a city of Switzerland, on the confines of France and Savoy, situated in 46° E. Long. and 46° 12' 9" N. Lat. It stands on the banks of the river Rhone, just at the place where the latter issues from the lake which takes its name from the city; and part of it is built on an island in the river. It is handsome, well fortified, and pretty large; the streets in general are clean and well paved, but the principal one is encumbered with a row of shops on each side between the carriage and foot-path. The latter is very wide, and protected from the weather by great wooden pent-houses projecting from the roofs; which, though very convenient, give the street a dark and dull appearance. The houses are generally constructed of freestone, with basements of limestone; the gutters, spouts, ridges, ridges, and outward ornaments, being made of tinned iron. Some of them have arched walks or piazzas in front. The place called Treille is very agreeable, being planted with linden trees, and commanding a fine prospect of the lake, with several ranges of rocks rising behind one another, some covered with vineyards and herbage, and others with snow, having openings between hem. Immediately below Geneva the Rhone is joined by the Arve, a cold and muddy stream rising among the Alps, and deriving a considerable part of its waters from the Glaciers. The Rhone is quite clear and transparent, so that the muddy water of the Arve is distinguishable from it even after they have flowed for several miles together. There are four bridges over the Rhone before it joins the Arve; and from it the city is supplied with water by means of an hydraulic machine, which raises it 100 Paris feet above its level. The principal buildings are, 1. The maison de ville, or townhouse, a plain ancient edifice, with large rooms, in which the councils assemble, and public entertainments are held; and in one of them a weekly concert is held by subscription during the winter. The ascent to the upper story is not by steps but a paved acclivity: which, however, is so gentle, that horses and mules can go up to the top. 2. The church of St Peter's, formerly the cathedral, is an ancient Gothic building, with a modern portico of seven large Corinthian columns of red and white marble from Roche. The only thing remarkable in the inside is the tomb of Henry duke of Rohan. 3. The arsenal is in good order, and supplied with arms sufficient for 12,000 men. There are many ancient suits of armour; and the scaling ladders, lanthorns, hatchets, &c. used by the Savoyards in their treacherous attempt on the city in the year 1652, to be afterwards noticed, are here preserved. The magazines contain 110 cannon, besides mortars. 4. The hospital is a large handsome building, by which and other charities near 4000 poor people are maintained. 5. The fortifications on the side of Savoy are of the modern construction, but are commanded by some neighbouring grounds. On the side of France they are old fashioned, and at any rate are rather calculated to prevent a surprize than to sustain a regular siege. There are three gates, towards France, Savoy, and Switzerland; and the access to the lake is guarded by a double jetty and chain.

The territory belonging to this city contains about seven square leagues, and is divided into nine parishes; the town is by far the most populous in Switzerland, having about 30,000 inhabitants, of whom, however, 5000 are generally supposed to be absent. It has a small district dependent on it, but this does not contain above 16,000. The adjacent country is extremely beautiful, and has many magnificent views arising from the different positions of the numerous hills and mountains with regard to the town and lake. The inhabitants were formerly distinguished into four classes, viz. citizens, burgesses, inhabitants, and natives; and since the revolution in 1782, a fifth class named domicilius, has been added, who annually receive permission from the magistrates to reside in the city. The citizens and burgesses alone, however, are admitted to a share in the government; those called inhabitants are strangers allowed to settle in the town with certain privileges; and the natives are the sons of those inhabitants, who possess additional advantages. The people are very active and industrious, carrying on an extensive commerce.

