a large tract of country lying on the west side of the continent of Africa, extends along the coast three or four thousand miles, beginning at the river Senegal, situated about the 17th degree of north latitude (being the nearest part of Guinea as well to Europe as to North America). From that river to the river Gambia, and in the southerly course to Cape Sierra Leona, is comprehended a coast of about 700 miles; being the same tract for which Queen Elizabeth granted charters to the first traders to that coast. From Sierra Leona, the land of Guinea takes a turn to the eastward, extending that course about 1500 miles, including those several divisions known by the names of the Grain Coast, the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Slave Coast, with the large kingdom of Benin. From thence the land runs southward along the coast about 1200 miles, which contains the kingdoms of Congo and Angola; where the trade for slaves ends. From which to the feathermost cape of Africa, called the Cape of Good Hope, the country is settled by Cafrres and Hottentots, who have never been concerned in the making or selling slaves.

1. Of the parts which are above mentioned, the first is that situated on the great river Senegal, which is said to be navigable more than 1000 miles, and is by travellers described to be very agreeable and fruitful. Mr Brue, principal factor for the French African company, who lived 16 years in that country, after describing its fruitfulness and plenty near the sea, adds*, "The farther you go from the sea, the country on the river feems the more fruitful and well im-vol. ii. proved, abounding with Indian corn, pulse, fruit, &c.p. 46. Here are vast meadows, which feed large herds of great and small cattle, and poultry numerous: the villages that lie thick on the river, show the country is well peopled." The same author, in the account of a voyage he made up the river Gambia, the mouth of which lies about 300 miles south of the Senegal, and is navigable about 600 miles up the country, says, "that he was surprised to see the land so well cultivated; scarce a spot lay unimproved; the low lands divided by small canals were all sowed with rice, &c. the higher ground planted with millet, Indian corn, and peas of different sorts; their beef excellent; poultry plenty and very cheap, as well as all other necessaries of life." Mr Moore, who was sent from England about the year 1735, in the service of the African company, and resided at James Fort on the river Gambia, or in other factories on that river, about five years, confirms the above account of the fruitfulness of the country. Captain Smith, who was sent in the year 1726 by the African company to survey their settlements throughout the whole coast of Guinea, says*, "the country about the Gambia is pleasant and fruitful; provisions of all kinds being plenty and exceeding cheap." The country on and between the two above-mentioned rivers is large and extensive, inhabited principally by those three Negro nations known by the name of Jalofs, Fulis, and Mandingos. The Jalofs possess the middle of the country. The Fulis principal settlement is on both sides of the Senegal: great numbers of these people are also mixed with the Mandingos; which last are mostly settled on both sides the Gambia. The government of the Jalofs is represented as under a better regulation than can be expected from the common opinion we entertain of the negroes. We are told in Aflley's Collection, "That the king has under him several ministers of state, who assist him in the exercise of justice. The grand jerafo is the chief justice through all the king's dominions, and goes in circuit from time to time to hear complaints and determine controversies. The king's treasurer exercises the same employment, and has under him alkairs, who are governors of towns or villages. That the kondi, or viceroy, goes the circuit with the chief justice, both to hear causes and inspect into the behaviour of the alkair, or chief magistrate of every village in their several districts." Vafaconcelas, an author mentioned in the Collection, says, "the ancientest are preferred to be the prince's counsellors, who keep always about his person; and the men of most judgment and experience are the judges." The Fulis are settled on both sides of the river Senegal: their country, which is very fruitful and populous, extends near 400 miles from east to west. They are generally of a deep tawny complexion, appearing to bear some affinity to the Moors, whose country they join on the north: they are good farmers, and make great harvest of corn, cotton, tobacco, &c. and breed great numbers of cattle of all kinds. But the most particular account we have of these people is from Moore, who says†, "Some of these Fuli blacks, who dwell on both sides the river Gambia, are in subjection to the Mandingos, amongst whom they dwell, having been probably driven out of their country by war or famine. They have chiefs of their own, who rule with much moderation. Few of them will drink brandy, or anything stronger than water and sugar, being strict Mahometans. Their form of government goes on easy, because the people are of a good quiet disposition, and so well instructed in what is right, that a man who does ill is the abomination of all, and none will support him against the chief. In these countries the natives are not covetous of land, desiring no more than what they use; and as they do not plough with horses and cattle, they can use but very little; therefore the kings are willing to give the Fulis leave to live in their country, and cultivate their lands. If any of their people are known to be made slaves, all the Fulis will join to redeem them; they also support the old, the blind, the lame, amongst themselves; and as far as their abilities go, they supply the necessities of the Mandingos, great numbers of whom they have maintained in famine." The author, from his own observations, says, "They were rarely angry, and that he never heard them abuse one another."

The Mandingos are said by Mr Brue before mentioned, "to be the most numerous nation on the Gambia, besides which, numbers of them are dispersed over all these countries; being the most rigid Mahometans amongst the negroes, they drink neither wine nor brandy, and are politer than the other negroes. The chief of the trade goes through their hands. Many are industrious and laborious, keeping their grounds well cultivated, and breeding a good stock of cattle†. Every town has an alkadi, or governor, who has great power; for most of them having two collected common fields of clear ground, one for corn, and the other for rice, the alkadi appoints the labour of all the people. The men work the corn ground, and the women and girls the rice ground; and as they all equally labour, so he equally divides the corn amongst them; and in case any are in want, the others supply them. This alkadi decides all quarrels, and has the first voice in all conferences in town affairs." Some of these Mandingos, who are settled at Galem, far up the river Senegal, can read and write Arabic tolerably; and are a good hospitable people, who carry on a trade with the inland nations. "They are extremely populous in those parts, their women being fruitful, and they not suffering any person amongst them, but such as are guilty of crimes, to be made slaves." We are told from Jobson "That the Mahometan negroes say their prayers thrice a day. Each village has a priest who calls them to their duty. It is surprising (says the author), as well as commendable, to see the modesty, attention, and reverence they observe during their worship. He asked some of their priests the purport of their prayers and ceremonies; their answer always was, 'that they adored God by prostrating themselves before him; that by humbling themselves they acknowledged their own insignificance, and farther intreated him to forgive their faults, and to grant them all good and necessary things, as well as deliverance from evil.' Jobson takes notice of several good qualities in these negro priests, particularly their great fidelity. They gain their livelihood by keeping school for the education of the children. The boys are taught to read and write. They not only teach school, but rove about the country, teaching and instructing, for which the whole country is open to them; and they have a free course through all places, though the kings may be at war with one another.

The three fore-mentioned nations practise several trades, trades, as smiths, potters, saddlers, and weavers. Their smiths work particularly neat in gold and silver, and make knives, hatchets, reaping hooks, spades, and shears to cut iron, &c. Their potters make neat tobacco pipes, and pots to boil their food. Some authors say, that weaving is their principal trade: this is done by the women and girls, who spin and weave very fine cotton cloth, which they dye blue or black. Moore says, the Jalefs particularly make great quantities of the cotton cloth; their pieces are generally 27 yards long, and about nine inches broad, their looms being very narrow; these they sew neatly together, so as to supply the use of broad cloth.

It was in these parts of Guinea that M. Adanson, correspondent of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, was employed from the year 1749 to the year 1753, wholly in making natural and philosophical observations on the country about the rivers Senegal and Gambia. Speaking of the great heats in Senegal, he says, "it is to them that they are partly indebted for the fertility of their lands; which is so great, that, with little labour and care, there is no fruit nor grain but grows in great plenty."

