the modern name of the city of Byzantium in Thrace. It was enlarged and beautified by the Roman emperor Constantine the Great, in the year 330. At the same time he transferred thither the seat of the empire; and this removal is generally thought to have been one of the principal causes of the sudden decline of the western empire after this period.
In the year 332, the Sarmatians implored Constantine's affluence against the Goths, who had made an irruption into their territories, and destroyed everything with fire and sword. The emperor, readily granted their request, and gained a complete victory. Near 100,000 of the enemy perished, either in the battle, or after it with hunger and cold. In consequence of this overthrow, the Goths were obliged to sue for peace; but the ungrateful Sarmatians no sooner found themselves delivered from their enemies, than they turned their arms against their benefactor, and ravaged the provinces of Maësia and Thrace. The emperor, receiving intelligence of this treachery, returned with incredible expedition, cut great numbers of them in pieces, and obliged the rest to submit to what terms he was pleased to impose.
Constantine seems to have been a prince very highly respected, even by far distant nations. In 333, according to Eusebius, ambassadors arrived at Constantinople from the Blemyes, Indians, Ethiopians, and Persians, courting his friendship. They were received in a most obliging manner; and learning from the ambassadors of Sapor king of Persia, that there were great numbers of Christians in their master's dominions, Constantine wrote a letter in their behalf to the Persian monarch.
Next year, the Sarmatians being again attacked by the Goths, found themselves obliged to let at liberty and arm their slaves against them. By this means they indeed overcame the Goths; but the victorious slaves turning their arms against their masters, drove them out of the country. This misfortune obliged them, to the number of 300,000, to apply for relief to the Roman emperor, who incorporated with his legions such as were capable of service; and gave settlements to the rest in Thrace, Scythia, Macedon, and Italy. This was the last remarkable action of Constantine the Great. He died on May 15, 337, having divided the empire among his children and nephews, in the following manner. Constantine his eldest son, had Gaul, Spain, and Britain; Constansius, the second, had Asia, Syria, and Egypt; and Conflans, the youngest, Illyricum, Italy, and Africa. To his nephew Dalmatius, he gave Thrace, Macedon, and Achaea; and to King Annibalianus, his other nephew, Armenia Minor, Pontus, Cappadocia, and the city of Cesarea, which he desired might be the capital of his kingdom.
After the death of Constantine, the army and senate proclaimed his three sons emperors, without taking any notice of his two nephews, who were soon after murdered, with Julius Constantius the late emperor's brother, and all their friends and adherents. Thus the family and two nephews Gallus and Julian, the sons of Julius Constantius; and of these the former owed his life to a malady, from which no one thought he could recover; and the latter to his infancy, being then at most about seven years of age. The three brothers divided among themselves the dominions of the deceased princes; but did not long agree together. In 343, Constantine having vain solicited Conflans to yield part of Italy to him, raised a considerable army; and under pretence of marching to the assistance of his brother Constantius, who was then at war with the Persians, made himself master of several places in Italy. Hereupon Conflans detached part of his army against him; and Constantine, being drawn into an ambuscade near Aquiticia, was cut off with his whole forces. His body was thrown into the river Anfa; but being afterwards discovered, was sent to Constatntinople, and interred there near the tomb of his father.
By the defeat and death of his brother, Conflans remained sole master of all the western part of the Roman empire, in the quiet possession of which he continued till the year 350. This year Magnentius, the son of Maximian, a native of Germany, finding Conflans despised by the army on account of his indolence and sluggishness, resolved to murder him, and set up for himself. Having found means to gain over the chief officers of the army to his designs, he seized on the imperial palace at Autun, and distributed among the populace what sums he found there; which induced not only the city, but the neighbouring country, to espouse his cause. But Conflans being informed of what had passed, and finding himself unable to resist the usurper, fled towards Spain. He was overtaken, however, by Gaius, whom Magnentius had sent after him with a chosen body of troops, and dispatched with many wounds, at Helena, a small village situated near the foot of the Pyrenees.
Thus Constantius acquired a right to the whole Roman empire; though one-half of it was seized by Magnentius after the murder of Conflans. The former had been engaged in a war with the Persians, in which little advantage was gained on either side; but the Persians now giving no more disturbance, the emperor marched against the usurpers in the west. Besides Magnentius, there were at that time two other pretenders to the western empire. Veteranio, general of the foot in Pannonia, had, on the first news of the death of Conflans, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor by the legions under his command. He was a native of Upper Moesia, and advanced in years when he usurped the sovereignty; but he illiterate, that he then first learned to read. The third pretender was Flavius Popilius Nepotianus, son of Eutropia, the sister of Constantine the Great. Having assembled a company of gladiators and men of desperate fortunes, he assumed the purple on the 3rd of June 352, and in that attire presented himself before the gates of Rome. The prefect Anicius, who commanded there for Magnentius, fell out against him with a body of Romans, who were soon driven back into the city. Soon after Nepotianus made himself master of the city itself, which he filled with blood and slaughter. Magnentius being informed of what had happened, sent against this new competitor his chief favourite and prime minister Marcellinus. Nepotianus received him with great respect; a bloody battle ensued between the soldiers of Magnentius and the Romans who had espoused the cause of Nepotianus; but the latter being betrayed by a senator named Heraclius, his men were put to flight, and he himself killed, after having enjoyed the sovereignty only 28 days. Marcellinus ordered his head to be carried on the point of a lance through the principal streets of the city; put to death all those who had declared for him; and under pretence of preventing disturbances, commanded a general massacre of all the relations of Constantine. Soon after, Magnentius himself came to Rome, to make the necessary preparations for resisting Constantius, who was exerting himself to the utmost in order to revenge the death of his brother. In the city he behaved most tyrannically, putting to death many persons of distinction, in order to seize their estates; and obliged the rest to contribute half of what they were worth towards the expense of the war. Having by this means raised great sums, he assembled a mighty army composed of Romans, Germans, Gauls, Franks, Britons, Spaniards, &c. At the same time, however, dreading the uncertain issues of war, he dispatched ambassadors to Constantius with proposals of accommodation. Constantius set out from Antioch about the beginning of autumn; and, passing through Constantinople, arrived at Heraclea, where he was met by the deputies from Magnentius, and others from Veterano, who had agreed to support each other in case the emperor would hearken to no terms. The deputies of Magnentius proposed in his name a match between him and Constantia, or rather Constantina, the sister of Constantius, and widow of Annibalianus; offering, at the same time, to Constantius the sister of Magnentius. At first the emperor would hearken to no terms; but afterwards, that he might not have to oppose two enemies at once, concluded a separate treaty with Veterano, by which he agreed to take him for his partner in the empire. But when Veterano ascended the tribunal along with Constantius, the soldiers pulled him down from thence, crying out, That they would acknowledge no other emperor than Constantius alone. On this Veterano threw himself at the emperor's feet, and implored his mercy. Constantius received him with great kindness, and sent him to Prussia in Bithynia, where he allowed him a maintenance suitable to his quality.
Constantius, now master of all Illyricum, and of the army commanded by Veterano, resolved to march against Magnentius without delay. In the mean time, however, on advice that the Persians were preparing to invade the eastern provinces, he married his sister Constantina to his cousin-german Gallicus; created him Caesar on the 15th of March; and allotted him for his share not only all the East, but likewise Thrace and Constantinople. About the same time Magnentius gave the title of Caesar to his brother Decentius, whom he dispatched into Gaul to defend that country against the barbarians who had invaded it; for Constans had not only stirred up the Franks and Saxons to break into that province, by promising them the fruits of their labours, but had sent them large supplies of men and arms for that purpose. On this encouragement the barbarians invaded Gaul with a mighty army, overthrowing Decentius in a pitched battle, committed everywhere dreadful ravages, and reduced the country to a most deplorable situation. In the meantime Magnentius having assembled a numerous army, left Italy, and crossing the Alps, advanced into the plains of Pannonia, where Constantius, whose main strength consisted in cavalry, was waiting for him. Magnentius hearing that his competitor was encamped at a small distance, invited him by a messenger to the extensive plains of Scythia on the Save, there to decide which of them had the best title to the empire. This challenge was by Constantius received with great joy; but as his troops marched towards Scythia in disorder, they fell into an ambuscade, and were put to flight with great slaughter. With this success, Magnentius was so elated, that he rejected all terms of peace, which were now offered by Constantius; but after some time, a general engagement ensued at Muria, in which Magnentius was entirely defeated, with the loss of 24,000 men. Constantius, though victor, is said to have lost 30,000, which seems improbable. All authors, however, agree, that the battle at Muria proved fatal to this battle the western empire, and greatly contributed to its speedy decline.