This city is remarkable for the number of learned men it has produced. The reformed doctrines of religion were very early received in it, being preached there in 1533 by William Farel and Peter Viret of Orbe, and afterwards finally established by the celebrated John Calvin. Of this reformer Voltaire observes, that he gave his name to the religious doctrines first broached by others, in the same manner that Americus Vespucius gave name to the continent of America, which had formerly been discovered by Columbus. It was by the affluity of this celebrated reformer, and the influence that he acquired among the citizens, that a public academy was first established in the city, where he, Theodore Beza, and some of the more eminent first reformers, read lectures with uncommon success. The intolerant spirit of Calvin is well known; but little of it now appears in the government of Geneva: on the contrary, it is the most tolerating of all the estates in Switzerland, being the only one of them which permits the public exercise of the Lutheran religion. The advantages of the academy at Geneva are very conspicuous among the citizens at this day, even the lower class of them being exceedingly well informed; so that, according to Mr Coxe, there is not a city in Europe where learning is so generally diffused. "I received great satisfaction (says he) in conversing even with several tradesmen upon topics both of literature and politics; and was astonished to find in this class of men so uncommon a share of knowledge; but the wonder ceases when we are told that all of them were educated at the public academy." In this seminary the industry and emulation of the students are excited by the annual distribution of prizes to those who distinguish themselves in each class. The prizes consist of small medals, but are conferred with such solemnity as cannot fail to produce a striking effect on the minds of youth. There is also a public library to which the citizens have access, and which undoubtedly tends greatly to that universal diffusion of learning so remarkable among the inhabitants. It was founded by Bonnivard, remarkable for his sufferings in the cause of the liberties of his country. Having been a great antagonist of the dukes of Savoy, against whom he affected the independence of Geneva, he had the misfortune at last to be taken prisoner, and was imprisoned for six years in a dungeon below the level of the lake, in the castle of Chillon, which stands on a rock in the lake, and is connected with the land by a drawbridge. In 1536 this castle was taken from Charles III. of Savoy by the canton of Berne, assisted by the Genevans, who furnished a frigate (their whole naval force) to besiege it by water. Bonnivard was now taken from his dungeon, where by constant walking backward and forward, his only amusement, he had worn a hollow in the floor which consisted of solid rock. Bonnivard confided the hardships he had endured as ties which endeared him to the city, and became a principal promoter of the reformation by the mild methods of persuasion and instruction. He closed his benefactions by the gift of his books and manuscripts, and bequeathing his fortune towards the establishment and support of the seminary. His works, which chiefly relate to the history history of Geneva, are still preserved with great care and reverence. The library contains 25,000 volumes, with many curious manuscripts, of which an account has been published by the reverend M. Sennebier the librarian, who has likewise distinguished himself by several literary works. Messrs Bonnet, Sauflure, Mallet, and De Luc, are the other most distinguished literary geniuses of which Geneva can boast. The last is particularly remarkable for the perfection to which he has brought the barometer, and which is now so great, that very little seems possible to be done by any body of elze. His cabinet merits the attention of naturalists, as containing many rare and curious specimens of fossils, which serve to illustrate the theory of the globe. It may be divided into three parts: 1. Such as enable the naturalist to compare the petrifications of animals and vegetables with the same bodies which are still known to exist in our parts of the globe. 2. To compare these petrifications of animals with the same bodies which are known to exist in different countries. 3. To consider the petrifications of those bodies which are no longer known to exist. The second part comprehends the stones under three points of view: 1. Those of the primitive mountains, which contain no animal bodies; 2. Those of the secondary mountains, which contain only marine bodies; 3. Those which contain terrestrial bodies. The third part contains the lavas and other volcanic productions; which are distinguished into two classes: 1. Those which come from volcanoes now actually burning; 2. Those from extinguished volcanoes.

In the time of Charles the Great, the city and territory of Geneva made part of his empire; and, under his successors, it became subject to the German emperors. By reason of the imbecility of these princes, however, the bishops of Geneva acquired such authority over the inhabitants, that the emperor had no other means of counterbalancing it than by augmenting the privileges of the people. In these barbarous ages also the bishops and counts had constant disputes, of which the people took the advantage; and by siding sometimes with one, and sometimes with the other, they obtained an extension of their privileges from both. The house of Savoy at length purchased the territory, and succeeded the counts with additional power; against them therefore the bishops and people united in order to resist their encroachments; and, during this period, the government was strangely complicated, by reason of the various pretensions of the three parties. The counts of Savoy, however, had at last the address to dissolve the union between the bishops and citizens, by procuring the episcopal see for their brothers, and even their illegitimate children; by which means their power became gradually so extensive, that towards the commencement of the 16th century, Charles III. of Savoy (though the government was accounted entirely republican) obtained an almost absolute authority over the people, and exercised it in a most unjust and arbitrary manner. Thus violent commotions took place; and the citizens became divided into two parties, one of which, viz. the patriots, were styled Edgenossen or confederates; the partisans of Savoy being disgraced by the appellation of Mamelucs or slaves. The true period of Genevan liberty may therefore be considered as commencing with the treaty concluded with Berne and Friburg in the year 1526; in consequence of which the duke was in a short time deprived of his authority, the bishop driven from the city, and the reformed religion and a republican form of government introduced. A long war commenced with Savoy on this account; but the Genevans proved an overmatch for their enemies by their own bravery and the assistance of the inhabitants of Berne. In 1584, the republic concluded a treaty with Zurich and Berne, by which it is allied to the Swiss cantons. The house of Savoy made their last attempt against Geneva in 1602, when the city was treacherously attacked in the night time during a profound peace. Two hundred soldiers had scaled the walls, and got into the town before the alarm was given; but they were repelled by the desperate valour of a few citizens, who perished in the encounter. A petard had been fastened to one of the gates by the Savoyards; but the gunner was killed before it could be discharged. The war occasioned by this treachery was next year concluded by a solemn treaty, which has ever since been observed on both sides: though the independence of Geneva was not formally acknowledged by the king of Sardinia till the year 1754.

