distillation of rack; and the appointed officers will visit the still-houses and destroy the furnaces if nothing is given them; but on slipping some money into their hands, they shut their eyes, and go somewhere. where else to receive another bribe. When the mandarin himself goes about, however, these distillers do not escape quite so easily, the workmen being whipped and imprisoned, after which they are obliged to carry a kind of collar called the Congue; the matters are likewise obliged to change their habitations and conceal themselves for a short time, after which they generally resume their operations. It is impossible, however, that any method of this kind can prove effectual in suppressing these manufactories while the liquors themselves are allowed to be sold publicly; and against this there is no law throughout the empire.

Our author, however, justly observes, that in case of a prohibition of this kind, the grandees would be obliged to deny themselves the use of these luxuries, which would be too great a sacrifice for the good of the empire.

The population of China, is so great, in comparison with that of the European countries, that the accounts of it have generally been treated as fabulous by the western nations; but by an accurate investigation of some Chinese records concerning the number of persons liable to taxation throughout the empire, M. Grosier has showed that it cannot be less than 200 millions. For this extraordinary population he assigns the following causes. 1. The strict observance of filial duty throughout the empire, and the prerogatives of fraternity, which make a son the most valuable property of a father. 2. The infamy attached to the memory of those who die without children. 3. The universal custom, by which the marriage of children becomes the principal concern of the parents. 4. The honours bestowed by the state on those widows who do not marry a second time. 5. Frequent adoptions, which prevent families from becoming extinct. 6. The return of wealth to its original stock by the disinheriting of daughters. 7. The retirement of wives, which renders them more complaisant to their husbands, saves them from a number of accidents when big with child, and constrains them to employ themselves in the care of their children. 8. The marriage of soldiers. 9. The fixed rate of taxes; which being always laid upon lands, never fall but indirectly on the trader and mechanic. 10. The small number of sailors and travellers. 11. To these may be added the great number of people who reside in China only by intervals; the profound peace which the empire enjoys; the frugal and laborious manner in which the great live; the little attention that is paid to the vain and ridiculous prejudice of marrying below one's rank; the ancient policy of giving distinction to men and not to families, by attaching nobility only to employments and talents, without suffering it to become hereditary. And, 12. Lastly, A decency of public manners, and a total ignorance of scandalous intrigues and gallantry.

Extravagant, however, and almost incredible as this account of the population of China may appear to some, we have very high and respectable authority for believing that it is much below the truth. Whether the causes of this phenomenon, as above enumerated by M. Grosier, be the only ones assignable, it is certain that the immense population of this country amounted to 333,000,000 at the time when Sir George Staunton visited it in the capacity of secretary to the British plenipotentiary, as appears from the following estimate of the population of each province, made by Chow-ta-zhin, and taken from his official documents.

| Provinces | Population | |--------------------|--------------| | Pe-chi-lee | 38,000,000 | | Kiang-nan, two provinces | 32,000,000 | | Kiang-fee | 19,000,000 | | Tche-kiang | 21,000,000 | | Fo-chen | 15,000,000 | | Hou-pe | 14,000,000 | | Hou-nan | 13,000,000 | | Houquang | 12,000,000 | | Ho-nan | 25,000,000 | | Shan-tung | 24,000,000 | | Shan-fee | 27,000,000 | | Shen-fee | 18,000,000 | | Kan-fou | 12,000,000 | | Se-chuen | 27,000,000 | | Canton | 21,000,000 | | Quang-fee | 10,000,000 | | Yu-nan | 8,000,000 | | Koei-cheou | 9,000,000 |

This prodigious sum total may exceed the belief of those who are only accustomed to calculate from analogy, not recollecting that China cannot have its population reduced by those fertile causes, war and debauchery, the former destroying mankind by thousands, and the latter rendering them unproductive.

The government of China, according to the Abbé Grosier, is purely patriarchal. The emperor is more unlimited in his authority than any other potentate on earth; no sentence of death, pronounced by any of the tribunals, can be executed without his consent, and every verdict in civil affairs is subject to be revised by him; nor can any determination be of force until it has been confirmed by the emperor: and, on the contrary, whatever sentence he passes is executed without delay; his edicts are respected throughout the empire as if they came from a divinity; he alone has the disposal of all offices, nor is there any such thing as the purchase of places in China; merit, real or supposed, raises to an office, and rank is attached to it only. Even the succession to the throne is not altogether hereditary. The emperor of China has a power of choosing his own successor without consulting any of his nobility; and can select one not only from among his own children, but even from the body of his people; and there have been several instances of his making use of this right: and he has even a power of altering the succession after it has once been fixed, in case the person pitched upon does not behave towards him with proper respect. The emperor can also prevent the princes of the blood from exercising the title, with which, according to the constitution of the empire, they are invested. They may, indeed, notwithstanding this, possess their hereditary dignity; in which case they are allowed a revenue proportioned to their high birth, as well as a palace, officers, and The mandarins of arms have tribunals, the members of which are selected from among their chiefs; and the mandarins of letters they reckon princes, counts, and dukes; for all these dignities, or something equivalent to them, are met with in China. The principal of these tribunals is held at Peking, and consists of five classes:

1. The mandarins of the rear-guard, called heou-fou. 2. Of the left wing, or fia-fou. 3. Of the right wing, or yeou-fou. 4. Of the advanced main-guard, or te-hong-fou. 5. Of the advanced guard, or yen-fou.

These five tribunals are subordinate to one named long-tching-fou; the president of which is one of the great lords of the empire, whose authority extends over all the military men of the empire. By his high dignity he could render himself formidable even to the emperor; but to prevent this inconvenience, he has for his affessor a mandarin of letters, who enjoys the title and exercises the function of superintendent of arms. He must also take the advice of two inspectors who are named by the emperor; and when these four have agreed upon any measure, their resolution must still be submitted to the revial of a higher court named ping-pou, which is entirely of a civil nature. The chief of these mandarins is a general of course, whose powers are equivalent to those of our commanders in chief; and below him are other mandarins who act as subordinate officers.

These two classes of mandarins compose what is called the nobility of China: but as we have already hinted, their office is not hereditary; the emperor alone continues or confers it. They have the privilege of remonstrating to the emperor, either as individuals or in a body, upon any part of his conduct which appears contrary to the interest of the empire. These remonstrances are seldom ill received, though the sovereign complies with them only when he himself thinks proper.

The number of literary mandarins in China is computed at upwards of 14,000; and those of arms at 18,000; the former, however, are considered as the principal body in the empire; and this preference is thought to damp the military ardour of the nation in general, and to be one cause of that weakness in war for which the Chinese are remarkable.

The armies of this empire are proportioned to its vast extent and population; being computed in time of peace at more than 700,000. Their pay amounts to about two-pence halfpenny and a measure of rice per day, though some of them have double pay, and the pay of a horseman is double that of a foot soldier; the emperor furnishes a horse, and the horseman receives two measures of small beans for his daily subsistence; the arrears of the army being punctually paid up every three months.

The arms of a horseman are, a helmet, cuirass, lance, and sabre; those of a foot soldier are a pike and sabre; some have fusées, and others bows and arrows. All these are carefully inspected at every review; and if any of them are found in the least rusted, or otherwise in bad condition, the possessor is instantly punished; if a Chinese, with 30 or 40 blows of a stick; or if a Tartar, with as many lashes.

Though the use of gun-powder is certainly very ancient in China, it appears to have been afterwards totally lost, at least fire-arms seem to have been almost entirely unknown some centuries ago. Three or four cannon were to be seen at that time about the gates of Nanking; but not a single person in China knew how to make use of them; so that, in 1621, when the city of Macao made a present of three pieces of artillery to the emperor, it was found necessary also to send three men to load them. The utility of these weapons was quickly perceived by the execution which the three cannon did against the Tartars, at that time advanced as far as the great wall. When the invaders threatened to return, the mandarins of arms gave it as their opinion, that cannons were the best arms they could make use of against them. They were then taught the art of casting cannon by F. Adam Schaal and Verbiet, two Jesuit missionaries, and their artillery was increased to the number of 320 pieces; at the same time that they were instructed in the method of fortifying towns, and constructing fortresses and other buildings according to the rules of modern architecture.

The best soldiers in China are procured from the three northern provinces, the others being seldom called forth, but allowed to remain at peace with their families; indeed there is not often occasion for exerting their military talents, unless it be in the quelling of an insurrection, when a mandarin or governor usually accompanies them. They march in a very tumultuous manner, but want neither skill nor agility in performing their different evolutions. They, in general, handle a fable well, and shoot very dexterously with bows and arrows. There are in China more than 2000 places of arms; and through the different provinces there are dispersed about 3000 towers or castles, all of them defended by garrisons. Soldiers continually mount guard there; and on the first appearance of tumult, the nearest sentinel makes a signal from the top of the tower, by hoisting a flag in the daytime, or lighting a torch in the night; when the neighbouring garrisons immediately repair to the place where their presence is necessary.

The principal defence of the empire against a foreign enemy is the great wall which separates China from Tartary, extending more than 1500 miles in length, and of such a thickness that six horsemen may easily ride abreast upon it. It is flanked with towers two bow-lengths distant from one another; and it is said that a third of the able-bodied men in the empire were employed in constructing it. The workmen were ordered, under pain of death, to place the materials so closely, that not the least entrance might be afforded for any instrument of iron; and thus the work was constructed with such solidity, that it is still almost entire, though 2000 years have elapsed since it was constructed. This extraordinary work is carried on not only through the low lands and valleys, but over hills and mountains; the height of one of which was computed by F. Verbiet at 1236 feet above the level of the spot where he stood. According to F. Martini it begins at the gulf of Lea-tong, and reaches to the mountains near the city of Kin on the Yellow river; between which places it meets with no interruption except to the north of the city of Suen in the province of Pecheli, where it is interrupted by a ridge of hideous and inaccessible mountains, to which it is closely united. It is likewise interrupted by the river Hoang-ho; but for others of an inferior size, arches have been constructed, through which the water passes freely. Mr Bell informs us, that it is carried across rivers, and over the tops of the highest hills, without the least interruption, keeping nearly along that circular range of barren rocks which incloses the country; and, after running about 1200 miles, ends in impalpable mountains and sandy deserts. The foundation consists of large blocks of stone laid in mortar; but all the rest is of brick. The whole is so strong and well built, that it scarcely needs any repairs; and, in the dry climate in which it stands, may remain in the same condition for many ages. When carried over steep rocks, where no horse can pass, it is about 15 or 20 feet high, but when running through a valley, or crossing a river, it is about 30 feet high, with square towers and embrasures at equal distances. The top is flat and paved with cut stone; and where it rises over a rock or eminence, there is an ascent made by an easy stone stair. "This wall (our author adds) was begun and completely finished in the short space of five years; and it is reported, that the labourers stood so close for many miles, that they could hand the materials from one to another. This seems the more probable, as the rugged rocks among which it is built must have prevented all use of carriages; and neither clay for making bricks, nor any kind of cement are to be found among them."

To this account of the most astonishing production of human labour and industry to be met with on the face of the earth, we may add, that if to its prodigious length of 1500 miles, we assume as true, the probable conjecture that its dimensions throughout are nearly the same as where it was crossed by the British embassy, it contains materials more than sufficient to erect all the dwelling houses in England and Scotland, even admitting their number to be 1,800,000, and each to contain 2000 cubic feet of masonry. In this calculation the huge projecting masses of stone called towers, are not included, which of themselves would erect a city as large as London. To assist the conceptions of our readers still farther respecting this singular and stupendous fabric, we shall only observe, that were its materials converted into a wall 12 feet high and four feet thick, it would possess sufficient length to surround the globe, at its equatorial circumference.

The whole civil government of China is managed by courts by the following courts. 1. The emperor's grand council, composed of all the ministers of state, prefects, governors, and assessors of the six sovereign courts, and of three others, to be afterwards mentioned. This is never assembled but on affairs of the greatest importance; the emperor's private council being substituted to it in all cases of smaller moment. 2. The chief of the other courts furnishes mandarins for the different provinces, watches over their conduct, keeps a journal of their transactions, and informs the emperor of them, who rewards or punishes according to the report he gets. This second tribunal, which may be called a kind of civil inquisition, is subdivided into four others; the first entrusted with the care of selecting those who, on account of their learning or other good properties, are capable of filling the offices of government; the second appointed to take care of the conduct of the mandarins; the third affixing the seals to the different public acts, giving the seals to mandarins, and examining those of the different dispatches; while the fourth inquires into the merit of the grandees of the empire, not excepting the princes of the imperial blood themselves. The principal sovereign court to which these four last are subordinate is called Liou-pou.

2. Hou-pou, or the grand treasurer, superintends all the finances of the state; is the guardian and protector of the treasuries and dominions of the emperor, keeping an account of his revenues, &c., superintending the management and coining of money, the public magazines, customhouses; and, lastly, keeping an exact register of all the families in the empire. To assist this court, 14 others are appointed throughout the different provinces of the empire.

3. Li-pou, or the court of ceremonies. "It is an undoubted fact (says M. Grofier), that ceremonies form, in part, the bale of the Chinese government. This tribunal therefore takes care to support them, and enforce their observance; it inspects also the arts and sciences. It is consulted by the emperor when he deigns to confer particular honours; takes care of the annual sacrifices offered up by him, and even regulates the entertainments which he gives either to strangers or to his own subjects. It also receives and entertains foreign ambassadors, and preserves tranquillity among the different religious sects in the empire. It is assisted by four inferior tribunals.

4. Ping-pou, or the tribunal of arms, comprehends in its jurisdiction the whole militia of the empire; inspecting also the fortresses, magazines, arsenals, and store-houses of every kind, as well as the manufactories of arms both offensive and defensive; examining and appointing officers of every rank. It is composed entirely of mandarins of letters; and the four tribunals depending upon it consist also of literati."

5. The hong-pou, is a criminal bench for the whole empire, and is assisted by 14 subordinate tribunals.

6. The cong-pou, or tribunal of public works, surveys and keeps in repair the emperor's palaces, as well as those of the princes and viceroys, and the buildings where the tribunals are held, with the temples, tombs of the sovereigns, and all public monuments. It has besides the superintendence of the streets, public highways, bridges, lakes, rivers, and everything relating either to internal or foreign navigation. Four inferior tribunals assist in the discharge of these duties; the first drawing the plans of public works; the second directing the work-shops in the different cities of the empire; the third surveying the canals, roads, bridges, canals, &c.; and the fourth taking care of the emperor's palaces, gardens, and orchards, and receiving their produce.

All these tribunals are composed, one half of Chinese, and the other of Tartars; and one of the presidents of each superior tribunal is always a Tartar born. None of the courts above described, however, has absolute authority even in its own jurisdiction; nor can its decisions be carried into execution without the concurrence of another tribunal, and sometimes of several others. The fourth tribunal, for instance, has indeed under its jurisdiction the whole troops of the empire; but the payment of them is entrusted with the second; while the fifth has the care of the arms, tents, chariots, barks, and stores necessary for military operations; so that nothing relative to these can be put in execution without the concurrence of all the three tribunals.

To prevent any unlawful combination among the Censor-tribunals, each has its censor appointed. This is an officer whose duty is merely to watch over the proceedings of the court, without deciding upon anything himself. He assists therefore at all assemblies, revives all their acts, and without acquainting the court in the least with either his sentiments or intentions, immediately informs the emperor of what he judges to be amiss. He likewise gives information of the behaviour of the mandarins, either in the public administration of affairs, or in their private conduct; nay, sometimes he will not scruple to reprimand the emperor for what he supposes to be erroneous in his conduct.

These censors are never removed from their places but in order to be promoted; and thus, holding their offices for life, they have the greater courage to speak out when they observe any impropriety or abuse. Their accusation is sufficient to set on foot an inquiry, which generally leads to a proof; in which case the accused is discharged from his office, and never held in any estimation afterwards. The complaints of the censors, however, are referred to the very tribunal against whose members they complain; though, being afraid of an accusation themselves, they very seldom pass sentence against the accusers.

Besides all this, the censors also form a tribunal of their own, named tou-tche-yuen. Its members have a right of remonstrating with the emperor, whenever his own interest or that of the public renders it necessary. They inspect all lawyers and military men in public employments. "In short (says M. Grofier), they are, morally speaking, placed between the prince and the mandarins; between the mandarins and the people; between the people and families; between families and individuals; and they generally unite to the importance of their office incorruptible probity and invincible courage. The sovereign may, if he proceeds to rigour, take away their lives; but many of them have patiently suffered death, rather than betray the cause of truth or wink at abuses. It is not sufficient therefore to have got rid of one, they must all be treated in the same manner; the last that might be spared would tread in the same steps with no less resolution than those who went before him. In the annals of no nation do we find an example of such a tribunal, yet it appears to be necessary in all without exception. We must not, however, imagine, that the privileges of a censor give him a right to forget his duty to his sovereign, or to communicate to the public those remarks which he takes the liberty of making to him: were he only to give the least hint of them to his colleagues, he would be punished with death; and he would share the same fate did he, in any of his representations, There are still two other courts in China, both of them peculiar to the empire, which deserve to be mentioned. The first is that of princes; and which, in conformity with its title, is composed of princes only. In the registers of this tribunal are inscribed the names of all the children of the imperial family as soon as they are born: and to these are also configned the dignities and titles which the emperor confers upon them. This is the only tribunal where the princes can be tried; and here they are absolved or punished according to the pleasure of the judges.

The other tribunal is that of history, called by the Chinese han-lin-yuan. It is composed of the greatest geniuses of the empire, and of men of the most profound erudition. These are entrusted with the education of the heir apparent to the throne, and the compilation and arrangement of the general history of the empire; which last part of their office renders them formidable even to the emperor himself. From this body the mandarins of the first class, and the presidents of the supreme class, are generally chosen.

The basis of all the civil laws of the Chinese is filial piety. Every mandarin, who is a governor either of a province or city, must instruct the people assembled round him twice a month, and recommend to them the observance of certain salutary rules, which are summed up in a few short sentences, and such as no person can ever be supposed capable of forgetting.

The Chinese are allowed only to have one wife, whose rank and age must be nearly equal to that of their husbands; but they are allowed to have several concubines, whom they may admit into their houses without any formality, after paying the parents a sum of money, and entering into a written engagement to use their daughters well. These concubines, however, are all subject to the lawful wife; their children are considered as hers; they address her as mother, and can give this title to her only. A person that has once been married, whether man or woman, may lawfully marry again, but it is then no longer necessary to study equality of age or condition. A man may choose his second wife from among his concubines; and, in all cases, this new marriage requires very few formalities. A widow is absolute mistress of herself, and can neither be compelled by her parents to marry again, nor continue in a state of widowhood, contrary to her own inclination. Those of moderate rank, however, who have no children, do not enjoy the same privilege; as the parents of the former husband can dispose of her in marriage, not only without her consent, but without her knowledge. The law authorizes the disposal of them in this manner, in order to indemnify the relations of the deceased husband for the money they may have cost him. If the wife is left big with child, this cannot take place, until she is delivered; nor can it be done at all if she brings forth a son. There are likewise two exceptions; 1. when the parents of the widow affix her a proper maintenance; and, 2. if the widow embraces a religious life, and becomes a bonze.

Divorces are allowed in China in cases of adultery, mutual dislike, incompatibility of tempers, jealousy, &c. No husband, however, can put away or sell his wife until a divorce is legally obtained; and if this regulation be not strictly observed, the buyer and seller become equally culpable. If a wife, lawfully married, privately withdraws herself from her husband, he may immediately commence an action at law; by the sentence of which she becomes his slave, and he is at liberty to sell her to whom he pleases. On the other hand, if a husband leaves his wife for three years, he is at liberty, after laying her case before the mandarins, to take another husband; but if she were to anticipate their consent, she would be liable to a severe punishment.

Marriage is deemed illegal in China in the following cases. 1. If the young woman has been betrothed to a young man, and presents have been given and received by the parents of the intended husband and wife. 2. If in the room of a beautiful young woman another be substituted of a disagreeable figure; or if the daughter of a free man marry his slave; or if any one give his slave to a free woman, pretending to her parents that he is his son or relation. In all these cases the marriage is null and void; and all those who have had any share in making up the match are severely punished.