After his defeat at Muria, Magnentius retired into Italy, where he recruited his shattered forces as well as he could. But the beginning of the following year, 352, Constantius, having assembled his troops, surprised and took a strong castle on the Julian Alps, belonging to Magnentius, without the loss of a man. After this the emperor advanced in order to force the rebel; upon which Magnentius was struck with such terror, that he immediately abandoned Aquileia; and ordered the troops that guarded the other passes of the Alps to follow him. Thus Constantius entering Italy without opposition, made himself master of Aquileia. From thence he advanced to Pavia, where Magnentius gained a considerable advantage over him. Notwithstanding this loss, however, Constantius reduced the whole country bordering on the Po, and Magnentius' men deserted to him in whole troops, delivering up to him the places they had garrisoned; by which the tyrant was so disheartened, that he left Italy, and retired with all his forces into Gaul. Soon after this, Africa, Sicily, and Spain, declared for Constantius; upon which Magnentius sent a senator, and after him some bishops, to treat of a peace; but the emperor treated the senator as a spy, and sent back the bishops without any answer. Magnentius now finding his affairs desperate, desperate, and that there were no hopes of pardon, recruited his army in the best manner he could, and dispatched an afflatus into the east to murder Gallus Caesar; hoping that his death would oblige the emperor to withdraw his forces from Gaul, and march in person to the defense of the eastern provinces, which were threatened by the Persians. The afflatus gained over some of Gallus's guards; but the plot being discovered before it could be put in execution, they were all seized and executed as traitors.
In 353, the war against Magnentius was carried on with more vigour than ever, and at last happily ended by a battle fought in the Higher Dauphiny. Magnentius, being defeated, took shelter in Lyons; but the few soldiers who attended him despaired of any further success, resolved to purchase the emperor's favour by delivering up to him his rival, the author of so calamitous a war. Accordingly they surrounded the house where he lodged; upon which the tyrant, in despair, flew with his own hand his mother, his brother Decentius whom he had created Caesar, and such of his friends and relations as were with him; and then fixing his sword in a wall, threw himself upon it, in order to avoid a more shameful death which he had reason to apprehend.
After the death of Magnentius, his brother Decentius Caesar, who was marching to his assistance, and had already reached Sens, finding himself surrounded on all sides by the emperor's forces, chose rather to strangle himself than fall alive into the hands of his enemies. Thus Constantius was left sole master of the Roman empire. His panegyrist tells us, that after his victory he behaved with the greatest humanity, forgiving and receiving into favour his greatest enemies; but other historians differ considerably from them, and tell us that Constantius now became haughty, imperious, and cruel, of which many instances are given.
This year the empire was subjected to very grievous calamities. Gaul was ravaged by the barbarians beyond the Rhine, and the disbanded troops of Magnentius. At Rome, the populace rose on account of a scarcity of provisions. In Asia, the Ibarian robbers overrun Lycaonia and Pamphylia; and even laid siege to Seleucia, a city of great strength; which, however, they were not able to make themselves masters of. At the same time the Saracens committed dreadful ravages in Mesopotamia, the Persians also invaded the province of Anthemilia on the Euphrates. But the eastern provinces were not so much harassed by the barbarians as by Gallus Caesar himself, who ought to have protected them. That prince was naturally of a cruel, haughty, and tyrannical disposition; but being elated with his successes against the Persians, he at last behaved more like a tyrant and a madman than a governor. His natural cruelty is said to have been heightened by the indignations of his wife Constantina, who is by Ammianus styled the Megera, or "fury of her sex;" and he adds, that her ambition was equal to her cruelty. Thus all the provinces and cities in the east were filled with blood and slaughter. No man, however innocent, was sure to live or enjoy his estate a whole day; for Gallus's temper being equally suspicious and cruel, those who had any private enemies took care to accuse them of crimes against the state, and with Gallus it was the same thing to be accused and condemned. At last the emperor being informed from all quarters of the evil conduct of his brother-in-law, and being at the same time told that he aspired to the sovereignty, resolved upon his ruin. For this end he wrote letters to Gallus and Constantina, inviting them both into Italy. Though they had both sufficient reason to fear the worst, yet they durst not venture to disobey the emperor's express command. Constantina, who was well acquainted with her brother's temper, and hoped to pacify him by her artful insinuations, set out first, leaving Gallus at Antioch; but she had scarcely entered the province of Bithynia, when she was seized with a fever which put an end to her life. Gallus now despairing of being able to appease his sovereign, thought of openly revolting; but most of his friends deserted him on account of his inconstant and cruel temper, so that he was at last obliged to submit to the pleasure of Constantius. He advanced, therefore, according to his orders; but at Petavium was arrested, and stripped of all the ensigns of his dignity. From thence he was carried to Fianona, now Fianone, in Dalmatia, where he was examined by two of his most inveterate enemies. He confessed most of the crimes laid to his charge; but urged as an excuse the evil counsels of his wife Constantina. The emperor, provoked at this plea which reflected on his dear fitter, and infligated by the enemies of Gallus, signed a warrant for his execution, which was performed accordingly.
All this time the emperor had been engaged in a war with the Germans; he had marched against them in person; and though he gained an advantage, the barbarians thought proper to make peace with him. This, however, was but short lived. No sooner was the Roman army withdrawn, than they began to make new inroads into the empire. Against them Constantius despatched Arbetio with the flower of the army; but he fell into an ambush, and was put to flight with the loss of a great number of men. This loss, however, was soon retrieved by the valour of Arinthaeus, who became famous in the reign of Valens, and of two other officers, who falling upon the Germans, without waiting the orders of their general, put them to flight, and obliged them to leave the Roman territories.
The tranquillity of the empire, which ensued on this repulse of the Germans, was soon interrupted by a pretended conspiracy, by which in the end a true one was produced. Sylvanus, a leading man among the Franks, commanded in Gaul, and had there performed great exploits against the barbarians. He had been raised to this post by Arbetio; but only with a design to remove him from the emperor's presence, Sylvanus in order to accomplish his ruin, which he did in the following manner: One Dynastes, keeper of the emperor's mules, leaving Gaul, begged of Sylvanus letters of recommendation to his friends at court; which being granted, the traitor erased all but the subscription. He then inferted directions to the friends of Sylvanus for the carrying on a conspiracy; and delivering these forged letters to the prefect Lapidus, they were by him shown to the emperor. Thus Sylvanus was forced to revolt, and cause himself to be proclaimed emperor by the troops under his command. In the meantime, however, Dynastes having thought proper to forge another letter, the fraud was discovered, and an inquiry set on foot, which brought to light the whole matter. Sylvanus was now declared innocent, and letters sent to him by the emperor confirming him in his post; but these were scarce gone, when certain news arrived at the court of Sylvanus having revolted, and caused himself be proclaimed emperor. Constantius, thunderstruck at this news, dispatched against him Ursicinus, an officer of great integrity, as well as valour and experience in war; who forgetting his former character, pretended to be Sylvanus's friend, and thus found means to cut him off by treachery.
The barbarians, who had been hitherto kept quiet by the brave Sylvanus, no sooner heard of his death, than they broke into Gaul with greater fury than ever. They took and pillaged above forty cities, and among the rest Cologne, which they levelled with the ground. At the same time the Quadi and Sarmatians entering Pannonia, destroyed every thing with fire and sword. The Persians also, taking advantage of the absence of Ursicinus, overran, without opposition, Armenia and Mesopotamia; Prosper and Maximianus, who had succeeded that brave commander in the government of the east, being more intent upon pillaging than defending the provinces committed to their care. Constantius not thinking it advisable to leave Italy himself, resolved at last to raise his cousin Julian, the brother of Gallus, to the dignity of Caesar. Julian seems to have been a man of very extraordinary talents; for though before this time he had been entirely buried in obscurity, and conversed only with books, no sooner was he put at the head of an army than he behaved with the same bravery, conduct, and experience, as if he had been all his life bred up to the art of war. He was appointed governor of Gaul; but before he set out, Constantius gave him in marriage his sister Helena, and made him many valuable presents.
At the same time, however, the jealous emperor greatly limited his authority; gave him written instructions how to behave; ordered the generals who served under him to watch all his actions no less than those of the enemy; and strictly enjoined Julian himself not to give any largesses to the soldiery.