The restoration of tranquillity from without, in consequence of the above treaty, was however soon followed by the flames of internal discord, so common in popular governments; so that during the whole of the last century the history of Geneva affords little more than an account of the struggles betwixt the aristocratical and popular parties. About the beginning of the present century the power of the grand council was become almost absolute; but in order to restrain its authority, an edict was procured in 1707 by the popular party, enacting, that every five years a general council of the citizens and burghers should be summoned to deliberate upon the affairs of the republic. In consequence of this law a general assembly was convened in 1712; and the very first act of that assembly was to abolish the edict by which they had been convened. A proceeding so extraordinary can scarcely be accounted for on the principles of popular fickleness and inconstancy. Rousseau, in his Miscellaneous Works, ascribes it to the artifices of the magistrates, and the equivocal terms marked upon the billets then in use. For the question being put, "Whether the opinion of the councils for abolishing the periodical assemblies should pass into a law?" the words approbation or rejection, put upon the billets by which the votes were given, might be interpreted either way. Thus, if the billet was chosen on which the word approbation was written, the opinion of the councils which rejected the assemblies was approved; and by the word rejection, the periodical assembly was rejected of course. Hence several of the citizens complained that they had been deceived, and that they never meant to reject the general assembly, but only the opinion of the councils.

In consequence of the abolition of the general assemblies, the power of the aristocratical party was greatly augmented; till at length the inhabitants exerting themselves with uncommon spirit and perseverance, found means to limit the power of the magistrates, and enlarge their own rights. In 1776, as Mr Cox informs us, the government might be considered as a mean be- twixt that of the aristocratical and popular cantons of Switzerland. The members of the senate, or little council of 25, enjoyed in their corporate capacity several very considerable prerogatives. By them half the members of the great council were named; the principal magistrates were supplied from their own body; they convoked the great and general councils, deliberating previously upon every question which was to be brought before these councils. They were vested also with the chief executive power, the administration of finances, and had in a certain degree the jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes. Most of the smaller posts were likewise filled by them; and they enjoyed the sole privilege of conferring the burghership. These, and other prerogatives, however, were balanced by those of the great council and the privileges of the general council. The former had a right to choose the members of the senate from their own body; receiving appeals in all causes above a certain value, pardoning criminals, &c. besides which they had the important privilege of approving or rejecting whatever was proposed by the senate to be laid before the people.

The general council or assembly of the people is composed of the citizens and burghers of the town; their number in general amounting to 1500, though usually not more than 1200 were present; the remainder residing in foreign countries, or being otherwise absent. It meets twice a-year, chooses the principal magistrates, approves or rejects the laws and regulations proposed by the other councils, imposes taxes, contracts alliances, declares war or peace, and nominates half the members of the great council, &c. But the principal check to the power of the senate arose from the right of re-election, or the power of annually expelling four members from the senate at the nomination of the syndics or principal magistrates, and from the right of representation. The syndics are four in number, chosen annually from the senate by the general council; and three years elapse before the same members can be again appointed. In choosing these magistrates, the senate appointed from its own body eight candidates, from whom the four syndics were to be chosen by the general council. The latter, however, had it in their power to reject not only the first eight candidates, but also the whole body of senators in succession: in which case, four members of the senate retired into the great council: and their places were filled by an equal number from that council. With regard to the power of representation, every citizen or burgher has the privilege of applying to the senate in order to procure a new regulation in this respect, or of remonstrating against any act of the magistracy. To these remonstrances the magistrates were obliged to give an explicit answer; for if a satisfactory answer was not given to one, a second was immediately presented. The representation was made by a greater or smaller number of citizens according to the importance of the point in question.