3. Any mandarin of letters is forbidden to form an alliance with any family residing in the province or city of which he is governor.

4. No Chinese youth can enter into a state of marriage during the time of mourning for his father or mother; and if promises have been made before, they cease immediately on that event taking place. After the usual time of mourning is expired, however, the parents of the intended bride are obliged to write to those of the young man, putting him in mind of his engagement.

5. Marriage is also suspended when a family experiences any severe misfortune, and even if a near relation were thrown into prison; though this may be set aside, provided the unfortunate person gives his consent.

6. Two brothers cannot marry two sisters; nor is a widower at liberty to marry his son to the daughter of a widow whom he chooses for his own wife. A man is also forbidden to marry any of his own relations, however distant the degree of consanguinity between them.

In China, every father of a family is responsible for the conduct of his children, and even of his domestics; all those faults being imputed to him which it was his duty to have prevented. Every father has the power of selling his son, "provided (says the law) the son has a right of selling himself." This custom, however, is barely tolerated among the middling and inferior ranks; and all are forbidden to sell them to comedians, or people of infamous character or very mean stations.

In China a son remains a minor during the whole lifetime, and is even liable for the debts contracted by his father, those from gaming only excepted. Adoption is authorized by law, and the adopted child immediately enters into all the rights of a lawful son; only the law gives a right to the father of making a few dispositions in favour of his real children. The children, however, whether adopted or not, cannot succeed. ceed to the dignity or titles of their father, though they may to his estate. The emperor alone can confer honours; and even then they must be resigned when the person attains the age of 70; though this resignation is considered as an advice rather than a law. The will of a father cannot be set aside in China on account of any informality; nor can any mother in this empire make a will.

Though the Chinese laws authorize slavery, yet the power of the master extends only to those matters which concern his own service; and he would be punished with death for taking advantage of his power to debauch the wife of his slave.

By the laws of China husbandmen are exempt from the payment of taxes after they have begun to till the earth to the beginning of harvest.

It appears, from recent information respecting many interesting particulars relating to China, that the utmost attention seems to have been paid to the different degrees of enormity attached to those actions of men which are denominated criminal. The code of laws is pronounced the reverse of languid, and it is affirmed by competent judges, that if the practice in all respects coincided with the theory, few nations could boast of a milder or more effectual administration of justice. But while they do not consider the crime of pilfering a few small pieces of money as of equal enormity with the shedding of human blood, yet they pay too little attention to the three different circumstances under which that action may exist; either as accidental, unintentional as to the extent of taking away life, or maliciously premeditated. Even foreigners who have the misfortune to kill a Chinese, however casually it may be done, have been punished in the very same manner as a traitor or deliberate assassin. As foreigners intending to reside in China may be at a loss to determine how, when, and by what various means their lives may be endangered, the following abstract of the criminal code of that country may perhaps be beneficial to some of our readers.

1. A man who kills another on the supposition of theft, shall be strangled, according to the law of homicide committed in an affray.

2. A man who fires at another with a musket, and kills him, shall be beheaded, as in cases of wilful murder. If the sufferer be wounded, but not mortally, the offender shall be sent into exile.

3. A man who puts to death a criminal who had been apprehended, and made no resistance, shall be strangled, according to the law against homicide committed in an affray.

4. A man who falsely accuses an innocent person of theft (in cases of greatest criminality) is guilty of a capital offence; in all other cases the offenders, whether principals or accessories, shall be sent into exile.

5. A man who wounds another unintentionally, shall be tried according to the law respecting blows given in an affray, and the punishment rendered more or less severe, according to the degree of injury sustained.

6. A man who, intoxicated with liquor, commits outrages against the laws, shall be exiled to a desert country, there to remain in a state of servitude.

For this abstract we are indebted to the humane interference of the supercargoes of the East India Company, on account of the disagreeable disputes which frequently took place with the Chinese government, owing to accidents of the most trivial nature, which the people sometimes met with from the British in the port of Canton.

The blood of a traitor is supposed to be contaminated in this country to the 10th generation, although the law in general is conceived to be satisfied with implicating the nearest male relatives in the guilt of the actual perpetrator of the crime, but with commutation of punishment from death to exile. It appears to us, that nothing can be conceived more tyrannical than a law which pretends to inflict punishment on an innocent person, since no man can be a traitor, merely from the circumstance of his being the relation of one, and the absurdity of supposing that a non-existence is capable of committing a crime, must be obvious to every man. The fifth law in the aforementioned extract is peculiarly cruel and unjust, since it subjects a man to different degrees of punishment, according to the different effects which those actions may produce. It is with a degree of national pride that we turn from this cruel, absurd specimen of Chinese legislation, this strange judicial thermometer, if we may be allowed the expression, to the nice discriminations which are made by the laws of our own country respecting the shedding of blood, the gradations of guilt attending which we have already mentioned, and which are distinguished by the appropriate names of manslaughter, culpable homicide, and wilful murder.

The denunciations of Moses, it may be said, have some resemblance to this gothic code of the Chinese, especially when he declares that the deity would visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth generation. It is not our province in this account of China, to write an apology for Moses in this particular instance, although it must be granted that he had a most obstinate and refractory race of beings to govern, and to preserve a becoming degree of order and subordination among them. He might therefore have nothing more in view than political expediency, an opinion which we are the more encouraged to entertain, when we find the prophet Ezekiel reprobating the idea of making the innocent suffer for the guilty, in the following beautiful passage. "What mean ye that ye use this proverb concerning the land of Israel, saying, the fathers have eaten four grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge? As I live, saith the Lord, ye shall not have occasion any more to use this proverb in Israel. Behold all souls are mine; as the soul of the father, so also the soul of the son, is mine. The soul that sinneth, it shall die. The son shall not bear the iniquity of the father, neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the son: the righteousness of the righteous shall be upon him, and the wickedness of the wicked shall be upon him."

In criminal matters every person accused must be examined before five or six tribunals; and whose inquiries are directed not only against him, but against his accuser, and the witnesses that appear in the case. He is, however, obliged to remain in prison during the process: "but (says M. Grolier) the Chinese prisons are not horrible dungeons like those of so many other nations; they are spacious, and have even a degree... degree of convenience. One of the mandarins is obliged to inspect them frequently; and this he does with the greater punctuality, as he must answer for those who are sick. He is obliged to see them properly treated, to send for physicians, and to supply them with medicines at the emperor's expense. If any of them dies, he must inform the emperor, who perhaps will order some of the higher mandarins to examine whether the former has discharged his duty faithfully or not.

The lightest punishment in China is the bastinado; and the number of blows is to be determined by the degree of the offender's guilt. Twenty is the lowest number; and in this case the punishment is considered as having nothing infamous in it, but being only a simple paternal correction. In this way the emperor sometimes orders it to be inflicted on his courtiers; which does not prevent them from being afterwards received into favour, and as much respected as before. Every mandarin may inflict the bastinado when any one forgets to salute him, or when he sits in judgment in public. The instrument of correction is called pan-tsee, and is a piece of bamboo a little flattened, broad at the bottom, and polished at the upper extremity, in order to manage it more easily with the hand. When the punishment is to be inflicted, the magistrate sits gravely behind a table, having on it a bag filled with small sticks, while a number of petty officers stand around him, each furnished with these pan-tsees, and waiting only for his signal to make use of them. The mandarin then takes out one of the little sticks contained in the bag, and throws it into the hall of audience. On this the culprit is seized and stretched out with his belly towards the ground; his breeches are pulled down to his heels, and an athletic domestic applies five smart blows with his pan-tsee. If the judge draws another small stick from the bag, another officer succeeds, and bestows five more blows; and so on until the judge makes no more signals. When the punishment is over, the criminal must throw himself on his knees, incline his body three times to the earth, and thank the judge for the care he takes of his education.

For faults of a higher nature, the carrying of a wooden collar, called by the Portuguese the cangue, is inflicted. This machine is composed of two pieces of wood hollowed out in the middle, which, when put together, leave sufficient room for the neck. These are laid upon the shoulders of the criminal, and joined together in such a manner, that he can neither see his feet nor put his hands to his mouth; so that he is incapable of eating without the assistance of another. This disagreeable burden he is obliged to carry day and night; its weight is from 50 to 200 pounds, according to the enormity of the crime, to which the time of carrying it is also proportioned. For robbery, breaking the peace, or disturbing a family, or being a notorious gambler, it is generally carried three months. During all this time the criminal is not allowed to take shelter in his own house, but is stationed for a certain space of time, either in some public square, the gate of a city or temple, or perhaps even of the tribunal where he was condemned. On the expiration of his term of punishment, he is again brought before the judge, who exhorts him in a friendly manner to amend; and after giving him 20 sound blows discharges him.

Banishment is inflicted for crimes of a nature inferior to homicide, and the duration is often for life, if the criminals are sent into Tartary. Some culprits are condemned to drag the royal bark for three years, or to be branded in the cheeks with a hot iron, indicating the nature of their transgressions. Robbery between relations is more severely punished than any other; and that is accounted the most atrocious where younger brothers or nephews appropriate to themselves beforehand any part of the succession in which they have a right to share with their elder brothers or nephews.

Information against a father or mother, grandfather or grandmother, uncle or eldest brother, even though merit of the accusation be just, is punished with 100 blows of informers against pan-tsee and three years banishment. If the accusation be false, it is punished with death. Deficiency in proper filial respect to a father, mother, grandfather, or grandmother, is punished with 100 blows of the pan-tsee; abusive language to these relations is death by strangling; to strike them is punished by beheading; and if any one presumes to hurt or maim them, his flesh is torn from his bones with red-hot pincers, and he is cut into a thousand pieces. Abusing an elder brother is punished with 100 blows of the pan-tsee; striking him, with the punishment of exile.

Homicide, even though accidental, is punished with capital punishment in China. A rope about five or seven feet in length, with a running loop, is thrown over the criminal's head; and a couple of domestics belonging to the tribunal pull it strongly in different directions. They then suddenly quit it, and in a few moments give a second pull; a third is seldom necessary to finish the business. Beheading is accounted in China the most dishonourable of all punishments, and is reserved only for desperate assassins, or those who commit some crime equally atrocious with murder. To be cut in a thousand pieces is a punishment inflicted only upon state criminals or rebellious subjects. It is performed by tying the criminal to a post, scalping the skin from the head and pulling it over the eyes. The executioner then tears the flesh from different parts of the unhappy wretch's body; and never quits this horrible employment till mere fatigue obliges him to give over: the remains of the body are then left to the barbarous spectators, who finish what he has begun. Though this punishment, however, has been inflicted by some emperors with all the dreadful circumstances just mentioned, the law orders only the criminal's belly to be opened, his body to be cut into several pieces, and then thrown into a ditch or river.

The torture, both ordinary and extraordinary, is used in China. The former is applied to the hands or feet: for the hands, small pieces of wood are applied diagonally between the fingers of the criminal; his fingers are then tied close with cords, and he is left for some time in that painful situation. The torture for the feet is still worse. An instrument consisting of three cross pieces of wood, is provided, that in the middle being fixed, the others moveable. The feet of the criminal are then put into this machine, which squeezes them so close that the ankle bones become flat. The extraordinary torture consists in making making small gashes in the body, and then tearing off the skin like thongs. It is never applied but for some great crime, such as treason, or where the criminal's guilt has been clearly proved, and it is necessary to make him discover his accomplices.

Notwithstanding these dreadful punishments, M. Groffier is at great pains to prove that the laws of the Chinese, with regard to criminal matters, are extremely mild. "One law (says he) will no doubt appear exceedingly severe and rigorous; it inflicts the punishment of death on those who use pearls. Those who read the history of China will be apt to fall into certain mistakes respecting the penal laws of that nation. Some of its sovereigns have indulged themselves in gratifying sanguinary caprices which were not authorized by the laws, and which have often been confounded with them; but these princes are even yet ranked among the number of tyrants, and their names are still abhorred and detested throughout the whole empire. The Chinese, in their criminal procedure, have a great advantage over all other nations: it is almost impossible that an innocent man should ever become a victim to a false accusation: in such cases the accuser and witnesses are exposed to too much danger. The slowness of the process, and the numberless revisions it undergoes, are another safeguard for the accused. In short, no sentence of death is ever carried into execution until it has been approved and confirmed by the emperor. A fair copy of the whole process is laid before him; a number of other copies are also made out, both in the Chinese and Tartar languages, which the emperor submits to the examination of a like number of doctors, either Tartars or Chinese. When the crime is of great enormity, and clearly proved, the emperor writes with his own hand at the bottom of the sentence, "When you receive this order, let it be executed without delay." In cases where the crime, though punishable by death according to law, is ranked only in the ordinary class, the emperor writes at the bottom of the sentence, "Let the criminal be detained in prison, and executed in autumn;" that being the season in which they are generally executed, and all on the same day.

The emperor of China never signs an order for the execution of a criminal till he has prepared himself by fasting. Like other monarchs he has the power of giving pardons; but in this respect is much more limited than any other. The only cases in which the Chinese monarch can remit the punishment inflicted by law are, 1. To the son of a widow who has not married again; 2. To the heir of an ancient family; 3. The descendants of great men or citizens who have deserved well of their country; and, 4. Lastly, The sons or grandsons of a mandarin, who has become illustrious, and distinguished himself by faithfully discharging the duties of his office. Neither a child, nor a man of very advanced age, can be cited before a tribunal. The son of a very aged father and mother is pardoned, if private property or the public peace be not hurt by giving him a pardon; and if the sons of such a father and mother be all guilty, or accomplices in the same crime, the youngest is pardoned in order to comfort his parents.

In China the accused are always treated with tenderness and lenity, being accounted innocent until their guilt be clearly proved; and even then, liberty excepted, they are scarce allowed to want for anything. A jailor is punished who behaves rigorously towards his prisoners; and the judges must likewise answer at their peril for any additions to the severity of the law; deposition being the slightest punishment inflicted upon them.

Substitution is sometimes allowed by the laws of China; so that the near relation of a guilty person may put himself in the criminal's place, provided however, that the substitution be flight, and the accused his ancient friend. The sons, grandsons, wife, and brothers of a banished Chinese, are allowed to follow him into exile; and the relations of all persons are permitted to visit them in prisons, and to give them every assistance in their power; to do which good offices they are even encouraged, instead of being prevented.

Every city in China is divided into different quarters, each of which is subjected to the inspection of a certain officer, who is answerable for whatever passes in the places under his jurisdiction. Fathers of families, as we have already observed, are answerable for the conduct of their children and domestics. Neighbours are even obliged to answer for one another, and are bound to give every help and assistance in cases of robbery, fire, or any accident, especially in the night-time. All the cities are furnished with gates, which are barricaded on the commencement of night. Centinels are also posted at certain distances throughout the streets, who stop all who walk in the night, and a number of horsemen go round the ramparts for the same purpose; so that it is almost impossible to elude their vigilance by favour of the darkness. A strict watch is also kept during the day-time; and all those who give any suspicion by their looks, accent, or behaviour, are immediately carried before a mandarin, and sometimes even detained until the pleasure of the governor be known.

Private quarrels do not often happen in China, and it is rare that they are attended with a fatal issue. The champions sometimes decide the quarrel with their fists, but most frequently refer the case to a mandarin, who very often orders them both a sound drubbing. None but military people are permitted to wear arms in public; and this privilege is extended even to them only during the time of war, or when they accompany a mandarin, mount guard, or attend a review. Prostitutes are not allowed to remain within the walls of a city, or to keep a house of their own even in the suburbs. They may, however, lodge in the house of another; but that other is accountable for every disturbance which may happen on their account.

In all the Chinese cities, and even in some of their Borrowing towns, there is an office where money may be borrowed upon pledges at the common rate of the country; which, however, is no less than 30 per cent. Every pledge is marked with a number when left at the office, and must be produced when demanded; but it becomes the property of the office if left there a single day longer than the term agreed upon for the payment of the money. The whole transaction remains an inviolable secret; not even the name of of the person who leaves the pledge being inquired after.

This mode of procuring a supply of money for the exigencies of the moment, has been long known in Britain, and the people who thus lend money on pledges under the sanction of government, have a most exorbitant interest, as well as in China, but we are sorry to add, that it is by no means conducted with such profound secrecy. The person's name and surname who offers a pledge must be inserted in the pawn-broker's books, who is thus enabled to make the transaction as public as he pleases. Institutions of this nature are no doubt of considerable utility to the modest poor during a period of embarrassment; but the monstrous evils to which they have given rise are more than sufficient to counterbalance their advantages. We should deem an open avowal of poverty and want to be infinitely preferable to an application to such a sink of corruption and extortion, assured that genuine distress will never want a friend among the sons of benevolence or philanthropy.

Great attention is paid by the administration of China to the convenience of travellers. The roads are generally very broad, all of them paved in the southern provinces, and some in the northern; but neither horses nor carriages are allowed to pass along them. In many places valleys have been filled up, and rocks and mountains cut through, for the purpose of making commodious highways, and to preserve them as nearly as possible on a level. They are generally bordered with very lofty trees, and in some places with walls eight or ten feet high, to prevent travellers from going into the fields; but openings are left in proper places, which give a passage into cross roads that lead to different villages. Covered seats are erected on all the great roads, where travellers may shelter themselves from the inclemency of the weather; temples and pagodas are also frequent, into which travellers are admitted without scruple in the day-time, but often meet with a refusal in the night. In these the mandarins only have a right to rest themselves as long as they think proper. There is, however, no want of inns on the great roads, or even the cross ones in China; but they are ill supplied with provisions; and those who frequent them are even obliged to carry beds along with them to sleep on, or else take up with a plain mat.

Towers are erected on all the roads of this great empire, with watch-boxes on the top, with flag-flaps, for the convenience of signals in case of any alarm. These towers are square, and generally constructed of brick, but seldom exceed twelve feet in height. They are built, however, in sight of one another, and are guarded by soldiers, who run with great speed from one to another, carrying letters which concern the emperor. Intelligence of any remarkable event is also conveyed by signals; and thus the court is informed with surprising quickness of any important matter. Those which are built on any of the roads conducting to court, are furnished with battlements, and have also very large bells of cast iron. According to law these towers should be only five lyrs, about half a French league, distant from one another.

There is no public post-office in China, though several private ones have been established; but the conveyors and officers charged with dispatches for the em- pire have only a right to make use of them. This inconvenience, however, excepted, travellers find conveyance very easy from one part of China to another. Great numbers of porters are employed in every city, all of whom are associated under the conduct of a chief, who regulates all their engagements, fixes the price of their labour, receives their hire, and is responsible for everything they carry. When porters are wanted, he furnishes as many as may be necessary, and gives the same number of tickets to the traveller; who returns one to each porter when they have conveyed their loads to an appointed place. These tickets are carried back to the chief, who immediately pays them from the money he received in advance. On all the great roads in China there are several offices of this kind, which have a settled correspondence with others; the travellers therefore have only to carry to one of these offices a list of such things as they wish to have transported: this is immediately written down in a book; and though there should be occasion for two, three, or four hundred porters, they are instantly furnished. Every thing is weighed before the eyes of their chief, and the hire is fivepence per hundred weight for one day's carriage. An exact register of every thing is kept in the office; the traveller pays the money in advance, after which he has no occasion to give himself any farther trouble; on his arrival at the city he designates, his baggage is found at the corresponding office, and every thing is delivered to him with the most scrupulous exactness.

The customhouses are here regulated by the general police of the country; and according to M. Gro-houfier's account, these customhouse officers are the most civil in the world. They have no concern with any class of people but the merchants, whom they take care not to distress by any rigorous exactions; neither, though they have authority to do so, do they stop travellers till their baggage is examined, nor do they ever require the smallest fee from them. Duties are paid either by the piece or by the load; and in the former case credit is given to the merchant's book without asking any questions. A mandarin is appointed by the viceroy of each province to inspect the customhouses of the whole district; and the mandarins have also the care of the post-offices.