Julian set out from Milan on the first of December 355, the emperor himself accompanying him as far as Pavia, from whence he pursued his journey to the Alps, attended only by 360 soldiers. On his arrival at Turin he was first acquainted with the loss of Cologne, which had been kept concealed from the emperor. He arrived at Vienne before the end of the year, and was received by the people of that city and the neighbourhood with extraordinary joy.
In 356, the barbarians besieged Autun; to relieve which place, Julian marched with what forces he could raise. When he came there, he found the siege raised: on which he went in pursuit of the barbarians to Auxerre, crossing with no small danger thick woods and forests, from Auxerre to Troyes. On his march he was surrounded on all sides by the barbarians, who moved about the country in great bodies; but he put them to flight with a handful of men, cut great numbers of them in pieces, and took some prisoners. From Troyes he hastened to Rheims, where the main body of the army, commanded by Marcellus, waited his arrival. Leaving Rheims, he took his route towards the metropolitan Decempagii, now Dieuze, on the Seille in Lorraine, with a design to oppose the Germans who were busy in ravaging that province. But the enemy attacking his rear unexpectedly, would have cut off two legions, had not the rest of the army, alarmed at the sudden noise, turned back to their assistance. A few days afterwards he defeated the Germans, though with great loss to his own army; the victory, however, opened him a way to Cologne. This city he found abandoned by the barbarians. They had neglected to fortify it; but Julian commanded the ancient fortifications to be repaired with all possible expedition, fortifying and the houses to be rebuilt; after which he retired to Sens, and there took up his winter-quarters. This same year also Constantius entered Germany on the side of Rhaetia; laid waste the country far and wide; and obliged the barbarians to sue for peace, which was readily granted. The same year he enacted two laws; one of which it was declared capital to sacrifice, or to pay any kind of worship, to idols; the other, granting by the effects of condemned persons to belong to their children and relations within the third degree, except in cases of magic and treason; but this last one he revoked two years after.
In the beginning of the year 357, the barbarians besieged Julian a whole month in Sens; Marcellus, the commander in chief, never once offering to assist him. Julian, however, so valiantly defended himself with the few forces he had, that the barbarians at last retired. After this, Constantius declared Julian commander in chief of all the forces in Gaul; appointing under him one Severus, an officer of great experience, and of a quite different disposition from Marcellus. On his arrival in Gaul, Julian received him with great joy, raised new troops, and supplied them with arms which he luckily found in an old arsenal. The emperor, resolving at all events to put a stop to the terrible devastations committed by the barbarous nations, chiefly by the Alemanes, wrote to Julian to march directly against them. At the same time he sent Barbatio, who had been appointed general in place of Sylvanus, with a body of 25 or 30,000 men, out of Italy, in order to inclose the enemy between two armies. The Leti, however, a German nation, passing between the armies, advanced as far as Lyons, hoping to surprise that wealthy city; but meeting with a warmer reception than they expected, contented themselves with ravaging the country all round it. On the first notice of this expedition, Julian detached strong parties to guard the passes through which he knew the barbarians must return. Thus they were all cut off except those who marched near the camp of Barbatio; cut off who was so far from cutting off their retreat, that he Julian complained by a letter to Constantius of some officers for attempting it. These officers, among whom was Valentinian afterwards emperor of the west, were, by the orders of Constantius, cashiered for their disobedience. The other barbarians either fortified themselves in the countries which they had seized, stopping up all the avenues with huge trees, or took shelter in the islands formed by the Rhine. Julian resolved first to attack the latter; and with this view demanded some boats of Barbatio; but he, instead of complying, complying with his just request, immediately burnt all his boats, as he did on another occasion the provisions which had been sent to both armies, after he had plentifully supplied his own. Julian, not in the least disheartened with his unaccountable conduct, persuaded some of the most resolute of his men to wade over to one of the islands. Here they killed all the Germans who had taken shelter in it. They then seized their boats, and pursued the fugitive in several other islands, till the enemy abandoned them all, and retired to their respective countries with their wives and what booty they could carry. On their departure, Barbarus attempted to lay a bridge of boats over the Rhine; but the enemy, apprised of his intention, threw a great number of huge trees into the river, which being carried by the stream against the boats, sunk several of them, and parted the rest. The Roman general then thought proper to retire, but the barbarians falling unexpectedly upon him in his retreat, cut great numbers of his men in pieces, took most of his baggage, laid waste the neighbouring country, and returned in triumph loaded with booty.
Elated with this success, they assembled in great numbers under the command of Chnodomarius, a prince of great renown among them, and six other kings. They encamped in the neighbourhood of Strasbourg. Here they were encountered by Julian; who put them to flight, with the loss of 6000 or 8000 of their men slain in the field, and a vastly greater number drowned in the river; while Julian himself lost only 243 private men and four tribunes. In this action Chnodomarius was taken, and sent to Rome, where he soon after died.
After the battle, Julian advanced with all his army to Mayence, where he built a bridge over the Rhine and entered Germany, having with difficulty prevailed upon his army to follow him. Here he ravaged the country till the time of the autumnal equinox, when being prevented by snow from advancing any further, he began to repair the fort of Trajan, by some supposed to be the castle of Cromburgh, about three or four leagues from Frankfort. The barbarians were now so much alarmed, that they sent deputies to treat of a peace; but this Julian refused to grant them upon any terms. He consented, however, to a truce for seven months, upon their promising to store with provisions the fort he was building in their country. This year Constantius made some remarkable laws. By one he punished with confiscation such as renounced the Christian for the Jewish religion; and by another, addressed to Felix bishop of Rome, he exempted all merchandising ecclesiastics, with their wives, children, and domestics, from every imposition ordinary and extraordinary: supposing the gains they made to be applied by them to the relief of the poor.
In 358, as soon as the season was fit for action, Julian took the field against the Franks, with a design to conquer them before the truce he had concluded with the Alemani was expired. The Franks were at that time divided into several tribes, the most powerful of which were the Salii and Chamavi. The first of these sent deputies, intreating that he would suffer them to remain as friends to the empire in the country they possessed. But Julian, without paying any regard to this deputation, entered their country, and obliged them to submit; after which he allotted them lands in Gaul, incorporating great numbers of them into his cavalry. He next marched against the Chamavi, whom he defeated and obliged to retire beyond the Rhine. Afterwards he rebuilt three forts on the river Meuse, which had been destroyed by the barbarians; but wanting provisions in a country so often ravaged, he ordered 600 or 800 vessels to be built in Britain for conveying corn from thence into Gaul. Julian continued in the country of the Chamavi till the expiration of his truce with the Alemani; and then laying a bridge of boats over the Rhine, he entered their country, putting all to fire and sword. At last two of their kings came in person to him to sue for peace; which Julian granted, upon their promising to set at liberty the captives they had taken; to supply a certain quantity of corn when required; and to furnish wood, iron, and carriages, for repairing the cities they had ruined. The prisoners whom he at this time released, amounted to upwards of 20,000.
Soon after the vernal equinox of this year, 358, Constantius marched in person against the Quadi and Saracens, whose country lay beyond the Danube. Having crossed that river on a bridge of boats, he laid waste the territories of the Sarmatians; who thereupon came in great numbers, together with the Quadi, pretending to sue for peace. Their true design was to surprise the Romans; but the latter suspecting it, fell upon them sword in hand, and cut them all in pieces. This obliged the rest to sue for peace in good earnest, which was granted on the delivery of hostages. The emperor then marched against the Limigantes, that is, the slaves who, in 334, had driven the Sarmatians out of their country, and seized it for themselves. They used the same artifice as the Sarmatians and Quadi had done, coming in great numbers under pretence of submitting, but prepared to fall upon him unexpectedly if opportunity offered. The emperor, observing their furtive looks, and distrusting them, caused his troops to surround them infallibly while he was speaking. The Limigantes then displeased with the conditions he offered them, laid their hands on their swords; on which they were attacked by the Roman soldiers. Finding it impossible to make their escape, they made with great fury towards the tribunal, but were repulsed by the guards forming themselves into a wedge, and every one of them cut in pieces. After this, the emperor He expelled their country to such a degree, that they were the Limi- in the end obliged to submit to the only condition he granted, thought proper to allow them, which was to quit their country, and retire to a more distant place. The country was then restored to the Sarmatians, who were its original possessors.