Since 1776, however, several changes have taken place. This right of re-election, which the aristocratical party were obliged to yield to the people in 1768, soon proved very disagreeable, being considered by the former as a kind of ostracism; for which reason they watched at every opportunity of procuring its abolition. They were now distinguished by the title of negatives, while the popular party had that of representants; and the point in dispute was the compilation of a new code of laws. This measure the negatives opposed, as supposing that it would tend to reduce their prerogatives; while, on the other hand, the representants used their utmost endeavours to promote it, in hopes of having their privileges augmented by this means. At last in the month of January 1777, the negatives were obliged to comply with the demands of their antagonists; and a committee for forming a new code of laws was appointed by the concurrence of the little, great, and general councils. The committee was to last for two years, and the code to be laid before the three councils for their joint approbation or rejection. A sketch of the first part of the code was presented to the little and great councils on the first of September 1779, that they might profit by their observations before it was presented to the general council. Great disputes arose; and at length it was carried by the negatives that the code should be rejected and the committee dissolved. The opposite party complained of this as unconstitutional, and violent disputes ensued; the issue of which was, that the great council offered to compile the code, and submit it to the decision of the public. This did not give satisfaction to the popular party, who considered it as insufficient: the contentions revived with more fury than ever, until at length the negatives supposing, or pretending to suppose, that their country was in danger, applied to the guarantees, France, Zurich, and Berne, entreating them to protect the laws and constitution. This was productive of no good effect; so that the negatives found no other method of gaining their point than by sowing dissension among the different classes of inhabitants. The natives were discontented and jealous on account of many exclusive privileges enjoyed by that class named citizens: they were besides exasperated against them for having, in 1770, banished eight of the principal natives, who pretended that the right of burghership belonged to the natives as well as to the citizens, and demanded that this right ought to be gratuitously conferred instead of being purchased. The negatives, in hopes of making such a considerable addition to their party, courted the natives by all the methods they could think of, promising by a public declaration that they were ready to confer upon them those privileges of trade and commerce which had hitherto been confined exclusively to the citizens. The designs of the negatives were likewise openly favoured by the court of France, and dispatches were even written to the French resident at Geneva to be communicated to the principal natives who sided with the aristocratical party. The attorney-general, conceiving this mode of interference to be highly unconstitutional, presented a spirited remonstrance; by which the French court were so much displeased, that they procured his deposition from his office; and thus their party was very considerably increased among the natives. The representants were by no means negligent in their endeavours to conciliate the favour of the same party, and even promised what they had hitherto opposed in the strongest manner, viz. to facilitate the acquisition of the burghership, and to bestow it as the recompense of industry and good behaviour. Thus two parties were formed among the natives themselves; and the dissensions be- coming every day worse and worse, a general insurrection took place on the 5th of February 1781. A dispute, accompanied with violent reproaches, having commenced betwixt two neighbouring and opposite parties of natives, a battle would have immediately taken place, had it not been for the interposition of the syndics on the one side, and the chiefs of the representants on the other. The tumult was beginning to subside, when a discharge of musquetry was heard from the arsenal. Some young men who sided with the negatives, having taken possession of the arsenal, had fired by mistake upon several natives of their own party, and had killed one and wounded another. This was considered by the representants as the signal for a general insurrection, on which they instantly took up arms and marched in three columns to the arsenal; but finding there only a few young men who had rashly fired without orders, they permitted the rest to retire without molestation. In the opinion of some people, however, this affair was preconcerted, and the representants are said to have been the first aggressors.

The representants having thus taken up arms, were in no haste to lay them down. They took possession of all the avenues to the city; and their committee being summoned next morning by the natives to fulfil their engagements with respect to the burghership, they held several meetings with the principal negatives on that subject, but without any success: for though the latter readily agreed to an augmentation of the commercial privileges of the natives, they absolutely refused to facilitate the acquisition of the burghership. The committee, however, embarrassed and alarmed at the number and threats of the natives, determined to abide by what they had promised; drew up an edict permitting the natives to carry on trade, and to hold the rank of officers in the military associations; and conferred the burghership on more than 100 persons taken from the natives and inhabitants, and even from the peasants of the territory. This was approved by the three councils; the negatives, dreading the power of their adversaries, who had made themselves masters of the city, not daring to make their appearance.

