one of the Britannic islands, situated between the 5th and 10th degrees of west longitude, and between the 51st and 56th of north latitude, extending in length about 300 miles, and about 150 in breadth.

The ancient history of this island is involved in so much obscurity, that it has been the object of contention among the antiquarians for upwards of a century and a half. The Irish historians pretend to very great antiquity. According to them, the island was first inhabited about 322 years after the flood. At that time Origin of Partholonus the son of Scara landed in Munster on the 14th of May with 1000 soldiers, and some women, from Greece. This voyage he had undertaken on account of his having killed his father and mother in his native country. The same historians inform us, that a great number of lakes broke out in Ireland during the reign of Partholonus, which had no existence when he came into the island, with many other particulars not worth mentioning; but the most surprising circumstance is, that about 200 years after the arrival of this Grecian colony, all of them perished by a plague, not a single person remaining to tell the fate of the rest; in which case, it is wonderful how the catastrophe should have been known.

After the extinction of this first colony, Ireland remained a perfect wilderness for 30 years; when another colony arrived from the east, under the direction of one Neomedius. He set sail from the Euxine sea with 30 transports, each manned with 40 heroes; and Ireland at last arrived on the coasts of Ireland, after a very tedious and strange navigation. During his reign also many lakes were formed in the country, which had no existence before; the most material circumstance, however, was an unsuccessful war in which he was engaged with some African pirates, who in the end enslaved his people. The victors proved such insupportable tyrants, that the Irish found themselves under a necessity of quitting the island altogether. They embarked on board a fleet of 1130 ships, under the command of three grandsons of Nemedius, viz. Simon Breac, To Chatth, and Briatan Maol. The first returned to Greece, the second sailed to the northern parts of Europe, and the third landed in the north of Scotland, and from him the island of Britain is said to have taken its name, and the Welsh their origin.

About 216 years after the death of Nemedius, the descendants of Simon Breac returned from Greece into Ireland. They were conducted by five princes of great reputation, who divided the island into five kingdoms, nearly equal in size. These kingdoms were called Munster, Leinster, Connacht, Meath, and Ulster; and the subjects of these kings are called by the Irish historians Firbolgs.

The Firbolgs were in process of time expelled or totally subdued, after the loss of 100,000 men in one battle, by the Tuath de Dannans, a nation of necromancers, who came from Attica, Boeotia, and Achaia, into Denmark, from Denmark to Scotland, and from Scotland to Ireland. These necromancers were so completely skilled in their art, that they could even restore the dead to life, and bring again into the field those warriors who had been slain the day before. They had also some curiosities which possessed a wonderful virtue. These were a sword, a spear, a cauldron, and a marble chair; on which last were crowned first the kings of Ireland, and afterwards those of Scotland. But neither the powerful virtues of these Danish curiosities, nor the more powerful spells of the magic art, were able to preserve the Tuath de Dannans from being subdued by the Gadelians when they invaded Ireland.

The Gadelians were descended from one Gathelus, from whom they derived their name. He was a man of great consequence in Egypt, and intimately acquainted with Moses the Jewish legislator. His mother was Scota the daughter of Pharaoh, by Niul the son of a Scythian monarch contemporary with Nimrod. The Gadelians, called also Scots, from Scota above-mentioned, conquered Ireland about 1300 B.C. under Heber and Heremon, two sons of Milefius king of Spain, from whom were descended all the kings of Ireland down to the English conquest, and who are therefore styled by the Irish historians princes of the Milefian race.

From this period the Irish historians trace a gradual refinement of their countrymen from a state of the grossest barbarity, until a monarch, named Ollam Fodla, established a regular form of government, erected a grand seminary of learning, and instituted the Fer, or triennial convention of provincial kings, priests, and poets, at Feamor or Tarah in Meath, for the establishment of laws and the regulation of government. But whatever were the institutions of this monarch, it is acknowledged that they proved insufficient to withstand the wilderness and disorder of the times. To Kim-bath, one of his successors, the annalists give the honour of reviving them, besides that of regulating Ulster, his family-province, and adorning it with a stately palace at Eamannia near Armagh. His immediate successor, called Hugony, is still more celebrated for advancing the work of reformation. It seems, that, from the earliest origin of the Irish nation, the island had been divided into the five provincial kingdoms above mentioned, and four of these had been subject to the fifth, who was nominal monarch of the whole island. These four, however, proved such obstinate disturbers of the peace, that Hugony, to break their power, parcelled out the country into 25 dynasties, binding them by oath to accept no other monarch but one of his own family. This precaution proved ineffectual. Hugony himself died a violent death, and all his successors for a series of ages were assassinated, scarcely with one exception.

About 100 B.C., the pentarchal government was restored, and is said to have been succeeded by a considerable revolution in politics. The Irish bards had for many ages dispensed the laws, and the whole nation submitted to their decisions; but as their laws were exceedingly obscure, and could be interpreted only by themselves, they took occasion from thence to oppress the people, until at last they were in danger of being totally exterminated by a general insurrection. In this emergency they fled to Convocar-Mac-Nessa, the reigning monarch, who promised them his protection in case they reformed; but, at the same time, in order to quiet the just complaints of his people, he employed the most eminent among them to compile an intelligible, equitable, and distinct body of laws, which were received with the greatest joy, and dignified with the name of celestial decisions. These decisions seem to have produced but very little reformation among the people in general. We are now presented with a new series of barbarities, murders, factions, and anarchy; and in this disordered situation of affairs it was, according to the Irish historians, that the chieftain mentioned by Tacitus addressed himself to Agricola, and encouraged him to make a descent on Ireland. This scheme happened not to suit the views of the Roman general at that time, and therefore was not adopted; and so confident are these historians of the strength of their country, even in its then distracted state, that they treat the notion of its being subdued by a Roman legion and some auxiliaries (the force proposed to Agricola) as utterly extravagant; acquainting us at the same time, that the Irish were so far from dreading a Roman invasion, that they failed to the affluence of the Picts, and having made a successful incursion into South Britain, returned home with a considerable booty.