This year is also remarkable for a very haughty embassy from Sapor king of Persia. The ambassador, named Naras, brought a letter, in which the Persian monarch styled himself "king of kings, brother of the sun and moon," &c. He acquainted the emperor, that he might lawfully insist on having all the countries beyond the river Strymon in Macedon delivered up to him; but lest his demands should seem unreasonable, he would be contented with Armenia and Mesopotamia, which had been most unjustly taken from his grandfather Naras. He added, that unless justice was done him, he was resolved to assert his right. right by force of arms. This letter was presented to Constantius wrapped up in a piece of white silk; but he, without entering into any negotiation with the ambassador, wrote a letter to Sapor, in which he told him, that as he had maintained the Roman dominions in their full extent, when he was possessed only of the east, he could not suffer them to be curtailed now when he was master of the whole empire. In a few days, however, he sent another letter, with rich presents; being very desirous at least to put off the war till he had secured the northern provinces against the incursions of the barbarians, that he might then employ all the forces of the empire against so formidable an enemy. This embassy proved unsuccessful, as did also another which was sent soon after. The last ambassadors were imprisoned as spies, but afterwards dismissed unhurt. By a law of Constantius dated in 358, all magicians, augurs, astrologers, and pretenders to the art of divination, were declared enemies to mankind; and such of them as were found in the court either of the emperor or of Julian, he commanded to be put to the torture, and specified what torments they were to undergo.
In 359, Julian continued his endeavours for relieving the province of Gaul, which had suffered so much from the incursions of the barbarians. He erected magazines in different places, visited the cities which had suffered most, and gave orders for repairing their walls and fortifications properly. He then crossed the Rhine, and pursued the war in Germany with great success, inasmuch that the barbarians submitted to such terms as he pleased to impose. In the mean time, the emperor, having received intelligence that the Limesantes had quitted the country in which he had placed them, hastened to the banks of the Danube, in order to prevent their entering Pannonia. On his arrival he sent deputies, desiring to know what had induced them to abandon the country which had been allotted them. The Limesantes answered, in appearance with the greatest submission imaginable, that they were willing to live as true subjects of the empire in any other place; but that the country he had allotted them was quite uninhabitable, as they could demonstrate if they were but allowed to cross the river, and lay their complaints before him. This request was granted; but while he attended his tribunal, the barbarians unexpectedly fell upon his guards sword in hand, killed several of them, and the emperor with difficulty saved himself by flight. The rest of the troops, however, soon took the alarm, and surrounding the Limesantes, cut them all off to a man. This year Constantius instituted a court of inquisition against all those who consulted heathen oracles. Paulus Catena, a noted and cruel informer, was dispatched into the east to prosecute them; and Modestus, then count of the east, and equally remarkable for his cruelty, was appointed judge. His tribunal was erected at Scythopolis in Palestine, whither persons of both sexes, and of every rank and condition, were daily dragged in crowds from all parts, and either confined in dungeons, or torn in pieces, in a most cruel and barbarous manner by racks, or publicly executed.
In 359, Sapor King of Persia began hostilities, being encouraged thereto by the absence of Ursicinus, whom the emperor had recalled, and appointed in his room one Sabinianus, a person very unfit for such an office. During this campaign, however, he made very little progress; having only taken two Roman forts, and destroyed the city of Amida, the siege of which is said to have cost him 30,000 men. On the first news of the Persian invasion, Constantius had thought proper to send Ursicinus into the east; but his enemies prevented him from receiving the supplies necessary for carrying on the war; so that he found it impossible to take any effectual means for stopping the progress of the Persians. On his return, he was unexpectedly charged with the loss of Amida, and all the disasters that had happened during the campaign. Two judges were appointed to inquire into his conduct; but they, being creatures of his enemies, left the matter doubtful. On this Ursicinus was so much exasperated, that he appealed to the emperor, and in the heat of passion let fall some unguarded expressions, which being immediately carried to the emperor, the general was deprived of all his employments.
Constantius resolved to march next year in person against the Persians; but in the mean time, dreading to encounter so formidable an enemy, he applied himself wholly to the assembling of a mighty army, by which he might be able fully to cope with them. For this purpose he wrote to Julian to send him part of his forces, without considering that by doing so, he left the province of Gaul exposed to the ravages of the barbarians. Julian resolved immediately to comply with the emperor's orders; but at the same time to abdicate the dignity of Caesar, that he might not be blamed for the loss of the province. Accordingly he suffered the best soldiers to be drafted out of his army. They were, however, very unwilling to leave Julian, and at last proclaimed him emperor. Whether this was done absolutely against Julian's consent or not, is uncertain; but he wrote to the emperor, and persuaded the whole army also to send a letter along with his, in which they acquainted Constantius, with what had happened, and entreated him to acknowledge Julian as his partner in the empire. But this was positively refused by Constantius, who began to prepare for war. Julian then, desiring to be before-hand with the emperor, caused his troops take an oath of allegiance to himself, and with surprising expedition made himself master of the whole country of Illyricum, and the important pass separating that country from Thrace. Constantius was thunderstruck with this news; but hearing that the Persians had retired, he marched with all his force against his competitor. On his arrival at Tarus in Cilicia, he was seized with a feverish distemper, occasioned chiefly by the uneasiness and perplexity of his mind. He pursued his march, however, Constantius to Moescrene, a place on the borders of Cilicia, at the foot of Mount Taurus. Here he was obliged to stop and die, by the violence of his disorder, which increased every day, and at last carried him off on the 13th of November 361, in the 45th year of his age.
By the death of Constantius, Julian now became Julian ruler of the whole Roman empire without a rival, stores. He had been educated in the Christian religion; but he secretly apostatized from it long before, and as soon as he saw himself master of Illyricum, openly avowed his apostasy, and caused the temples of the gods to be opened. When the messengers arrived at Naissus in Illyricum, where he then was, to acquaint him with his being sole master of the empire, they found him consulting the entrails of victims concerning the event of his journey. As the omens were uncertain, he was at that time very much embarrassed and perplexed; but the arrival of the messengers put an end to all his fears, and he immediately set out for Constantinople. At Heraclea he was met by almost all the inhabitants of this metropolis, into which he made his public entry on the 11th of December 361, being attended by the whole senate in a body, by all the magistrates, and by the nobility magnificently dressed, every one testifying the utmost joy at seeing such a promising young prince raised to the empire without bloodshed. He was again declared emperor by the senate of Constantinople; and as soon as that ceremony was over, he caused the obsequies of Constantius to be performed with great pomp.
The first care of Julian was to inquire into the conduct of the late emperor's ministers. Several of these having been found guilty of enormous crimes, were condemned and executed; particularly the noted informer Paulus Catena, and another named Apodamus, were sentenced to be burnt alive. Along with these, however, was put to death one Urfula, a man of unexceptionable character, and to whom Julian himself was highly indebted. He had been supplied with money by Urfula, unknown to the emperor, at the time when he was sent into Gaul with the title of Caesar, but without the money necessary for the support of that dignity. For what reason he was now put to death, historians do not acquaint us. Julian himself tells us, that he was executed without his knowledge.
The emperor next set about reforming the court. As the vast number of offices was in his time become an intolerable burden, he discharged all those whom he thought useless. He reduced, among the rest, the officers called agonistes in rebus, from 10,000 to 17; and discharged thousands of cooks, barbers, &c., who by their large salaries drained the exchequer. The curioi, whose office it was to inform the emperor of what had passed in the different provinces, were all discharged, and that employment entirely suppressed. Thus he was enabled to ease the people of the heavy taxes with which they were loaded: and this he did by abating a fifth part of all taxes and imposts throughout the kingdom.
As to religious matters, Julian, as before observed, was a Pagan, and immediately on his accession to the throne restored the heathen religion. He invited to court the philosophers, magicians, &c., from all parts; nevertheless, he did not raise any persecution against the Christians. On the contrary, he recalled from banishment all the orthodox bishops who had been sent into exile during the former reign; but with a design, as is observed both by the Christian and Pagan writers, to raise disturbances and sow dissensions in the church.