Thus the popular party imagined that they had got a complete victory; but they soon found themselves deceived. They were prevailed upon by the deputies from Zurich and Berne (who had been sent to conciliate the differences) to lay down their arms; and this was no sooner done, than the same deputies declared the edict in favour of the natives to be null and illegal. The senate declared themselves of the same opinion; and maintained, that the assent of the councils had been obtained only through fear of the representants who were under arms, and whom none at that time durst oppose. The representants, exasperated by this proceeding, presented another remonstrance on the 18th of March 1782, summoning the magistrates once more to confirm the edict; but a month afterwards received the laconic answer, that "government was neither willing nor able to confirm it." The natives, now finding themselves disappointed in their favourite object at the very time they had such strong hopes of obtaining it, behaved at first like frantic people; and these transports having subsided, an universal tumult took place. The most moderate of the popular party endeavoured in vain to allay their fury, by dispersing themselves in different quarters of the city; and the citizens, finding themselves at last obliged either to abandon the party of the natives or to join them openly, hastily adopted the latter measure; after which, as none could now oppose them, the officers of the representants took possession of the town, and quelled the insurrection. Various negotiations were carried on with the negatives in order to prevail upon them to ratify the edict, but without success: on which a few of the magistrates were confined by the popular party along with the principal negatives; and as they justly expected the interference of France on account of what they had done, they resolved to prolong the confinement of the prisoners, that they might answer the purpose of hostages for their own safety. In the mean time the body of citizens, deceived by the pretences of the popular party, acted as if their power was already established and permanent. In consequence of this, they deposed several members of the great and little councils, appointing in their room an equal number of persons who were favourable to the cause of the representants. The great council thus new modelled, executed the edict for conferring the burghership upon a number of the natives; and appointed a committee of safety, composed of eleven members, with very considerable authority. By this committee the public tranquillity was re-established; after which, the fortifications were ordered to be repaired; and the people were buoyed up by the most dangerous notions of their own prowess, and a confidence that France either durst not attack them or did not incline to do so. In consequence of this fatal error, they refused every offer of reconciliation which was made them from the other party; until at last troops were dispatched against them by the king of Sardinia and the canton of Berne; and their respective generals, Messrs de la Marmora and Lentulus, were ordered to act in concert with the French commander, M. de Jaucourt, who had advanced to the frontiers with a considerable detachment. The Genevans, however, vainly puffed up by a confidence in their own abilities, continued to repair their fortifications with indefatigable labour; the peasants repaired from all quarters to the city, offering to mount guard and work at the fortifications without any pay; women of all ranks crowded to the walls as to a place of amusement, encouraging the men, and even assisting them in their labour. The besiegers, however, advanced in such force, that every person of discernment foresaw that all resistance would be vain. The French general Jaucourt, on the 29th of June 1782, dispatched a message to the syndics; in which he insisted on the following humiliating conditions: 1. That no person should appear on the streets under pain of military punishment. 2. That a certain number of citizens, among whom were all the chiefs of the representants, should quit the place in 24 hours. 3. That all arms should be delivered to the three generals. 4. That the deposed magistrates should be instantly re-established: And, lastly, That an answer should be returned in two hours. By this message the people were thrown into the utmost despair; and all without exception resolved to perish rather than to accept of terms so very disgraceful. They instantly hurried to the ramparts with a view of putting their resolution Geneva, in force; but in the mean time the syndics found means to obtain from the generals a delay of 24 hours. During this interval, not only men of all ages prepared for the approaching danger, but even women and children tore the pavement from the streets, carrying the stones up to the tops of the houses, with a view of rolling them down upon the enemy in case they should force their way into the town. About 80 women and girls, dressed in uniforms, offered to form themselves into a company for the defence of their country. The committee of safety accepted their services, and placed them in a barrack secured from the cannon of the besiegers. The negatives were greatly alarmed at this appearance of desperate resistance; and some of the most moderate among them endeavoured, but without success, to effect a reconciliation. At the hour in which it was expected that the attack would begin, the ramparts were filled with defenders; and though the most zealous of the popular party had calculated only on 3000, upwards of 5000 appeared in the public cause. The French general, however, justly alarmed for the prisoners, who were now in imminent danger, again prolonged the period proposed for the capitulation. By these repeated delays the ardour of the defendants began to abate. The women first began to figure to themselves the horrors of a town taken by assault, and given up to an enraged and licentious soldiery; many timid persons found means not only to disguise their own fears, but to inspire others with them under the pretence of prudence and caution: at last the committee of safety themselves, who had so strenuously declared for hostilities, entirely changed their mind. Being well apprized, however, that it would be dangerous for them to propose surrendering in the present temper of the people, they assembled the citizens in their respective circles, representing, that if the city should be attacked in the night, it would be no longer possible to convene them: for which reason they recommended to them that each circle should nominate several deputies with full authority to decide in their stead; adding, that they ought rather to appoint those persons who from their age and respectable character were capable of afflicting their country by their advice, while others were defending it by their valour. Thus a new council, composed of about 100 citizens, was formed; in which the chiefs, by various manoeuvres, first intimidating, and then endeavouring to persuade the members of the necessity of surrendering, at last found means to take the thoughts of the people entirely off the defence of the city, and engage them in a scheme of general emigration. A declaration was drawn up to be delivered to the syndics with the keys of the city, the chiefs summoned the principal officers from their posts, ordered the cannon of several batteries to be rendered unfit for service, and at last took care of themselves by quitting the town. The people were in the utmost despair; and left the town in such multitudes, that when the Sardinians entered it in the morning, they found it almost deserted. This was followed by the restoration of the former magistrates, a complete subjection of the popular party, and the establishment of a military government.