In former times the only money used in China was made of small shells, but now both silver and copper coin are met with. The latter consists of round pieces about nine-tenths of an inch (A) in diameter, with a small square hole in the middle, inscribed with two Chinese words on one side, and two Tartar ones on the other. The silver pieces are valued only by their weight. For the convenience of commerce the metal is therefore cast into plates of different sizes:

(A) The Chinese foot is longer by one hundredth part than the French, and the inch is divided into ten parts. and for want of small coin, a Chinese always carries about him his scales, weights, and a pair of scissors to cut the metal. This operation is performed by putting the silver between the scissors, and then knocking them against a stone till the pieces drop off. In giving of change, however, people have no right to value silver by the numerical value of copper, this being entirely regulated by the intrinsic value of the metals. Thus, an ounce of silver will sometimes be worth 1000 copper pieces, and sometimes only 800; and thus the copper money of China may frequently be sold for more than it would pass for in commerce. The emperor would lose much by this recoinage, were he not the sole proprietor of all the copper mines in China. It is, however, expressly forbidden to employ copper coin in any manufacture where it might be employed as plain copper, and it is also forbidden to be sold for the purpose of melting; but, if the price of the metal has not fallen, the infraction of this law is not very severely punished. On the other hand, if the value of unwrought copper exceeds that of the coin, a quantity of the latter is issued out to restore the equilibrium.

To keep up a constant circulation of all the coin in the empire, the Chinese government are attentive to preserve an equilibrium between the proportional value of the gold and silver; that is, to regulate the intrinsic value of each in such a manner that the possessor of silver may not be afraid to exchange it for copper, nor the possessor of copper for silver. The method used for this purpose is, when silver becomes scarce, to make all the payments for some time in silver; but if copper, to make them all for some time in that metal only.

The commerce of China is under the inspection of the tribunal of finances; but on this subject the Chinese entertain an opinion quite different from that of the Europeans. Commerce, according to them, is only useful as far as it eases the people of their superfluities, and procures them necessaries. For this reason they consider even that which is carried on at Canton as prejudicial to the interest of the empire. "They take from us (say the Chinese) our silks, teas, and porcelain: the price of these articles is raised throughout the provinces: such a trade therefore cannot be beneficial. The money brought us by Europeans, and the high-priced baubles that accompany it, are mere superfluities to such a state as ours. We have no occasion for more bullion than what may be necessary to answer the exigencies of government, and to supply the relative wants of individuals. It was said by Konan-te, two thousand years ago, That the money introduced does not enrich a kingdom in any other way than as it is introduced by commerce. No commerce can be advantageous long, but that which consists in a mutual exchange of things necessary or useful. That trade, whether carried on by barter or money, which has for its object the importing of articles that tend to the gratification of pride, luxury, or curiosity, always supposes the existence of luxury; but luxury, which is an abundance of superfluities among certain classes of people, supposes the want of necessaries among a great many others. The more horses the rich put to their carriages, the greater will be the number of those who are obliged to walk on foot; the larger and more magnificent their houses are, so much the more confined and wretched must those of the poor be; and the more their tables are covered with a variety of dishes, the more must the number of those increase who are reduced to the necessity of feeding upon plain rice. Men, united by society in a large and populous kingdom, can employ their industry, talents, and economy, to no better purpose than to provide necessaries for all, and procure convenience for some."

The only commerce considered by the Chinese as advantageous to their empire, is that with Russia and the Tartary; by which they are supplied with those furs so necessary in the northern provinces. The disputes concerning the limits of the respective empires of Russia and China seem to have paved the way to this commerce. These disputes were settled by treaty on the 27th of August 1689, under the reign of Ivan and Peter Alexiowitz. The chief of the embassy on the part of Russia was Golovin governor of Siberia; and two Jesuits were deputed on the part of the emperor of China; and the conferences were held in Latin, with a German in the Russian ambassador's train, who was acquainted with that language. By this treaty the Russians obtained a regular and permanent trade with China, which they had long desired; but in return they yielded up a large territory, besides the navigation of the river Amour. The first intercourse had taken place in the beginning of the 17th century; at which time a small quantity of Chinese merchandise was procured by some Russian merchants from the Kalmuck Tartars. The rapid and profitable sale of these commodities encouraged certain Siberian waywodes to attempt a direct and open communication with China. For this purpose several deputations were sent to the emperor; and though they failed of obtaining the grant of a regular commerce, their attempts were attended with some consequences of importance. Thus the Russian merchants were tempted to send traders occasionally to Peking; by which means a faint connexion was established with that metropolis. This commerce, however, was at last interrupted by the commencement of hostilities on the river Amour; but after the conclusion of the treaty in 1689, was resumed with uncommon alacrity on the part of the Russians; and the advantages thence arising were found to be so considerable, that a design of enlarging it was formed by Peter the Great. Ibrand Ides, a native of the duchy of Holstein, then in the Russian service, was therefore despatched to Peking in 1692; by whose means the liberty of trade, before confined to individuals, was now extended to caravans. In the meantime, private merchants continued to trade as before, not only with the Chinese, but also at the headquarters of the Mogul Tartars. The camp of these roving Tartars, which was generally stationed near the confluence of the Orhon and Toula rivers, between the southern frontiers of Siberia and the Mogul desert, thus became the seat of an annual fair. Complaints, however, were soon made of the disorderly behaviour of the Russians; on which the Chinese monarch threatened to expel them from his dominions entirely, and to allow them neither to trade with the Chinese nor Moguls. This produced another embassy to Peking in 1719, when matters were again adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. The reconciliation was of no long duration; for the Russians having soon renewed their disorderly behaviour, an order for their expulsion was issued in 1722, and all intercourse between the two nations forbidden. The differences were once more made up in 1727, and a caravan allowed to go to Peking once in three years, provided it consisted of no more than a hundred persons; and that during their stay their expenses should not, as formerly, be defrayed by the emperor of China. The Russians at the same time obtained permission to build a church within the precincts of the caravansary; and four priests were allowed to reside at Peking for the celebration of divine service; the same indulgence being granted to some Russian scholars, for the purpose of learning the Chinese language, and qualifying themselves for being interpreters between the two nations. This intercourse continued till the year 1755; since which time no more caravans have been sent to China. It was first interrupted by a misunderstanding betwixt the two courts; and though that difference was afterwards made up, no caravans have been sent ever since. The emperors of Russia, sensible that the monopoly of the fur trade (which was entirely confined to the caravans belonging to the crown, and prohibited to individuals) was prejudicial to commerce, gave it up in favour of her subjects in 1762; and the centre of commerce betwixt the two nations is now at Kiatka. Here the trade is entirely carried on by barter. The Russians are prohibited from exporting their own coin; finding it more advantageous to take goods in exchange than to receive bullion at the Chinese standard. The principal exports from Russia are furs of different kinds; the most valuable of which are those of sea otters, beavers, wolves, foxes, martins, sables, and ermines; the greater part of which are brought from Siberia and the newly discovered islands; but as they cannot supply the demand, there is a necessity for importing foreign furs to Petersburg, which are afterwards sent to Kiatka. Various kinds of cloth are likewise sent to China, as well as hardware, and live cattle, such as horses, camels, &c. The exports from China are raw and manufactured silk, cotton, porcelain, rhubarb, musk, &c. The government of Russia likewise reserves to itself the exclusive privilege of purchasing rhubarb. It is brought to Kiatka by some Bukharian merchants, who have entered into a contract to supply the crown with it in exchange for furs; the exportation of the best rhubarb is forbidden under severe penalties, but yet is procured in sufficient quantities, sometimes by clandestinely mixing it with inferior roots, and sometimes by smuggling it directly. Great part of Europe is supplied with rhubarb from Russia.

The revenue of the emperor of China amounts to more than 41 millions sterling; and might easily be increased, did the sovereign incline to burden his subjects with new impositions. When Lord Macartney visited this vast empire in the capacity of his Britannic majesty's ambassador, the revenue of the Chinese emperor was not less than 66 millions sterling; but it cannot be supposed that a very large share of this enormous sum is actually expended by the emperor, after deducting the almost incalculable number of salaries which it is destined to pay, together with a standing army of 1,800,000 men. Yet upon the supposition that each individual is taxed equally, this enormous sum will amount to no more than 4s. a head annually, while the same analogy applied to Britain will make an individual share amount to 3l. There is reason, however, to conclude, that the Chinese, in the above estimate of their standing army, have been rather hyperbolical, for Lord Macartney, from the information communicated by Vang-ta-zin, makes the whole of the expenses of government to leave a surplus for the use of the emperor of 14,043,734l. sterling, which we presume would be impossible, were their standing army as enormous as some of the Chinese pretend.

Sum total of the revenue, L. 66,000,000 Civil establishment, L. 1,973,333 Military ditto, 49,982,933 Surplus for the emperor, L. 14,043,734* * Barrow's Travels,

The annual expenses of government are indeed immense, but they are regulated in such a manner as never to be augmented but in cases of the utmost necessity. It even happens very often that administration makes greater savings every year. When this happens to be the case, the surplus serves to increase the general treasure of the empire, and prevents the necessity of new impositions in time of war, or other public calamities. The greater part of the taxes are paid in kind; those, for instance, who breed silk worms, pay their taxes in silk, the husbandmen in grain, the gardeners in fruits, &c. This method, at the same time that it is exceedingly convenient for the subject, is no way detrimental to the public interest. There are numbers of people everywhere in the service of government, who are thus furnished with food and clothing; so that the commodities collected as taxes are almost consumed in the provinces where they are levied; what remains is sold for the benefit of the emperor, and the money deposited in the imperial treasury. The taxes paid in money arise principally from the customs and sale of salt (which belongs entirely to the emperor), from the duties paid by vessels entering any port, and from other imposts on various branches of manufactures. Excepting these, the trader scarcely contributes anything to the exigencies of the state, and the mechanic nothing at all; the whole burden of taxation thus falling upon the husbandman. This burden is regulated in proportion to the extent and fertility of his lands; and the greatest care has been taken to manage matters so, that he may neither be overcharged in the imposition nor harassed in the levying of the duties. "The registering of lands (says M. Grolier), so often and to no purpose projected in France, has been long practised in this empire, notwithstanding its prodigious extent."

The levying of taxes in China is as simple as the nature of the thing will admit of. The duties levied taxes in towns and villages are carried to cities of the third class; then they are conducted to those of the second; then to those of the first; and at last to the capital. The levying and imposition of taxes is submitted to the tribunal of finances; and matters are so managed, that besides the consumption in each district for... China. for discharging the ordinary expenses of government, something is left by way of reserve for answering accidental demands, and to be ready in cases of necessity. This sum becomes gradually less from the capital to cities of the first, second, and third class. A proper statement of what is paid in the provinces, of what is reserved in the different cities, or contained in the different treasuries of the empire, is subjected to the examination of the grand tribunal of finances. This revives the whole, and keeps an exact account of what is consumed, and of whatever surplus may be left.

Lending money upon interest has been in use in China for about 2000 years. It has often been abolished, and as often established. The interest, as has been already hinted, is no less than 30 per cent. and the year is only lunar. A tenth part of this interest is paid monthly; and concerning neglects of payment, the following laws have been enacted. "However much the debt may have accumulated by months or years, the principal and interest shall remain always the same. Whoever infringes this law shall receive 40 blows of a pan-tie; or an hundred, if he uses any artifice to add the principal and interest together." This law is explained by the following. "Whoever shall be convicted before a mandarin of not having paid a month's interest, shall receive ten blows; twenty for two months, and thirty for three; and in this manner as far as sixty; that is to say, to the sixth month. The debtor is then obliged to pay principal and interest; but those who obtain payment by using violence and force are condemned to receive 24 blows.

Many Chinese writers have endeavoured unsuccessfully to show why government should allow such exorbitant interest to be taken for money; but the most satisfactory and rational account seems to be, that the great interest of money prevents the rich from purchasing much land; as landed estates would only embarrass and impoverish them, their produce being so much inferior to that of money. The patrimony of a family in China is seldom divided; and it never happens there, as in almost every other country, that wealth and riches are engrossed by one part of the nation, while the other possesses nothing.

Agriculture is by the Chinese considered as the first and most honourable of all professions; so that in this empire the husbandman enjoys many and great privileges, while the merchant and mechanic are much less esteemed. He is considered as next in dignity to officers of state, from whom indeed they very frequently originate. The soldier in China cultivates the ground, and even the priests are employed in agriculture, when their convents happen to be endowed with land. From the principle that the emperor is absolute proprietor of the soil, one would imagine that the tenant must hold his share of it by a very precarious tenure, yet it is certain that when any man is disfranchised, his own culpable conduct is the cause. The Chinese are so habituated to consider a piece of land as their own, while they continue to be punctual in the payment of their rent, that a Portuguese resident in Macao who attempted to raise the rent of his tenants, ran the hazard of losing his life. There are no prodigiously overgrown farms in China, no monopolizers of farms, no wholesale dealers in grain, but every man has it in his power to carry his produce to a free and open market. Part of the crop is allowed to be used in distillation; but if the harvest happens to be bad, this operation is prohibited. In China, the tillage of the earth is not Ceremony only encouraged by law, but also by the example of the emperor, who annually tills the earth with his own hands. The beginning of spring in China is always reckoned to be in the month of February; but it behooves one to the tribunal of mathematics to determine the precise day. The tribunal of ceremonies announces it to the emperor by a memorial; in which every thing requisite to be done by him is mentioned with the most scrupulous exactness. The sovereign then names 12 of the most illustrious persons in his court to accompany him, and to hold the plough after he has performed his part of the ceremony. Among these there are always three princes of the blood, and nine presidents of supreme courts; and if any of them are too old and infirm to undergo the fatigue, the substitutes must be authorized by the emperor. The festival is preceded by a sacrifice, which the emperor offers up to Chang-ti (the supreme God); after which he and his attendants prepare themselves by three days fasting and continence. Others are appointed by the emperor, on the evening before the ceremony, to go and prostrate themselves at the sepulchre of his ancestors, and to acquaint them, that, on the day following, he intends to celebrate a grand sacrifice. This is offered upon a small mount a few furlongs distant from the city, which, by the indispensible rules of the ceremony, must be 50 feet in height. The Chang-ti is invoked by the emperor, who sacrifices under the title of sovereign pontiff, and prays for an abundant harvest in favour of his people. He then descends, accompanied by the three princes and nine presidents who are to put their hands to the plough along with him; the field set apart for this purpose being at a small distance from the mount. Forty labourers are selected to yoke the oxen, and to prepare the seed which the emperor is to sow; and which are of five different kinds, viz. wheat, rice, two kinds of millet, and beans. They are brought to the spot in magnificent boxes, carried by persons of the most distinguished rank. The emperor then lays hold of the plough, and turns up several furrows; the princes of the blood do the same, and then the presidents; after which the emperor throws into the furrows the five kinds of seeds already mentioned: lastly, four pieces of cotton cloth, proper for making dresses, are distributed to each of the labourers, who assist in yoking the oxen and preparing the seeds; and the same presents are made to forty other persons who have only been spectators of the ceremony.

"We must not (says M. Großer) judge of the Chinese peasants from those of Europe, especially in what respects relates to the lights acquired by education. Free schools are very numerous in every province of China, and even some of the villages are not destitute of this advantage. The sons of the poor are there received as readily as those of the rich; their duties and their studies are the same; the attention of the masters is equally divided between them; and from this obscure source talents often spring, which afterwards make a conspicuous figure on the grand stage of life. Nothing is more common in China than to see the son of of a peasant governor of that province in which his father had long toiled in cultivating only a few acres. The father himself, if taken from his plough, and elevated to a superior sphere, might, by reviving the instruction he received in his youth, and especially if he be endowed with genius, find himself fully competent for his new employment.

The Chinese have been greatly reproached with the inhuman practice of murdering their children; but though our author cannot deny that they are guilty of this practice, he excuses them by saying, that "the crime when committed in China is commonly owing to the fanaticism or idolatry; a fanaticism which prevails only among the lowest of the people. It is either in obedience to the oracle of a bonze, to deliver themselves from the power of magic spells, or to discharge a vow, that these infatuated wretches precipitate their children into the river: they imagine that, by so doing, they make an expiatory sacrifice to the spirit of the river. All nations of antiquity almost have disgraced themselves by the like horrid practices; but the Chinese are far from countenancing this barbarity on that account. Besides, these criminal sacrifices are never practised but in certain cantons of China, where the people, blinded by idolatry, are the dupes of prejudice, fanaticism, and superstition.—It often happens also, that the bodies of those children which are seen floating on the water have not been thrown into it till after their death; and this is likewise the case with those which are found in the streets, or lying near the public roads. The poverty of the parents suggests this dismal resource, because their children are then buried at the expense of the public. Exposing of children in public places is a custom tolerated in China; and government employs as much vigilance to have them carried away in the morning, as it bestows care on their education. This is certainly giving people intimation to expose their children in the nighttime, and no doubt encourages the practice; but the dictates of humanity are here united to those of sound policy. No law in China authorizes mutilation: there are indeed eunuchs in the empire, but their number is much less than what it is generally supposed to be by Europeans. The greater part of the eunuchs belonging to the emperor and empresses have no higher employment than that of sweeping the courts of justice."

Like the capital cities of European kingdoms, Peking, the metropolis of the Chinese empire, is furnished with a gazette, which circulates into the remotest provinces, and which is even considered by administration as an essential part of the political constitution. It is printed daily at Peking, and contains an account of all these objects to which the attention of administration is directed. In this gazette may be seen the names of all those mandarins who are stripped of their employments, and the causes of their disgrace; it mentions also the names of all those delinquents who are punished with death; of the officers appointed to fill the places of the disgraced mandarins; the calamities which have afflicted any of the provinces; the relief given by government; and the expenses incurred by administration for the subsistence of the troops, supplying the wants of the people, repairing or erecting public works; and, lastly, the remonstrances made to the sovereign by the superior tribunals, either with regard to his public decisions or private conduct, and sometimes even with regard to both. Nothing, however, is contained in this gazette that has not immediately come from the emperor, or been submitted to his inspection; and immediate death would be the consequence of inserting a falsehood in this ministerial paper.

No law or sentence, as has already been said, is of any force, until the emperor's seal has been affixed to it. This is about eight inches square, and is made of fine jasper, a kind of precious stone much esteemed in China; of which only the emperor is allowed to have a seal. Those given to princes as marks of honour are composed of gold; the seals of the viceroys and great mandarins, of silver; while those of inferior mandarins and magistrates are made only of lead or copper. The size of these seals is greater or smaller according to the rank their possessors hold in the tribunals or as mandarins; and when any of them happens to be worn out, intimation must be sent to the next superior tribunal; on which a new one is sent, and the old one must then be delivered up. The commission of every inspector sent into the provinces must also be confirmed by the emperor's seal. The duty of these officers is to examine into the conduct of governors, magistrates, and private individuals; and instances are recorded of emperors themselves assuming the office of inspectors in some of the provinces. These officers are not only superior to all the magistrates, but even to the viceroys of the provinces themselves. When a superior magistrate behaves ill to an inferior one, the former instantly becomes the prisoner of the inspector, and is suspended from his office until he has cleared himself from every imputation laid to his charge. The viceroy, however, is allowed to enjoy his office until the report of the inspector has been transmitted to the emperor.

These viceroys are distinguished by the title of T'ong-Poer of tou, and are always mandarins of the first class, possessing an almost unlimited power within their districts. They march abroad with all the pomp of royal magnificence, never quitting their palaces, on the most trifling occasion, without a guard of 100 men. A viceroy is the receiver-general of all the taxes collected in the province, transmitting them to the capital, after having reserved what he judges necessary for the demands of his district. All law-suits must be brought before his tribunal; and he has the power of passing sentence of death, but it cannot be put in execution without being first carried to the emperor. Every three years he sends to court a report of the conduct of the mandarins subordinate to him; and according to the contents, they are either continued or disgraced. Those of whom he makes an unfavourable report are punished in proportion to their delinquency; while, on the other hand, those who have the good fortune to be well reported are rewarded in a similar proportion.