Of the soil on the Gambia, he says, "it is rich and deep, and amazingly fertile; it produces spontaneously, and almost without cultivation, all the necessaries of life, grain, fruit, herbs, and roots. Every thing matures to perfection, and is excellent in its kind." One thing which always surprised him, was the prodigious rapidity with which the sap of trees repairs any loss they may happen to sustain in that country; "And I was never (says he) more astonished, than when landing four days after the locusts had devoured all the fruits and leaves, and even the buds of the trees, to find the trees covered with new leaves, and they did not seem to me to have suffered much." It was then (says the same author) the fish season; you might see them in shoals approaching towards land. Some of these shoals were 50 fathoms square, and the fish crowded together in such a manner, as to roll upon one another, without being able to swim. As soon as the negroes perceive them coming towards land, they jump into the water with a basket in one hand, and swim with the other. They need only to plunge and to lift up their basket, and they are sure to return loaded with fish." Speaking of the appearance of the country, and of the disposition of the people, he says, "which way ever I turned mine eyes on this pleasant spot, I beheld a perfect image of pure nature; an agreeable solitude, bounded on every side by charming landscapes; the 'rural situation' of cottages in the midst of trees; the ease and indolence of the negroes, reclined under the shade of their spreading foliage; the simplicity of their dress and manners; the whole revived in my mind the idea of our first parents, and I seemed to contemplate the world in its primitive state. They are, generally speaking, very good-natured, sociable, and obliging. I was not a little pleased with this my first reception; it convinced me, that there ought to be a considerable abatement made in the accounts I had read and heard everywhere of the savage character of the Africans. I observed, both in the negroes and Moors great humanity and sociableness, which gave me strong hopes that I should be very safe amongst them, and meet with the success I desired in my inquiries after the curiosities of the country." He was agreeably amused with the conversation of the negroes, their fables, dialogues, and witty stories with which they entertain each other alternately, according to their custom. Speaking of the remarks which the natives made to him with relation to the stars and planets, he says, "it is amazing that such a rude and illiterate people should reason so pertinently in regard to those heavenly bodies; there is no manner of doubt, but that with proper instruments, and a good will, they would become excellent astronomers."

2. That part of Guinea known by the name of the Grain and Ivory Coast extends about 500 miles. The soil is said to be, in general fertile, producing abundance of rice and roots; indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation, and tobacco would be excellent if carefully manufactured; they have fish in plenty; their fleets greatly increase; and their trees are loaded with fruit. They make a cotton cloth, which sells well on the coast. In a word, the country is rich, and the commerce advantageous, and might be greatly augmented by such as would cultivate the friendship of the natives. These are represented by some writers as a rude, treacherous people; whilst several other authors of credit give them a very different character, describing them as sensible, courteous, and the fairest traders on the coast of Guinea. In the Collection, they are said to be averse to drinking to excess, and such as do are severely punished by the king's order. On inquiry why there is such a disagreement in the character given of these people, it appears, that though they are naturally inclined to be kind to strangers, with whom they are fond of trading, yet the frequent injuries done them by Europeans have occasioned their being suspicious and shy: the same cause has been the occasion of the ill treatment they have sometimes given to innocent strangers, who have attempted to trade with them. As the Europeans have no settlement on this part of Guinea, the trade is carried on by signals from the ships, on the appearance of which the natives usually come on board in their canoes, bringing their gold-dust, ivory, &c. which has given opportunity to some villainous Europeans to carry them off with their effects, or retain them on board till a ransom is paid. It is noted by some, that since the European voyagers have carried away several of these people, their mistrust is so great, that it is very difficult to prevail on them to come on board. Smith remarks, "As we sailed along this coast, we very often lay before a town, and fired a gun for the natives to come off; but no soul came near us: at length we learnt by some ships that were trading down the coast, that the natives came seldom on board an English ship, for fear of being detained or carried off; yet at last some ventured on board; but if these chanced to spy any arms, they would all immediately take to their canoes, and make the best of their way home. They had then in their possession one Benjamin Crofts, the mate of an English vessel, who was detained by them to make reprisals for some of their men, who had formerly been carried away by some English vessel." In the Collection we are told, "This villainous custom is too often practised, chiefly by the Bristol and Liverpool ships, and is a great detriment to the slave-trade on the windward coast." John Snock, mentioned in Bosman, when on the coast, wrote, "We cast anchor, but not one negro coming on board, I went on shore; and after having stayed a while on the strand, some negroes came to me; and being desirous to be informed why they did not come on board, I was answered, that about two months before, the English had been there with two large vessels, and had ravaged the country, destroyed all their houses, plundered their houses, and carried off some of their people, upon which the remainder fled to the inland country, where most of them were at that time; so that there being not much to be done by us, we were obliged to return on board. When I inquired after their wars with other countries, they told me they were not often troubled with them; but if any difference happened, they chose rather to end the dispute amicably than to come to arms*." He found the inhabitants civil and good-natured. Speaking of the king of Rio Seftro, lower down the coast, he says, "He was a very agreeable, obliging man; and all his subjects are civil, as well as very laborious in agriculture and the pursuits of trade." Marchais † says, "That though the country is very populous, yet none of the natives (except criminals) are sold for slaves." Vaillant never heard of any settlement being made by the Europeans on this part of Guinea; and Smith remarks ‡, "That these coasts which are divided into several little kingdoms, and have seldom any wars, is the reason the slave-trade is not so good here as on the Gold and Slave Coast, where the Europeans have several forts and factories." A plain evidence this, that it is the intercourse with the Europeans, and their settlements on the coast, which gives life to the slave-trade.

3. Next adjoining to the Ivory Coast are those called the Gold Coast and the Slave Coast; authors are not agreed about their bounds, but their extent together along the coast may be about 500 miles. And as the policy, produce, and economy of these two kingdoms of Guinea are much the same, they shall be described together.

Here the Europeans have the greatest number of forts and factories; from whence, by means of the negro factors, a trade is carried on above 700 miles back in the inland country; whereby great numbers of slaves are procured, as well by means of the wars which arise amongst the negroes, or are fomented by the Europeans, as those brought from the back country. Here we find the natives more reconciled to the European manners and trade; but, at the same time, much more inured to war, and ready to assist the European traders in procuring loadings for the great number of vessels which come yearly on those coasts for slaves. This part of Guinea is agreed by historians to be, in general, extraordinary fruitful and agreeable; producing (according to the difference of the soil) vast quantities of rice and other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm wine and oil, and fish in great abundance, with much tame and wild cattle. Bofman, principal factor for the Dutch at D'Elmina, speaking of the country of Axim, which is situated towards the beginning of the Gold Coast, says, "The negro inhabitants are generally very rich, driving a great trade with the Europeans for gold: That they are industriously employed either in trade, fishing, or agriculture; but chiefly in the culture of rice, which grows here in an incredible abundance, and is transported hence all over the Gold Coast: the inhabitants, in lieu, returning full fraught with millet, jams, potatoes, and palm oil." The same author, speaking of the country of Ante, says, "This country, as well as the Gold Coast, abounds with hills, enriched with extraordinary high and beautiful trees; its valleys, betwixt the hills, are wide and extensive, producing in great abundance very good rice, millet, jams, potatoes, and other fruits, all good in their kind." He adds, "In short, it is a land that yields its manurers as plentiful a crop as they can wish, with great quantities of palm wine and oil, besides being well furnished with all sorts of tame as well as wild beasts; but that the last fatal wars had reduced it to a miserable condition, and stripped it of most of its inhabitants." The adjoining country of Fctu, he says, "was formerly so powerful and populous, that it struck terror into all the neighbouring nations; but it is at present so drained by continual wars, that it is entirely ruined; there does not remain inhabitants sufficient to till the country, though it is so fruitful and pleasant that it may be compared to the country of Ante just before described; frequently (says our author), when walking through it before the last war, I have seen it abounded with fine well built and populous towns, agreeably enriched with vast quantities of corn, cattle, palm wine, and oil. The inhabitants all apply themselves without any distinction to agriculture; some sow corn; others press oil, and draw wine from palm trees, with both which it is plentifully stored."

Smith gives much the same account of the before-mentioned parts of the Gold Coast; and adds, "the country about D'Elmina and Cape Coast is much the same for beauty and goodness, but more populous; and the nearer we come towards the Slave Coast, the more delightful and rich all the countries are, producing all sorts of trees, fruits, roots, and herbs, that grow within the torrid zone." Barbot also remarks *, with respect to the countries of Ante and Adom, "That the soil is very good and fruitful in corn and other produce; which it affords in such plenty, that besides what serves for their own use, they always export great quantities for sale: they have a competent number of cattle, both tame and wild, and the rivers are abundantly flored with fish; so that nothing is wanting for the support of life, and to make it easy." In the Collection it is said, "That the inland people on that part of the coast employ themselves in tillage and trade, and supply the market with corn, fruit, and palm wine; the country producing such vast plenty of Indian corn, that abundance is daily exported as well by Europeans as blacks resorting thither from other parts." These inland people are said to live in great union and friendship, being generally well tempered, civil, and tractable; not apt to shed human blood, except when much provoked; and ready to assist one another. In the Collection it is said, "That the fishing business is esteemed on the Gold Coast next to trading; that those who profess it are more numerous than those of other employments. That the greatest number of these are at Kommendo, Mina, and Kormantin; from each of which places there go out every morning (Tuesday excepted, which is the Fetish day or day of rest), five, fix, and sometimes eight hundred canoes, from 13 to 14 feet long, which spread themselves two leagues at sea, each fisherman carrying in his canoe a sword, with bread, water, and a little fire on a large stone to roast fish. Thus they labour till noon, when the sea breeze blowing fresh, they return on the shore, generally laden with fish; a quantity of which the inland inhabitants come down to buy, which they sell again at the country markets."