In the same state of barbarity and confusion the kingdom of Ireland continued till the introduction of Christianity by St Patrick, about the middle of the fifth century. This missionary, according to the adversaries of the Irish antiquity, first introduced letters into Ireland, and thus laid the foundations of a future civilization. On the other hand, the advocates for that antiquity maintain, that the Irish had the knowledge of letters, and had made considerable progress in the arts, before the time of St Patrick; though they allow Ireland. that he introduced the Roman character, in which his copies of the Scripture and liturgies were written. To enter into the dispute would be contrary to our plan. It is sufficient to observe, that, excepting by some of the Irish themselves, the history already given is generally reckoned entirely fabulous, and thought to have been invented after the introduction of Christianity. An origin of the Irish nation has been found out much nearer than Asia, Greece, or Egypt; namely, the island of Britain, from whence it is now thought that Ireland was first peopled. A dispute hath arisen concerning the place from whence the first emigrants from Britain set sail for Ireland. The honour of being the mother-country of the Irish hath been disputed between the North and South Britons. Mr Macpherson has argued strenuously for the former, and Mr Whitaker for the latter. For an account of their dispute, however, we must refer to the works of these gentlemen. Mr Whitaker claims the victory, and challenges to himself the honour of being the first who clearly and truly demonstrated the origin of the Irish.

The name of Ireland, according to Mr Whitaker, is obviously derived from the word Jar or Eir, which in the Celtic language signifies "weft." This word was sometimes pronounced Iver, and Hiver; whence the names of Iris, Ierna, Juverna, Iverna, Hibernia, and Ireland; by all of which it hath at some time or other been known.

About 350 B.C., according to the same author, the Belgae crossed the channel, invaded Britain, and seized the whole extended line of the southern coast, from Kent to Devonshire. Numbers of the former inhabitants, who had gradually retired before the enemy, were obliged at last to take shipping on the western coast of England, and passed over into the uninhabited isle of Ireland. These were afterwards joined by another body of Britons driven out by the Belgae under Divitius, about 100 B.C. For two centuries and a half afterwards, these colonies were continually reinforced with fresh swarms from Britain; as the populousness of this island, and the vicinity of that, invited them to settle in the one, or the bloody and successive wars in Britain during this period naturally induced them to relinquish the other: and the whole circuit of Ireland appears to have been completely peopled about 150 years after Christ: and as the inhabitants had all fled equally from the dominion of the Belgae, or for some other cause left their native country, they were distinguished among the Britons by one general and very appropriate name, viz. that of Scutae or Scots, "the wanderers, or refugees."

Mr Whitaker also informs us, "that in the times of the Romans Ireland was inhabited by 18 tribes; by one upon the northern and three on the southern shore, seven upon the western, six on the eastern, and one in the centre.

"Along the eastern coast, and the Vergivian or internal ocean, were ranged the Damiini, the Voluntii, and the Eblani, the Caucii, the Menapii, and the Coriondii. The first inhabited a part of the two counties of Antrim and Down, extending from Fair head, the most north-easterly extremity of the island, to Llannum Promontorium, or the point of Ardglass haven, in the county of Down; and, having the Logia or Lagan, which falls into Carrickfergus bay, within their possessions, and Dunum or Down-patrick for their capital. The Voluntii possessed the coast from the point of that haven to the river Buvinda or Boyne, the remainder of Down, the breadth of Armagh, and all Louth; having the Vinderus or Carlingford river in their dominions, and the town of Laberus near the river Deva (Atherdee in the county of Louth) for their metropolis. And the Eblani reached from the Boyne to the Laebius, Laev-ui, or Liffy; residing in East Meath, and in the large portion of Dublin county which is to the north of this river; and acknowledging Mediolanum, Eblana, or Dublin, for their principal town. The Caucii spread from the Liffy to the Letrim, the Oboca of the ancients; had the rest of Dublin county, and such parts of Wicklow as lie in the north of the latter; and owned Dunum or Rath-Downe for their chief city. The Menapii occupied the coast betwixt the Letrim and Cancarne-point, all the rest of Wicklow, and all Wexford to the point; their chief town, Menapia, being placed upon and to the east of Modona, Slanus, or Slane. And the Coriondii inhabited at the back of the Caucii and Menapii, to the west of the Slane and Liffy, and in all Kildare and all Catherlogh; being limited by the Boyne and Barrow on the west, the Eblani on the north, and the Brigantes on the south.

"Upon the southern shore, and along the verge of the Cantabrian ocean, lay the Brigantes, the Vodiaci, and the Iberni. The first owned the rest of Wexford and all Waterford; extending to the Blackwater, Avenmore, or Dabrona, on the south-west; having the great mouth of the Barrow within their territories, and Brigantia, Waterford, or some town near it, for their first city; and giving name of Brigas to the Suir or Swire, their liminary stream on the north, and the appellation of Bergie to their own part of the county of Wexford. The Vodiaci possessed the shire of Corke from the Blackwater to the Ban, the river of Kinfale, and the Dobona or Dubana of the ancients; and affixed the name of Vodium Promontorium to the point of Balyceton island. And the Iberni inhabited the remainder of Corke, and all that part of Kerry which lies to the south-east of Dingle found; having Rufina or Ibaune for their capital, the Promontorium Auffrinum or Milfen-Head about the middle of their dominions, and the river Ibermus or Dingle found for their northern barrier; and leaving their names to the three divisions of Ibaune, Bearc, and Iveragh.