The principal mandarins are sometimes broken and degraded from all their employments, while others are raised to more exalted degrees lower. Those who have mandarins been degraded ten steps run a great risk of never being employed again. These degraded mandarins are kept in perpetual remembrance of their misfortune, by being obliged to mention it in every public order they issue forth in their inferior station; thus: "I such a mandarin, degraded one, two, three, &c. steps, command..." mand and order," &c. Over these inferior mandarins the inspector of the province has a very unlimited authority, and can, by his own power, deprive them of their employments for a great offence; nor does he consult the court excepting where the immediate punishment of the criminal is not necessary. Every one of the mandarins, of whatever rank or denomination, is obliged, once in three years, to give in writing an exact account of the faults he has committed in the execution of his office. If he is a mandarin belonging to any of the four first classes, this confession is examined at court; but if it is made by any of the inferior ones, it must be laid before the provincial tribunal of the governor. Government, however, is not satisfied even with this confession; inquiry is made into the truth of it, and the conduct of the mandarin is scrutinized with the utmost severity, the informations being subjected to the tribunal of mandarins; where they are carefully examined, the merits and demerits of those subjected to this political inquisition carefully balanced, and their names afterwards divided into three classes. The first consists of those for whom rewards and preferment are intended; the second, for whom gentle reproof and admonition are thought necessary; and the third, of those who are to be suspended for some time, or removed altogether, from their offices. Of these last some are allowed to continue; but they receive no salary, and are not only deprived of all their emoluments, but even of their honours. If they have been guilty of any action tending to oppress the people, or to occasion a famine or scarcity among the lower ranks, their punishment is not confined to dismission from their offices, but they are also criminally impeached. The family burying-place of every Chinese is accounted sacred; none dares cut down the trees with which it is overshadowed until they become decayed with age; and even then, not until their condition has been attested by a mandarin: but for certain crimes against government or the people, the burying-place of a mandarin is razed to the foundation. No kind of punishment, however, inflicted on a father, is supposed in the least to affect the character of his son; and therefore, when the latter is asked by the emperor concerning his family, he will perhaps coolly answer, "My father was disgraced for such a crime, my grandfather was beheaded for such another," without the acknowledgement being in the least detrimental. On the contrary, by great and important services, it is possible for him to wipe out these stains from the memory of his ancestors.

Though the empire of China is governed by Tartar princes, the latter seem to bestow much more care and attention on the Chinese than their own natural subjects. Should any dispute arise between a Chinese and Tartar, the former must have greatly deviated from the rules of justice, if he is not acquitted even by those tribunals which are composed of half Chinese and half Tartars. The slightest fault committed by a Tartar mandarin is always severely punished; but the punishment of the Chinese is often mitigated if the delinquent be a Chinese; and the same severity is exercised towards those of the military department. Those faults, however, are punished with the greatest severity which hurt the interests of the people; for which reason they seldom fall a sacrifice to that class of petty tyrants who in other countries prey upon an devour them. Every superior mandarin is obliged to inform himself of the faults of his inferiors and expose them; may, he would be punished for them himself if he did not.

Very little regard, as we have already had occasion to observe, is paid to hereditary rights in China. Even of princes, the princes of the blood enjoy no other privilege by &c. in China; birth but that of wearing a yellow girdle; and the names of their children, with the exact time of their birth, are inscribed in a yellow book appropriated to that purpose. Collateral princes are distinguished by an orange girdle, and their children are marked in a book of a red colour. The surnames of the princes of the reigning family are determined by the emperor alone; the rest not being allowed to assume any name that too much resembles those of the Moguls or Chinese. The rank even of the emperor's sons diminishes one degree every generation; so that, at the seventh, only the eldest branch has a title to wear the yellow girdle, the rest being sunk into the rank of plain citizens. An hereditary sovereignty, however, passes from one eldest son to another; and this title cannot be forfeited, unless the possessor be guilty of some crime. In this case the emperor appoints to the succession either one of his younger brothers or a cousin; but these must be always chosen from the same branch, as the lawful branch cannot be deprived of its right without the condemnation of all who compose it. The only hereditary authority of the other princes exists among these troops called the Tartar bands. There they enjoy, without opposition, that rank which they derive from their birth, but in everything else are on a level with others. They are subjected to a military examination at stated periods, and are always promoted or degraded according to the degree of skill they exhibit. The same trial is undergone by the heir apparent and his sons; the only indulgence shown them being, that schools are appointed for their particular use. The princes are likewise indulged with a tribunal appropriated on purpose for them, and before which alone they can be tried. An insult offered to a prince decorated with the yellow girdle is punished with death; but if he has omitted to put it on, the aggressor escapes with a baffling. A prince may be put to death with the emperor's consent; but he escapes every lighter corporal punishment by paying a fine. Untitled princes have very few privileges superior to those of common citizens; and are generally very poor, unless possessed of some lucrative office. Thus they are sometimes reduced to the necessity of accepting the highest pay of a common soldier in the Tartar bands. When they, or any of their children, however, enter into the marriage-state, the emperor usually makes them a present of 100 ounces of silver. He will also relieve them on other occasions, assist their widows and orphans, &c., but in all this never departs from the most exact rules of economy; so that the mandarins in this respect are much better than the relations of the sovereign himself.

With regard to the ancient religion of China, F. F. Amiot informs us, that, after making every possible account of research, comparing and reasoning upon his observations, he at last concluded, that "The Chinese are a distinct people, who have still preserved the characteristic marks of their first origin; a people whose primitive..." tive doctrine will be found, by those who take the trouble of investigating it thoroughly, to agree in its essential parts with the doctrine of the chosen people, before Moses, by the command of God himself, had configned the explanation of it to the sacred records; a people, in a word, whose traditional knowledge, when freed from whatever ignorance or superstition of later ages has added to it, may be traced back from age to age, and from epocha to epocha, without interruption, for the space of 4000 years, even to the renewal of the human race by the grandson of Noah." The king, or canonical books of the Chinese, everywhere inculcate the belief of a Supreme Being, the author and preserver of all things. Under him they mention the names of Tien, or heaven; Chang-tien, or Supreme heaven; Chang-ti, or Supreme Lord; and of Hoang-chan-ti, Sovereign and Supreme Lord: "Names (says M. Großer) corresponding to those which we use when we speak of God, the Lord, the Almighty, the Most High."

According to the Chinese books, the Supreme Being is the principle of every thing that exists, and the father of all living; he is eternal, immoveable, and independent; his power knows no bounds; his sight equally comprehends the past, present, and the future, penetrating even into the inmost recesses of the heart. Heaven and earth are under his government; all events, all revolutions, are the consequences of his will; he is pure, holy, and impartial; wickedness offends his sight; but he beholds with an eye of complacency the virtuous actions of men. Severe, yet just, he punishes vice in a striking manner even on the throne, and often precipitates from thence the guilty, to place upon it the man who walks after his own heart, whom he hath raised from obscurity. Good, merciful, and full of pity, he relents on the repentance of the wicked: public calamities, and the irregularities of the seasons, are only salutary warnings, which his fatherly goodness gives to men to induce them to reform and amend.

The performance of religious worship at the proper and appointed times, has given occasion to the great exactness with respect to the calendar, which is remarkable throughout the empire of China; and all the celebrated emperors have begun their reigns with a reformation of it. Our historians, however, not contented with discovering in the Chinese religion the fundamental principles of the ancient patriarchal religion, have also found in it evident symptoms of a knowledge of the Trinity as believed among Christians. "Among the ancient Chinese characters (says M. Großer), which have escaped the ravages of time, we find the following Δ. According to the dictionary of Kang-hi, this signifies union; according to the Choue-ouen (that book so highly esteemed in China) Δ is three united in one; it derives it from the characters jiu (to enter or penetrate), and ye, one; whence it concludes, that Δ means three united, penetrated, or incorporated into one. According to another book, accounted a learned and accurate explanation of the ancient characters, Δ signifies strict union, harmony, the chief good of man, of heaven, and of earth; it is the union of the three fai (powers, principles, or intelligences; for, united, they direct, create, and nourish together. The image (three united in one figure) is not so obscure in itself; however, it is difficult to reason upon it without being deceived: on this subject it is difficult to speak."

"Father Amiot, spite of all the objections which the critics of Europe may make, seems to conjecture, that the character Δ might have been, among the ancient Chinese, the symbol of the most holy Trinity; and the more so (he adds), as the ancient books furnish a number of texts, which give us reason to suppose them to have been possessed of some knowledge of this sublime mystery." The book See-ki says, "The emperor formerly offered up a solemn sacrifice every three years to the Spirit, Trinity and Unity, Chin-jan-ye." The following celebrated text of Lao-tse has long been known in Europe. "Tao is one by nature: the first begot the second; two produced the third; the three created all things."

"F. Amiot quotes another passage, which appears to be no less singular. He who is, as it were, visible, and cannot be seen, is named Khi; he who may be heard yet speakesth not to the ears, is called Hi; he whom, in a manner, we feel, yet cannot touch, is named Onei. In vain do we interrogate our senses respecting these three; our reason, which alone can give us any satisfaction, will tell us that they make only one. Above there is no light; below there is no darkness. He is eternal; there is no name which can be given him. He resembles nothing that exists; he is an image without figure; a figure without matter: his light is surrounded by darkness. If we look up to him above, we behold no beginning; if we follow him, we discover no end. From what the Tao hath been at all times, conclude what he is, viz. that he is eternal: he is the beginning of wisdom." The commentaries which explain this passage speak in such strong and precise terms, that F. Amiot forbears to quote them, lest he might incur the censure of too many incredulous readers (A)."

The sacrifices of the Chinese were first offered up in the open fields, or on some mountain, upon what they call the Tan, which signifies a quantity of stones thrown together in a round form, or simply a round heap of earth. A double fence called Kiao, composed of turf and branches of trees, was raised around this; and, in the space left between the two fences, two lesser altars were erected on the right and left; upon which, immediately after the sacrifice offered up to the Tien, they sacrificed also to the Cheng, or good spirits of every rank, and to their virtuous ancestors. The sovereign alone had a right of sacrificing upon this Tan; and the custom of sacrificing to inferior spirits, according to the Chinese commentators, may be traced even to the days of Fo-hi himself. The same writers add, that, in addressing themselves to the Chang-ti, they considered him as the sovereign lord of the universe, clothed with all that power which was necessary to satisfy them with regard to the different objects.

(A) It is a singular circumstance that F. Amiot should have passed over in silence such unintelligible mum- mery, without a single animadversion. Reason humbly confesses every word of it to be absolutely incomprehensible; and faith itself has almost as hard a struggle in believing it as the never-to-be-fathomed creed of Athanasius. objects of their requests; but that, in offering up their prayers to the inferior objects of worship, they only implored their protection and mediation with the Chang-ti.

While the empire was confined within narrow bounds, one mountain was sufficient for the sacrifices; but in process of time it became necessary to consecrate four others. These were situated at the extremities of the empire, and were supposed to correspond with the four quarters of the world; and the prince went successively every year to one of these mountains to offer up sacrifices; taking occasion at the same time to show himself to his people, and to inform himself of their wants. This custom subsisted for a long time; but at length it was found convenient to add a fifth mountain in the centre of the empire; and ever since these have been called the five Yü, or the five mountains of sacrifice. This method of subjecting the emperor to regular annual journeys could not but be attended with many inconveniences. It was found necessary on this account to consecrate some spot in the neighbourhood of his palace, which might be substituted for the Yü upon all occasions when the emperor could not repair to them. An edifice was therefore erected, which at once represented the Kiao, Tan, and the Hall of ancestors. This last was a necessary part of the edifice; because it was incumbent on those who offered up sacrifices, first to repair to this hall, and acquaint their ancestors with what they were about to perform; and thither also they returned after sacrificing, to thank the same ancestors for the protection they had received from the Chang-ti; after which they offered up a sacrifice of thanksgiving in honour of them, and performed certain other ceremonies to show their respect. The building contained five separate halls, appropriated to different purposes; originally it had neither paintings nor ornaments of any kind, and a staircase of nine steps conducted to the principal entrance. Afterwards, however it was much more richly ornamented, each of the five halls being decorated with columns, over which others were placed that supported a second roof. In succeeding times it was stripped of all its ornaments, with a view to bring back religion to its primitive simplicity. Its four gates were covered with fine mats, representing the branches of which the double fence of the ancient Kiao were formed. The ridge of the roof was covered with the same, and the whole was encompassed by a canal filled with water at the time of offering up the sacrifices. To this a second building was added, which they called the temple of neatness, and which was used only for purifications and ceremonies, the former being entirely consecrated to the worship of the Chang-ti.

At present there are only two temples in Peking, named the Tian tan and the Ti tan; in the construction of which all the elegance of Chinese architecture is displayed. These are both dedicated to the Chang-ti, but under different titles; in the one he is adored as the eternal spirit; in the other, as the creator and preserver of the world. The ceremonies of the modern sacrifices are greatly multiplied; and nothing can exceed the splendour and magnificence with which these solemnities are performed. Sometimes before the day appointed for the grand ceremony, the monarch, the grandees of the court, and all those whom their employments qualify to assist at the solemnity, prepare themselves by retirement, fasting, and continence; no audience is given by the emperor, and the tribunals are entirely shut; marriages, funerals, rejoicings, and entertainments of every kind, are then forbidden. At last, on the day appointed, the emperor appears, attended by an innumerable multitude, and his person surrounded by a vast number of princes, lords, and officers, while every part of the temple seems to correspond with the magnificence of the sovereign; all the vases and utensils employed in the sacrifices are of gold, and cannot be applied to any other purpose; even the instruments of music are of enormous magnitude, and never used anywhere else. All this grandeur, however, serves only to display in a more eminent manner the humility and abasement of the monarch during his devotion; at which time he rolls in the dust, and speaks of himself before the Chang-ti in terms of the most abject submission and humiliation.

The purity of the ancient Chinese religion has, however, been long contaminated by many idolatrous Taoists and fanatical sects. Among these, one named Tao-tse was founded by a philosopher called Lao-kun or Lao-tse, who was born 603 B.C. He died in an advanced age, leaving to his disciples a book entitled Tao-te, being a collection of 3000 sentences. His morality has a great resemblance to that of Epicurus. It consists principally in banishing all vehement desires and passions capable of disturbing the peace and tranquillity of the soul. According to him, the care of every wise man ought to be only to endeavour to live free from grief and pain, and to glide gently down the stream of life devoid of anxiety and care. To arrive at this happy state he advises his followers to banish all thoughts of the past, and to abstain from every vain and useless inquiry concerning futurity, as well as all tormenting thoughts of ambition, avarice, &c. It was found by the disciples of this philosopher, however, that all their endeavours to obtain a perfect tranquillity of mind were vain, as long as the thoughts of death intervened; they therefore declared it possible to discover a composition from which drink might be made that would render mankind immortal. Hence they were led to the study of chemistry; and, like the western alchemists, wearied themselves in search of the philosopher's stone, until at last they gave themselves up to all the extravagancies of magic.

The desire of avoiding death, together with the credulity natural to unenlightened minds, quickly produced a number of converts to the sect of Tao-tse. Magical practices, the invocation of spirits, and the art of foretelling events by divination, quickly diffused themselves over the empire, and the imbecility of the emperors contributed to propagate the deception. Temples consecrated to spirits quickly reared their heads in every corner of the empire; and two of the most celebrated of the sect were authorized to maintain public worship there after the form which had been preferred by their master. At the same time they distributed and sold at a dear rate, images of the imaginary spirits with which they had peopled the heavens and the earth. These were, by their command, worshipped as so many deities independent of the Supreme Being; and in like manner, several of the ancient emperors were invoked as gods.

Being patronized by the emperors of several dynasties, China. nifies, this fact became more and more powerful.

At last they had the impudence to affix, during the night-time, to one of the gates of the imperial city, a book filled with mystic characters and magical figures. At break of day they informed the emperor of the sudden appearance of this book, and publicly declared that it was fallen from heaven. This trick easily imposed upon the weak prince. He immediately repaired, with a numerous train, to the spot where the sacred volume appeared; and having taken it into his hands in a respectful manner, carried it in triumph to his palace, where he shut it up in a golden box.

Another emperor carried his reverence for the feet to such a height of piety and extravagance, as to order a celebrated Taoist to be publicly worshipped under the name of Chang-ti. The feet thus patronized by the princes, and accommodated to the credulity of the vulgar, continued to gain ground in spite of every opposition from the wiser part of the people, and is still very powerful in China. At present they offer up three different victims, a hog, a fowl, and a fish, to a spirit whom they invoke. Various ceremonies, such as howling, drawing fantastic figures upon paper, making a hideous noise with kettles and drums, are used in their incantations; and though it may readily be believed that they are for the most part unsuccessful, yet their credit is still kept up by those cases in which they succeed by accident.

The chief of the Taoists is invested by government with the dignity of grand mandarin, which is enjoyed by his successors: he resides in a sumptuous palace in a town of Kiang-fu; and the superstitious confidence of the people attracts an immense number thither from all parts of the empire. Some arrive in order to be cured of diseases, others to get an insight into futurity. The impostor distributes to them small bits of paper filled with magical characters; and the ignorant wretches depart well satisfied, without grudging the expense of their journey, though ever so long.

A still more pernicious and more widely diffused feet is that of the idol Fo, which came originally from India. The Taoists had promised to the brother of one of the emperors of China to introduce him to a communication with spirits. The credulous prince having heard of a great spirit named Fo, who resided in India, prevailed on his brother to send an embassy thither. On the arrival of the ambassadors, however, they could find only two worshippers of this deity, both of whom they brought to China. Several images of Fo were also collected at the same time; and these, together with some canonical books of the Indians, were placed on a white horse, and carried in procession to the imperial city.

This superstition was introduced into China about the 65th year of the Christian era, and soon made vast progress. One of its principal doctrines is that of the metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls, of which M. Groffier thinks he was the inventor, and that Pythagoras, who travelled into several parts of India, had borrowed the doctrine from him. The account given of him by the bonzes is, that finding himself, at the age of 70, oppressed with infirmities, he called his disciples together, and told them he was unwilling to leave the world without communicating the secret and hidden mysteries of his doctrine; which were, in short, that all things had proceeded from a vacuum and nothing, and to that they must return. This doctrine produced a corresponding mode of action, or rather of inaction, in those who believed it: for thus the great happiness of man was made to consist in absolute annihilation: and therefore the nearer he could bring himself to this state during life, the happier he was supposed to be.

The common doctrine, however, which admits of a distinction between good and evil, finds more proficients among the vulgar, whose situation in life will not allow them to spend their time in perpetual idleness. According to this, the righteous will be rewarded and the wicked punished after death. They say also, that the god Fo came to save mankind, and to expiate their sins; and that he alone can procure them a happy regeneration in the life to come. Five precepts are likewise inculcated on those who adopt this doctrine:

1. Not to kill any living creature; 2. Not to take away the goods of another; 3. Not to pollute themselves by uncleanness; 4. Not to lie; and, 5. Not to drink wine.

Above all, they recommend to them to perform acts of mercy, to treat their bonzes well, build temples, &c.

The doctrine of metempsychosis has introduced into China an infinite number of idols, who are all worshipped on the supposition that the spirit of Fo has transmigrated into the animals they represent. These idols, however, seem not to be worshipped with great sincerity; but, like the images of saints in the more superstitious countries of Europe, are beaten and thrown in the dirt when their votaries happen not to obtain their desires, which they impute to the obstinacy or weakness of the idol. Nay, M. Groffier gives an account of one man, who having ineffectually paid a sum of money to the bonzes of a certain idol for the cure of his daughter, brought a formal accusation against the idol himself; and in spite of all that the bonzes could say in its behalf, got its worship suppressed throughout the province.