Smith says, "The country about Aera, where the English and Dutch have each a strong fort, is very delightful, and the natives courteous and civil to strangers." He adds, "That this place seldom fails of an extraordinary good trade from the inland country, especially for slaves, whereof several are supposed to come from very remote parts, because it is not uncommon to find a Malayan or two amongst a parcel of other slaves; The Malay people are generally natives of Malacca, in the East Indies, situated several thousand miles from the Gold Coast." They differ very much from the Guinea negroes, being of a tawney complexion with long black hair.

Most parts of the Slave Coast are represented as equally fertile and pleasant with the Gold Coast. The kingdom of Whidah has been particularly noted by travellers. Smith and Bofman agree "That it is one of the most delightful countries in the world. The great number and variety of tall, beautiful, and shady trees, which form planted in groves; the verdant fields everywhere cultivated, and no otherwise divided than by those groves, and in some places a small foot-path, together with a great number of villages, contribute to afford the most delightful prospect; the whole country being a fine, easy, and almost imperceptible ascent for the space of 40 or 50 miles from the sea. That the farther you go from the sea, the more beautiful and populous the country appears. That the natives were kind and obliging, and so industrious, that no place which was thought fertile could escape being planted, even within the hedges which inclose their villages. And that the next day after they had reaped, they sowed again."

Snelgrave also says, "The country appears full of towns and villages; and being a rich soil, and well cultivated, looks like an entire garden." In the Collection, the husbandry of the negroes is described to be carried on with great regularity. "The rainy season approaching, they go into the fields and woods, to fix on a proper place for sowing; and as here is no property in ground, the king's licence being obtained, the people go out in troops, and first clear the ground from bushes and woods, which they burn. The field thus cleared, they dig it up a foot deep, and so let it remain for eight or ten days, till the rest of their neighbours have disposed their ground in the same manner. They then consult about sowing, and for that end assemble at the King's court the next Fifth day. The King's grain must be sown first. They then go again to the field, and give the ground a second digging, and sow their seed. Whilst "the king or governor's land is sowing, he sends out wine and flesh, ready dressed, enough to serve the labourers. Afterwards, they in like manner sow the ground allotted for their neighbours as diligently as that of the king's, by whom they are also feasted; and so continue to work in a body for the public benefit till every man's ground is tilled and sowed. None but the king, and a few great men, are exempted from this labour. Their grain soon sprouts out of the ground. When it is about a man's height, and begins to ear, they raise a wooden house in the centre of the field, covered with straw, in which they set their children to watch their corn, and fright away the birds."

Bofman speaks in commendation of the civility, kindnels, and great industry of the natives of Whidah. This is confirmed by Smith, who says, "The natives here seem to be the most gentleman-like negroes in Guinea, abounding with good manners and ceremony to each other. The inferior pay the utmost deference and respect to the superior, as do wives to their husbands, and children to their parents. All here are naturally industrious, and find constant employment; the men in agriculture, and the women in spinning and weaving cotton. The men, whose chief talent lies in husbandry, are unacquainted with arms; otherwise, being a numerous people, they could have made a better defence against the king of Dahomy, who subdued them without much trouble." According to the Collection, there are, throughout the Gold Coast, regular markets in all villages, furnished with provisions and merchandise, held every day in the week except Tuesday, whence they supply, not only the inhabitants, but the European ships. The negro women are very expert in buying and selling, and extremely industrious; for they will repair daily to market from a considerable distance, loaded like pack-horses, with a child perhaps at their back, and a heavy burden on their heads. After selling their wares, they buy fish and other necessaries, and return home loaded as they came. There is a market held at Sabi, every fourth day, also a weekly one in the province of Apologua, which is so reported to, that there are usually 5000 or 6000 merchants. Their markets are so well regulated and governed, that seldom any disorder happens; each species of merchandise and merchants have a separate place allotted them by themselves. The buyers may haggle as much as they will, but it must be without noise or fraud. To keep order, the king appoints a judge; who, with four officers well armed, inspects the markets, hears all complaints, and in a summary way decides all differences; he has power to seize and sell as slaves, all who are caught in stealing or disturbing the peace. In these markets are to be sold men, women, children, oxen, sheep, goats, and fowls of all kinds; European cloths, linen, and woollen; printed calicoes, silk, grocery ware, china, gold-dust, iron in bars, &c. in a word, most sorts of European goods, as well as the produce of Africa and Asia. They have other markets, resembling our fairs, once or twice a-year, to which all the country repair; for they take care to order the day so in different governments as not to interfere with each other."

With respect to government, Smith says*, "that* Smith, the Gold Coast and Slave Coast are divided into different districts, some of which, are governed by their chiefs or kings: the others, being more of the nature of a commonwealth, are governed by some of the principal men, called Caboceros; who Bofman says, are properly denominated civil fathers, whose pro- Guinea. vince is to take care of the welfare of the city or village, and to appease tumults." But this order of government has been much broken since the coming of the Europeans. Both Bofman and Barbot mention murder and adultery to be severely punished on the coast, frequently by death; and robbery by a fine proportionable to the goods stolen.

The income of some of the kings is large. Bofman says, "that the king of Whidah's revenues and duties on things bought and sold are considerable; he having the title of all things sold in the market, or imported into the country." Both the above-mentioned authors say, the tax on slaves shipped off in this king's dominions, in some years, amounts to near 20,000l.

Bofman tells us, "the Whidah negroes have a faint idea of a true God, ascribing to him the attributes of almighty power and omnipresence; but God, they say, is too high to condescend to think of mankind; wherefore he commits the government of the world to those inferior deities which they worship." Some authors say, the wisest of these negroes are sensible of their mistake in this opinion; but dare not forsake their own religion, for fear of the populace rising and killing them. This is confirmed by Smith, who says, "that all the natives of this coast believe there is one true God, the author of them and all things; that they have some apprehension of a future state; and that almost every village has a grove, or public place of worship, to which the principal inhabitants, on a set day, resort to make their offerings."

In the Collection it is remarked as an excellence in the Guinea government, "that however poor they may be in general, yet there are no beggars to be found amongst them; which is owing to the care of their chief men, whose province it is to take care of the welfare of the city or village, it being part of their office to see that such people may earn their bread by their labour; some are set to blow the smith's bellows, others to press palm oil, or grind colours for their mats, and fell provision in the markets. The young men are lifted to serve as soldiers, so that they suffer no common beggar." Bofman ascribes a further reason for this good order*, viz., "that when a negro finds he cannot subsist, he binds himself for a certain sum of money, and the master to whom he is bound is obliged to find him necessaries; that the master sets him a sort of task, which is not in the least lavish, being chiefly to defend his master on occasions, or in fowing time to work as much as himself pleases."

Adjoining to the kingdom of Whidah are several small governments, as Coto, great and small Popo, Ardrah, &c. all situated on the Slave Coast, where the chief trade for slaves is carried on. These are governed by their respective kings, and follow much the same customs with those of Whidah, except that their principal living is on plunder and the slave-trade.

4. Next adjoining to the Slave Coast, is the kingdom of Benin, which, though it extends but about 170 miles on the sea, yet spreads so far inland as to be esteemed the most potent kingdom in Guinea. By accounts, the soil and produce appear to be in a great measure like those before described, and the natives are represented as a reasonable good-natured people. Artua says †, "they are a sincere, inoffensive people, and do no injustice either to one another or to foreigners." Smith confirms this account, and says, "that the inhabitants are generally very good-natured, and exceeding courteous and civil. When the Europeans make them presents, which in their coming thither to trade they always do, they endeavour to return them doubly." Bofman tells us, "that his countrymen the Dutch, who were often obliged to trust them till they returned the next year, were sure to be honestly paid their whole debts."