"Upon the western shore of the island, and along the Great Britannic or Atlantic ocean, were the Lucanii or Lucenii, the Velaborii, and the Cangani, the Aueterii, the Nagnate, the Hardinii, and Veniznii. The Lucanii inhabited the peninsula of land that lies along the river Ibermus or Dingle found, and perhaps some adjoining parts of Kerry. The Velaborii ranged along the small remainder of the latter, and over the whole of Limerick to the Senus or Shannon; having the Durius or Calheen flowing through their dominions, and Regia, Limerick or some town near it, for their metropolis. And the latter was probably that city near Limerick, the site of which is still famous, and retains the appellation of Cathair, or the fortres; and where the remains of streets, and other marks of a town, may yet be traced. The Cangani lived in the county of Clare." Ireland. Clare: Malcolicum near the Shannon, perhaps Feakle or Melic, being their principal town; a headland in the bay of Galway, near Glaniny, being denominated Benfannum Promontorium; and the adjoining ilcs of Arran called Infulae Cangace. The Aterri were settled in the county of Galway; winding along the deep recesses of the Sinus Auloba or bay of Galway; stretching towards the north as far as the Libnus, or the river that bounds the thire in that part; and pollicling the small portion of Mayo which lies to the south of it. And these were subject to Aterium, anciently Aterith, and now Athenree; and have left their name to the division of Athenree. The Nagnate occupied the rest of the large county of Mayo, all Sligo and all Rofcommon, all Letrim as far as Logh Allin on the south-east, and all Fermanagh, to Balyshannon and Logh Erne; being bounded by the Rhebius or river of Balyshannon, and the lake Rhebius or Logh Erne; having a deep bay, called Magnus Sinus, that curves along Mayo, Sligo, and Letrim counties; and acknowledging Nagnat, Necmaht, or Alnecmaht, the town of the Nagnate, for their capital. And the Hardinii and Venicii were confederated together under the title of the Venician Nations, extended from Balyshannon to the North Cape, and pollicled all Donnegalle, except the two whole divisions of Raphoe and Enis-Owen, and the eastern part of Killmacrenen. The Venicii lay along the immediate margin of the shore, giving name to the Promontorium Veniciunum or Cape Horn, and to the Infula Venicia or North Arran Island. And their metropolis Rheba was seated upon the lake Rhebius, and in the country of the Hardinii on the south-east.

"Upon the northern shore and along the margin of the Deucaledonian ocean, were only the Robogdii; inhabiting the rest of Donnegalle, all Derry, and all Antrim to the Fair-Head, and the Damuii; and giving their own name to the former and the division of Raphoe. And they had the rivers Vidua or Shipharbour, Arigta or Logh Swilly, Darabouna or Logh Foile, and Banha, or Ban, in their territories; and acknowledged Robogdium, Robogh, or Raphoe, for their chief city.

"The central regions of the island, all Tyrone, the remainder of Fermanagh and Letrim, all Monaghan, and the rest of Ardmagh; all Cavan, all Longford, and all West-Meath; all the King's and Queen's county, all Kilkenny, and all Tipperary; were planted by the Scotti. The Shannon, Logh Allin, and Logh Erne, were their great boundaries on the west; the Barrow, Boyne, and Logh Neagh, on the east; the Swire and Blackwater on the south; and a chain of mountains on the north. And the two greatest of their towns were Rheba, a city seated, like the Rheba of the Venicians, upon the lake and river Rhebius, but on a different part of them, and somewhere in the north of Cavan; and Ibernia, a town placed a little to the east of the Shannon, and somewhere in the county of Tipperary."

But whether we are to receive as a truth the accounts given by Mr Whitaker, those of the Irish annalists, or any other, it is certain, that, till little more than a century ago, Ireland was a scene of confusion and slaughter. The Irish historians acknowledge this, as we have already seen. Very few of their monarchs escaped a violent death. The histories of their kings indeed amount to no more than this, viz. that they began to reign in such a year, reigned a certain number of years, and were slain in battle by the valiant prince who succeeded to the throne. The introduction of Christianity seems to have mended the matter very little, or rather not at all. The same wars between the chiefs continued; and the same murders and treacheries took place among the inhabitants, till they were invaded by the Danes or Normans, about the Invasion of end of the eighth century. At this time, we are told, the Danes that the monarchical power was weak, by reason of the factious and afflicting disposition of the inferior dynasties; but that the evils of the political condition had considerably subsided by the respect paid to religion and learning. The first invasions of the Danes were made in small parties for the sake of plunder, and were repelled by the chieftain whose dominions were invaded. Other parties appeared in different parts of the island and terrified the inhabitants by the havoc they committed. These were in like manner put to flight, but never failed to return in a short time; and in this manner was Ireland harassed for the space of 20 years, before the inhabitants thought of putting an end to their intestine contests, and uniting against the common enemy. The northern pirates, either by force or treaty, gradually obtained some small settlements on the island; till at length Turges, or Turgesius, a warlike Norwegian, landed with a powerful armament in the year 815. He divided his fleet and army, in order to strike terror in different quarters. His followers plundered, burned, and massacred, without mercy, and persecuted the clergy in a dreadful manner on account of their religion. The Danes already settled in Ireland, flocked to the standard of Turgesius, who thus was enabled to seat himself in Armagh, from which he expelled the clergy, and seized their lands. The Irish, in the mean time, were infatuated by their private quarrels; till at last, after some ill-conducted and unsuccessful efforts, they sunk into a state of abject submission, and Turgesius was proclaimed monarch of the whole island in 845.