As the Persians were now preparing to carry on the war with vigour, Julian found himself under a necessity of marching against them in person. But before he set out, he enriched the city of Constantinople with many valuable gifts. He formed a large harbour to shelter the ships from the south wind, built a magnificent porch leading to it, and in another porch a stately library, in which he lodged all his books. In the month of May, A.D. 362, he set out for Antioch; and on the first of January renewed in that city the sacrifices to Jupiter for the safety of the empire, which had been so long omitted. During his stay in this city, he continued his preparations for the Persian war, erecting magazines, making new levies, and above all consulting the oracles, aruspices, magicians, &c. The oracles of Delphi, Delos, and Dodona, assured him of victory. The aruspices, indeed, and most of his courtiers and officers, did all that lay in their power to divert him from his intended expedition; but the deceitful answers of the oracles and magicians, and the desire of adding the Persian monarch to the many kings he had already seen humbled at his feet, prevailed over all other considerations. Many nations sent deputies to him, offering their assistance; but these offers he rejected, telling them that the Romans were to assist their allies, but stood in no need of any assistance from them. He likewise rejected, and in a very disobliging manner, the offers of the Saracens; answering them, when they complained of his stopping the pension paid them by other emperors, that a warlike prince had need, but no gold; which they resenting, joined the Persians, and continued faithful to them to the last. However, he wrote to Arsaces king of Armenia, enjoining him to keep his troops in readiness to execute the orders he should soon transmit to him.
Having made the necessary preparations for so important an enterprise, Julian sent orders to his troops to cross the Euphrates, designing to enter the enemy's country before they had the least notice of his march; for which purpose he had placed guards on all the roads. From Antioch he proceeded to Litarba, a place about 15 leagues distant, which he reached the same day. From thence he went to Berea, where he halted a day, and exhorted the council to restore the worship of the gods: but this exhortation, it seems, was complied with but by few. From Berea he proceeded to Batnae; and was better pleased with the inhabitants of the latter, because they had, before his arrival, restored the worship of the gods. There he offered sacrifices; and having immolated a great number of victims, he pursued the next day his journey to Hierapolis, the capital of the province of Euphratesiana, which he reached on the 9th of March. Here he lodged in the house of one for whom he had a particular esteem, chiefly because neither Constantius nor Gallus, who had both lodged in his house, had been able to make him renounce the worship of his idols. As he entered this city, 50 of his soldiers were killed by the fall of a porch. He left Hierapolis on the 13th of March; and having passed the Euphrates on a bridge of boats, came to Batnae a small city of Oltshoene, about 10 leagues from Hierapolis; and here 50 more of his soldiers were killed by the fall of a flask of straw. From Batnae he proceeded to Carrhae; where, in the famous temple of the moon, it is said he sacrificed a woman to that planet.
While Julian continued in this city, he received advice that a party of the enemies' horse had broken into the Roman territories. On this he resolved to leave an army in Mesopotamia, to guard the frontiers of the empire. empire on that side, while he advanced on the other into the heart of the Persian dominions. This army consisted, according to some, of 20,000, according to others, of 30,000 chosen troops. It was commanded by Procopius, and Sebastian, a famous Manichean who had been governor of Egypt, and had persecuted there, with the utmost cruelty, the orthodox Christians. These two were to join, if possible, Araxes king of Armenia, to lay waste the fruitful plains of Media, and meet the emperor in Assyria. To Araxes Julian himself wrote, but in the most disobliging manner imaginable, threatening to treat him as a rebel if he did not execute, with the utmost punctuality, the orders given him; and at the conclusion told him, that the God he adored would not be able to screen him from his indignation.
There were two roads leading from Carrhae to Persia; the one to the left by Nisibis; the other to the right through the province of Assyria, along the banks of the Euphrates. Julian chose the latter, but caused magazines to be erected on both roads; and, after having viewed his army, set out on the 23rd of March. He passed the Abora, which separated the Roman and Persian dominions, near its confluence with the Euphrates; after which he broke down the bridge, that his troops might not be tempted to desert, seeing they could not return home. As he proceeded on his march, a soldier and two horses were struck dead by a flash of lightning; and a lion of an extraordinary size presenting himself to the army, was in a moment dispatched by the soldiers with a shower of darts. These omens occasioned great disputes between the philosophers and augurs; the latter looking upon them as auspicious, advised the emperor to return; but the former refuted their arguments with others more agreeable to Julian's temper.
Having passed the Abora, Julian entered Assyria, which he found very populous, and abounding with all the necessaries of life; but he laid it waste far and near, destroying the magazines and provisions which he could not carry along with him; and thus he put it out of his power to return the same way he came; a step which was judged very imprudent. As he met with no army in the field to oppose him, he advanced to the walls of Ctesiphon, the metropolis of the Persian empire: having reduced all the strong holds that lay in his way. Here, having caused the canal to be cleared, which was formerly dug by Trajan between these two rivers, he conveyed his fleet from the former to the latter. On the banks of the Tigris he was opposed by the enemy. But Julian passed that river in spite of their utmost efforts and drove them into the city with the loss of a great number of their men, he himself, in the mean time, losing only 70 or 75.
Julian had now advanced so far into the enemy's country, that he found it necessary to think of a retreat, as it was impossible for him to winter in Persia. For this reason he made no attempt on Ctesiphon, but began to march back along the banks of the Tigris, soon after he had passed that river. In the mean time the king of Persia was assembling a formidable army, with a design to fall upon the Romans in their march; but being desirous of putting an end to so destructive a war, he sent very advantageous proposals of peace to Julian. These the Roman emperor very imprudently rejected; and soon after, Constantine, deceived by treacherous guides, he quitted the river, and entered into an unknown country totally laid waste by the enemy; and where he was continually harassed by strong parties, who in a manner surrounded his army, and attacked him sometimes in the front, and sometimes in the rear. A still worse step he was persuaded to take by the treacherous guides already mentioned: and this was to burn his fleet, lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy. As soon as the fleet was set on fire, the whole army cried out, that the emperor was betrayed, and that the guides were traitors employed by the enemy. Julian ordered them immediately to be put to the rack, upon which they confessed the treason; but it was too late. The fleet was already in flames; they could by no means be extinguished; and no part was saved except 12 vessels, which were designed to be made use of in the building of bridges, and for this purpose were conveyed over land in waggons.
The emperor thus finding himself in a strange country, and his army greatly dispirited, called a council of his chief officers, in which it was resolved to proceed to Corduene, which lay south of Armenia, and belonged to the Romans. With this view they had not proceeded far, when they were met by the king of Persia, at the head of a very numerous army, attended by his two sons, and all the principal nobility of the kingdom. Several sharp encounters happened, in which, though the Persians were always defeated, yet the Romans reaped no advantages from their victories, but were reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions. In one of these skirmishes, when the Romans were suddenly attacked, the emperor, eager to repulse the enemy, hastened to the field of battle, without his armour, when he received a mortal wound by a dart, which, through his arm and side, pierced his very liver. Of this wound he died the same night, the 26th of June 363, in the 32nd year of his age, after having reigned scarce 20 months from the time he became sole master of the Roman empire.
As Julian had declined naming any successor, the choice of a new emperor devolved on the army. They raised to unanimously choose Jovian, a very able commander, whose father had lately resigned the post of comes domesticorum, in order to lead a retired life. The valour and experience of Jovian, however, were not sufficient to extricate the Roman army from the difficulties in which they had been plunged by the imprudence of his predecessor. The famine raged in the camp to such a degree, that not a single man would have been left alive, had not the Persians unexpectedly sent proposals of peace. These were now received with the utmost joy. A peace was concluded for 30 years; the terms of which were, that Jovian should restore to the Persians the five provinces which had been taken from them in the reign of Diocletian, with several castles, and the cities of Nisibis and Singara. After the conclusion of the treaty, Jovian pursued his march without molestation. When he arrived at Antioch, he revoked all the laws that had been made in the former reign against Christianity and in favour of Paganism. He elbowed also the cause of the orthodox Christians against the Arians; and he called all those who had been formerly banished, particularly Athanasius, Constitutional history.
His death.
Valentinian chosen emperor, chooses Valens for his partner.
After the death of Jovian, Valentinian was chosen emperor. Immediately on his accession, the soldiers mutinied, and with great clamour required him to choose a partner in the sovereignty. Though he did not instantly comply with his demand, yet in a few days he chose his brother Valens for his partner; and, as the empire was threatened on all sides with an invasion of the barbarous nations, he thought proper to divide it. This famous partition was made at Mediana in Dacia. Valens had for his share the whole of Asia, Egypt, and Thrace; and Valentinian all the West; that is, Illyricum, Italy, Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Africa.