There is in Benin a considerable order in government; theft, murder, and adultery, being severely punished. Smith says, "their towns are governed by officers appointed by the king, who have power to decide in civil cases, and to raise the public taxes: but in criminal cases, they must send to the king's court, which is held at the town of Oedo or Great Benin. This town, which covers a large extent of ground, is about 60 miles from the sea." Barbot tells us, "that it contains 30 streets, 20 fathoms wide, and almost two miles long, commonly extending in a straight line from one gate to another; that the gates are guarded by soldiers; that in these streets markets are held every day, for cattle, ivory, cotton, and many sorts of European goods. This large town is divided into several wards or districts, each governed by its respective king of a street, as they call them, to administer justice, and to keep good order. The inhabitants are very civil and good-natured, condescending to what the Europeans require of them in a civil way." The same author confirms what has been said by others of their justice in the payment of their debts; and adds, "that they, above all other Guineans, are very honest and just in their dealings; and they have such an aversion for theft, that by the law of the country it is punished with death." We are told by the same author, "that the king of Benin is able upon occasion to maintain an army of 100,000 men; but that, for the most part, he does not keep 30,000." See the article BENIN.

5. The last division of Guinea from which slaves are imported, are the kingdoms of Congo and Angola: these lie to the south of Benin, extending with the intermediate land about 1200 miles on the coast. Great numbers of the natives of both these kingdoms profess the Christian religion, which was long since introduced by the Portuguese, who made early settlements in that country. See CONGO and ANGOLA.

In the Collection it is said, that both in Congo and Angola, the soil is in general fruitful, producing great plenty of grain, Indian corn, and such quantities of rice, that it hardly bears any price, with fruits, roots, and palm oil in plenty. The natives are generally a quiet people, who discover a good understanding, and behave in a friendly manner to strangers, being of a mild conversation, affable, and easily overcome with reason. In the government of Congo, the king appoints a judge in every particular division, to hear and determine disputes and civil causes; the judges imprison and release, or impose fines, according to the rule of custom; but in weighty matters, every one may appeal to the king, before whom all criminal causes are brought, in which he giveth sentence; but seldom condemneth to death. The town of Leango stands in the midst of four lordships, which abound in corn, fruit, &c. Here they make great quantities of cloth of divers kinds, very fine and curious; the inhabitants are seldom idle; they even make needle-work caps as they walk in the streets. The flave-trade is here principally managed by the Portuguese, who carry it far up into the inland countries. They are said to fend off from these parts 15,000 slaves each year. At Angola, about the tenth degree of south latitude, ends the trade for slaves.

As all these countries lie between the tropics, the air is excessively hot, especially from the beginning of September to the end of March; which, with the coolness of the nights, the frequent thick, stinking, sulphureous mists, and the periodical rains, when the flat country is overflowed, makes it very unhealthy, especially to Europeans. The natives, however, are little affected with the unwholesome air. According to Barbot, they keep much within doors in tempestuous times; and when exposed to the weather, their skins being supplied and pores closed by daily anointing with palm oil, the weather can make but little impression on them. They generally, therefore, enjoy a good state of health, and are able to procure to themselves a comfortable subsistence, with much less care and toil than is necessary in our more northern climate; which last advantage arises not only from the warmth of the climate, but also from the overflowing of the rivers, whereby the land is regularly moistened and rendered extremely fertile; and being in many places improved by culture, abounds with grain and fruits, cattle, poultry, &c. The earth yields all the year a fresh supply of food: Few clothes are requisite, and little art necessary in making them, or in the construction of their houses, which are very simple, principally calculated to defend them from the tempestuous seasons and wild beasts; a few dry reeds covered with mats serve for their beds. The other furniture, except what belongs to cookery, gives the women but little trouble; the moveables of the greatest among them amounting only to a few earthen pots, some wooden utensils, and gourds or calabashes; from these last, which grow almost naturally over their huts, to which they afford an agreeable shade, they are abundantly stocked with good clean vessels for most household uses, being of different sizes, from half a pint to several gallons.

The distempers the Europeans are subject to on this coast, are fevers, fluxes, and colics, which are occasioned by indifferent water and bad air; their settlements lying near the coast, where the fogs and steams arising from the ooze and salt-marshes, and the stinking fish the natives dry on the beach, corrupt the air, and render it fatal to foreigners. The most temperate men find it difficult to preserve their health; but a great many halt in their death by their intemperance, or negligence, exposing themselves to the cold air in the evening, after a very hot day. This sudden change, from one extreme to the other, has often very bad effects in hot climates.

Of mountains in Guinea, the most remarkable are those of Sierra Leon. The principal capes are those of Cape Blanco, Cape Verde, Cape Leon, Cape St Ann's, Cape Palmas, and Cape Three Points, Cape Formofo, Cape Monte, Cape St John, Cape Lopas, Cape Lede, and Cape Negro. The chief bays are the Cyprian or Cintra bay, and the Bite of Guinea. Of the rivers, the most considerable are those of Conanzo and Ambriffi, the Zaara, the Lunde, the Cameron, the Formofo, the Volta, the Sierra Leon, and the Sherbro. All these run from east to west (except the Volta, which runs from north to south), and fall into the Atlantic.

Besides gold, ivory, and slaves, Guinea affords indigo, wax, gum-feneqa, gum-tragacanth, and a variety of other gums and drugs.

The most ancient account we have of the country History of the negroes, particularly that part situated on and between the two great rivers of Senegal and Gambia, is from the writings of two ancient authors, one an Arabian, and the other a Moor. The first wrote in Arabic about the 12th century. His works, printed in that language at Rome, were afterwards translated into Latin, and printed at Paris under the patronage of the famous Thuanus chancellor of France, with the title of Geographia Nubienis, containing an account of all the nations lying on the Senegal and Gambia. The other was written by John Leo, a Moor, born at Granada in Spain, before the Moors were totally expelled from that kingdom. He resided in Africa; but being on a voyage from Tripoli to Tunis, was taken by some Italian corsairs, who finding him possessed of several Arabian books, besides his own manuscripts, apprehended him to be a man of learning, and as such presented him to Pope Leo X. This pope encouraging him, he embraced the Romish religion, and his description of Africa was published in Italian. From these writings we gather, that after the Mahometan religion had extended to the kingdom of Morocco, some of the promoters of it crossing the sandy deserts of Numidia, which separate that country from Guinea, found it inhabited by men, who, though under no regular government, and destitute of that knowledge the Arabians were favoured with, lived in content and peace. The first author particularly remarks, "that they never made war, or travelled abroad, but employed themselves in tending their herds, or labouring in the ground." J. Leo says, p. 65. "That they lived in common, having no property in land, no tyrant nor superior lord, but supported themselves in an equal state, upon the natural produce of the country, which afforded plenty of roots, game, and honey. That ambition or avarice never drove them into foreign countries to subdue or cheat their neighbours. Thus they lived without toil or superfluities."—"The ancient inhabitants of Morocco, who wore coats of mail, and used swords and spears headed with iron, coming amongst these harmless and naked people, soon brought them under subjection, and divided that part of Guinea which lies on the rivers Senegal and Gambia into 15 parts; those were the 15 kingdoms of the negroes, over which the Moors presided, and the common people were negroes. These Moors taught the negroes the Mahometan religion, and arts of life; particularly the use of iron, before unknown to them. About the 14th century, a native negro, called Heli Ickha, expelled the Moorish conquerors; but though the negroes threw off the yoke of a foreign nation, they only changed a Libyan for a negro master. Heli Ickha himself becoming king, led the negroes on to foreign wars, and established himself in power over a very large extent extent of country." Since Leo's time, the Europeans have had very little knowledge of those parts of Africa, nor do they know what became of his great empire. It is highly probable that it broke into pieces, and that the natives again resumed many of their ancient customs; for in the account published by Moore, in his travels on the river Gambia, we find a mixture of the Moorish and Mahometan customs, joined with the original simplicity of the negroes. It appears by accounts of ancient voyages, collected by Hackluit, Purchas, and others, that it was about 50 years before the discovery of America, that the Portuguese attempted to sail round Cape Bojador, which lies between their country and Guinea: this, after divers repulses occasioned by the violent currents, they effected; when landing on the western coasts of Africa, they soon began to make incursions into the country, and to seize and carry off the native inhabitants. As early as the year 1434, Alonzo Gonzales, the first who is recorded to have met with the natives, being on that coast, pursued and attacked a number of them, when some were wounded, as was also one of the Portuguese; which the author records as the first blood spilt by Christians in those parts. Six years after, the same Gonzales again attacked the natives and took 12 prisoners, with whom he returned to his vessels: he afterwards put a woman on shore, in order to induce the natives to redeem the prisoners; but the next day 150 of the inhabitants appeared on horses and camels, provoking the Portuguese to land; which they not daring to venture, the natives discharged a volley of stones at them, and went off. After this, the Portuguese still continued to send vessels on the coast of Africa: particularly we read of their falling on a village, whence the inhabitants fled, and, being pursued, 25 were taken; "he that ran best (says the author), taking the most." In their way home they killed some of the natives, and took 55 more prisoners. Afterwards Dinifanes Dagrama, with two other vessels, landed on the island Arguin, where they took 54 Moors; then running along the coast 80 leagues farther, they at several times took 50 slaves; but here seven of the Portuguese were killed. Then being joined by several other vessels, Dinifanes proposed to destroy the island, to revenge the loss of the seven Portuguese; of which the Moors being apprised, fled, so that no more than 12 were found, whereof only four could be taken, the rest being killed, as also one of the Portuguese." Many more captures of this kind on the coast of Barbary and Guinea are recorded to have been made in those early times by the Portuguese; who, in the year 1481, erected their first fort at D'Elmina on that coast, from whence they soon opened a trade for slaves with the inland parts of Guinea.