The new king proved such a tyrant, that he soon became intolerable. A conspiracy was formed against him; and he was seized by Melachlaine prince of Meath, in a time of apparent peace. An universal insurrection ensued; the Danes were massacred or dispersed; their leader condemned to death for his cruelties, and drowned in a lake. The foreigners, however, were not exterminated, but the remains of them were allowed to continue on the island as subjects or tributaries to some particular chieftains. A new colony soon arrived, but under the pretence of peaceable intentions, and a design of enriching the country by commerce. The Irish, through an infatuated policy, suffered them to become masters of Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, and other maritime places, which they enlarged and fortified with such works as had till then been unknown in Ireland. The Danes did not fail to make use of every opportunity of enlarging their territories, and new wars quickly ensued. The Irish were sometimes victorious, and sometimes not; but were never able to drive out their enemies, so that they continued to be a very distinguished and powerful sept, or tribe, in Ireland. The wars with the Danes were no sooner at an end, than the natives, as usual, turned their arms against each other. The country was harassed by the competitions of the chiefs; laws and religion lost their influence, and the most horrid licentiousness and immorality prevailed. Thus the whole island seemed ready to become a prey to the first invader, when an attempt was made upon it by Magnus king of Norway. This attempt miscarried through his own rashness; for, having landed without opposition, he advanced into the country without the least apprehension. The consequence of this was, that he was surrounded and cut to pieces with all his followers. His death, however, proved of little benefit to Ireland; the same disorders which had gradually reduced the kingdom to a state of extreme weakness, still continued to operate, and to facilitate the success of the English invasion, which happened in the reign of Henry II.

The first motives which induced this monarch to think of an expedition against Ireland are not well known. It was supposed that he had been provoked by some affront which the Irish princes had given to the French; but, whatever might be in this, it is certain that the design was conceived soon after he ascended the throne; and his flatterers soon furnished him with sufficient reasons for considering the Irish as his subjects. It was affirmed that they had originally possessed themselves of their country by permission of Gurguntius a British king; and that, as descendants of the Britons, they were the natural and rightful subjects of the English monarch. It was also suggested, that the renowned King Arthur, Egfred the Northumbrian prince, and Edgar one of the Saxon kings of England, had all led their armies into Ireland, and there made valuable acquisitions, which their successor was in honour bound to recover and maintain. All these suggestions, however, or whatever else had occurred to himself, seemed yet insufficient to Henry; and therefore he took the most effectual method to infuse his reputation, namely, by an application to the pope. To him he represented, that the inhabitants of Ireland were sunk into the most wretched state of corruption, both with regard to morals and religion; that Henry, zealous for the honour and enlargement of God's kingdom, had conceived the pious design of erecting it in this unhappy country; was ready to devote himself and all his powers to this meritorious service; implored the benediction of the pontiff; and requested his permission and authority to enter Ireland to reduce the disobedient and corrupt, to eradicate all sin and wickedness, to instruct the ignorant, and spread the blest influence of the gospel in all its purity and perfection; promising at the same time to pay a yearly tribute to St Peter from the land thus to be reduced to his obedience, and to the holy see. Adrian, the reigning pope, rejoiced at this application which tended so much to the advancement of his own power. A bull was therefore immediately formed, conformable to the most fangune wishes of Henry, which was sent to England without delay, together with a ring, the token of his investiture as rightful sovereign of Ireland. But whatever inclination the king of England or the pope might at this time. (A.D. 1156) have for the subjection of Ireland, the situation of the English affairs obliged him to defer it for some time.

The state of Ireland, as we have already observed, was at this time extremely favourable for an invasion. The monarch enjoyed little more than a titular dignity, being harassed by a faction, and opposed by powerful rivals. A number of chieftains who assumed the title that time, and rights of royalty, paid a precarious tribute to their superior, and united, if they were disposed to unite, with him, rather as his allies than his subjects. In Ulster, the family of the northern Hi-Nial, as it was called, exercised a hereditary jurisdiction over the counties now called Tyrone, Derry, and Donegal. They also claimed a right of supremacy over the lords of Fermanagh, Antrim, and Argial, which included the counties of Armagh, Monaghan, Louth, and some adjacent districts; while Dunleve, prince of Uladh (now Down), disputed the superiority of this family, and affected an independent state. In Munster reigned the descendants of Brien, a famous sovereign of former times, impatient to recover the honours of their family; but at last, being confined by powerful rivals to the territory of North Munster, they were obliged to leave the family of Mac Arthy sovereigns of Desmond, the southern division. In Connaught, the princes known by the name of O'Connor were acknowledged sovereigns of the eastern territory. Tierinan O'Ruarc, an active and restless military chief, had the supremacy in Breffney, containing the modern county of Leitrim, and some adjacent districts. Meath, or the southern Hi-Nial, was subject to the family of Clan-Colman, Murchard O'Malachlyn, and his successors. Leinster, divided into several principalities, was subject to Dermot, a fierce, haughty, and oppressive tyrant. His father had governed with great cruelty. Seventeen of his vassal lords had been either put to death, or had their eyes put out, by his order in one year; and Dermot seemed to inherit too great a portion of the same temper. His stature and bodily strength made him admired by the inferior orders of his subjects; and these he was careful to protect and favour. His donations and endowments of religious houses recommended him to the clergy; but his tributary chieftains felt the weight of his pride and tyranny, and to them his government was extremely odious.