The bonzes of China are represented as a most avowedly rascally and hypocritical race of men, ready to practice acts of every kind of villany, and even to subject themselves to the most intolerable tortures, in order to obtain money from the compassion of the public when they cannot get it in any other way; and an edict of one of the emperors is cited by M. Groffier, by which great numbers of their religious houses were suppressed. In order to perpetuate their feet, they purchase young children, whom they take care to instruct in all the mysteries and tricks of their profession; but excepting this, they are in general very ignorant, and few of them would be able to give any tolerable account of the tenets of their own feet. They are not subject to a regular hierarchy, but acknowledge superiors among them whom they call grand bonzes, who have the first place in all religious assemblies at which they happen to be present; and great profit is derived from certain religious clubs, both of men and women, at which the bonzes are always called to assist. Their wealth is likewise augmented by pilgrimages to certain places where there are temples more or less reverenced, and where a multitude of absurd ceremonies is performed. These bonzes, as may be easily imagined, are inveterate enemies to the progress of Christianity, telling... ing the most absurd stories concerning the missionaries; as that they pluck out the eyes of their converts to construct telescopes with, &c. The literati, however, and the more sensible part of the nation, hold them in the greatest contempt.

We shall conclude this detail of the Chinese religion with giving an account of one other superstition of the fong-choui—which seems peculiar to the nation. It is named fong-choui, which signifies wind and water. By this they mean the lucky or unlucky situation of a house, burying-place, &c. If any imprudent person has built a house close to that of a Chinese, in such a manner that the angle formed by its roof flanks the wall or roof of the former house, the proprietor ever after lives in terror of utter ruin and destruction from the malignant influence of that angle. An implacable hatred instantly commences betwixt the two families, and often gives rise to a law-suit, which furnishes matter of discussion for some of the superior tribunals. If no redress can be had at law, however, the Chinese is then reduced to the necessity of erecting, on the top of his house, an enormous image of a dragon, or some other monster, with its mouth gaping towards the angle, and, as it were, threatening to swallow it up; after which the apprehensions of the proprietor begin to subside, and tranquillity is restored to the family. In this manner the governor of Kien-tchang secured himself from the influence of the church of the Jesuits, which, being built on an eminence, overlooked his palace. Not depending, however, entirely on the good offices of his tutelary dragon, he also took the wise precaution of altering his principal apartments, and raising, at the distance of 200 paces from the church, a kind of large façade three stories high. But unluckily the death of his successor was attributed to this façade; for the mandarin being attacked with a disorder in the breast, which made him spit up a white phlegm, this symptom was thought to be owing to the walls of the façade, which were very white, and which were forthwith painted black. The salutary precaution, however, happened to be taken too late; for the governor died notwithstanding the black colour of the walls.

"We should never have done (says M. Grosier), were we to relate all the superstitious ideas of the Chinese, respecting the lucky and unlucky situation of houses, the quarter which doors ought to front, and the plan and day proper for constructing the stoves in which they cook their rice." But the object on which they employ their greatest care is the choice of the ground and situation for a burying-place. Some quacks follow no other profession than that of pointing out hills and mountains which have an aspect favourable for works of that kind. When a Chinese is persuaded of the truth of such information, there is no sum which he would not give to be in possession of the fortunate spot. The greater part of the Chinese are of opinion that all the happinesses and misfortunes of life depend upon the fong-choui.

A colony of Jews was established in China about the year 266 B.C.; but they are now reduced to a small number of families at Kai-fong, the capital of the province of Honan. The Mahometans have multiplied much more than the Jews. It is about 600 years since they first entered the empire, where they have formed different establishments. At first their number was augmented only by marriages; but for some time past they have been more particularly attentive to the extending of their sect and propagating their doctrine. The principal means employed for this purpose are, to purchase a great number of children brought up in idolatry, whom their poor parents are glad to part with; and these they circumcise, and afterwards instruct in the principles of their religion. During the time of a famine which defeated the province of Chang-tong, they purchased more than 10,000 of these children; for whom, when grown up, they procured wives, built houses, and even formed whole villages of them. They are now become so numerous, that in the places where they reside they entirely exclude every inhabitant who does not believe in their prophet, and frequent a mosque.

With regard to the manners of the Chinese, their ceremonies bear no resemblance to those of any other nation; and, of marriage, if we may believe their historians, they are the same at this day that they were 4000 years ago. The women are condemned almost to perpetual imprisonment within the precincts of their own houses, and are never seen even by their intended husbands before marriage. He knows nothing of her looks or person, but from the account of some female relation or confidant, who in such cases acts the part of match-maker; though if imposed upon either with regard to her age or figure, he can have recourse to a divorce. The same matrons who negotiate the marriage, also determine the sum which the intended husband must pay to the parents of the bride: for in China a father does not give a dowry to his daughter; it is the husband who gives a dowry to the wife. When the day appointed for the marriage is arrived, the bride is placed in a chair or close palanquin, the key of which is committed to the care of a trusty domestic, who must deliver it to none but the husband. The latter, richly dressed, waits at his gate for the arrival of the procession. As soon as it approaches, the key is put into his hands; he eagerly opens the chair, and for the first time perceives his good or bad fortune. If he is contented with his new spouse, the bride descends and enters the house, where the marriage is concluded by feasting and merriment as in other countries; but if the bridegroom is very much disappointed, he suddenly flings the chair, and sends the bride home to her relations. To get rid of her in this manner, however, costs a sum equal to what he originally gave in dowry to obtain her.

The Chinese women, even of the first rank, seldom quit their apartment, which is situated in the most retired part of the house, and in which they are secluded from all society but that of their domestics. The book of ceremonies requires that there should be two apartments in every house; the exterior one for the husband, the interior for the wife. They must even be separated by a wall or wooden partition, the door of which is carefully guarded; nor is the husband at liberty to enter the wife's apartment, or the to quit it, without sufficient reason. According to the same book, the prattling and loquacity of a woman are reckoned sufficient grounds for a divorce. If this be founded in fact, the women of China are either unexampled for taciturnity, or else multitudes of divorces must be daily occurrences. A woman, however, cannot be divorced on any account, if she loses her parents after marriage, or if she has worn three years mourning for the loss of her husband, father, or mother.

A widow of any rank above the common, who has children, seldom enters a second time into the marriage state, though those of the ordinary rank generally do. The poorer sort are not at liberty to follow their own inclination, but are sold for the behoof of the parents of the deceased. As soon as the bargain is concluded, a couple of porters bring a chair, which is guarded by a number of trusty people. In this the widow is shut up, and thus conducted to her new husband.

"Matters (says M. Grolier), for the most part, are very disfavour of promoting marriage among their slaves, whatever Mr Paw may say; who, without any foundation, has ventured boldly to affect the contrary. They have even very strong motives to induce them to encourage these marriages; the children produced by them are still their slaves; and besides their becoming new property to them, the fathers and mothers are thus more strongly attached to their service."

Concubinage is tolerated in China, though not authorized by any law. This privilege is granted only to the emperor, the princes of the blood, and mandarins; and none but the emperor is permitted to have more than one. The common people generally avail themselves of the toleration granted them in this respect, and will have two or three concubines if they can afford it. They are, however, careful to excuse themselves as well as they can to their wives in this respect, pretending only a desire to have many children, and a number of women to attend their wives. Others, desirous of having a male child, while perhaps their lawful wife cannot have any, take a concubine for this reason only, and dismiss her as soon as their wishes are accomplished; they then permit her to marry whom she pleases, and frequently even provide a husband for her themselves. These concubines are almost all procured from two cities named Yang-tcheou and Sou-tcheou, where they are educated, and taught singing, dancing, music, and every accomplishment suitable to women of quality, or which can render them agreeable and pleasing. The greatest part of them are purchased in other places, to be again disposed of; and this is the principal branch of trade carried on by these two cities. Unlawful intrigues are seldom heard of in China. Whoever seduces the wife of another is punished with death; and the same punishment is generally inflicted on the person who debauches a young woman.

From the accounts we have of the education of children in China, one might be apt to conclude, that, instead of being the ignorant superstitious race already described, they ought to be the most intelligent people in the world. The book of ceremonies directs the education of a child to commence as soon as it is born, and describes exactly the qualities which its nurture ought to have. She must speak little, adhere strictly to truth, have a mild temper, behave with affability to her equals, and with respect to her superiors. The child is taught to use the right hand as soon as it can put its hand to its mouth, and then it is weaned. At five years of age, if a male, he is taught the numbers most in use, and made acquainted with the names of the principal parts of the world; at seven, he is separated from his sisters, and no longer allowed to eat with them, nor to sit down in their presence; at eight, he is instructed in the rules of good breeding and politeness; at nine, he studies the calendar; at ten, he is sent to a public school, where he learns to read, write, and cast accounts; from 13 to 15 he is taught music, and every thing that he sings consists of moral precepts. It was formerly the custom, that all the lessons designed for the Chinese youth were in verse; and it is to this day lamented, that the same custom is not followed, as their education has since been rendered much more difficult and laborious.

At the age of 15, the Chinese boys are taught to handle the bow and arrow, and to mount on horseback; at 20 they receive the first cap, if they are thought to deserve it, and are permitted to wear silk dresses ornamented with furs; but before that period they are not allowed to wear any other thing than cotton.

Another method of initiating children into the principles of knowledge in this empire is, by selecting a number of characters expressive of the most common objects, engraving or painting them separately on some kind of substance, and, under the thing represented, putting the name, which points out to them the meaning of the word.

As the Chinese have no proper alphabet, they represent almost every thing by different characters. The labour of their youth, therefore, is intolerable; being obliged to study many thousand characters, each of which has a distinct and appropriate signification. Some idea of their difficulties may be obtained from what we are told by F. Martini, who assures us, that he was under the necessity of learning 60,000 different characters before he could read the Chinese authors with tolerable ease.

The book first put into the hands of the Chinese children is an abridgement, which points out what a child ought to learn, and the manner in which he should be taught. This volume is a collection of short sentences, consisting of three or four verses each, all of which rhyme; and they are obliged to give an account in the evening of what they have learned in the day. After this elementary treatise, they put into their hands the four books which contain the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius. The sense and meaning of the work is never explained to them until they have got by heart all the characters, that is to say, the words in the book; a method no doubt inconceivably disagreeing, and calculated utterly to destroy the genius of a boy, if he has any. While they are getting these characters by heart, indeed, they are likewise employed in learning to form them with a pencil. For this purpose they are furnished with large leaves of paper, on which are written or printed with red ink very big characters; and all they are required to do is to cover those red characters with black ink, and to follow exactly their shape and figure; which indelibly accustoms them to form the different strokes. After this they are made to trace other characters, placed under the paper on which they write. These are black, and much smaller than the other. It is a great advantage to the Chinese literati to be able to paint characters well; and on this account they bestow great pains in forming the hands of young people. This is of the utmost consequence to literary students in the examinations. nations which they are obliged to undergo before they can be admitted to the first degree. Du Halde gives a remarkable instance, viz. that "a candidate for degrees having, contrary to order, made use of an abbreviation in writing the character 马, which signifies a horse, had the mortification of seeing his composition, though in other respects excellent, rejected merely on that account; besides being severely rallied by the mandarin, who told him a horse could not walk unless he had all his legs."

After the scholar has made himself master of the characters, he is then allowed to compose; but the subject of his composition is pointed out to him only by one word. Competitions are likewise established in China, but most of them are of a private nature. Twenty or thirty families, who are all of the same name, and who consequently have only one hall for the names of their ancestors, agree among themselves to send their children twice a month to this hall in order to compose. Each head of a family in turn gives the subject of this literary contest, and adjudges the prize; but this costs him a dinner, which he must cause to be carried to the hall of competition. A fine of about tenpence is imposed on the parent of each scholar who absents himself from this exercise.

Besides these private competitions, every student is obliged to compete at least twice a year under the inspection of an inferior mandarin of letters styled Hio-kouan. It frequently happens also, that the mandarins of letters order these students to be brought before them, to examine the progress they have made in their studies, to excite a spirit of emulation among them, and make them give such application as may qualify them for any employment in the state. Even the governors of cities do not think it below their dignity to take this care upon themselves; ordering all those students who reside near them to appear before their tribunal once a month: the author of the best competition is honoured with a prize, and the governor treats all the candidates on the day of composition at his own expense. In every city, town, and village in China, there are schoolmasters who teach such sciences as are known in that country. Parents possessed of a certain fortune provide masters for their children, to attend and instruct them, to form their minds to virtue, and to initiate them in the rules of good breeding and the accustomed ceremonies, as well as to make them acquainted with the laws and history, if their age will admit. These masters have, for the most part, attained to one or two degrees among the literati, and not unfrequently arrive at the first employments of the state.

The education of the Chinese women is confined to giving them a taste for solitude, and accustoming them to modesty and silence; and if their parents are rich, they are likewise instructed in such accomplishments as may render them agreeable to the other sex.

There is little distinction in China between the ordinary dress of men and women. Rank and dignity are distinguished by certain accessory ornaments; and the person would be severely chastised who should presume to assume them without being properly authorized. The dress in general consists of a long vest which reaches to the ground. One part of this vest, viz. that on the left side, folds over the other, and is fastened to the right by four or five small gold or silver buttons placed at a little distance from one another. The sleeves are wide towards the shoulder, growing narrower as they approach the wrist, where they terminate in the form of a horse shoe, covering the hands entirely, and leaving nothing but the ends of the fingers to be seen. Round their middle they wear a large girdle of silk, the ends of which hang down to their knees. From this girdle is suspended a sheath containing a knife and two of those small sticks which they use as forks. Below this robe they wear a pair of drawers, in summer made of linen, and in winter of satin lined with fur, sometimes of cotton, and in some of the northern provinces of skins. These are sometimes covered with another pair of white taffeta. Their shirts are always very short and wide, of different kinds of cloth, according to the season. Under these they wear a silk net to prevent it from adhering to the skin. In warm weather they have their necks always bare; when it is cold, they wear a collar made of silk and fable, or fox's skin, joined to their robe, which in winter is trimmed with the skin, or quilted with silk and cotton. That of people of quality is entirely lined with beautiful fable skins brought from Tartary, or with the finest fox's skin, trimmed with fable; and in the spring it is lined with ermine. Above their robe they wear also a kind of surcoat with wide sleeves, but very short, which is lined in the same manner. The emperor and princes of the blood only have a right to wear yellow; certain mandarins have liberty to wear satin of a red ground, but only upon days of ceremony: in general they are clothed in black, blue, or violet. The common people are allowed to wear no other colours but blue or black; and their dress is always composed of plain cotton cloth.

Formerly the Chinese were at great pains to preserve their hair; but the Tartars, who subdued them, compelled them to cut off the greater part of it, and to alter the form of their clothes after the Tartar fashion. This revolution in dress was not effected without bloodshed, though the conquerors at the same time adopted in other respects the laws, manners, and customs of the conquered people. Thus the Chinese are painted as if bald, but they are not so naturally: that small portion of hair which they preserve behind, or on the tops of their heads, is all that is now allowed them. They wear very long, and plait like a tail. In summer they wear a kind of cap shaped like an inverted cone, lined with satin, and covered with ratan or cane very prettily wrought. The top terminates in a point, to which they fix a tuft of red hair, which spreads over it, and covers it to the brim. This hair grows between the legs of a kind of cow, and is capable of taking any colour, especially a deep red. This ornament is much used, and any person who chooses may wear it.

The mandarins and literati wear a cap of the same form as the foregoing, only it is lined with red satin, and covered on the outside with white. A large tuft of the finest red silk is fixed over it, which is suffered to hang down or wave with the wind. People of distinction generally use the common cap when they mount on horseback or during bad weather; being better calculated to keep off rain, and shelter those who wear it from the rays of the sun. For winter they have another cap bordered with fable, ermine, or fox's skin. fox's skin, and ornamented with a tuft of silk like the former. In these fur-trimmings they are very curious, sometimes expending 40 or 50 ounces of silver upon them.

The Chinese people of rank never go abroad without boots made of satin or some other silk, and sometimes of cotton, but always dyed. They have neither heel nor top, and are made to fit the foot with the greatest exactness. When they travel on horseback, however, they have others made of the skin of a cow or horse made very pliable. Their boot-stockings are of silk fluff, quilted and lined with cotton, reaching above the top of their boot, and ornamented with a border of velvet or cloth. In summer they wear a cooler kind, and in their houses a sort of slippers made of silk stuff. The common people are contented with black slippers made of cotton cloth. The fan is also a necessary appendage of the Chinese dress, and is reckoned equally necessary with the boots.

The dress of the women consists of a long robe quite close at top, and long enough to cover even their toes, with sleeves so long that they could hang down upon the ground, did they not take care to tuck them up; but their hands are seldom seen. The colour of their dresses is entirely arbitrary, but black and violet are generally chosen by those advanced in life. The young ladies, like those of Europe, make use of paint to give a bloom to their complexions; but this, though not the same with the kind used in Europe, agrees with it in the effect of soon wrinkling the skin. Their general head-dress consists in arranging their hair in several curls, among which are interspersed small tufts of gold or silver flowers. According to Du Halde, some of them ornament their heads with the image of a fabulous bird, concerning which many stories are told. This is made of copper or silver gilt, its wings extended and lying pretty close to the head-dress, embracing the upper part of their temples, while the long spreading tail forms a kind of plume on the top of the head. Its body is directly over the head, and the neck and bill hang down, the former being joined to the body by a concealed hinge, in order that it may play freely, and move about on the least motion of the head. The whole bird adheres to the head by means of the claws, which are fixed in the hair.

Ladies of quality sometimes wear several of these birds made up into a single ornament, the workmanship of which is very expensive. Young ladies wear also a crown made of pasteboard, the fore part of which rises in a point above the forehead, and is covered with jewels. The rest of the head is decorated with natural or artificial flowers, among which small diamond pins are interspersed. The head-dress of the ordinary class of women, especially when they are advanced in years, consists only of a piece of very fine silk wrapped round their heads.

All authors agree, that an absurd custom prevails throughout China, of confining the feet of female infants in such a manner that they are never allowed to grow to near their full size. The smallness of their feet is accounted such a valuable beauty, that the Chinese women never think they can pay too dear for it. As soon therefore as a female infant is born, the nurse wraps up its feet in very tight bandages; and this torture must be endured until their feet have ceased to grow. So prevalent is the force of custom, however, that as the child grows up she voluntarily submits to new tortures, in order to accomplish the purpose more effectually. Thus the Chinese women are deprived almost entirely of the use of their feet; and are scarce able to walk, in the most awkward hobbling manner, for the shortest space. The shoe of a full grown Chinese woman will frequently not exceed six inches.

The Chinese use white as the colour proper for mourning; and though a son cannot wear this while his father and mother are alive, he can use no other for three years after their death; and ever afterwards his clothes must be of one colour. The law has forbidden the use of silk and furs to children; and has even prescribed the time when they are first to wear a cap. This is put upon their heads by the master of ceremonies himself, who addresses them in the following manner: "Consider that you now receive the dress of those who have attained to maturity, and that you cease to be children; renounce, therefore, all childish thoughts and inclinations, assume a grave and serious deportment, apply with resolution to the study of virtue and wisdom, and endeavour to merit a long and happy life." This ceremony (says M. Grosier), which may appear trifling, is attended with the happiest effects. The Chinese give a kind of importance to every thing which can inspire youth with a taste for morality and a love of good order. It might be useful to mankind at every fixed epocha of their lives, to remind them of those new duties imposed by each successive change; but, by uniting the solemnity of a public ceremony to this instruction, it will make a deeper impression, and remain much longer imprinted on their memories."