From the foregoing accounts, it is undoubted, that the practice of making slaves of the negroes owes its origin to the early incursions of the Portuguese on the coast of Africa, solely from an inordinate desire of gain. This is clearly evidenced from their own historians, particularly Cada Mosto, about the year 1455, who writes *, "That before the trade was settled for purchasing slaves from the Moors at Arguin, sometimes four, and sometimes more Portuguese vessels, were used to come to that gulf, well armed; and landing by night, would surprise some fishermen's villages: that they even entered into the country, and carried off Arabs of both sexes, whom they sold in Portugal." And also, "That the Portuguese and Spaniards, settled on* four of the Canary islands, would go to the other island by night, and seize some of the natives of both sexes, whom they sent to be sold in Spain."

After the settlement of America, those devastations, and the captivating the miserable Africans, greatly increased.

Anderdon, in his History of Trade and Commerce, p. 336, speaking of what passed in the year 1508, writes, "That the Spaniards had by this time found that the miserable Indian natives, whom they had made to work in their mines and fields, were not so robust and proper for those purposes as negroes brought from Africa: wherefore they, about that time, began to import negroes for that end into Hispaniola, from the Portuguese settlements on the Guinea coasts; and also afterwards for their sugar-works."

It was about the year 1551, towards the latter end of the reign of Edward VI. when some London merchants sent out the first English ship on a trading voyage to the coast of Guinea. This was soon followed by several others to the same parts; but the English not having then any plantations in the West Indies, and consequently no occasion for negroes, such ships traded only for gold, elephants teeth, and Guinea pepper. This trade was carried on at the hazard of losing their ships and cargoes, if they had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese, who claimed an exclusive right of trade, on account of the several settlements they had made there. In 1553, we find Captain Thomas Windham trading along the coast with 140 men, in three ships, and failing as far as Benin, which lies about 3000 miles down the coast, to take in a load of pepper. Next year John Loke traded along the coast of Guinea, as far as D'Elmina, when he brought away considerable quantities of gold and ivory. He speaks well of the natives, and says, "That whoever will deal with them must behave civilly, for they will not traffic if ill used." In 1555, William Towerfon traded in a peaceable manner with the natives, who made complaint to him of the Portuguese, who were then settled in their castle at D'Elmina; saying, "They were bad men; who made them slaves if they could take them, putting irons on their legs."

This bad example of the Portuguese was soon followed by some evil-disposed Englishmen: for the same Captain Towerfon relates *, "That in the course of his voyage, he perceived the natives near D'Elmina un- * Collected willing to come to him, and that he was at last attack- ed by them; which he understood was done in revenge for the wrong done them the year before by one Captain Gainth, who had taken away the negro captain's son and three others, with their gold, &c. This caused them to join the Portuguese, notwithstanding their hatred of them, against the English." The next year Captain Towerfon brought these men back again; whereupon the negroes showed him much kindness. Quickly after this, another instance of the same kind occurred in the case of Captain George Fenner, who being on the coast with three vessels, was also attacked by the negroes, who wounded several of his people, and violently carried three of his men to their town. The captain sent a messenger, offering any thing they desired for the ransom of his men; but they refused to deliver them; letting him know, "That three weeks before, an English ship, which came into the road, had carried off three of their people; and that till they were brought again, they would not restore his men, even though they should give their three ships to release them." It was probably the evil conduct of these and some other Englishmen which was the occasion of what is mentioned in Hill's Naval History, viz. "That when Captain Hawkins returned from his first voyage to Africa, Queen Elizabeth sent for him, when he expressed her concern, left any of the African negroes should be carried off without their free consent; which she declared would be detestable, and would call down the vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers." Hawkins made great promises, which nevertheless he did not perform; for his next voyage to the coast appears to have been principally calculated to procure negro slaves, in order to sell them to the Spaniards in the West Indies; which occasioned the same author to use these remarkable words: "Here began the horrid practice of forcing the Africans into slavery; an injustice and barbarity which, so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for the worst of crimes, will some time be the destruction of all who act or who encourage it." This Captain Hawkins, afterwards Sir John Hawkins, seems to have been the first Englishman who gave public countenance to this wicked traffic: for Anderdon, before mentioned, at p. 401. says, "That in the year 1562, Captain Hawkins, assisted by subscription of sundry gentlemen, now fitted out three ships; and having learnt that negroes were a very good commodity in Hispaniola, he sailed to the coast of Guinea, took in negroes, and sailed with them for Hispaniola, where he told them, and his English commodities, and loaded his three vessels with hides, sugar, ginger, &c. with which he returned home anno 1563, making a prosperous voyage." As it proved a lucrative business, the trade was continued both by Hawkins and others, as appears from the Naval Chronicle, p. 55.; where it is said, "That on the 18th of October 1564, Captain John Hawkins, with two ships of 700 and 140 tons, sailed for Africa; that on the 8th of December they anchored to the south of Cape Verd, where the captain manned the boat, and sent 80 men in armour into the country, to see if they could take some negroes; but the natives flying from them, they returned to their ships, and proceeded farther down the coast. Here they stayed certain days, fending their men ashore, in order (as the author says) to burn and spoil their towns and take the inhabitants. The land they observed to be well cultivated, there being plenty of grain and fruit of several sorts, and the towns prettily laid out. On the 25th, being informed by the Portuguese of a town of negroes called Bymba, where there was not only a quantity of gold, but 140 inhabitants, they resolved to attack it, having the Portuguese for their guide; but by mismanagement they took but ten negroes, having seven of their own men killed and 27 wounded. They then went farther down the coast; when having procured a number of negroes, they proceeded to the West Indies, where they sold them to the Spaniards." And in the same Naval Chronicle, at p. 76. it is said, "That in the year 1567, Francis Drake, before performing his voyage round the world, went with Sir John Hawkins in his expedition to the coast of Guinea, where taking in a cargo of slaves, they determined to steer for the Caribbee islands." How Queen Elizabeth suffered to grievous an infringement of the rights of mankind to be perpetrated by her subjects, and how she was persuaded, about the 30th year of her reign, to grant patents for carrying on a trade from the north part of the river Senegal to 100 leagues beyond Sierra Leone, which gave rise to the African Company*, is hard to account for, any otherwise than that it arose from the misrepresentation made to her of the situation of the negroes, and of the advantages it was pretended they would reap from being made acquainted with the Christian religion. This was the case of Louis XIII. of France: who, Labat, in his account of the isles of America, tells us, "was extremely uneasy at a law by which the negroes of his colonies were to be made slaves; but it being strongly urged to him as the readiest means of their conversion to Christianity, he acquiesced therewith." Nevertheless, some of the Christian powers did not so easily give way in this matter: for we find †, "That Cardinal Cibo, one of the pope's principal ministers of state, wrote a letter on bc. vol. iii. half of the college of cardinals, or great council at Rome, to the missionaries in Congo, complaining that the pernicious and abominable abuse of selling slaves was yet continued; requiring them to remedy the same if possible; but this the missionaries saw little hopes of accomplishing, by reason that the trade of the country lay wholly in slaves and ivory.