The changes which took place on this occasion were as follow: 1. An abolition of the right of re-election. 2. The abolition of that right by which the general council nominated half the vacancies in the great council. 3. The right of remonstrating was taken from the citizens at large, and vested in 36 adjuncts, who might be present in the great council the first Monday of every month. They enjoyed a right of representation, and in consequence of that had a deliberative voice; but on the whole were so insignificant, that they were nicknamed Les Images, or "The shadows." 4. The introduction of the grabcua, or annual confirmation of the members of the senate and of the great council, vested entirely in the latter. By this law part of the authority both of the senate and general council was transferred to the great council; and by subjecting the senate to this annual revision, its power was greatly lessened, and it was made in fact dependent upon the general councils. 5. The circles or clubs in which it was customary to convene the citizens, and all public assemblies whatever, were prohibited; and so rigorously was this carried into execution, that the society of arts was prohibited from meeting. 6. The militia were abolished; firing at marks, even with bows and arrows, was prohibited; and the town, instead of being guarded by the citizens, was now put under the care of 1000 foreign soldiers, whose colonel and major were both to be foreigners. These troops were to take an oath of fidelity to the republic, and of obedience to the great council and the committee of war: but were under the immediate command and inspection of the latter, and subject to the superior control of the former. 7. No person was permitted to bear arms, whether citizen, native, or inhabitant. 8. Several taxes were imposed without the consent of the general council; but in time to come it was provided, that every change or augmentation of the revenue should be submitted to that body. 9. Several privileges with regard to trade and commerce, formerly possessed by the citizens alone, were now granted both to citizens and inhabitants.

It is not to be supposed that this revolution would be agreeable to people who had such a strong sense of liberty, and had been accustomed to put such a value upon it, as the Genevans. From what has been already related, it might seem reasonable to conclude, that an almost universal emigration would have taken place: but after their resentment had time to subside, most of those who fled at first, thought proper to return; and, in the opinion of Mr Coxe, not more than 600 finally left their country on account of the revolution in 1782. The emigrants principally settled at Brussels and Constance, where they introduced the arts of printing linens and watchmaking. Soon after the revolution, indeed, a memorial, signed by above 1000 persons of both sexes, all of them either possessed of some property or verified in trade or manufactures, was presented to the earl of Temple, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, expressing a desire to settle in that kingdom. The proposal met with general approbation; the Irish parliament voted 50,000l. towards defraying the expenses of their journey, and affording them a proper number of settlement in the island. Lands were purchased for Geneva 8000l. in a convenient situation near Waterford; part of New Geneva was actually completed at the expense of 10,000l.; a charter was granted with very considerable privileges; the standard of gold was alter- ed for the accommodation of the watch manufacturers; and the foundation of an academy laid upon an useful and liberal plan. Seven Genevans landed in Ireland in the month of July 1783; but when the nation had expended near 32,000l. on the scheme, it was suddenly abandoned. This seems principally to have been owing to the delays necessarily occasioned in the execution of such a complicated plan; and in some degree also by the high demands of the Genevan commissioners, who required many privileges inconsistent with the laws of Ireland. By these delays the Genevans, whose character seems not to be perseverance, were induced to abandon the scheme, and return to their former place of residence. Even the few who had already landed, though maintained at the public expence, were discontented at not finding the new town prepared for their reception; and as those among the proposed emigrants who possessed the greatest share of property had already withdrawn their names, the remainder did not choose to remain in a country where they had not capital sufficient to carry on any considerable trade or manufacture. A petition was then presented by the Genevan commissioners, requesting that 10,000l. of the 50,000l. voted might be appropriated to the forming a capital; but as this had been voted for other purposes, the petition was of course rejected; in consequence of which, the Genevans relinquished the settlement by an address, and soon after quitted the island.