The chief competitors for the rank of monarch of Ireland, in the mean time, were, the heirs of the two houses of O'Connor, and the northern Hi-Nial. Torlogh O'Connor was in possession; but he was not generally recognized, and was opposed by his rival O'Lochlan: notwithstanding which, he maintained his dignity with magnificence and vigour, till a decisive victory gained by him over O'Brien raised O'Lochlan's jealousy so much, that he obliged him in a convention of the states to allow him the sovereignty of the northern division. In consequence of this partition, it was resolved to transfer the territory of O'Ruarc to a person more inclined to the interests of the two sovereigns. An expedition was accordingly undertaken; O'Ruarc was surprised, defeated, and driven from his dominions. Dermot, who had conceived an unlawful passion for Dervorghal, the wife of O'Ruarc, took the opportunity of her husband's distresses to carry her off in triumph. O'Ruarc conceived the most implacable resentment against Dermot; and therefore applying himself to Torlogh, promised an inviolable attachment to his interest; and prevailed on him not only to reinstate him him in his possessions, but to revenge the insult offered by Dermod, and to restore his wife. By means of such a powerful ally, O'Ruarc found frequent opportunities of harassing his antagonist till the death of Torlogh, which happened in 1156, upon which O'Lochlan succeeded to the sovereignty. Dermod was the first to acknowledge the authority of this new sovereign, by whose means he hoped to be able to revenge himself on O'Ruarc. He soon found, however, that he had acted too precipitately. His patron, having treacherously feigned and put out the eyes of Dunleve prince of Down, the neighbouring chieftains took arms, in order to secure themselves from his barbarity. O'Lochlan was defeated and killed; upon which the monarchy devolved on Roderic the son of the late Torlogh O'Connor.

The new prince had acquired the reputation of valour, and was determined to establish this reputation by some remarkable exploit in the beginning of his reign. Having therefore engaged in his service the Oitmen, or descendants of the Danes, he marched against Dermod as the chief partisan of his fallen rival. The king of Leinster was seized with the utmost consternation; and in despair set fire to his own town of Ferns, lest the enemy should have the satisfaction of spoiling it. Roderic still advanced, attended by O'Ruarc, Dermod's implacable enemy, and soon overran the whole province. All the inferior lords at once acknowledged Roderic's authority. Dermod was deposed, as a man utterly unworthy of his station; another of his family was raised to the throne; and the unfortunate prince, finding it impossible to stay with safety in Ireland, embarked with 60 of his followers for England, and soon arrived at the port of Bristol, with a design to solicit assistance from King Henry.

In England, Dermod's character was unknown, and he was regarded as an injured prince driven from his throne by an iniquitous confederacy. The clergy received him as the benefactor of their order, and entertained him in the monastery of Augustines with great hospitality. Having learned that Henry was then in Aquitain, he immediately went thither, and in a very abject manner implored his assistance, promising to acknowledge him as his liege lord, and to hold his dominions, which he was thus confident of regaining, in vassalage to Henry and his heirs.

Though nothing could be more flattering to the ambition of the king of England than this servile address, yet the situation of his own affairs rendered it impossible for him at that time to reap from it any of the advantages with which it flattered him. He therefore dismissed the Irish prince with large presents, and a letter of credence addressed to all his subjects: notifying his grace and protection granted to the king of Leinster; and declaring, that whoever within his dominions should be disposed to aid the unfortunate prince in the recovery of his kingdom, might be assured of his free licence and royal favour.

Dermod returned to England highly pleased with the reception he had met with; but notwithstanding the king's letter, none of the English seemed to be disposed to try their fortunes in Ireland. A month elapsed without any prospect of succours, so that Dermod began to despair. At last, however, he persuaded, with great promises, Richard earl of Chepstow, or, as it was formerly called, Striguil, a nobleman of considerable influence in Wales, but of broken fortune, to assist him with a considerable force to be transported next spring into Ireland. Overjoyed at this first instance of success, he advanced into South Wales, where, venturers by the influence of the bishop of St David's, he procured many other friends. Robert Fitz-Stephen, a brave and experienced officer, covenanted with him to engage in his service with all his followers, and Maurice Fitz-Gerald his maternal brother; while Dermod on his part, promised to cede to the two principal leaders, Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald, the entire dominion of the town of Wexford, with a large adjoining territory, as soon as by their assistance he should be reinitated in his rights.

The Irish prince having now accomplished his purpose, set sail for Ireland in the winter of 1169, and recovered a small part of his dominions even before the arrival of his new allies; but being attacked with a superior force by his old enemies Roderic and O'Ruarc, he found himself obliged to feign submission till the English allies came to his assistance. The expected succours arrived in the month of May 1170, in a creek called the Bann, near the city of Wexford. Robert Fitz-Stephen commanded 30 knights, 60 men in armour, and 300 archers. With these came Harvey of Mountmorris, nephew to Earl Richard. He had no military force along with him; but came solely with a view of discovering the nature of the country, and reporting it to his uncle. Maurice of Pendergait commanded 10 knights and 200 archers: and thus the English force, which was to contend with the whole strength of Ireland, amounted to no more than 600 men.