It has been urged in justification of this trade, that by purchasing the captives taken in battle, they save the lives of so many human creatures, who otherwise would be sacrificed to the implacable revenge of the victors. But this pretence has been refuted by an appeal to reason and fact. For if the negroes apprehended they should be cruelly put to death if they were not sent away; why, it is asked, do they manifest such reluctance and dread as they generally do, at being brought from their native country? Smith, in his Account, p. 28. says, "The Gambians abhor slavery, and will attempt any thing, though ever so desperate, to avoid it." And Thomas Phillips, in his account of a voyage he performed to the coast of Guinea, writes, "They (the negroes) are loth to leave their own country, that they have often leaped out of the canoe, boat, or ship, into the sea, and kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up." But had the fact even been otherwise, the above plea is urged with an extreme bad grace, when it is notorious that the very wars said to be productive of such cruelty were fomented by the infamous arts of the Europeans. From the foregoing accounts, as well as other authentic publications of this kind, it appears, that it was the unwarrantable lust of gain which first stimulated the Portuguese, and afterwards other Europeans, to engage in this horrid traffic. By the most unquestionable relations of those early times, the natives were an inoffensive people, who, when civilly used, traded amicably with the Europeans. It is recorded of those of Benin, the largest kingdom in Guinea, that they were a gentle, loving people; and Reynold says, "They found more sincere proofs of love and good will from the natives, than they could find from the Spaniards and Portuguese, even though they had relieved them from the greatest misery." And from the same relations there is no reason to think otherwise, but that they generally lived in peace amongst themselves: there occurring no accounts of any wars at that early period, nor of any sale of captives taken in battle.

In fact, it was long after the Portuguese had made a practice of violently forcing the natives of Africa into slavery, that we read of the different negro nations making war upon each other, and selling their captives. And probably this was not the case, till those bordering on the coast, who had been used to supply the vessels with necessaries, had become corrupted by their intercourse with the Europeans, and were excited by drunkenness and avarice to join them in carrying on those wicked schemes, by which those unnatural wars were perpetrated, the inhabitants kept in continual alarms, the country laid waste, and, as Moore expresses it, "infinite numbers sold into slavery." But that the Europeans are the principal cause of these degradations, is particularly evidenced by one whole connection with the trade would rather induce him to represent it in the fairest colours, viz. Captain Smith, the person sent in the year 1726, by the African Company, to survey their settlements; who, from the information he received of one of the factors who had resided ten years in that country, says, "That the discerning natives account it their greatest unhappiness, that they were ever visited by the Europeans."—That we Christians introduced the traffic of slaves; and that before our coming they lived in peace."

In the accounts relating to the African trade, we find this melancholy truth farther asserted by some of the principal directors in the different factories; particularly A. Bruce says,†, "That the Europeans were far from desiring to act as peace-makers among the negroes; which would be acting contrary to their interest, since the greater the wars, the more slaves were procured." And William Bofman also remarks,‡, "That one of the former commanders gave large sums of money to the negroes of one nation, to induce them to attack some of the neighbouring nations; which occasioned a battle which was more bloody than the wars of the negroes usually are." This is confirmed by J. Barbot, who says, "That the country of D'Elmina, which was formerly very powerful and populous, was in his time so much drained of its inhabitants by the intestine wars fomented among the negroes by the Dutch, that there did not remain inhabitants enough to till the country."

It has also been advanced as an argument in favour of keeping the negroes in bondage, that there are slaves in Guinea, and that those amongst us might be so in their own country. Not to dwell upon the inconstancy of our giving any countenance to slavery, because the Africans, whom we esteem a barbarous and savage people, allow of it, and perhaps the more from our example; the very circumstance stated, when inquired into, must afford cause of blushing, rather than serve as a palliation of such iniquitous conduct: for it will appear, that the slavery endured in Guinea is by no means so grievous as that in the colonies. Captain Moore, speaking of the natives living on the river Gambia, says, "That some of the negroes have many house slaves, which are their greatest glory; that those slaves live so well and easy, that it is sometimes a hard matter to know the slaves from their masters or mistresses. And that though in some parts of Africa they sell their slaves born in the family, yet on the river Gambia they think it a very wicked thing." The author adds, "He never heard of but one that ever sold a family slave, except for such crimes as they would have been sold for if they had been free." And in Atley's Collection, speaking of the customs of the negroes in that large extent of country farther down the coast, particularly denominated the Coast of Guinea, it is said, "They have not many slaves on the coast; none but the king or nobles are permitted to buy or fell any; so that they are allowed only what are necessary for their families or tilling the ground." The same author adds, "That they generally use their slaves well, and seldom correct them."

From the foregoing accounts of the natural disposition of the negroes, and the fruitfulness of most parts of Guinea, which are confirmed by authors of candour, who have written from their own knowledge, it may well be concluded, that the negroes acquaintance with the Europeans might have been a happiness to them; but these, forgetful of their duty as men and Christians, have conducted themselves in so iniquitous a manner, as must necessarily raise in the minds of the thoughtful and well-disposed negroes the utmost scorn and detestation of the very name of Christians. All other considerations have given way to an insatiable desire of gain, which has been the principal and moving cause of the most detestable and barbarous scene that was perhaps ever acted upon the face of the earth; instead of making use of that superior knowledge with which the Almighty, the common Parent of mankind, had favoured them, to strengthen the principle of peace and good will in the breasts of the incautious negroes, the Europeans have, by their bad example, led them into excess of drunkenness, debauchery, and avarice: whereby every passion of corrupt nature being inflamed, they have been easily prevailed upon to make war and captivate one another, as well to furnish means for the excesses they had been habituated to, as to satisfy the greedy desire of gain in their profligate employers; who to this intent have furnished them with prodigious quantities of arms and ammunition. Thus they have been hurried into confusion, distress, and all the extremities of temporal misery; every thing, even the power of their kings, has been made subservient to this wicked purpose; for instead of being protectors of their subjects, some of those rulers, corrupted by the excessive love of spirituous liquors, and the tempting baits laid before them by the factors, have invaded the liberties of their unhappy subjects, and are become their oppressors.

Here it may be necessary to observe, that the accounts we have of the inhabitants of Guinea are chiefly given by persons engaged in the trade, who, from self-interested views, have described them in such colours as were least likely to excite compassion and respect, and endeavoured to reconcile to manifest a violation of the rights of mankind to the minds of the purchasers; yet they cannot but allow the negroes to be possessed of some good qualities, though they con- trive as much as possible to cast a shade over them. A particular instance of this appears in Aflley's Collection, vol. ii. p. 73.; where the author, speaking of the Mandingos settled at Galem, which is situated 900 miles up the Senegal, after saying that they carry on a commerce to all the neighbouring kingdoms, and amass riches, adds, "That excepting the vices peculiar to the blacks, they are a good sort of people, honest, hospitable, just to their word, laborious, industrious, and very ready to learn arts and sciences." Here it is difficult to imagine what vices can be peculiarily attendant on a people so well disposed as the author describes these to be. With respect to the charge some authors have brought against them, as being void of all natural affection, it is frequently contradicted by others. In vol. ii. of the Collection, p. 275. and 629. the negroes of North Guinea and the Gold Coast are said to be fond of their children, whom they love with tenderness. And Bofman says, p. 340. "Not a few in his country (viz. Holland) fondly imagine, that parents here fell their children, men their wives, and one brother the other; but those who think so, deceive themselves; for this never happens on any other account but that of necessity, or some great crime." The same is repeated by J. Barbot, p. 326. and also confirmed by Sir Hans Sloane in the introduction to his natural history of Jamaica; where, speaking of the negroes, he says, "they are usually thought to be haters of their own children; and therefore it is believed that they fell and dispose of them to foreigners for money: but this is not true; for the negroes of Guinea being divided into several captainships, as well as the Indians of America, have wars; and besides those slain in battle, many prisoners are taken, who are sold as slaves, and brought thither: but the parents here, although their children are slaves for ever, yet have no great love for them, that no masters dare fell or give away one of their little ones, unless they care not whether their parents hang themselves or not." J. Barbot, speaking of the occasion of the natives of Guinea being represented as a treacherous people, ascribes it to the Hollander (and doubtless other Europeans) usurping authority, and fomenting divisions between the negroes. At p. 110. he says, "It is well known that many of the European nations trading amongst these people, have very unjustly and inhumanly, without any provocation, stolen away, from time to time, abundance of the people, not only on this coast, but almost everywhere in Guinea, who have come on board their ships in a harmless and cordial manner: these they have in great numbers carried away, and sold in the plantations, with other slaves which they had purchased." And although some of the negroes may be justly charged with indolence and supineness, yet many others are frequently mentioned by authors as a careful, industrious, and even laborious people.