The people of Old Geneva, though returned to their former place of abode, were far from being inclined to submit to the yoke with patience. They were obliged to pay heavy taxes for maintaining a military force expressly calculated to keep themselves in subjection: and so intolerable did this appear, that in a few years everything seemed ready for another revolution. The success of this seemed more probable than that of the former, as France was not now in a condition to interfere as formerly. The general ferment soon rose to such a height, that government was obliged to call in the aid of the military to quell a tumult which happened in the theatre. This produced only a temporary tranquillity; another tumult took place on the 26th of January 1789, on account of the publication of an edict raising the price of bread a farthing per pound. On this the people instantly rose, plundered the bakers shops: and next day a carriage loaded with bread and escorted by soldiers was plundered in its way to the distribution office. The soldiers fired on the populace, by which one man was killed and another wounded: but the tumult still increasing, the soldiers were driven away; and the body of the deceased was carried in a kind of procession before the town house, as a monument of the violence and oppression of the aristocratic party. The magistrates in the mean time spent their time in deliberation, instead of taking any effectual method of quelling the insurrection. The people made the best use of the time afforded them by this delay of the magistrates; they attacked and carried two of the gates, dangerously wounding the commanding officer as he attempted to allay the fury of both parties. At last the magistrates despatched against them a considerable body of troops, whom they thought the insurgents would not have the courage to resist; but in this they found themselves deceived. The people had formed a strong barricade, behind which they played off two fire pumps filled with boiling water and soap lyes against the extremities of two bridges which the military had to cross before they could attack them. The commanding officer was killed and several of his men wounded by the discharge of small arms from windows; and the pavement was carried up to the tops of houses in order to be thrown down upon the troops if they should force the barricades and penetrate into the streets. The tumult in the mean time continued to increase, and was in danger of becoming universal; when the magistrates, finding it would be impossible to quell the insurgents without a great effusion of blood, were reduced to the necessity of complying with their demands. One of the principal magistrates repaired in person to the quarter of St Gervais, proclaimed an edict for lowering the price of bread, granted a general amnesty, and released all the insurgents who had been taken into custody. Thus a momentary calm was produced; but the leaders of the insurrection, sensible that the magistrates were either unable or unwilling to employ a sufficient force against them, resolved to take advantage of the present opportunity to procure a new change of government. A new insurrection, therefore, took place on the 29th of the month, in which the soldiers were driven from their posts, disarmed, and the gates seized by the people. The magistrates then, convinced that all opposition was fruitless, determined to comply with the demands of their antagonists in their full extent; and the aristocratical party suddenly changing their sentiments, renounced in a moment that system to which they had hitherto so obstinately adhered. On the application of the solicitor gen ral, therefore, for the recovery of the ancient liberties of the people, the permission of bearing arms, re-establishment of the militia, and of their circles or political clubs, the removal of the garrison from the barracks, and the recall of the representants who were banished in 1782; these moderate demands were received with complacency, and even satisfaction. The preliminaries were settled without difficulty, and a new edict of pacification was published under the title of Modifications à l'Édition de 1782, and approved by the senate, great council, and general council. So great was the unanimity on this occasion, that the modifications were received by a majority of 1321 against 52. The pacification was instantly followed by marks of friendship betwixt the two parties which had never been experienced before; the limits of the principal negatives respected the circles of the burghers; the magistrates obtained the confidence of the people; and no monument of the military force so odious to the people will be allowed to remain. "The barracks of the town house (says Mr Coxe) are already evacuated, and will be converted into a public library; the new barracks, built at an enormous expense, and more calculated for the garrison of a powerful and despotic kingdom than for a small and free commonwealth, will be converted into a building for the university. The reformation of the studies, which have scarcely received any alteration since the time of Calvin, is now in agitation. In a word, all things seem at present to conspire for the general good; and it is to be hoped that both parties, shocked at the recollection of past troubles, will continue on as friendly terms terms as the jealous nature of a free constitution will admit."

Geneva, as well as the whole of Switzerland, fell a victim to French rapacity in 1802. The following observations, made by a traveller on the spot, afford us some information of the consequences of this event to Geneva, of its degraded state, and of the manners of the inhabitants.

"The population of Geneva is about 24,000: moreover it contains at present between 1200 and 1400 French troops: the parties intermix but little, and have had no disputes, although they certainly regard each other with an eye of jealousy. The Genevans do the French soldiers the justice to say, that they have demeaned themselves in a very becoming manner during their residence here: they acknowledge themselves to be a conquered people, and dare not open their mouths, except to an Englishman, against the treacherous invaders of their country, and destroyers of their liberties.

"You are too well versed in the history of this people to require being told, that, notwithstanding their present humiliated condition, Freedom is the goddess they worship; and that, had there been any possibility of securing her from violation, they would gladly have bled before her altars. However various has been their success, in the different revolutions which have agitated this secluded state, the Genevans have uniformly evinced a courage which awed their enemies, and a determined bravery in defence of their rights, which in shewing that they prized them highly, gave proof that they were worthy to enjoy them.