After this partition, Valens returned to Constantinople; where the beginning of his reign was disturbed by the revolt of Procopius, a relation of Julian. On the death of that emperor, he had fled into Taurica Chersonesus for fear of Jovian; but not trifling the barbarians who inhabited that country, he returned in disguise into the Roman territories, where having gained over an eunuch of great wealth, by name Eugenius, lately disgraced by Valens, and some officers who commanded the troops sent against the Goths, he got himself proclaimed emperor. At first he was joined only by the lowest of the people, but at length he was acknowledged by the whole city of Constantinople. On the news of this revolt, Valens would have abdicated the sovereignty, had he not been prevented by the importunities of his friends. He therefore dispatched some troops against the usurper; but these were gained over, and Procopius continued for some time to gain ground. It is probable he would finally have succeeded, had he not become so much elated with his good fortune that he grew tyrannical and insupportable to his own party. In consequence of this alteration in his disposition, he was first abandoned by some of his principal officers; and soon after defeated in battle, taken prisoner, and put to death.
This revolt produced a war between Valens and the Goths. The latter, having been solicited by Procopius, had sent 3000 men to his assistance. On hearing the news of the usurper's death, they marched back; but Valens detached against them a body of troops, who took them all prisoners notwithstanding the vigorous resistance they made. Athanaric, king of the Goths, expostulated on this proceeding with Valens; but that emperor proving obstinate, both parties prepared for war. In 367 and 369, Valens gained great advantages over his enemies; and obliged them to sue for peace, which was concluded upon terms very advantageous to the Romans. The rest of his reign contains nothing remarkable, except the cruelty with which Valens persecuted the orthodox clergy. The latter sent 80 of their number to him, in order to lay their complaints before him; but he, instead of giving them any relief, determined to put them all to death. But the person who was ordered to execute this sentence, fearing lest the public execution of so many ecclesiastics might raise disturbances, ordered them all to be put on board a ship, pretending that the emperor had ordered them only to be sent into banishment; but when the vessel was at some distance from the land, the mariners set fire to it, and made their own escape in the boat. The ship was driven by a strong wind into a harbour, where it was consumed and all that were in it. A persecution was also commenced against magicians, or those who had books of magic in their custody. This occasioned the destruction of many innocent persons; for books of this kind were often conveyed into libraries, unknown to the owners of them, and this was certainly followed by death and confiscation of goods. Hereupon persons of all ranks were seized with such terror that they burnt their libraries, left books of magic should have been secretly conveyed among the others. In 378, the Goths, whom Valens had admitted into Thrace, advanced from that province to Macedon and Thessaly, where they committed dreadful ravages. They afterwards blocked up the city of Constantinople, plundered the suburbs, and at last totally defeated and killed the emperor himself. The day after the battle, hearing that an immense treasure was lodged in Adrianople, the barbarians laid siege to that place; but being quite strangers to the art of besieging towns, they were repulsed with great slaughter; upon which they dropped that enterprise, and returned before Constantinople. But here great numbers of them were cut in pieces by the Saracens, whom Maria their queen had sent to the assistance of the Romans; so that they were obliged to abandon this design likewise, and retire from the neighbourhood of that city.
By the death of Valens the empire once more fell into the hands of a single person. This was Gratian, who had held the empire of the West, after the death of Valentinian. He repelled many barbarous nations who threatened the empire at that time with dissolution; but finding himself pressed on all sides, he soon resolved to take a colleague, in order to ease him of some part of the burden. Accordingly on the 19th of January, 379, he declared Theodosius his partner in the empire, and committed to his care all the provinces which had been governed by Valens.
Theodosius is greatly extolled by the historians of those ages on account of his extraordinary valour and piety; and for these qualifications has been honoured with the surname of the Great. From the many persecuting laws, however, made in his time, it would seem that his piety was at least very much misguided; and that if he was naturally of a humane and compassionate disposition, superstition and passion had often totally obscured it. He certainly was a man of great conduct and experience in war; and indeed the present state of the empire called for an exertion of all his abilities. The provinces of Dacia, Thrace, and Illyricum were already lost; the Goths, Taifali, Alans, and Huns, were masters of the greatest part of these provinces, and had ravaged and laid waste the rest. The Iberians, Armenians, and Persians, were likewise up in arms, and ready to take advantage of the distracted state of the empire. The few soldiers who had had survived the late defeat, kept within the strong holds of Thrace, without daring so much as to look abroad, much less face the victorious enemy, who moved about the country in great bodies. But notwithstanding this critical situation, the historians of those times give us no account of the transactions of the year 379. Many great battles indeed are said to have been fought, and as many victories obtained by Theodosius; but the accounts of these are so confused and contradictory, that no stress can be laid upon them.
In the month of February 380, Theodosius was seized with a dangerous malady, so that Gratian found himself obliged to carry on the war alone. This emperor, apprehending that the neighbouring barbarians might break into some of the provinces, concluded a peace with the Goths, which was confirmed by Theodosius on his recovery. The treaty was very advantageous to the barbarians; but they disregarding all their engagements, no sooner heard that Gratian had left Illyricum, than they passed the Danube, and breaking into Thrace and Pannonia, advanced as far as Macedon, destroying all with fire and sword. Theodosius, however, drawing together his forces, marched against them; and, according to the most respectable authorities, gained a complete victory; though Zosimus relates, that he was utterly defeated.
The following year, Athanaric, the most powerful of all the Gothic princes, being driven out by a faction at home, recurred to Theodosius, by whom he was received with great tokens of friendship. The emperor himself went out to meet him, and attended him with his numerous retinue into the city. The Gothic prince died the same year; and Theodosius caused him to be buried after the Roman manner with such pomp and solemnity, that the Goths, who attended him in his flight, returned home with a resolution never to molest the Romans any more. Nay, out of gratitude to the emperor, they took upon them to guard the banks of the Danube, and prevent the empire from being invaded on that side.
In 383, one Maximus revolted against Gratian in Britain; and in the end, having got the unhappy emperor into his power, caused him to be put to death, and assumed the empire of the West himself. Gratian had divided his dominions with his brother Valentinian, whom he allowed to reign in Italy and West Illyricum, reserving the rest to himself. Maximus, therefore, immediately after his usurpation, sent deputies to Theodosius, assuring him that he had no designs on the dominions of Valentinian. As Theodosius at that time found himself in danger from the barbarians, he not only forbore to attack Maximus after this declaration, but even acknowledged him for his partner in the empire. It was not long, however, before the ambition of the usurper prompted him to break his promise. In 387, he passed the Alps on a sudden; and meeting with no opposition, marched to Milan where Valentinian usually resided. The young prince fled first to Aquileia; and from thence to Thessalonica, to implore the protection of Theodosius. The latter, in answer to Valentinian's letter, informed him, that he was not at all surprized at the progress Maximus had made, because the usurper had protected, and Valentinian had persecuted, the orthodox Christians. At last he prevailed on the young Constantine to renounce the Arian heresy which he had hitherto maintained; after which Theodosius promised to assist him with all the forces of the East. At first, however, he sent messengers to Maximus, earnestly exhorting him to restore the provinces he had taken from Valentinian, and content himself with Gaul, Spain, and Britain. But the usurper would hearken to no terms. This very year he besieged and took his success, Aquileia, Quaderna, Bononia, Mutina, Rheygium, Placentia, and many other cities in Italy. The following year he was acknowledged in Rome, and in all the provinces of Africa. Theodosius, therefore, finding a war inevitable, spent the remaining months of this and the beginning of the following year in making the necessary preparations. His army consisted chiefly of Goths, Huns, Alans, and other barbarians, whom he was glad to take into the service in order to prevent their raising disturbances on the frontiers. He defeated Maximus in two battles, took him prisoner, and put him to death. The usurper had left his son Victor, whom he created Augustus, in Gaul, to awe the inhabitants in his absence. Against him the emperor despatched Arbogastes, who took him prisoner after having dispersed the troops that attended him, and put him to death. The victory was used afterwards by Theodosius with great clemency and moderation.