By an inquiry into the laws and customs formerly in use, and still in force among the negroes, particularly on the Gold Coast, it will be found, that provision was made for the general peace, and for the safety of individuals; even in W. Bofman's time, long after the Europeans had established the slave-trade, the natives were not publicly enslaved, any otherwise than in punishment for crimes, when prisoners of war, or by a violent exertion of the power of their corrupted kings. Where any of the natives were stolen in order to be sold to the Europeans, it was done secretly, or at least only connived at by those in power; this appears from Barbot and Bofman's account of the matter, both agreeing that man-stealing was not allowed on the Gold Coast. The first says, "Kidnapping or stealing of human creatures is punished there, and even sometimes with death." And Bofman, whose long residence on the coast enabled him to speak with certainty, says, "That the laws were severe against murder, thievry, and adultery;" and adds, "That man-stealing was punished on the Gold Coast with rigid severity, and sometimes with death itself." Hence it may be concluded, that the fate of the greatest part of the negroes to the Europeans is supported by violence, in defiance of the laws, though the knavery of their principal men, who (as is too often the case with those in European countries), under pretence of encouraging trade, and increasing the public revenue, disregard the dictates of justice, and trample upon those liberties which they are appointed to preserve.

Moore also mentions man-stealing as being discountenanced by the negro governments on the river Gambia; and speaks of the enslaving the peaceable inhabitants, as a violence which only happens under a corrupt administration of justice. He says, "The kings of that country generally advise with their head men, scarcely doing any thing of consequence without consulting them first, except the king of Barfaiay, who being subject to hard drinking, is very absolute. It is to this king's infatiable thirst for brandy, that his subjects' freedoms and families are in so precarious a situation. Whenever this king wants goods or brandy, he sends a messenger to the English governor at James Fort, to desire he would send a floop there with a cargo: this news being not at all unwelcome, the governor sends accordingly; against the arrival of the floop, the king goes and ransacks some of his enemies towns, seizing the people, and selling them for such commodities as he is in want of, which commonly are brandy, guns, powder, balls, pistols, and cutlasses, for his attendants and soldiers; and coral and silver for his wives and concubines. In case he is not at war with any neighbouring king, he then falls upon one of his own towns, which are numerous, and uses them in the same manner. He often goes with some of his troops by a town in the day time, and returning in the night, sets fire to three parts of it, and putting guards at the fourth, there seizes the people as they run out from the fire; he ties their arms behind them, and marches them either to Joar or Cohone, where he sells them to the Europeans."

M. Brue, the French director, gives much the same account, and says*, "That, having received goods, he wrote to the king, that if he had a sufficient number of slaves, he was ready to trade with him. This prince, as well as the other negro monarchs, has always a sure way of supplying his deficiencies, by selling his own subjects, for which they seldom want a pretence. The king had recourse to this method, by seizing 300 of his own people, and sent word to the director that he had the slaves ready to deliver for the goods." It seems the king wanted double the quantity of goods which which the factor would give him for these 300 slaves; but the factor refusing to trust him as he was already in the company's debt, and perceiving that this refusal had put the king much out of temper, he proposed that he should give him a licence for taking so many more of his people as the goods he still wanted were worth: but this the king refused, saying, "It might occasion a disturbance among his subjects." Except in the above instance, and some others, where the power of the negro kings is unlawfully exerted over their subjects, the slave-trade is carried on in Guinea with some regard to the laws of the country, which allow of none to be sold but prisoners taken in their national wars, or people adjudged to slavery in punishment for crimes; but the largeness of the country, the number of kingdoms or commonwealths, and the great encouragement given by the Europeans, afford frequent pretences and opportunities to the bold designing profligates of one kingdom, to surprize and seize upon not only those of a neighbouring government, but also the weak and helpless of their own; and the unhappy people, taken on those occasions, are, with impunity, sold to the Europeans. These practices are doubtless disapproved of by the most considerate amongst the negroes; for Bofman acquaints us, that even their national wars are not agreeable to such. He says, "If the person who occasioned the beginning of the war be taken, they will not easily admit him to ransom, though his weight of gold should be offered, for fear he should in future form some new design against their repose."

We shall conclude this article with the following account of the shocking methods used in the carrying on of the slave-trade, as described by factors of different nations.

Mr Moore*, factor for the English African Company on the river Gambia, writes, "That there are a number of negro traders, called joneces, or merchants, who follow the slave-trade as a business; their place of residence is so high up the country as to be fix weeks travel from James Fort, which is situated at the mouth of that river. These merchants bring down elephants teeth, and in some years 2000 slaves, most of which, they say, are prisoners taken in war. They buy them from the different princes who take them; many of them are Bumbongs and Petcharies; nations who each of them have different languages, and are brought from a vast way inland. Their way of bringing them is tying them by the neck with leather thongs, at about a yard distant from each other, 30 or 40 in a string, having generally a bundle of corn or elephants teeth upon each of their heads. In their way from the mountains, they travel through very great woods, where they cannot for some days get water; so they carry in skin bags enough to support them for a time. I cannot (adds Moore) be certain of the number of merchants who follow this trade, but there may, perhaps, be about 100, who go up into the inland country with the goods which they buy from the white men, and with them purchase, in various countries, gold, slaves, and elephants teeth. Besides the slaves which the merchants bring down, there are many bought along the river: These are either taken in war, as the former are, or men condemned for crimes; or else people stolen, which is very frequent.—Since the slave-trade has been used, all punishments are changed into slavery; there being an advantage on such condemnation, they refrain for crimes very hard, in order to get the benefit of selling the criminal."

John Barbot, the French factor, in his account of the manner by which the slaves are procured, says, "The slaves sold by the negroes are for the most part prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their enemies territories; others are stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the road, or in the woods; or else in the corn-fields, at the time of the year when their parents keep them there all the day to scare away the devouring small birds." Speaking of the transactions on that part of Guinea called the Slave Coast, where the Europeans have the most factories, and from whence they bring away much the greatest number of slaves, the same author says, "The inhabitants of Coto do much mischief in stealing those slaves they fell to the Europeans from the upland country.—That the inhabitants of Popo excel the former; being endowed with a much larger share of courage, they rob more successfully, by which means they increase their riches and trade." The author particularly remarks, "That they are encouraged in this practice by the Europeans: sometimes it happens, according to the success of their inland excursions, that they are able to furnish 200 slaves or more in a few days." And he says, "The blacks of Fida, or Whidah, are so expedient in trading for slaves, that they can deliver 1000 every month."—"If there happens to be no stock of slaves there, the factor must trust the blacks with his goods, to the value of 150l. or 200l. which goods they carry up into the inland country to buy slaves, at all markets for above 600 miles up the country, where they are kept like cattle in Europe; the slaves sold there being generally prisoners of war, taken from their enemies like other booty, and perhaps some few sold by their own countrymen, in extreme want, or upon a famine, as also some as a punishment of heinous crimes." So far Barbot's account. That given by Bofman is as follows: "When the slaves which are brought from the inland countries come to Whidah, they are put in prison together; when we treat concerning buying them, they are all brought out together in a large plain, where, by our surgeons, they are thoroughly examined, and that naked, both men and women, without the least distinction or modesty. Those which are approved as good, are set on one side; in the meanwhile a burning iron, with the arms or name of the company, lies in the fire, with which ours are marked on the breast. When we have agreed with the owners of the slaves, they are returned to their prisons; where, from that time forward, they are kept at our charge, and cost us twopence a-day each slave, which serves to subsist them like criminals on bread and water; so that to save charges, we send them on board our ships the very first opportunity; before which, their masters strip them of all they have on their backs, so that they come on board stark naked, as well women as men. In which condition they are obliged to continue, if the master of the ship is not so charitable (which he commonly is) as to bestow something on them to cover their nakedness. Six or seven hundred are sometimes put on board a vessel, where they lie as close together as it is possible for them to be crowded (a)."