"The territory of Geneva is comprehended in the Département du Leman, which department contains about 16 square leagues of land: its population is estimated at 609,000 persons. It is divided into three cantons or hundreds, the largest of which has Geneva for its capital, and contains about 75,000 souls, of which 10,000 only are Genevans, 20,000 are French, and the remainder are Savoyards. The prefect, as in all the other departments, is appointed by the First Consul, durante beneplacito. The care of the high roads and public walks, public finances, executive justice, military affairs, and passports, are under his immediate direction. All military appointments are given to Frenchmen: one general commands the town, and another the country. At the first moment of the revolution all the old magistrates were displaced, and since that time the civil officers have been elected by the citizens at large, consequently some are Frenchmen, and some Genevans: the present mayor is one of the latter: he is a gentleman of great respectability, and is much esteemed by both parties. Whenever a new code of laws shall be established in France, its operations will be extended over the territory of Geneva; but at present the people here retain their old laws with some trifling alterations only, rather the form than the substance: thus, the guillotine is now substituted for the gallows, and the punishments in general, without varying the degree, are inflicted according to the French manner.

"In their treaty with France, the Genevans stipulated, that their hospital should not be obliged to receive French soldiers: this hospital was founded in the early part of the last century, by some of the richest citizens, and is so well supported by legacies, and by annual subscriptions, that the fund enables the directors to expend two thousand louis a year. In contempt of his treaty, Bonaparte has insisted on the admission of French soldiers, for whose accommodation, however, he promised to pay a certain sum per diem: in contempt of his promise, again, he has withheld the payment! An hospital, however, is now preparing at Carouge, a village in Savoy, between Geneva and Grange Colonge, for Frenchmen, to which, it is expected, the soldiers will be removed in May or June. Here is also a general hospital, once the nunnery of St Clair; it was founded, together with many other useful institutions, by that celebrated reformer, John Calvin, who fled from the persecution of Francis I. and found an asylum in Geneva. The revenue arising from the estates of this hospital has, till within these last few years, been commensurate with its expenses: but, for some time back, it has been found necessary to collect almost an additional fourth, in order to supply its disbursements: twice in the year the treasurer goes round to every house, and solicits the charitable contribution of its inmates.

"Prior to the last revolution, I learn, that 600,000 French livres discharged all the public expenses: with this very trifling sum were paid the salaries of the magistrates, of the master of the town, of the master of the country, the expences of the academy, of repairing the roads, of cleaning and lighting the town; in short, these 600,000 livres were sufficient to defray all the ordinary expences of the government. Since that too-memorable event, the citizens of Geneva have been assessed to the amount of 1,500,000 livres, the salaries of the inferior magistrates are in arrears, the roads are not kept in good repair, the town is very dimly lighted, and the streets, a few of the principal ones excepted, are left with all their dirty honours thick upon them! The inhabitants go so far as to assert, that, in consequence of the neglect which the public drains have suffered, they have been affected with fevers and other ills to which they had hitherto been strangers.

"I understand, that the revenue of Geneva, since it has been annexed to the republic of France, arises chiefly from the following sources.—An excise duty is laid on all provisions (wheat excepted), on wine and merchandise of every description, which is brought into Geneva: the annual produce of this tax is about 12c,000 French livres; a land tax; a tax on doors and windows; a tax on the sale of estates; a heavy tax on the collateral inheritance of an estate—where the inheritance is lineal and immediate, the tax is moderate. To these taxes or contributions, as they are called, must be added la contribution mobilière, which is a small tax on personal property, and produces annually about 75,000 livres. The collectors of these taxes are appointed by the First Consul, and are paid very highly for their trouble: the prefect, and all the principal public officers, are very regularly paid, but those in a subordinate situation seldom get above one-third of their stipends.

"Divorces seem to be obtained here with too much facility. But, in the first place, as to marriages, they must be celebrated, according to the French law, before the municipality, at the maison de ville. Marriage in France, you know, is merely a civil ceremony, the parties being obliged to swear before an appointed magistrate, that they are of age, and that they have consented consented to become man and wife. The Genevans, however, do not consider this ceremony as sufficient; but, as our Gretna Green couples, on their return to Britain, think it necessary, after the fervour of passion is abated, and the mercury is fallen, in the animal thermometer, something lower than blood heat, to have the holy rites performed with the solemnity prescribed by law; so the Genevans, in addition to the civil ceremony prescribed by the laws of the republic of France, voluntarily conform to the religious ordinance of their own church. That a man should be able to obtain a divorce from the wife who is unfaithful to his bed, is highly reasonable; but here, if a woman leaves her husband, and refuses to return to his habitation, after being summoned by him for that purpose, he can repudiate her for disobedience. This doubtless was grounded on the presumption, that, if a woman fled from her husband, and resisted his solicitation to return, it could only be for the purpose of cohabiting with some other man: but an advantage is taken of this presumption; and now, when the parties, for whatever reasons, are desirous of being divorced, the wife, with the knowledge and consent of her husband, generally goes into Switzerland, where she remains six months, during which time the husband summons her to return, she refuses, and at the end of that term a divorce is declared between them.*