Trifling as this assistance may seem, it nevertheless changed the face of affairs almost instantaneously. Numbers of Dermod's subjects who had abandoned him in his distress, now flocked to his standard. Wexford was immediately attacked, and surrendered in a few days; Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald were jointly invested with the lordship of this city and its domain; and Harvey of Mountmorris was declared lord of two considerable districts on the coast. After three or four weeks spent in feasting and rejoicing, a new expedition was undertaken again; the prince of Offory (a district of Leinster), who had not only revolted from Dermod, but put out the eyes of one of his sons, and that with such cruelty, that the unhappy youth expired under the operation. The allied army was now increased to 3000 men, who were opposed by the prince of Offory at the head of 5000, strongly entrenched among woods and marshes. By the superior conduct of the English troops, however, the Irish were decoyed from their advantageous situation, and thus were entirely defeated. The English were for keeping the field till they had totally reduced their enemies; but Dermod, accustomed only to ravage and plunder, contented himself with destroying the country; and a sudden reverse of fortune seemed ready to take place. The prince of Offory, though defeated, still appeared in arms, and only waited for an opportunity of again opposing the enemy in the field. Maurice Pendergait also joined him with his whole troop, being provoked by Dermod, who had refused him leave to return to Wales. This defection, however, was in part supplied by the arrival... arrival of Fitz-Gerald with 10 knights, 30 horse- men, and 100 archers. Pendergait in a short time re- pent of his new alliance, and retired into Wales; so that the prince was obliged to make his submission to Dermot, which the latter with some reluctance ac- cepted.

In the mean time, Roderic, having settled all his other affairs, advanced against the allies with a power- ful army. Dermot was thrown into despair; but en- couraged by Fitz-Stephen, he encamped in a very strong situation, where he was soon besieged by Roderic. The latter, however, dreading the valour of the Eng- lish, condescended to treat first with them, and then with Dermot, in order to detach them from the inte- rests of each other: but as this proceeded evidently from fear, his offers were rejected by both parties; upon which he began to prepare for battle: but at the very time when the engagement should have commen- ced, either through the suggestions of his clergy, or of his own fears, Roderic entered into a new negociation; which at last terminated in a peace. The terms were, that Dermot should acknowledge the supremacy of Roderic, and pay him such service as the monarchs of Ireland had usually received from inferior princes; and as a security for his faithful performance of this article, he delivered up his favourite son as an hostage to Roderic: but in order to establish this accommoda- tion on the firmest basis, the latter obliged himself to give his daughter in marriage to the young prince as soon as Leinster should be reduced, and the peace of the island effectually restored. By a secret article, Dermot engaged to dismiss the British forces immediately after the settlement of his own province, and in the mean time not to bring over any further reinforcements from England.

Thus ended the first British expedition into Ireland; the consequences of which were so little dreaded at that time by the natives, that their historians, though they dwell upon the principal wars and contests in other parts of the island, speak of the settlement of the Welshmen in Leinster with a careless indifference. But though the settlement of this colony seemed very little alarming to the generality, it could not escape the ob- servation of discerning persons, that a man of Dermot's character would not long keep his treaties; and that on the first emergency he would have recourse to his former allies, who thus would establish themselves more and more, till at last they would reduce the country entirely under their subjection. These reflections, if any such were then made, were in a short time verified. Dermot was scarce settled in his own dominions, when he began to aspire at the sovereignty, and form schemes for dethroning Roderic. He applied to Fitz- Stephen and Fitz-Gerald; by whom he was again di- rected to apply to Richard earl of Chester, more commonly known by the name of Strongbow, on ac- count of his feats of archery. Richard was very much inclined to accept of his invitation; but thought it in- cumbent upon him first to obtain the consent of King Henry. The king, however, did not incline that his subjects should make conquests for themselves in any other country, and therefore dismissed Richard with an equivocal answer; but the latter being willing to un- derstand his sovereign's words in the most favourable sense, immediately set about the necessary preparations for his expedition. In May 1171, Raymond le Gros, Richard's domestic friend, and the near relation of Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald, landed at a place called Dondonaff, near Waterford, with 10 knights and 70 dy of Eng- archers; and along with them came Harvey of Mount-Ish arrive morris, attended by a small train. The English imme- diately entrenched themselves, and erected a temporary fort for themselves: which proved a very necessary pre- caution; for the natives, justly attributing this new debarkation to the practices of Dermot, instantly formed a tumultuous army, and marched to expel the invaders. The English prepared to meet them; but when they perceived the great superiority of the ene- my, they thought proper to retire to their fort. Here, however, they must have been totally cut off, had they not luckily collected a numerous herd of cattle from the neighbouring country for their subsistence. There they drove with fury among the Irish, who were thus put into the utmost confusion. The invaders seized the favourable moment; and, falling upon their dis- ordered enemies, put them to flight, and drove great numbers of them into the sea, where they perished. Seventy prisoners were taken, all of them principal ci- tizens of Waterford; who, though they offered large sums for their ransom, and even that the city should be delivered up to the English, were all barbarously put to death. This success and cruelty so intimidated the Irish, that they suffered these merciless invaders to maintain their station unmolested, and wait for the ar- rival of their associates.