When the great income which arises to the negro kings on the Slave Coast, from the slaves brought through their several governments to be shipped on board the European vessels, is considered, we have no cause to wonder that they give so great a countenance to that trade. Bofman says, "That each ship which comes to Whidah to trade, reckoning one with another, either by toll, trade, or custom, pays about 400l. and sometimes 50 ships come hither in a year." Barbot confirms the same, and adds, "That in the neighbouring kingdom of Ardah, the duty to the king is the value of 70 or 80 slaves for each trading ship;" which is near half as much more as at Whidah. Nor can the Europeans concerned in the trade, with any degree of propriety, blame the African kings for countenancing it, while they continue to send vessels on purpose to take in the slaves which are thus stolen, and that they are permitted, under the sanction of national laws, to sell them to the colonies.

According to Mr Ramfay, the annual British exports to these coasts are estimated at 500,000l. including a considerable quantity that is annually exchanged with American and other foreign traders there; about 50,000l. of this is returned in ivory, gold dust, gum, &c. The greatest part of the profits of the slave-trade is raised on the sugar plantations. If by establishing factories, and encouraging civilization on the coast of Africa, and returning some of our West Indian slaves to their original country, we tried to make up for our past treachery to the natives, and instructed the inhabitants in the culture of tobacco, indigo, cotton, rice, &c. to barter with us for our manufactures, and supply us with those articles, our demand for which has been so advantageous to America, great would be our profits. Were Africa civilized, and could we preoccupy the affections of the natives, and introduce gradually our religion, manners, and language among them, we should open a market that would fully employ our manufacturers and seamen, morally speaking, till the end of time. And while we enriched ourselves, we should contribute to their happiness. For Africa, in its highest probable state of culture, could not possibly interfere with the staple of Britain, so as to hinder an extensive and mutually advantageous trade from being carried on between the countries. The great difference of climate and soil must always distinguish the supplies and wants of each.

The slave-trade, indeed, was long considered as disgraceful to an enlightened age; and in this country a spirit arose which seemed bent on annihilating it altogether, or so changing the nature of it as to blend humanity with policy. During the session 1788, the philanthropy of parliament, supported by that of the nation, paid a very particular attention to this odious branch of traffic. It was, however, a subject of too comprehensive a nature, and too materially connected with our African commerce at large and our West Indian colonies, to come to an immediate decision upon it. Parliament, therefore, was obliged to content itself for that time with a temporary bill to regulate the shipping and carrying slaves in British vessels from those coasts. The public attention was afterwards kept awake by a great variety of publications on both sides of the question; and the final arrangement of this important business, in which the honour of the British commerce and the British character, as well as the happiness of millions of our fable African brethren, is involved, was expected to take place during the session 1791. This humane measure was then unsuccessful; but having been repeatedly brought forward and discussed, the final abolition was agreed to by the legislature in the year 1806; although it is to be regretted that some should still be found whose avarice prompts them to embark in this cruel trade, so hostile to all the principles of humanity, and in direct opposition to the express laws of the land. And yet this seems to be the case with some who boast of the name of Britons, as appears from the notice which was taken of this subject in the British house of commons within the last two sessions.

New Guinea, or Papua, a long and narrow island of the East Indies, which is yet but imperfectly known. It was supposed to be connected with New Holland, until Captain Cook discovered the strait which separates them. New Guinea, including Papua, its north-western part (which according to Bougainville's conjecture is separated from it by a strait), reaches from the equator to the 12th degree of south latitude, and from 131 to 150 degrees east longitude; in one part it does not appear to be above 50 miles broad. It was first visited by an European ship in 1529. Saavedra, a Portuguese, who made the discovery of the north-west part of this country, called it Terra de Papuas, or Popos. Van Schouten, a Dutch discoverer, afterwards gave the name of New Guinea to its south-western part. Admiral Roggewain also touched here; and before him Dampier, 11th January 1700. Captain Cook made the coast of New Guinea, in latitude 6 degrees 15 minutes, longitude 138 east, on the 3d of September, and landed in the pinnace, accompanied by Mr Banks, Dr Solander, nine of the ship's crew, and servants well armed, and leaving two scamen to take care of the boat, advanced some little way up the country; but coming to the skirts of a thick wood, they judged it prudent to proceed no farther, lest they should fall into an ambuscade of the natives, and their retreat to the boat be cut off. Having advanced about a quarter of a mile from the boat, three Indians rushed out of the wood with a hideous shout; they threw their darts, and showed such a hostile disposition, that the party, to prevent the destruction of these people, returned to the boat, as they had no intention forcibly to invade their country, either to gratify their appetites or curiosity, and it was evident nothing could be done upon friendly terms. When they got on board the boat, they rowed along the shore, and the number of Indians assembled seemed to be between 60 and 100. They made much the same appearance as the New Hollanders, being stark naked, and their hair cropped short. All the while they were shouting

(A) Here it is necessary to observe, that the number of slaves to be taken on board British ships was regulated by law, for some before the final abolition. shouting defiance, and throwing something out of their hand which burnt exactly like gunpowder, but made no report; what these fires were, or for what purpose intended, could not be guessed at; those who discharged them had in their hands a short piece of stick, possibly a hollow cane, which they swung sidewise from them, and immediately fire and smoke issued, exactly resembling the discharge of a musket, and of no longer duration. This wonderful phenomenon was observed from the ship; and the deception was so great, that the people on board thought they had fire-arms; and even in the boat, if they had not been so near as that they must have heard the report, if there had been any, they should have thought they had been firing volleys. After looking at them attentively for some time, without taking any notice of their flinging and vociferation, the sailors fired some muskets over their heads. Upon hearing the balls rattle among the trees, they walked leisurely away, and the boat returned to the ship. Upon examining some weapons which the natives had thrown, they were found to be light darts, about four feet long, very ill made, of a reed or bamboo cane, and pointed with hard wood in which there were many barbs. They were discharged with great force, for at 60 yards distance they went beyond the party; but in what manner they were thrown could not be exactly seen. But the general opinion was, that they were thrown with a stick in the manner practised by the New Hollanders.

The land here is very low, as is every other part of the coast; but it is covered with a luxuriance of wood and herbage that can scarcely be conceived. Here the cocoa-nut, plantain, and bread-fruit, flourish in the highest perfection.

We are very little acquainted with the natural history of this country; but its zoology is worthy of attention, from its striking and romantic nature. It seems to be the peculiar residence of the beautiful and singular birds of Paradise, of which Mr Pennant has enumerated about 12 species. They are conjectured to breed here, but are generally taken in the neighbouring islands of Arroo, to which they retire during the wet monsoon, in flocks of 30 or 40. Their cry, during their flight, has a strong resemblance to that of a starling; but when surprised with a strong gale, they croak like ravens, and mount into the superior regions of the air. Their food seems to be berries, or, as some think, nutmegs and butterflies. They are shot with blunt arrows, or taken with vicious bird-line. Here likewise are most elegant parrots and lories; and the crowned pigeon is said to be equal in size to a turkey.

Added to these are the islands of Waijoo and Salwatti, Arroo and Timorland, the first of which is of considerable magnitude, containing about 100,000 inhabitants; the second is also populous, but they are more ferocious than the people of Waijoo; the production of the third is chiefly tago, and the inhabitants fell captives at Banda, which they feize on the main land. Timorland is of considerable extent, but so very little known to geographers, that no particular account can be given of it.

a gold coin, struck and current in Britain. The value or rate of guineas has varied: it was first struck on the footing of 20s.; by the scarcity of gold was afterwards advanced to 21s. 6d. but it is now sunk to 21s.

The pound weight troy of gold is cut into 44 parts and a half; each part makes a guinea. This coin took its denomination guinea, because the gold, of which the first was struck, was brought from that part of Africa called Guinea; for this reason it likewise bore the impression of an elephant.

GUINEA-Company. See Company, African. GUINEA-Hen. See Numida, Ornithology Index. GUINEA-Pig. See Mus, Mammalia Index. GUINEA-Wheat. See Zea, Botany Index.