Nothing can appear more irksome to an European Executive than the multitude of ceremonies used on all occasions by the Chinese. An invitation to an entertainment is not supposed to be given with sincerity until it has been renewed three or four times in writing. A card is sent on the evening before the entertainment, another on the morning of the appointed day, and a third when every thing is prepared and the guests ready to sit down to the table. The master of the house always introduces his guests into the hall, where he salutes them one after another. He then orders wine to be brought him in a small cup made of silver, porcelain, or precious wood, and placed upon a small varnished salver. He lays hold of it with both his hands, makes a bow to all the surrounding guests, and advances towards the fore part of the hall, which generally looks into a large court. He there raises his eyes and the cup towards heaven; after which he pours the wine on the ground. He afterwards pours some wine into a silver or porcelain cup, makes a bow to the most considerable person in company, and then goes to place the cup on the table before him; for in China every guest has a table for himself. The person for whom he intends this honour, however, generally saves him the trouble of placing the cup; calls for wine in his turn, and offers to place the cup on the master's table, who endeavours to prevent him, with a thousand apologies and compliments according to the rules of Chinese politeness. A superior domestic conducts the principal guest to an elbow-chair covered with rich flowered silk, where the stranger again begins his compliments. pliments, and begs to be excused from fitting in such an honourable seat, which nevertheless he accepts of; and all the rest of the guests do the same, otherwise the ceremonial would be gone through with each of them.

The entertainment is concluded by some theatrical representations, accompanied with the music of the country; which, however, would give but little pleasure to an European. Besides the guests, a certain number of people are admitted into the court in order to behold these theatrical representations; and even the women are allowed to view them through a wicket, contrived so that they may behold them without being seen themselves.

The entertainments of the Chinese are begun, not by eating, but by drinking; and the liquor they drink must always be pure wine. The intendant, or maître d'hôtel, falling down on one knee, first invites the guests to take a glass; on which each of them lays hold with both hands of that which is placed before him, raising it as high as the forehead, then bringing it lower down than the table, and at last putting it to his mouth: they all drink together, and very slowly, taking three or four draughts. While they are drinking, the dishes on each of the tables are removed, and others brought in. Each of the guests has twenty-four set before him in succession; all of them fat, and in the form of ragouts. They never use knives in their repasts; and two small pointed sticks, ornamented with ivory or silver, serve them instead of forks. They never begin to eat, however, until they are invited by the maître d'hôtel; and the same ceremony must be gone through every time they are going to take a cup of wine, or begin a new dish. Towards the middle of the entertainment the soup is brought in, accompanied with small loaves or meat pies. These they take up with their small sticks, steep them in the soup, and eat them without waiting for any signal, or being obliged to keep time with the rest of the guests. The entertainment, however, continues in other respects with the utmost formality until tea is brought in; after which they retire from table and amuse themselves in another hall, or in the garden, for a short time, until the dessert be brought in. This, like the entertainment itself, consists of 24 dishes, which are made up of sweetmeats, fruits differently prepared, hams and salted ducks which have been baked or dried in the sun, with shell and other kinds of fish. The same ceremonies which preceded the repast are now renewed, and every one sits down at the same place he occupied before. Larger cups are then brought in, and the master invites the guests to drink more freely.

These entertainments begin towards evening, and never end till midnight. A small sum of money is given to the domestics; when every one of the guests goes home in a chair preceded by several servants, who carry large lanterns of oiled paper, on which are inscribed the quality, and sometimes the name, of the master. Without such an attendance they would be taken up by the guard; and the day following they never fail to return a card of thanks to the officer.

Their method of drinking tea is not like that of other nations. A small quantity of bohea, sufficient to tinge the water and render it palatable (for they drink no green), is taken in the morning, and thrown into a vessel adapted to the number in family. This stands till milk-warm; in which state it is kept the whole day, and a cup drank now and then without sugar or milk, in order to exhilarate the spirits when exhausted by fatigue: and if a stranger call by accident, or a visitor by appointment, the first thing presented, after the usual ceremonies of meeting, is a very small pipe filled with tobacco of their own growth, and a cup of the tea already mentioned, or of some fresh made of better quality, together with sweetmeats, &c. Tea is the daily beverage in China, and is drank by all ranks of people.

Some change has been made in the ceremonial of the Chinese by the Tartar conquest, and some new dishes also introduced by the same means; and here M. Großer observes, that the Tartars are much better cooks than the Chinese. All their dishes are highly seasoned; and by a variation in the proportions of their spices, they are able to form a variety of dishes out of the same materials. None of their viands, however, are more esteemed than flags finews, and the nests of a particular species of birds, which have the property of giving a most agreeable relish to whatever is mixed with them. Other dishes are introduced at these repasts, which would be accounted very disagreeable with us; such as the flesh of wild horses, the paws of a bear, and the feet of several wild animals. The greater part of these provisions are brought preferr'd in salt from Siam, Cambaya, and Tartary.

The wines of China have no resemblance to ours Chinese either in taste or quality, being procured from rice, wines, and not from the vine. A particular kind of rice is employed for making them, and the grain is steeped for 20 or 30 days in water, into which ingredients of a different nature are successively thrown: they afterwards boil it; and as soon as it becomes dissolved by the heat, it immediately ferments, and throws up a vaporous scum not unlike new wine. A very pure liquor is found under this scum, which is drawn off and put into vessels well glazed: From the remaining lees an inflammable spirit is made, little inferior, and sometimes even superior to the European. Another kind of wine is used by the Chinese, or rather Tartars, called lamb wine. It is very strong, and has a disagreeable smell; and the same may be believed of a kind of spirit distilled from the flesh of sheep; though this last is sometimes used by the emperors.

These entertainments exceed the bounds of ordinary repasts; the Chinese being naturally sober, and those in easy circumstances living chiefly on pork; for which reason a great number of hogs are bred in the country. Their flesh is much easier of digestion, and more agreeable to the taste than that of Europe. The Chinese hams are in high estimation. The common people live very poorly; being satisfied, in time of scarcity, with the flesh of dogs, horses, cats, and rats, which last are sold publicly in the streets.

There are several public festivals annually celebrated in China. One is that already mentioned, in which the emperor tills the ground with his own hands. This is also celebrated on the same day throughout the empire. In the morning the governor of every city comes forth forth from his palace crowned with flowers, and enters his chair amidst the noise of different instruments which precede it; a great number of people attending, as is usual on all such occasions. The chair is surrounded by litters covered with silk carpets, on which are represented either some illustrious persons who have supported and encouraged agriculture, or some historical painting on the same subject. The streets are hung with carpets, triumphal arches are erected at certain distances, lanterns everywhere displayed, and all the houses illuminated. During the ceremony a figure resembling a cow, made of baked earth, with gilt horns, is carried in procession, and of such enormous magnitude that 40 men are scarcely sufficient to support it. A child follows with one foot naked and the other shod, who is called the spirit of labour and diligence, and keeps continually beating the image with a rod to make it advance. Labourers, with their implements of husbandry, march behind; and the procession is closed by a number of comedians and people in masks. The governor advances towards the eastern gate, and returns in the same manner. The cow is then stripped of its ornaments, a prodigious number of earthen calves taken from its belly and distributed among the people; after which the large figure is broken in pieces and distributed in the same manner. The ceremony is ended by an oration in praise of agriculture, in which the governor endeavours to excite his hearers to the practice of that useful art.

Other two festivals are celebrated in China with still more magnificence than that above described. One of them is at the commencement of the year; the other is called the feast of lanterns. During the celebration of the former, all business, whether private or public, is suspended, the tribunals are shut, the posts stopped, presents are given and received, and visits paid. All the family assemble in the evening, and partake of a feast to which no stranger is admitted; though they become a little more sociable on the following day.

The feast of lanterns ought to take place on the 15th day of the first month, but usually commences on the evening of the 13th, and does not end till that of the 16th. At that time every city and village, the shores of the sea, and the banks of all the rivers, are hung with lanterns of various shapes and sizes; some of them being seen in the courts and windows of the poorest houses. No expense is spared on this occasion; and some of the rich people will lay out eight or nine pounds sterling on one lantern. Some of these are very large, composed of six wooden frames either neatly painted or gilt, and filled up with pieces of fine transparent silk, upon which are painted flowers, animals, and human figures; others are blue, and made of a transparent kind of horn. Several lamps, and a great number of wax candles, are placed in the inside: to the corners of each are fixed streamers of silk and satin of different colours, with a curious piece of carved work on the top. They are likewise acquainted with our magic lantern, which they sometimes introduce into this festival. Besides this, they have the art of forming a snake 60 or 80 feet in length, filled with lights from one end to the other; which they cause twist itself into different forms, and move about as if it were a real serpent. During the same festival all the varieties of the Chinese fire-works, so justly admired, and which, some time ago at least, surpassed every thing of the kind that could be done in Europe, are exhibited.

Every public ceremony in China is carefully rendered as striking as possible. A viceroy never quits his palace but with a royal train, dressed in his robes of ceremony, and carried in a chair elegantly gilt, which is borne upon the shoulders of eight domestics; two drummers marching before the guards, and beating upon copper basins to give notice of his approach. Eight other attendants carry standards of wood varnished, upon which are inscribed in large characters all his titles of honour. After these come 14 flags with the symbols of his office; such as the dragon, tyger, phoenix, flying tortoise, &c. Six officers follow, each bearing a piece of board in shape like a large shovel, on which are written in large golden characters the qualities of the mandarin himself; two others carry, the one a large umbrella of yellow silk, and the other the cover in which the umbrella is kept. The first guards are preceded by two archers on horseback; the latter are followed by others armed with a kind of weapons composed of hooked blades, fixed perpendicularly to long poles ornamented with four tufts of silk, placed at a small distance above one another. Behind these are two other files of soldiers, some of whom carry large maces with long handles; others iron maces in the shape of a snake; others are armed with huge hammers; while those behind them carry long battle-axes in the form of a crescent; others follow, who have battle-axes of another kind; and behind these are some with the hooked weapons already described.

Behind these come soldiers armed with triple-pointed spears, arrows, or battle-axes; having in front two men who carry a kind of box containing the viceroy's seal. Then come two other drummers to give notice of his approach. Two officers follow, having on their heads felt hats, adorned with plumes of feathers, and each armed with a cane to recommend regularity and good order to the surrounding multitude. Two others bear maces in the form of gilt dragons. These again are followed by a number of magistrates and officers of justice: some of whom carry whips or flat sticks, while others have chains, hangers, and silk scarfs. Two standard-bearers and a captain command this company, which immediately precede the governor. His chair is surrounded by pages and footmen, and an officer attends him who carries a large fan in form of a screen; he is followed by several guards differently armed, together with ensigns and other officers, who are also followed by a great number of domestics all on horseback, carrying various necessaries for the use of the mandarin. If he marches in the night-time, instead of flambeaux, as is customary in Europe, large lanterns, exceedingly pretty, are carried before him; on the transparent part of which are written, in very conspicuous characters, his quality, titles, and rank, as mandarin. These are also intended to give notice to the passers-by to stop, and to those who are sitting to rise up with respect; for whoever neglects either the one or the other is sure to receive a severe bastinadoing. The emperor marches with still more magnificence, in proportion to his superior quality. The trumpets used in this procession are about three feet long, eight inches in diameter at the lower extremity, and pretty much resembling a bell in shape: their sound is peculiarly adapted to that of the drums. His cavalcade is clothed by 2000 mandarins of letters, and as many of arms. Sometimes the great mandarins, as well as the emperor, travel in barks: their attendance is then somewhat different, but the magnificence almost the same. The honours paid to a viceroy who has governed a province with equity are exceedingly great on his departure from it. He has scarcely left the capital of the province when he finds on the highway, for the space of two or three leagues, tables ranged at certain distances, each of which is surrounded with a long piece of silk that hangs down to the earth. On these wax candles are placed even in the open day: perfumes are burnt upon them; and they are loaded with a profusion of victuals, and various kinds of fruit, while tea and wine are prepared for him on others. The people throw themselves on their knees as he passes, and bow their heads even to the earth; some shed tears, or pretend to do so; some present him with wine and sweetmeats; others frequently pull off his boots and give him new ones. These boots, which he has perhaps used only for a moment, are considered as a valuable monument; those first taken off are preserved in a cage over the gate of the city; the rest are carefully kept by his friends.

Hitherto our author, M. Grofier, has seemed inclined to give a favourable idea of the Chinese, and to cause us look upon them as many degrees superior to ourselves in the practice of virtue and morality; but when he comes to give an account of their dealings in trade, he is then obliged to confess that they are as dishonest and knavish a race as any that exist. "The most frequented fairs of Europe (says he) afford but a faint idea of that immense number of buyers and sellers with which the large cities of China are continually crowded. We may almost say, that the one half are employed in over-reaching the other. It is, above all, against strangers that the Chinese merchants exercise, without any sense of shame, their infatinate rapacity. Of this F. du Halde gives a striking example, which might be supported by many others: 'The captain of an English vessel bargained with a Chinese merchant at Canton for several bales of silk, which the latter was to provide against a certain time. When they were ready, the captain went with his interpreter to the house of the Chinese merchant to examine whether they were found and in good condition. On opening the first bale, he found it according to his wish, but all the rest were damaged and good for nothing. The captain on this fell into a great passion, and reproached the merchant in the severest terms for his dishonesty. The Chinese, after having heard him for some time, with great coolness, replied, 'Blame, Sir, you have no interpreter: he assured me that you would not inspect the bales.'

"The lower class of people are, above all, very dexterous in counterfeiting and adulterating everything they sell. Sometimes you think you have bought a capon, and you receive nothing but skin; all the rest has been scooped out, and the place so ingeniously filled, that the deception cannot be discovered till the moment you begin to eat it. The counterfeit hams of China have been often mentioned. They are made of a piece of wood cut in the form of a ham, and coated over with a certain kind of earth which is covered with hog's skin. The whole is so curiously painted and prepared, that a knife is necessary to detect the fraud. Mr. Ofbeck relates, that having one day observed a blind man carrying about for sale some of those trees called by the Chinese, Foket, he purchased one, which to appearance had fine double red and white flowers; but on closer examination, he found that the flowers were taken from another tree, and that one calyx was so neatly fitted into the other, with nails made of bamboo, that he should scarcely have discovered the deceit had not the flowers begun to wither. The tree itself had buds, but not one open flower.

"The robbers in China signalize themselves also by the dexterity and ingenuity which they display in their profession. They seldom have recourse to acts of violence, but introduce themselves into a house either privately or by forming some connection with the family. It is as difficult in China to avoid robbery as it is to apprehend the criminal in the fact. If we are desirous of finding among the Chinese openness of temper, benevolence, friendship, and, lastly, virtue, we must not seek for it in cities, but in the bottom of the country, among that class of men who have devoted themselves to labour and agriculture. A Chinese rustic often discovers moral qualities which would add a lustre to the character of men of the most exalted rank. It appears that rural life naturally inspires sentiments of benevolence; by continually receiving the gifts of nature, the mind is enlarged, and men are insensibly accustomed to diffuse them to those around them."

The internal commerce of China is much greater than that of all Europe; but its foreign trade is by no means equal to that of any of the grand European powers. Its internal commerce is greatly facilitated by the vast number of canals and rivers with which the country is intersected. The Chinese, however, are not at all fitted for maritime commerce: Few of their vessels go beyond the straits of Sunda; their longest voyages to Malacca extended only as far as Aceh, towards the straits of Batavia, and northwards to Japan.

Their commerce with the last mentioned island, considering the article of exchange, which they procure at Camboya or Siam, produces them cent. per cent. Their trade with the Manillas brings only about 50 per cent. Their profit is more considerable about Batavia; and the Dutch spare no pains to invite them to traffic at their settlements. The Chinese traders go also, though not very frequently, to Aceh, Malacca, Thor, Patan, and Ligor, belonging to Siam and Cochin-China; from whence they bring gold and tin, together with some objects of luxury for the table. A great obstacle to the foreign commerce of the Chinese is their indifference about maritime affairs, and the bad construction of their vessels. This they themselves acknowledge; but say, that any attempt to remove it would be derogating from the laws, and subverting the constitution of the empire.

The burying-places in China are always situated at a small distance from a city or town, and generally upon some eminence, having pines or cypresses usually planted around them. The form of the tombs is various according to the different provinces, and the situation of those for whom they are intended. The coffins of the poor are placed under a shed covered with thatch, or inclosed in a small building of brick in the form of a tomb. The tombs of the rich are shaped like a horse-shoe, well whitened, and finished with great taste; but those of the mandarins and people of quality are much more sumptuous and elegant. A vault is first constructed, in which the coffin is shut up; over this vault is raised a pyramid of earth well beat together, about 12 feet in height and 10 in diameter. A layer of lime and sand laid over this earth makes a kind of plaster, which renders the whole very durable and solid; various kinds of trees being planted around it in regular order. Before it is placed a large and long table of white marble, on the middle of which is set a cenotaph, accompanied with two vases, and the same number of candlesticks of exquisite workmanship. Besides this a great number of figures, representing officers, eunuchs, soldiers, saddled horses, camels, lions, tortoises, &c., are ranged round the tombs in different rows; which F. du Halde affirms us, produces a very striking effect.

When a Chinese dies in a province in which he was not born, his children have a right, nay it is their indissoluble duty, to transport the body to the burying-place of their ancestors. A son, who should be wanting in this respect, would be disgraced, and his name never placed in the hall of his ancestors. This is a vast building, considered as common to all the branches of the same family, and to which they all repair at a certain season of the year. Sometimes they amount to seven or eight thousand persons, whose fortune, dignity, and rank in society, are all very different; but there no distinction of rank is known; age only gives precedence, and the eldest always takes place of all the rest, though he should be the poorest in the company. The distinguishing ornament of this hall is a long table set against the wall, upon which is generally seen the image of one of their ancestors, who has filled some office of distinction in the empire with honour to himself, or who has been rendered illustrious by his talents and abilities. Sometimes it only contains the names of men, women, and children belonging to the family, inscribed upon tablets, together with their ages, the day of their death, and the dignities they enjoyed at that time. These tablets are ranged in two rows upon steps, and are only about a foot high each. In the spring, and sometimes in the autumn, the relations of the deceased repair to this hall, where the only privilege enjoyed by the richest is that of preparing an entertainment, and treating the whole family at their own expense; but they never allow themselves to taste a bit of any thing until an offering has been first made to their ancestors. This does not, however, excuse them from visiting the real tomb of their ancestors once or twice a-year, generally in the month of April. At this time they pluck the weeds and bushes from around the tomb, renew their expressions of grief, and conclude by placing upon it wine and provisions, which serve to dine their assistants.

The funeral ceremonies are considered by the Chinese as the most important of any. A few moments after a person has expired, he is dressed out in his richest attire, and adorned with every badge of his dignity; after which he is placed in the coffin. The preparation of a coffin, in which his body may be inclosed after death, is one of the chief objects of attention to a Chinese during his life, and great expense is often thrown out upon it; inasmuch that the poor will give all they are worth, and the rich expend a thousand crowns, nay, a son will sell himself for a slave in order to purchase a coffin for his father. Sometimes the coffin, when purchased with all this labour and expense, will remain twenty years useless in the family, and is considered as the most valuable piece of furniture in his possession.

The manner of interment is as follows: First they sprinkle some lime in the bottom of the coffin; then they lay the body in it, taking care to place the head on a pillow, and to add a great deal of cotton, that it may remain more steady, and be prevented from shaking. In this manner the body remains exposed seven days; but the time may be reduced to three, if any weighty reason makes it necessary; and, during this interval, all the relations and friends, who are purposely invited, come and pay their respects to the deceased, the nearest relations even remaining in the house. The coffin is exposed in the hall of ceremony, which is then hung with white, but some pieces of black or violet-coloured silk are here and there interposed, as well as some other ornaments of mourning. Before the coffin is placed a table, on which stands the image of the deceased, or a carved ornament inscribed with his name; and these are always accompanied with flowers, perfumes, and lighted wax candles.

In the mean time those who enter the hall are accustomed to salute the deceased as if he were still in life. They prostrate themselves before the table, and knock their foreheads several times against the earth; after which they place on the table some perfumes and wax candles provided for the purpose. The salutation which they have made to the deceased is returned by the eldest son, accompanied by his brothers. The latter come forth from behind a curtain, which hangs on one side of the coffin, creeping along the ground until they reach the spot where those stand whom they are going to salute; after which, without rising up, they return to the place from whence they came. The women are also concealed behind the same curtain, from whence they every now and then send forth dismal cries.