Richard in the mean time having assembled his va- llals, led them through Wales, where he was joined by great numbers of other adventurers; but, when just on the point of embarking, was surprized by a positive command from the king, to desist from his intended enterprise, on pain of forfeiture of his lands and ho- nours. He was now, however, too much interested in his scheme to retract; and therefore pretended to disbelieve the authenticity of the royal mandate. On the eve of the feast of St Bartholomew, he landed at Waterford with 200 knights and 1200 infantry, all with a chosen and well appointed soldiers. They were im- mediately joined by Raymond and his troop; and the next day it was resolved to make an attempt upon Waterford. The city was taken by storm, and a dreadful massacre ensued; to which the cruel Dermot had the merit of putting an end. The marriage of Richard with Eva, the daughter of Dermot, was so- lemnized without delay, and a scene of joy and festivi- ty succeeded the calamities of war.

A new expedition was now undertaken against Dublin; the inhabitants of which had either manifest- ed some recent disaffection to Dermot, or had never been thoroughly forgiven for their old defection. Ro- deric advanced against the allied army with a formi- dable body, consisting, as is said, of 30,000 men; but, fearing to come to a general engagement, he contented himself with some slight skirmishes; after which, great part of his vallals forced him to dismiss them, and Dublin was left to its fate. The inhabitants were treated very severely; however, a considerable body of them, with Hefculph their governor, had the good fortune to gain some vessels lying in the har- bour, and made their escape to the northern islands. Earl Richard was now invested with the lordship of Dublin. Ireland. Dublin; and appointed Milo de Cogan, a brave English knight, his governor; while he himself, in conjunction with the forces of Dermot, overran the country of Meath, committing everywhere the most horrid cruelties. Roderic, in the mean time, unable to oppose them in the field, sent deputies to Dermot, commanding him to retire, and putting him in mind that his son was in his hands, and must answer with his life for the breach of those treaties which his father made so little scruple to violate. Natural affection, however, had very little place in the breast of Dermot. He expressed the utmost indifference about his son; and, with the greatest arrogance, claimed the sovereignty of all Ireland; Roderic, provoked at this answer, cut off the young prince's head.

This piece of impotent cruelty served only to make the king odious to his own subjects, while Dermot and his English allies committed everywhere the greatest devastations, and threatened to subdue the whole island. This indeed they would probably have accomplished, had not the extraordinary success of Strongbow alarmed King Henry; who, fearing that he might render himself totally independent on the crown of Britain, issued his royal edict, strictly forbidding any English vessel from passing into Ireland with men, arms, or provisions; and commanding all his subjects at that time resident in Ireland, of whatever rank or degree, to return to their country before the ensuing feast of Easter, on pain of forfeiting their lands, and being declared traitors.

Our adventurers were plunged into the greatest distress by this peremptory edict. They now found themselves cut off from all supplies in the midst of their enraged enemies, and in danger of being forsaken by those who had attached themselves to them during their success. Raymond was dispatched with a most submissive message to the offended monarch; but before he received any favourable answer, everything was thrown into confusion by the death of Becket*, so that the king had neither leisure nor inclination to attend to the affairs of Ireland. About the same time the death of Dermot their great ally seemed almost to give a finishing stroke to the English affairs. An universal defection took place among their associates; and before they had time to concert any proper measures, Hefelph, who had formerly escaped from Dublin, appeared before that city with a formidable body of troops armed after the Danish manner. A furious attack ensued; which at last ended in the defeat and captivity of Hefelph, who was immediately put to death. This danger, however, was soon followed by one still greater. Roderic had formed a powerful confederacy with many of the Irish chieftains, and the kings of the northern isles, in order to extirpate the English totally from the island. The harbour of Dublin was blockaded up by a fleet of 30 ships from the northern isles; while the confederated Irish took their stations in such a manner as to surround the city, and totally cut off all supplies of provisions. In two months' time the English were reduced to great straits. On the first alarm, Richard had sent for assistance to Fitz-Stephen; who having weakened his own force, in order to serve the earl, the people of Wexford had risen and besieged Fitz-Stephen in his fort called Carrig, near that city. A messenger now arrived, informing Strongbow that his friend was in the utmost danger, and must fall into the hands of his enemies if not assisted within three days; upon which a council of war was called, in order to deliberate on the measures necessary to be pursued in this desperate emergency. It was soon resolved to enter into a treaty with Roderic upon any terms that were not totally servile or oppressive. Lawrence prelate of Dublin was appointed to carry the terms; which were, that Richard proposed to acknowledge Roderic as his sovereign, and to hold the province of Leinster as his vassal, provided he would raise the siege. Laurence soon returned with an answer, probably of his own framing; namely, that Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, and all the forts possessed by the British, should be immediately given up; and that the earl and his associates should depart with all their forces by a certain day, leaving every part of the island free from their usurpations, and absolutely renouncing all their pretended claims. On these conditions they were to be spared, but the least reluctance or delay would determine the besiegers to storm the city.

These terms, though they contained nothing insolent or unreasonable, considering the present situation of the English, were yet intolerable to our indigent adventurers. After some time spent in silence, Milo de Cogan, suddenly starting up, declared his resolution to die bravely rather than submit to the mercy of barbarians. The spirit of desperate valour was instantly caught by the whole assembly; and it was resolved to risk their whole fortune on one desperate effort, by sallying out against the enemy, and to make their attack upon that quarter where Roderic himself commanded. Accordingly, having persuaded a body of the townsmen to take part in this desperate enterprise, they marched out against their enemies, who expected nothing less than such a sudden attack. The besiegers were secure and careless, without discipline or order; in consequence of which, they were unable to sustain the furious assault of the English. A terrible slaughter ensued, and the Irish instantly fled in the greatest confusion; their monarch himself escaping only by mixing half naked with the crowd. The other chieftains who were not attacked caught the panic, and broke up their camps with precipitation; while the victors returned from the pursuit to plunder, and among other advantages, gained as much provision as was sufficient to support them for a whole year.