In 389, Theodosius took a journey to Rome; and, according to Prudentius, at this time converted the senate and people from idolatry to Christianity. The next year was remarkable for the destruction of the celebrated temple of Serapis in Alexandria; which, according to the description of Ammianus Marcellinus, throughout surpassed all others in the world, that of Jupiter Capitolinus alone excepted. The reason of its being now destroyed was as follows. Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, having begged and obtained of the emperor an old temple, formerly consecrated to Bacchus, but then ruined and forsaken, with a design to convert it into a church, the workmen found among the rubbish several obscene figures, which the bishop, to ridicule the superstition of the Heathens, caused to be exposed to public view. This provoked the Pagans to such a degree, that they flew to arms; and falling unexpectedly upon the Christians, cut great numbers of them in pieces. The latter, however, soon took arms in their own defence; and being supported by the few soldiers who were quartered in the city, began to repel force by force. Thus a civil war was kindled, and no day passed without some encounter. The Pagans used to retire to the temple of Serapis; and thence falling out unexpectedly seized on such Christians as they met, and dragging them into the temple, either forced them by the most exquisite torments to sacrifice to their idol, or, if they refused, racked them to death. As soon as they expected to be attacked by the emperor's troops, they chose a philosopher named Olympus for their leader, with a design to defend themselves to the last extremity. The emperor, however, would not suffer any punishment to be inflicted upon them for the lives of those they had taken away, but readily forgave them; however, he ordered all the temples of Alexandria to be immediately pulled down, and commanded the bishop to see his orders put in execution. The Pagans no sooner heard that the emperor was acquainted with their proceedings than they abandoned the temple, which was in a short time destroyed by Theophilus; nothing being left except the foundations, which could not be removed on account of the extraordinary weight and size of the stones. Not satisfied with the destruction of the Alexandrian temples, the zealous bishop encouraged the people to pull down all the other temples, oratories, chapels, and places set apart for the worship of the Heathen gods throughout Egypt, and the statues of the gods themselves to be either burnt or melted down. Of the innumerable statues which at that time were to be found in Egypt, he is said to have spared but one, viz. that of an ape, in order to expose the Pagan religion to ridicule. On his return to Constantinople, Theodosius ordered such temples as were yet standing to be thrown down, and the Arians to be everywhere driven out of the cities.
In 392, Valentinian, emperor of the West, was treacherously murdered by Arbogastes his general; who, though he might afterwards have easily seized on the sovereignty himself, chose to confer it upon one Eugenius, and to reign in his name. This new usurper, though a Christian, was greatly favoured by the Pagans, who were well apprised that he only bore the title of emperor, while the whole power lodged in Arbogastes, who pretended to be greatly attached to their religion. The ariphics began to appear anew, and informed him that he was destined to the empire of the whole world; that he would soon gain a complete victory over Theodosius, who was as much hated as Eugenius was beloved by the gods, &c. But though Eugenius seemed to favour the Pagans, yet in the very beginning of his reign he wrote to St Ambrose. The holy man did not answer his letter till he was pressed by some friends to recommend them to the new prince; and then he wrote to this infamous usurper with all the respect due to an emperor. Soon after his accession to the empire, Eugenius sent deputies to Theodosius; and they are said to have been received by him in a very obliging manner. He did not, however, intend to enter into any alliance with this usurper, but immediately began his military preparations. In 394, he set out from Constantinople, and was at Adrianople on the 1st of June that year. He bent his march through Dacia, and the other provinces between Thrace and the Julian Alps, with a design to force the passes of these mountains, and break into Italy before the army of Eugenius was in a condition to oppose him. On his arrival at the Alps, he found these passes guarded by Flavianus prefect of Italy, at the head of a considerable body of Roman troops. These were utterly defeated by Theodosius, who thereupon crossed the Alps and advanced into Italy. He was soon met by Eugenius; and a bloody battle ensued, without any decisive advantage on either side. The next day the emperor led his troops in person against the enemy, utterly defeated them, and took their camp. Eugenius was taken prisoner by his own men, and brought to Theodosius, who reproached him with the murder of Valentinian, with the calamities he had brought on the empire by his unjust usurpation, and with putting his confidence in Hercules, and not in the true God; for on his chief standard he had displayed the image of that fabulous hero. Eugenius begged earnestly for his life; but while he lay prostrate at the emperor's feet, his own soldiers cut off his head, and carrying it about on the point of a spear, showed it to those in the camp, who had not yet submitted to Theodosius. At this they were all thunderstruck; but being informed that Theodosius was ready to receive them into favour, they threw down their arms and submitted. After this, Arbogastes, despairing of pardon, fled to the mountains; but being informed that diligent search was made for him, he laid violent hands on himself. His children, and those of Eugenius, took sanctuary in churches; but the emperor not only pardoned, but took the opportunity of converting them to Christianity, restored them to their paternal estates, and raised them to considerable employments in the state. Soon after this, Theodosius appointed his son Honorius emperor of the west, assigning him for his share Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, and West Illyricum. The next year, as he prepared for his return to Constantinople, he was seized with a dropsey, owing to the great fatigues he had undergone during the war. As soon as he perceived himself to be in danger, he made his will; by which he bequeathed the empire of the east to Arcadius, and confirmed Honorius in the possession of the west. He likewise confirmed the pardon which he had granted to all those who had borne arms against him, and remitted a tribute which had proved very burdensome to the people; and charged his two sons to see these points of his will executed. He died at Milan on the 17th of January 395, in the 16th year of his reign and 50th of his age.
From the time of Theodosius to the time when the Roman empire in the west was totally destroyed by the Goths, we find but very little remarkable in the history of Constantinople. At this time the eastern empire was usurped by Basiliscus, who had driven out Zeno the lawful emperor; being assisted in his conspiracy by the empress Verina his sister. Zeno fled into Ilauria, whither he was pursued by Illus and Tenedos, two of the usurper's generals; who having easily defeated the few troops he had with him, forced the unhappy prince to shut himself up in a castle, which they immediately invested. But in a short time Basiliscus having disobliged the people by his cruelty, avarice, and other bad qualities, for which he was no less remarkable than his predecessor had been, his generals joined with Zeno, whom they restored to the throne. After his restoration, Zeno having got Basiliscus into his power, confined him in a castle of Cappadocia together with his wife Zenonides, where they starved both perished with hunger and cold. This happened to death in the year 467, after Basiliscus had reigned about 20 months. During the time of this usurpation a dreadful fire happened at Constantinople, which consumed great part of the city, with the library containing 120,000 volumes; among which were the works of Homer, written, as is said, on the great gut of a dragon 120 feet long.
The misfortunes which Zeno had undergone did not work any reformation upon him. He still continued the same vicious courses which had given occasion to the usurpation of Basiliscus. Other conspiracies were formed against him, but he had the good fortune to escape them. He engaged in a war with the The Ostrogoths, in which he proved unsuccessful, and was obliged to yield the provinces of Lower Dacia and Moesia to them. In a short time, however, Theodoric their king made an irruption into Thrace, and advanced within 15 miles of Constantinople, with a design to besiege that capital; but the following year, 483, they retired in order to attack Odoacer king of Italy; of which country Theodoric was proclaimed king in 493. The emperor Zeno died in the year 491, in the 65th year of his age, and 17th of his reign.
The Roman empire had now for a long time been on the decline: the ancient valour and military discipline which had for such a long time rendered the Romans superior to other nations, had greatly degenerated; so that they were now by no means so powerful as formerly. The tumults and disorders which had happened in the empire from time to time by the many usurpations, had contributed also to weaken it very much. But what proved of the greatest detriment was the allowing vast swarms of barbarians to settle in the different provinces, and to serve in the Roman empire in separate and independent bodies. This had proved the immediate cause of the dissolution of the western empire; but as it affected the eastern parts less, the Constantinopolitan empire continued for upwards of 900 years after the western one was totally dissolved. The weak and imprudent administration of Zeno, and Anastasius who succeeded him, had reduced the eastern empire still more; and it might possibly have expired in a short time after the western one, had not the wise and vigorous conduct of Justin, and his partner Justinian, revived in some measure the ancient martial spirit which had originally raised the Roman empire to its highest pitch of grandeur.
Justin ascended the throne in 518. In 521 he engaged in a war with the Persians, who had all along been very formidable enemies to the Roman name. Against them he employed the famous Belisarius; but of him we hear nothing remarkable till after the accession of Justinian. This prince was the nephew of Justin, and was by him taken as his partner in the empire in 527; and the same year Justin died, in the 77th year of his age and 9th of his reign. Justinian being now sole master of the empire, bent his whole force against the Persians. The latter proved successful in the first engagement; but were soon after utterly defeated by Belisarius on the frontiers of Persia, and likewise by another general named Dardanus in Armenia. The war continued with various success during the first five years of Justinian's reign. In the fifth year a peace was concluded upon the following terms: 1. That the Roman emperor should pay to Cosroes, the king of Persia, 1000 pounds weight of gold. 2. That both princes should restore the places they had taken during the wars. 3. That the commander of the Roman forces should no longer reside at Daras on the Persian frontiers, but at a place called Constantinople in Mesopotamia, as he had formerly done. 4. That the Iberians, who had sided with the Romans, should be at liberty either to return to their own country or to remain at Constantinople. This peace, concluded in 532, was styled eternal; but in the event proved of very short duration.