After a number of ceremonies and invitations, the funeral procession at last commences. A troop of men march in a file, carrying different figures made of pasteboard, and representing slaves, lions, tigers, horses, &c. Others follow, marching in two files; some of which carry standards, some flags or censers filled with perfumes; while melancholy and plaintive airs are played by others on different musical instruments. These musicians immediately precede the coffin, which is covered with a canopy in form of a dome, of violet-coloured silk; its four corners are ornamented with tufts of white silk very neatly embroidered, and covered at the top with net-work. The coffin is placed on the bottom of this machine, and is carried by 64 men. men. The eldest son, clothed in a frock of canvas, having his body bent and leaning on a staff, follows near the coffin; and behind him his brothers and nephews, but none of them clothed in canvas. Then come the relations and friends, all clad in mourning, and followed by a great number of chairs covered with white stuff, which contain the wives and female slaves of the deceased. These make great show of sorrow by their doleful cries; but M. Grofier observes, that, in spite of all they can do, the lamentations of the Chinese are so methodical, that an European would be apt to conclude that they were the effects of art rather than the natural effusions of a mind agitated and oppressed with grief. When they arrive at the burying place, the coffin is deposited in a tomb appropriated for it, not far from which there are tables arranged in different halls, and on which the afflants are entertained with great splendour. The entertainment is sometimes followed by fresh marks of homage to the corpse; but these are often changed into thanks to the eldest son; who, however, answers only by signs. But if the deceased was a grandee of the empire, a certain number of his relations never leave the tomb for a month or two. There they reside in apartments purposely provided for them, and every day renew their marks of grief in company with the children of the deceased. The magnificence of these funeral ceremonies is proportioned to the wealth or dignity of the deceased. That of one of the brothers of the emperor was attended by 16,000 people, each of whom had a particular office assigned him relating to the ceremony.

Mourning continues in China for three years; and during all this time they are obliged to abstain from the use of flesh and wine; nor can they assist at any entertainment of ceremony, or attend any public assembly. At first they are not even permitted to go abroad; and when they do so they are carried in a chair covered with a white cloth. Sometimes the filial piety of the Chinese is carried to such a length, that they preserve the bodies of their deceased fathers in their houses for three or four years; and those who do so impose also upon themselves a great number of other duties, using no other seat during the day but a stool covered with white serge, and no other bed but a plain mat made of reeds, which is placed near the coffin.

According to M. Grofier, the only diversions of the Chinese are those of hunting and fishing, dancing not being practised, and gaming forbidden by law. Fishing is considered by them rather as an object of commerce and industry than amusement. They catch fish by various methods; using nets in their great fisheries, but lines in the private. In certain provinces also they use a certain kind of bird whose plumage greatly resembles that of a raven, but with a much longer bill, very sharp and hooked. This method of fishing is practised in boats, of which great numbers may be seen on the river about sun-rising, with the fishing-birds perched on their prows. These birds are taught to catch fish almost in the same manner that dogs pursue game. The fishermen, after making several turns with their boats, beat the water strongly with one of their oars. This serves as a signal to the birds, who instantly plunge into the water, and diving, swallow as many small fishes as they can, repairing immediately afterwards to the boat, and carrying a large one by the middle in their bill. The small ones are prevented from passing into the stomach by a ring placed on purpose to confine its gullet: and thus the fisherman by stroaking its neck with the head downwards, makes the bird disgorge all those small fish it has swallowed. When they have done fishing, the rings are taken off, and the birds allowed to feed. When the fish happens to be too large for a single bird, the others have sagacity enough to assist it; one taking it by the tail, another by the head, &c., and thus they transport it to their master.

Another method of fishing, practised only in China, is as follows: They nail a board about two feet in breadth, which is covered with a white shining kind of varnish, upon the edges of a long narrow boat, from one end to the other. This board is placed in such a manner as to slope almost imperceptibly to the water. It is used only in the night-time, and is always turned towards the moon, that the reflection of light from the luminary may increase the splendour of the varnish. The fish in sporting, often mistake this varnished board for water; and endeavouring to throw themselves into it, fall into the boat.

The fishers have a particular method of fishing with a bow and arrow; the latter of which is fixed to the bow by a string, both to prevent it from being lost, and to enable them to draw out the fish which the arrow has pierced; others make use of tridents to catch large fish which are sometimes found in the mud.

Besides these diversions the Chinese have some strolling players, but no regular theatres; they have likewise musicians and singers, but no operas, or indeed any public spectacle worthy of notice.

The language of the Chinese is not only very ancient, but, in M. Grofier's opinion, is still spoken as in the most early ages without any variation. His reasons for this opinion are, 1. We do not perceive in history, nor even in the most fabulous traditions, a single fact tending to occasion any doubt of the language spoken by the ancient Chinese being different from that used at present. 2. China has never changed its inhabitants; and if revolutions have occasioned any mixture of new languages, it appears that the ancient language has always been predominant, and that the new settlers have learned and spoken it, as the Manchew Tartars after their conquest. 3. The most intelligent and discerning of the literati agree, that the first chapters of the Chou king were written under the reign of Yao, 2300 years before Christ; and in these several speeches of the first emperors are related word for word; and it is not probable that the language of these princes was different from that of the historian. 4. A compliment paid to Yao by one of his subjects, with the answer of that prince, are still preserved, as well as two songs composed under the same reign. 5. The most ancient inscriptions in China are all in the language spoken throughout the empire at this day. 6. The Chinese have borrowed nothing from other nations; and their attachment to their own customs, and to antiquity, must undoubtedly be very unfavourable to any innovation. The language spoken by the vulgar, indeed, must have undergone some changes; but these may be accounted trivial, affecting only only the pronunciation; which indeed appears to be varied in some few instances. It is certain, however, that the Chinese players act theatrical pieces which were written 1000 years ago, and that these are still understood throughout the empire.

The language of China has no alphabet; all the words which compose it consist of one syllable only, and are very few in number. These always remain the same, and continue monosyllables even when two are joined together, being united in the same manner as the French words bon and jour are united to form bon-jour. These monosyllables never form but one sound. When written by an European, they begin with the letters ch, tch, f, g, or j, i, h, l, m, n, ng, p, s, ts, v, ou; the final letters being a, e, i, o, oi, ou, u, l, n, gn. The middle of Chinese words consists of vowels and consonants producing only one sound, and pronounced always as monosyllables. The whole primary words of the language are in number only about 330, though some dictionaries make them 484. The sense of these words, however, is varied by the accents and changes of the voice in pronouncing them almost ad infinitum. Two principal accents are known in China; the ping, that is, even, without elevating or depressing the voice. This is divided into ping, clear, and tcho, obscure; or rather open and mute. The accent tcho is subdivided into tchang, sharp, kiu, grave, and jou, re-entering. The tone is chang when one raises the voice at the end of a word, as when the negative no is pronounced with great emphasis and force; it is kiu when one depresses the voice with an air of timidity. When the accent is jou, the voice is drawn back as if it were into the throat; and the aspiration which takes place on certain words beginning with the letters c, k, p, t, still adds to these varieties.

By these differences in pronunciation the signification of the words is totally changed; thus the word tehu, pronounced by lengthening the u, and with a clear tone of voice, signifies master or lord; if it is pronounced in an uniform tone by lengthening the u, it signifies hog; when pronounced lightly and with rapidity, it signifies kitchen; and when articulated with a strong voice depressed towards the end, it signifies a pillar.

By the conjunction and modification of these different monosyllables, a Chinese can express every thing he has occasion for; and it may be easily seen what variety must result from this art of multiplying words. The Chinese language therefore has words expressive of the smallest variation of circumstance, and which cannot be expressed in the European languages without a circumlocution. Thus instead of the five words, calf, bull, ox, heifer, cow, every time that a cow has a calf she acquires a new name in the language of this empire; and till another when she becomes barren. An ox fed for sacrifice has a particular name, which is changed when he goes to the altar. In like manner, a whole dictionary might be composed of the words that are employed to express the different parts of the emperor's palace, and those that are in a manner consecrated to it; others being employed when the palaces of princes or mandarins are spoken of. Thus the number of their characters are augmented beyond all bounds, so that the greater part of their literati spend all their lives in studying them.

In the Chinese there are four different languages:

1. The Kou-ouen, or classical language. This is not spoken at present, though it is generally believed to have been the language of the early ages. It is so laconic, and the ideas are so crowded, that it is very difficult to be understood; however, the literati, who can read and understand it, are much delighted with it.

2. The Ouen-tehlang is the language used in compositions where a noble and elevated style is requisite. It is never spoken, but certain sentences and complimentary expressions are sometimes borrowed from it. It approaches near to the laconic brevity and majestic solemnity of the Kou-ouen, and is equally proper for every kind of subject, excepting only the ambiguities of metaphysics, and the formal rugged diction used in treating of the abstract sciences.

3. The Kouan-ha is the language of the court, of people in office, and of the literati. It admits of synonymous expressions to moderate the brevity of monosyllables; of pronouns and relatives; prepositions, adverbs, and particles; to supply the want of cases, moods, tenses, and numbers, which have place in other languages.

4. Hing-ton is a kind of corrupted language, or provincial dialect, spoken by the lower classes in China; and of which every province, city, and almost every village, has its own. Besides the sense of the words which is changed in a great variety of places, they are so altered by diversity of pronunciation as to be almost unintelligible.

This language is so absolutely original, that no traces of the most distant relation can be perceived, either in reference to the form of the character, the system on which it appears to have been constructed, or its peculiar idiom to any other known language to be met with upon the face of the earth. Many attempts indeed have been made by the learned and ingenious, to discover some affinity between it and different languages; but we apprehend without success. Etymological comparisons are often fanciful and strained, and seldom fail to lead to erroneous conclusions. It may indeed be admitted that it is possible to trace a resemblance between the sounds of the Chinese language and those of other nations, yet no art or ingenuity, no etymological trick, as Mr Barrow expresses himself, will ever be able to trace any analogy between their written characters, farther than that they are made up of points and lines, which might constitute an affinity between the Chinese and any other language on the face of the earth. It has no alphabetical arrangement, but consists purely of a prodigious number of arbitrary signs, settled by convention, and which have no external affinity to the things they are meant to describe. The ridiculous conjectures often made on this subject by etymologists might be pardoned if they were meant to be satirical, like Dean Swift's antiquity of the English tongue, from which he makes the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, to be derivatives.

Such is the nature of the Chinese language, that it would be absurd to expect among that people such high attainments in every branch of literature as are to be met with in Europe. In the opinion of some very eminent men, their acquaintance with erudition of any kind was as great 2000 years ago as it is at present, while others are persuaded that they are rather on the decline. They pretend indeed, but without adducing any satisfactory proof of its truth, that the monuments of literature were destroyed by the tyrant She-whang-te, 200 years before the Christian era, that succeeding generations might consider him as the first civilized emperor who had swayed the sceptre over that extensive country. The chief works at present among them which are most valued, studied, and least understood, are the five classics collected by their favourite Cong-foo-te, 450 years B.C. and which it seems had the good fortune to escape the unlettered fury of She-whang-te. These classics are enumerated by Mr Barrow in the following order.

1. Shoo-king. A collection of records and annals of various princes, commencing more than 2000 years B.C.

2. Shee-king. Odes, sonnets, and maxims; most of them so abundant in metaphor, and so obscure, that much of the sense is to be made out by the translator.

3. Lee king. The perfect and the broken lines of Fo-shee; the most ancient relic in China, and perhaps the first attempt at written language: now perfectly incomprehensible.

4. Chung-choo. Spring and autumn. The history of some of the kings of Loo: the work principally of Cong-foo-te.

5. Lee kee. Ceremonies and moral duties, a compilation of Cong-foo-te.

Without a complete change of the Chinese language, and a more extensive and friendly intercourse with foreign nations, it is not at all probable that that people will ever rank high for their knowledge of literature.

There are five kinds of writing mentioned by the Chinese literati; the most modern of which is a method of tracing out the characters with a pencil. This is difficult, and requires much experience; at any rate it disfigures the characters greatly, and is therefore only used in the prescriptions of physicians, prefaces to books, and inscriptions of fancy. The tracing of characters with neatness and accuracy, however, as we have already had occasion to observe, is greatly admired in China. They are often preferred to the most elegant painting; and some will give a most exorbitant price for a page of an old book, if it happens to be neatly written. They pay particular attention to well formed characters even in the most common books; and if any of the leaves happen to fall off, will replace them with the greatest attention. To apply them to any vile purpose, tread them under foot, &c. would be reckoned an unpardonable violation of decency and politeness; nay, it often happens, that workmen, such as masons and joiners, dare not tear a printed leaf of paper fixed to the wall.

Punctuation was not formerly used in China, nor are points as yet employed in works of an elevated style, or such as are to be presented to the emperor. Poetry is seldom an object of attention, though the taste for it seems to be pretty general in China. Their versification has its rules, and is no less difficult than that of other nations. Only the most harmonious, energetic, and picturesque words, are to be employed, and they must always be used in the same sense in which they were used by the ancients. Each verse can contain only a certain number of words; all of which must be ranged according to the rules of quantity, and terminate in rhyme. The number of verses in a strophe is not determined; but they must be uniform, and present the same distribution of rhymes. The small number of poetical expressions contained in the Chinese language has rendered it necessary to extend the poetical licence to a great length in this respect. The Chinese poets are allowed to employ a blank verse in every four. They are acquainted with most kinds of poetry in use among us. They have stanzas, odes, elegies, idyls, eclogues, epigrams, satires, and even bouts rimés. The common people have also ballads and songs peculiar to themselves. Some of the most distinguished of the literati have even thought it of importance enough to turn the most celebrated maxims of morality, with the rules of civility, into verse. Their poetry is seldom disgraced by any kind of obscenity; and indeed any such thing would be severely punished by government. That severe attention with which every thing tending to corrupt the morals is watched in China, prohibits not only poems of this kind, but likewise romances of all sorts. The police, however, permits such novels as have a useful tendency, and in which nothing is introduced prejudicial to sound morality. Every author who writes against government is punished with death, as well as all those who have had any hand in the printing or distribution of his works.

The arts of making paper and printing have been long known among the Chinese. That kind of paper, now in use was first manufactured about 105 years before the Christian era. Before that period they used cloth, and various kinds of silk stuff, instead of paper; and to this day they still preserve a custom of writing the praises of the dead upon large pieces of silk, which are suspended on one side of the coffin, and carried in funeral processions; and of ornamenting their apartments with maxims and moral sentences written in the same manner. In ages still more early, they wrote with a kind of style upon pieces of bamboo, or even upon plates of metal. The first paper was invented by a mandarin. He took the bark of trees, hemp, and old pieces of silk-stuff, boiling them together until they were reduced to a kind of paste, of which he formed his paper; which by degrees was brought to perfection, and the art of whitening and giving it a lustre found out. A great number of different substances are now used in this empire for making paper; such as the bamboo reed, the cotton shrub, the bark of the plant called kou-chu, and of the mulberry tree; hemp, the straw of wheat and rice, parchment, the coals of the silk-worm, and several other substances unknown in Europe. In this manufacture the bark of trees and shrubs is used, and the woody substance of the bamboo and cotton tree, after it has been macerated and reduced to a thin paste. Most of the Chinese paper, however, is attended with the disadvantage of being very susceptible of moisture, readily attracts the dust, and worms insensibly get into it: to prevent which inconveniences, it is necessary to beat the books often, and expose them to the sun. That made of cotton is the prettiest, and most used of any. All of them, however, are much softer and smoother than ours; which is absolutely necessary for their method of writing with a pencil, in order that it may run with freedom, which it could not do upon ours. It is formed into sheets of an enormous size; so that it would be no difficult matter to procure from the manufacturers of this empire sheets of paper 30 or 40 feet long.

The Chinese ink came originally from Corea; and it was not until the year 900, that they hit upon the method of making it to perfection. The best is made in Hoi-tcheou in the province of Kiang-nan; but its composition is a secret, which the workmen conceal not only from strangers but from their fellow-citizens. When a Chinese has occasion to write, he places upon his table a piece of polished marble, having a cavity at one of its extremities to contain a little water. In this he dips the end of his cake of ink, and rubs it upon the smooth part of the marble; and as he presses more or less strongly, the liquor acquires a deeper or lighter tinge of black. When he has done writing, the stone is carefully washed; for it would be dishonoured by allowing the least spot to remain. Then pencils used in writing are commonly made of the fur of a rabbit, and consequently very soft.

The Chinese method of printing is exceedingly different from ours; and indeed it would be in a manner impossible to have moveable types for such a number of characters as their language requires. The whole work which they intend to print is therefore engraved upon blocks of wood; and their method of proceeding is as follows. They first employ an excellent writer, who transcribes the whole upon very thin paper. The engraver glues each of the leaves of the manuscript upon a piece of plank made of any hard wood; he then traces over with a graver the strokes of the writing, carves out the characters in relief, and cuts down the intermediate part of the wood. Thus each page of a book requires a separate plank; and the excessive multiplication of these is no doubt a very great inconvenience, one chamber being scarce sufficient to preserve those employed for a single book. The advantages are, that the work is thus free from typographical errors, and the author has no occasion to correct the proofs. Thus also the book-sellers in China have a decided advantage over those of Europe, as they are able by this method of printing to throw off copies according to their sale, without running the risk of being ruined by too large an edition. In this method the beauty of the work depends entirely upon the skill of the writer previously employed. The engravers are exceedingly dexterous, and imitate every stroke so exactly, that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish a printed work from one that is only written.

The method of printing in China is not by a press as in Europe, as neither their wooden planks nor their soft paper could sustain so much pressure. They first place the plank level, and then fix it in that position. The printer is provided with two brushes, and with the hardest daubs the plank with ink; and one daubing is sufficient for four or five leaves. After a leaf has been adjusted upon the plank, the workman takes the second brush, which is softer than the former, and of an oblong figure, and draws it gently over the paper, pressing it down a little, that it may receive the ink. The degree of pressure is to be regulated by the quantity of ink upon the planks; and in this manner one man is able to throw off almost 10,000 copies a day.

The ink used for printing is different from that formerly described, and which is used in writing. The leaves, on account of the thinness of the paper, are printed only upon one side; on which account each leaf of a book is double, so that the fold stands uppermost, and the opening is towards the back, where it is stitched. Hence the Chinese books are not cut on the edges, but on the back. They are generally bound in gray pasteboard, which is very neat; and those who wish to have them more elegantly done, get the pasteboard covered with satin, flowered taffeta, and sometimes with gold and silver brocade. Their books are neither gilt nor coloured on the edges like ours.

It has been so justly and so frequently observed, that the liberty of the press must ever prove fatal to the existence of tyranny and superstition, that it is a circumstance peculiarly singular to behold the liberty of the press flourishing under a despotic government; yet this is actually the case in China, although its government may be said to be founded on error and supported by oppression. It was the liberty of the press which accomplished the overthrow of facerdotal tyranny in many European countries, by enlightening the minds of those who were enslaved. When the art of printing first found its way into England, an intelligent person observed to the abbot of Westminster, "If you don't take care to destroy that machine, it will very soon destroy your trade." It was fortunate, however, for succeeding generations, that neither the abbot nor his sanctified contemporaries had the penetration to discover the truth of this prediction, otherwise the ages of darkness and superstition might perhaps have been protracted to the present day.

The art of manufacturing silk, according to the best Vaft quan-authorities, was communicated by the Chinese to the people of Persians, and from them to the Greeks. The art has produced been known in this empire from the remotest antiquity; and the breeding of silk-worms and making of silk was one of the employments even of the empresses in very early ages.

The most beautiful silk in the whole empire is that of Tche-kiang, which is wrought by the manufactories of Nanking. From these are brought all the stuffs used by the emperor, and such as he distributes in presents to his nobility. A great number of excellent workmen are also drawn to the manufactories of Canton by the commerce with Europe and other parts of Asia. Here are manufactured ribbons, stockings, and buttons. A pair of silk stockings here costs little more than 6s. sterling.

The quantity of silk produced in China seems to be almost inexhaustible; the internal consumption alone being incredibly great, besides that which is exported in the commerce with Europe and the rest of Asia. In this empire all who possess a moderate fortune wear silk clothes; none but the lower classes of people wearing cotton stuffs, which are commonly dyed blue. The principal stuffs manufactured by them are plain and flowered gauzes, of which they make summer dresses; damask of all colours; striped and black satins; napped, flowered, striped, clouded, and pinked taffetas; crepes, brocades, plush, different kinds of velvet, and a multitude of other stuffs unknown in Europe. They make particular particular use of two kinds; one named *tsuan-tse*, a kind of satin much stronger, but which has less lustre than that of Europe; the other a kind of taffety, of which they make drawers and linings. It is woven exceedingly close, and is yet so pliable that it may be rumpled and rubbed between the hands without any crease; and even when washed like cotton-cloth, it loses very little of its lustre. They manufacture also a kind of gold brocades, but of such a flighty nature, that they cannot be worn in clothes: they are fabricated by wrapping fine slips of gilt paper round the threads of silk.

Porcelain is another great branch of Chinese manufacture, and employs a vast number of workmen. The finest is made in a village called *King-te-Ching* in the province of Kiangsi. Manufactory have also been erected in the provinces of Fo-kien and Canton, but their produce is not esteemed: and one which the emperor caused to be erected at Peking, in order to be under his own inspection, miscarried entirely.

The Chinese divide their porcelain into several classes, according to its different degrees of fineness and beauty. The whole of the first is reserved for the use of the emperor, so that none of it ever comes into the hands of other persons, unless it happen to be cracked or otherwise damaged in such a manner as to be unworthy of being presented to the sovereign. Among that sent to the emperor, however, there is some porcelain of an inferior quality, which he disposes of in presents. There is some doubt, therefore, whether any of the finest Chinese porcelain was ever seen in Europe. Some value, however, is now put upon the European porcelain by the Chinese themselves.

The use of glass is very ancient in China, though it does not appear that great value was ever put upon this kind of ware, the art of manufacturing it having been frequently lost and revived again in this empire. They greatly admire the workmanship of the European crystal, but prefer their own porcelain, which stands hot liquors, and is much less liable to be broken. The little estimation in which this substance was held, is even mentioned by their own writers in speaking of the false pearls, mirrors, and other toys which were made in former ages. The remembrance of a very large glass vessel, however, which was made in 627, is still preserved; and of which it was said that a mule could as easily enter it as a gnat could enter a pitcher. In order to transport this monstrous vessel from the place where it was manufactured to the emperor's palace, it was necessary to inclose it in a net, the four corners of which were fixed to four carriages. The same indifference with regard to glass is still entertained by the present emperors; however, a glass-house is established at Peking, where a number of vases and other works are made; and these are so much the more difficult in the execution, as none of them are blown. This manufactory, as well as many others, is considered only as an appendage of the court, destined for the purposes of pomp and magnificence.

It seems evident that medicine must have been one of the earliest studies to which mankind turned their attention, at least when they had attained to some degree of civilization. It is the common lot of humanity to be born to trouble as the sparks fly upward, and therefore an assiduous application to the study of those diseases to which man is subject, either with a view to effect a radical cure, or even to mitigate the virulence of their symptoms, must have secured to such characters the esteem and admiration of the world. Even savages have discovered respect for such of their own nation as could remove obstructions, heal bruises, or administer relief to the miserable in any shape whatever. The Chinese in this respect are perfectly unique, and seem to differ from every nation under heaven in their notions of medicine. They have no public seminaries where the healing art may be taught, because they do not consider the knowledge of any branch of medicine as in the smallest degree necessary. The very best performances of this nature to be met with in China, are little more than mere enumerations of the names and supposed qualities of different plants—a sufficient stock of knowledge for constituting a Chinese physician. In a country where the people are so credulous, and the medical art at such a low ebb, it would be a singular circumstance to find no quacks. In every city, therefore, of this vast empire, multitudes are to be met with continually vending nostrums, as pretended specifics for some disease or other, and the easy credulity of the people affords them a comfortable subsistence.

Were the Chinese perpetual strangers to every species of disease, it would enable us to account for their unnatural apathy or indifference about the study of physic; but it will remain an inexplicable paradox, when we are assured upon undoubted authority, that they are subject to a multiplicity of distempers. The smallpox, ophthalmia, contagious fevers, sometimes the venereal or Canton ulcer, as it is denominated by themselves, are a few of the maladies incident to the Chinese, which might constitute a powerful stimulus, one would imagine, to the study of physic, with unremitting fidelity, which it is certain they do not, as appears from the subsequent assertion of Dr Gregory. "In the greatest, most ancient, and most civilized empire on the face of the earth, an empire that was great, populous, and highly civilized 2000 years ago, when this country was as savage as New Zealand is at present, no such good medical aid can be obtained among the people of it, as a smart boy of 16, who had been but 12 months apprentice to a good and well employed Edinburgh surgeon, might reasonably be expected to afford." This gives us a melancholy picture of the state of medicine in China, which, however, is confirmed by the united testimony of Sir George Staunton and Mr Barrow.

The people of China are said to be in the possession of a method for ascertaining whether a man has been murdered, or committed an act of suicide, of the probability of which our readers will be able to judge from the following process. The body to be examined is washed with vinegar. A large fire is kindled in a pit dug for the purpose, five feet long, three wide, and the same in depth. The fire receives new accension of fuel till the pit acquires the temperature of a heated oven, when the whole of the remaining fuel is taken out, and a large quantity of wine is poured into the pit. The body is then placed at full length on osier twigs over the mouth of it, and covered with a cloth for two hours, that the steam of the wine may act upon the body in all directions. The Chinese, it is is said, affeit that if the blows given the body were so violent as to occasion death, this process makes the marks of them clearly appear; let the state of the body, when subjected to this test, be ever so cadaverous.

With regard to the music of the Chinese, we have the same stories related as of the Greeks and Egyptians, viz. that in former ages the musicians could make brute animals leap at the sound of their instruments. Our author, M. Grofier, indeed does not quote any Chinese author who affeits that the ancient music could make trees dance, or stones arrange themselves into a city; but he quotes them, affeiting, "that the musicians could call down superior spirits of every age from the ethereal regions; raise up the shades of departed beings; inspire men with a love of virtue; and lead them to the practice of their duty." Effects of this supernatural kind are attributed to the sacred music by the inspired writers; as in the case of Saul, out of whom an evil spirit departed at the sound of David's harp; and of Elisha, who was inspired with the spirit of prophecy at the sound of a musical instrument. It is probable, therefore, that the relations both of the Greeks and Chinese are founded upon facts of this kind; and we cannot from thence infer, that the music of early ages was at all superior to that which followed. According to those who have employed much time in these researches, the ancient Chinese were acquainted with the division of the octave into twelve semitones; and that before the time of Pythagoras, or even Mercury himself: that the lyre of Pythagoras, his invention of the diatonic tetrachords, and the formation of his grand system, were merely borrowed from the ancient Chinese. In short, it is maintained, that the Greeks, even Pythagoras himself, did nothing but apply to strings that theory which the Chinese had before formed, and applied to pipes.

At present the Chinese are not acquainted with the use of our musical notes; they have not that diversity of signs which distinguish the different tones, and the gradual elevation or depression of the voice, nor anything to point out the various modifications of sound to produce harmony. They have only a few characters to mark the principal notes; and all the airs they learn are repeated merely by rote. The emperor Kang-hi was therefore greatly astonished at the facility with which an European could catch and remember an air the first time he heard it. In 1679 he sent Fathers Grimaldi and Pereira, to play some tunes on the harpsichord, of which they had before made him a present. He was greatly entertained with their music, but altogether astonished when he found that F. Pereira could take down a Chinese air while the musicians were playing it, and then repeat the whole without omitting a single note. Having made several trials of this kind in order to satisfy himself, he bestowed the highest encomiums upon the European music, and the means furnished by it to facilitate and lessen the labour of the memory. "I must confess (says he) that the European music is incomparable, and that the like of this F. Pereira is not to be found in my whole kingdom."

The Chinese have always distinguished eight different sounds; and they believe that nature, in order to produce these, formed eight different kinds of sonorous bodies. The order in which they distribute these sounds, and the instruments they have contrived to produce them, are, 1. The sounds of skin produced by drums; 2. That of stone produced by the king; 3. The sound of metal by bells; 4. That of baked earth by the huien; 5. Of silk by the kin and che; 6. Of wood by the yu and tchou; 7. Of the bamboo by the koan, and different flutes; 8. That of a gourd by the cheng.

The drums were originally composed of a box made of baked earth, and covered at the extremities with the skin of some animal; but on account of the brittleness of baked earth, wood was soon substituted in its stead. Most of these instruments are shaped like our barrels, but some are cylindrical.

The instruments formed of the sonorous stones are called king, distinguished into ye king and pien-king. The ye-king consists only of one stone, and therefore produces only one note. The pien-king consists of 16 stones suspended together, and thus forming an instrument capable of producing all the tones admitted into the music of the ancient Chinese. They are cut into the form of a carpenter's square; their tone is flattened by diminishing their thickness, and is made sharper by abridging their length.

Although in the estimation of the Chinese, universal nature has been forced to contribute towards the perfection of their music, by furnishing them with the skins of different animals, metals, stones, baked earths, and the fibrous parts of plants, Mr Barrow could discover no instrument among them of a musical nature, the tones of which would have been even tolerable to a delicate European ear; and only one person in the course of his investigations and researches could with any propriety be said to sing from tenderness and feeling. Yet without the smallest authority for such a bold assertion, a certain Jesuit has maintained, that the musical system of the Chinese was borrowed from them by the Greeks and Egyptians before the time of Orpheus! He who can believe this extravagant assertion, after comparing the music of these countries together at any given period, will find it an easy matter to give credit to any thing whatever.

The bells in China have always been made of a mixture of tin and copper. They are of different sizes, shapes, and those of the ancients were not round but flattened, and in the lower part resembling a crescent. An instrument, corresponding to the king, already mentioned, is composed of 16 bells of different sizes. Some of their bells used on public occasions are of enormous magnitudes. One at Peking is described as 13½ feet in diameter, 12½ in height, and 42 in circumference; the weight being upwards of 120,000 pounds. It is used for announcing the hours or watches of the night; and its sound, which is prodigiously loud and strong, has a most awful effect in the nighttime, by reverberating round the walls and the echo of the surrounding country. There are several others likewise of vast size in the same city; one of which deserves greatly to be admired on account of the beautiful characters with which it is covered; and which are as neat and perfect as if traced out by the hand of the finest writer, or formed by means of a stamp upon wax. F. le Compte tells us, that in all the cities of China there are bells for marking the hours and watches of the night. They generally divide the night into five watches, beginning at seven or eight in the evening. On the commencement of the first they give one stroke, which is repeated a moment after; and thus they continue for two hours till the beginning of the second: they then give two strokes, which are repeated at equal intervals till the beginning of the third watch; and thus they proceed to the fourth and fifth, always increasing the number of the strokes. For the same purpose also they use enormous drums, which they beat in a similar manner. F. Magallans mentions one at Peking upwards of 40 feet in circumference.

The instrument called Juin, which is made of baked earth, is highly esteemed by the Chinese on account of its antiquity. It is distinguished into two kinds, the great and small; the former being of the size of a goose's egg; the latter of that of a hen's. It has six holes for the notes, and a seventh for the mouth.

The kin and tche have been known from the remotest antiquity. The kin has seven strings made of silk, and is distinguished into three kinds, differing only in size. The body is formed of a kind of wood varnished black, and its whole length is about five feet five inches. The tche is about nine feet in length, has 25 strings, and is divided into 25 kinds. F. Amiot assures us, that we have no instrument in Europe which deserves to be preferred to it.

The instruments which emit the sound of wood are the tchou, the yu, and the tchoung-ton. The first is shaped like a buthel, and is beat on the inside with a hammer; the second, which represents a tyger squatting, is made to sound by scraping its back gently with a rod; the third is a collection of twelve pieces of boards tied together, which are used for beating time, by holding them in the right hand, and knocking them gently against the palm of the left.

Many instruments are constructed of the bamboo. These consist of pipes joined together, or separate, and pierced with more or fewer holes. The principal of all these wind instruments is the cheng, which emits the sound of a gourd. This is formed by cutting off the neck of a gourd, and reserving only the lower part. To this a cover is fitted, having as many holes as are equal to the number of sounds required. In each of these holes a pipe made of bamboo is fixed, and shorter or longer according to the tone intended. The mouth of the instrument is formed of another pipe shaped like the neck of a goose; which is fixed to the gourd on one side; and serves to convey the air to all the pipes it contains. The ancient cheng varied in the number of their pipes; those used at present have only 13.

The painting of the Chinese is undoubtedly inferior to that of the Europeans, though we are not by any means to judge of the abilities of the painters of this empire by the performances which are brought to Europe. M. Groffier remarks, that the works of the eminent Chinese painters are never brought to Canton, because they cannot find purchasers among the European merchants. The latter delight only in obscene pictures, which are not permitted by government, nor indeed will any artist of character execute them, though they prevail upon some of the inferior daubers to gratify them in this respect. It seems, however, to be universally agreed, that the Chinese have no notion of correctness or perspective, and little knowledge of the proportions of the human body, though it cannot be denied that they excel in painting flowers and animals. In these they pride themselves in a scrupulously exact imitation of nature, infomuch that it is no uncommon thing to hear a painter ask his pupil how many scales there are between the head and tail of a carp.

Painting was formerly much esteemed in China, but has now fallen into disrepute on account of its political inutility. The cabinets and galleries of the emperor, however, are filled with European paintings, and the celebrated artists Carigioni and Attiret were both employed; but their offer of erecting a school of painting was rejected, lest they should by this means revive the taste for that art which it had been formerly thought prudent to suppress.

Painting in fresco was known in China long before the Christian era; and, like the Grecians, the Chinese boast much of their celebrated painters of antiquity. Thus we are told of a door painted by Fan-hien, which was so perfect an imitation, that the people who entered the temple where it was, attempted to go out by it, unless prevented by those who had seen it before. The present emperor has in his park an European village painted in fresco, which produced the most agreeable deception. The remaining part of the wall represents a landscape and little hills, which are so happily blended with the distant mountains, that nothing can be conceived more agreeable. This was the production of Chinese painters, and executed from designs sketched out for them.

After this account of the state of painting in China, chiefly on the authority of M. Groffier, we beg leave to remark, upon the authority of more recent, and seemingly more competent as well as more inquisitive observers, that painting in China is at a low ebb, which made a certain artist once exclaim, "These Chinese are fit for nothing but weighing silver, and eating rice." They can copy with tolerable exactness what is laid before them, but so deficient are they in respect to a judicious alternation of light and shade; and therefore without discovering a single symptom of taste, beauties and defects are alike flatteringly imitated. Their supposed excellence in drawing flowers, birds, and insects to the life, is most remarkable in the city of Canton; from which Mr Barrow conjectures that they acquire their eminence by copying the productions of Europe, occasionally sent over to be transferred to the porcelain designed for exportation.

Engraving in three, four, or five colours, is very ancient among the Chinese, and was known in this empire long before its discovery in Europe.

Sculpture is very little known in this empire; nor is there a single statue in any of the squares or public edifices of Peking, not even in the emperor's palace. The only real statues to be met with in the empire are those which, for the sake of ceremonious distinction, are used to ornament the avenues leading to the tombs of princes and men of great rank; or those that are placed near the emperor's coffin, and that of his sons and daughters, in the interior part of the vault, where their remains are deposited.

The Chinese architecture is entirely different from Architecture that is... China, that of the Greeks or Romans; but has nevertheless certain proportions of its own, and a beauty peculiar to itself. The habitations of the emperor are real palaces, and announce in a striking manner the majesty and grandeur of the master who inhabits them. All the millionaries who had access to the inside of the emperor's palace at Peking, agreed, that if each of its parts, taken separately, does not afford so much delight to the eye as some pieces of the grand architecture of Europe, the whole presents a sight superior to anything they had ever seen before. In the Chinese architecture, when a pillar is two feet in diameter at the base, its height must be 14 feet; and by measures of this kind the height of every building is determined.

Almost all the houses and buildings in China are constructed of wood. One reason of this may be the dread of earthquakes; but, besides this, such buildings are rendered eligible by the heat and dampness of the southern provinces, and the excessive cold in the northern, which would render stone houses almost uninhabitable. Even at Peking, where the rains are but of short duration, it is found necessary to cover the small marble staircases belonging to the imperial palace with pieces of felt; the humidity of the air moistens and soaks into everything. During winter the cold is so excessively severe, that no window can be opened to the north; and water continues constantly frozen to the depth of a foot and a half for more than three months. For the same reasons a variety of stories are not used in the Chinese buildings; as neither a second nor third story would be habitable during the great heats of summer or the rigorous cold of winter. Though Peking is situated in the northern part of the empire, the heat there, during the dogdays, is so intolerably scorching, that the police obliges tradesmen and shopkeepers to sleep in the open air in the piazzas of their houses, lest they should be stifled by retiring into their inner apartments. The habitations of people of rank, or of those in easy circumstances, generally consist of five large courts, inclosed with buildings on every side. The method of building with several stories was, however, followed for several centuries, when the court resided in the southern provinces; and the taste for this kind of building was carried to such a height, that immense edifices were erected from 150 to 200 feet in height, and the pavilions or towers at the extremities rose upwards of 300 feet. This kind of building, however, at length became disgusting; though either to preserve the remembrance of it, or for the sake of variety, there are still some buildings to be seen several stories high in the palaces belonging to the emperor.

A multiplicity of bridges is rendered necessary in China by the vast number of canals and rivers which intersect the empire. Anciently, however, the Chinese bridges were much more ingenious as well as magnificent than they are at present. Some of them were so contrived that they could be erected in one day to supply the place of others which might happen to be broken down, or for other purposes. At that time they had bridges which derived their name from their figure; as resembling the rainbow; draw-bridges, bridges to move with pulleys, composite bridges, &c., with many others entirely unknown at present. The building of bridges indeed was once a luxurious folly of the emperors; so that they were multiplied from whim or caprice, without any necessity, and without use. Still, however, many of them are extremely beautiful and magnificent. The arches of some are very lofty and acute, with easy stairs on each side, the steps of which are not quite three inches in thickness, for the greater facility of ascending and descending; others have no arches, but are composed of large stones, sometimes 18 feet in length, placed transversely upon piles like planks. Some of these bridges are constructed of stone, marble, or brick; others of wood; and some are formed of a certain number of barks joined together by very strong iron chains. These are known by the name of floating bridges, and several of them are to be seen on the large rivers Kiang and Hoang-ho.

For several centuries the Chinese have made no progress in ship-building. Their vessels have neither mizzen, bowprit, nor top-mast. They have only a main and fore-mast, to which is sometimes added a small top-gallant-mast. The main-mast is placed almost in the same part of the deck as ours; but the fore-mast stands much farther forward. The latter is to the former in the proportion of two to three; and the mainmast is generally two-thirds of the length of the vessel. They use mats for sails, strengthening them with whole bamboos equal in length to the breadth of the sail, and extended across it at the distance of a foot from one another. Two pieces of wood are fixed to the top and bottom of the sail; the upper serves as a sail-yard; and the lower, which is about five or six inches in thickness, keeps the sail stretched when it is necessary to hoist or lower it. This kind of sail may be folded or unfolded like a screen. For caulking their vessels they do not use pitch, but a particular kind of gum mixed with lime, which forms a composition of such excellent quality, that one or two wells in the hold are sufficient to keep the vessel dry. They have not yet adopted the use of pumps, and therefore draw up the water with buckets. Their anchors are made of the hard wood called iron wood, which they say is much superior to the metal, because the latter sometimes bend, but the former never do.

The Chinese pretend to have been the first inventors of the mariners compass, but seem to have little inclination to improve such an important instrument; however, they are well acquainted with the art of manoeuvring a vessel, and make excellent coasting pilots, though they are bad sailors in an open sea.