About this time happened at Constantinople the greatest tumult mentioned in history. It began among the different factions in the circus; but ended in an open rebellion. The multitude, highly dissatisfied with the conduct of John the prefectus praetorio, and of Tiberianus then quaestor, forced Hypatius, nephew to the emperor Anastasius, to accept the empire, and proclaimed him with great solemnity in the forum. As the two above-mentioned ministers were greatly abhorred by the populace on account of their avarice, Justinian immediately discharged them, hoping by that means to appease the tumult; but this was far from answering the purpose, that the multitude only grew the more outrageous upon it; and most of the senators joining them, the emperor was so much alarmed, that he had thoughts of abandoning the city and making his escape by sea. In this dilemma the empress Theodora encouraged and persuaded him rather to part with his life than the kingdom; and he at last resolved to defend himself to the utmost, with the few senators who had not yet abandoned him. In the mean time, the rebels having attempted in vain to force the gates of the palace, carried Hypatius in triumph to the circus; where, while he was beholding the sports from the imperial throne, amidst the shouts and acclamations of the people, Belisarius, who had been recalled from Persia, entered the city with a considerable body of troops. Being then apprised of the usurpation of Hypatius, he marched straight to the circus; fell sword in hand upon the disarmed multitude; and with the assistance of a band of Heruli, headed by Mundus governor of Illyricum, cut about 30,000 of them in pieces. Hypatius the usurper, and Pompeius another of the nephews of Anastasius, were taken prisoners and carried to the emperor, by whose orders they were both beheaded, and their bodies cast into the sea. Their estates were confiscated, and likewise the estates of such senators as had joined with them; but the emperor caused great part of their lands and effects to be afterwards restored, together with their honours and dignities, to their children.
Justinian having now no other enemy to contend with, turned his arms against the Vandals in Africa, and the Goths in Italy; both which provinces he recovered out of the hands of the barbarians*. But before his general Belisarius had time to establish fully the Roman power in Italy, he was recalled in order to carry on the war against Cosroes king of Persia, who, in defiance of the treaty formerly concluded in 532, entered the Roman dominions at the head of a powerful army. The same year, however, a peace was concluded between the two nations upon the following conditions: 1. That the Romans should, within two months, pay to the Persian king, 5000 pounds weight of gold, and an annual pension of 500. 2. That the Persians should relinquish all claim to the fortresses of Daras, and maintain a body of troops to guard the Caucanian gates, and prevent the barbarians from breaking into the empire. 3. That upon payment of the above-mentioned sum, Cosroes should immediately withdraw his troops from the Roman dominions. The treaty being signed, and the stipulated sum paid, Cosroes began to march back again; but by the way plundered several cities as if the war had still continued. Hereupon Justinian resolved to pursue the war with the utmost vigour; and for that purpose dispatched. patched Belisarius into the east. But soon after he was obliged to recall him in order to oppose the Goths who had gained great advantages in Italy after his departure. The Persian war was then carried on with indifferent success till the year 558, when a peace was concluded upon the emperor again paying an immense sum to the enemy. The same year the Huns, passing the Danube in the depth of winter, marched in two bodies directly for Constantinople; and laying waste the countries through which they passed, came, without meeting the least opposition, within 150 furlongs of the city. But Belisarius marching out against them with a handful of men, put them to flight; the emperor, however, to prevent them from invading the empire anew, agreed to pay them an annual tribute, upon their promising to defend the empire against all other barbarians, and to serve in the Roman armies when required. This was the last exploit performed by Belisarius, who on his return to Constantinople was disgraced, stripped of all his employments, and confined to his house, on pretence of a conspiracy against the emperor. In the year 565 a real conspiracy was formed against Justinian, which he happily escaped, and the conspirators were executed; but the emperor did not long survive it, being carried off by a natural death in 565, in the 39th year of his reign.
During the reign of Justinian, the majesty of the Roman empire seemed to revive. He recovered the provinces of Italy and Africa out of the hands of the barbarians, by whom they had been held for a number of years; but after his death they were soon lost, and the empire tended fast to dissolution. In 569 Italy was conquered by the Lombards, who held it for the space of 200 years. Some amends, however, was made for the loss by the acquisition of Persarmenia; the inhabitants of which, being persecuted by the Persians on account of the Christian religion which they professed, revolted to the Romans. This produced a war between the two nations, who continued to weaken each other, till at last the Persian monarchy was utterly overthrown, and that of the Romans greatly reduced by the Saracens. These new enemies attacked the Romans in the year 632, and pursued their conquests with incredible rapidity. In the space of four years they reduced the provinces of Egypt, Syria, and Palestine. In 648 they were also masters of Mepopotamia, Phoenicia, Africa, Cyprus, Aradus, and Rhodes; and having defeated the Roman fleet, commanded by the emperor Constans in person, they concluded a peace on condition of keeping the vast extent of territory they had seized, and paying for it 1000 nummi a-year.
An expedition against the Lombards was about this time undertaken, but with very little success, a body of 20,000 Romans being almost entirely cut off by one of the Lombard generals. In 671 the Saracens ravaged several provinces, made a descent in Sicily, took and plundered the city of Syracuse, and overrun the whole island, destroying every thing with fire and sword. In like manner they laid waste Cilicia; and having passed the winter at Smyrna, they entered Thrace in the winter of the year 672, and laid siege to Constantinople itself. Here, however, they were repulsed with great loss; but next spring they renewed their attempt, in which they met with the same bad success; many of their ships being burnt by the Constan- timonian history. communicating his design to any, he repaired, with Constantinopolitans in whom he could confide, to the mountain on which Ibatzes had fortified himself. He hoped to pass undiscovered among the many strangers who flocked thither to celebrate the approaching feast of the Virgin Mary, for whom Ibatzes had a particular veneration. In this he found himself mistaken; for he was known by the guards, and carried before the prince. To him he pretended to have something of importance to communicate; but as soon as Ibatzes had retired with him into a remote place, Daphnomelus threw himself suddenly upon him, and with the assistance of the two men whom he had brought with him, pulled out both his eyes, and got safe to an abandoned cattle on the top of the hill. Here they were immediately surrounded by the troops of Ibatzes; but Daphnomelus exhorting them now to submit to the emperor, by whom he assured them they would be well received, they congratulated Daphnomelus on his success, and suffered him to conduct the unhappy Ibatzes a prisoner to Basilus. The emperor was no less surprised than pleased at the success of the bold attempt; and rewarded Daphnomelus with the government of Dyrrachium, and all the rich moveables of his prisoner. After this, having accomplished the entire reduction of Bulgaria, he returned to Constantinople with an incredible number of captives, where he was received by the senate and people with all possible demonstrations of joy.
All this time the Saracens had at intervals invaded the Roman dominions, and even attempted to make fire invade themselves masters of Constantinople. Their internal divisions, however, rendered them now much less formidable enemies than they had formerly been; so that some provinces were even recovered for a time out of their hands; though the weak and distracted state of the empire rendered it impossible to preserve such conquests. But in 1041, the empire was invaded by an enemy, not very powerful at that time indeed, but who by degrees gathered strength sufficient to overthrow both the Roman and Saracen empires. These were the Turks; who having quitted their ancient habitations in the neighbourhood of Mount Caucasus, and passed the Caspian straits, settled in Armenia Major, about the year 844. There they continued an unknown and despicable people, till the intestine wars of the Saracens gave them an opportunity of aggrandizing themselves. About the year 1030, Mohammed the son of Sambraef Sultan of Persia, not finding himself a match for Pifaris sultan of Babylon, with whom he was at war, had recourse to the Turks, who sent him 3000 men under the command of Tangrolipix, a leading man among them. By their assistance Mohammed defeated his adversary; but when the Turks desired leave to return home, he refused to part with them. Upon this they withdrew without his consent to a neighbouring desert; and being there joined by several discontented Persians, began to make frequent incursions into the sultan's territories. Against them Mohammed immediately dispatched an army of 20,000 men; who being surprized in the night, were utterly defeated by Tangrolipix. The fame of this victory drew multitudes to him from all parts; so that in a short time Tangrolipix saw himself at the head of 50,000 men. Upon this Mohammed marched against them in person,