Strongbow being thus relieved from his distress, committed the government of Dublin to Milo de Cogan, while he proceeded immediately to Wexford, in order to relieve Fitz-Stephen; but in this he was disappointed; for that brave officer, having often repulsed his enemies, was at last treacherously deceived into submission and laid in irons. Strongbow, however, continued to advance; and was again attacked by the Irish, whom he once more defeated. On his arrival at Wexford, he found it burnt to the ground; the enemy having retired with Fitz-Stephen and the rest of the prisoners to Holy Island, a small island in the middle of the harbour, from whence they sent a deputation, threatening to put all the prisoners to death if the least attempt was made to molest them in their present situation. The earl then proceeded to Waterford; and from thence to Ferns; where he for some time exercised a regal authority, rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies. A more important object, however, soon engaged his attention. The king of England, having settled his affairs as well as he could, now determined to conquer Ireland for himself. A summons was instantly dispatched to Earl Richard, expressing the greatest resentment at his presumption and disobedience, and requiring his immediate presence in England. The earl found himself under the necessity of obeying; and having made the best dispositions the time would permit for the security of his Irish possessions, embarked for England, and met the king at Newnham, near Gloucester. Henry at first affected great displeasure, but soon allowed himself to be pacified by a surrender of the city of Dublin, and a large territory adjacent, together with all the maritime towns and forts acquired by Strongbow; while on his part he consented that the earl should have all his other possessions granted in perpetuity, to be held of the king and his heirs. The other adventurers made their peace in a similar manner; while the Irish chieftains, instead of uniting in the defence of their country, only thought how to make the most of the approaching invasion, or at least how to avert the threatened evils from their own particular districts. They saw the power of their own sovereign on the point of total dissolution; and they saw it with indifference, if not with an envious and malignant satisfaction. Some were even ready to prevent their invader, and to submit before he appeared on the coast. The men of Wexford, who had possessed themselves of Fitz-Stephen, resolved to avert the consequences of their late perfidy and cruelty, by the forwardness of their zeal for the service of the king of England, and the readiness of their submissions. Their deputies cast themselves at Henry's feet; and, with the most passionate expressions of obedience, humbly intreated that he would accept them as his faithful vassals, ready to resign themselves, their lands, and possessions, to his absolute disposal. "They had already (they said) endeavoured to approve their zeal by seizing Robert Fitz-Stephen, a traitor to his sovereign, who had lately entered their territory by force of arms, without any due warrant or fair pretence, had slaughtered their people, seized their lands, and attempted to establish himself independent of his liege lord.—They kept him in chains, and were ready to deliver him to the disposal of his sovereign."—The king received them with expressions of the utmost grace and favour; commended their zeal in repelling the unwarrantable attempts of Fitz-Stephen; declared that he should soon inquire into his crimes, and the wrongs they had sustained, and inflict condign punishment for every offence committed by his undutiful subjects.—Thus were the Irishmen dismissed in the utmost joy and exultation; and the artifice of Henry, while it inspired these men with dispositions favourable to his interests, proved also the most effectual means of saving Fitz-Stephen from their cruelty.

Henry, having completed the preparations necessary for his expedition, embarked at Milford with several of his barons, 400 knights, and about 4000 soldiers, on board a fleet of 240 sail. He landed at Waterford on the feast of St Luke in October 1172, with a professed design not to conquer, but to take possession of a kingdom already his own, as being granted him by the pope. Most of the Irish indeed seemed to be of the same opinion, and therefore submitted without the least resistance. Strongbow set them an example, by making a formal surrender of Waterford, and doing homage to the king for the territory of Leinster. Fitz-Stephen was delivered up, with many accusations of tyranny and injustice. He was at first sent to prison; but soon purchased his liberty, by surrendering Wexford, and doing homage for the rest of his possessions to the king. The prince of Desmond was the first Irish chieftain who submitted. On the very day after the king's arrival, he attended his court, resigned to the city of Corke, did him homage, and stipulated to pay a tribute for the rest of his territory. An English governor and garrison were immediately appointed to take possession of his capital; and the king displayed his power and magnificence by marching to Lismore, where he chose a situation and gave the necessary orders for building a fort. The prince of Thomond next submitted and did homage. He was followed by the princes of Offory, Decies, and all the inferior chiefs of Munster.

The king, after having provided for the security of all his newly acquired territories, and put garrisons in the cities of Limerick, Corke, Waterford, and Wexford, proceeded to take possession of Dublin, which had been surrendered by Strongbow. The neighbouring lords took the opportunity of submitting as he advanced. O'Carroll of Argial, a chieftain of great consequence, repaired to his camp, and engaged to become his tributary; and even O'Ruarc, whom Roderic had made lord of a considerable part of Meath, voluntarily submitted to the new sovereign.

Roderic, though surprized at the defection of so many of his allies, still determined to maintain his own full holds dignity, and at least preserve his province of Connaught, seeing he could no longer call himself monarch of the whole island. With this design he entrenched himself on the banks of the Shannon; and now, when disencumbered from a crowd of faithless and discontented followers, he appears to have acted with a spirit and dignity becoming his station. Hugh de Lacey and William Fitz-Andelm were commissioned by the king to reduce him; but Roderic was too strong to be attacked with any probability of success by a detachment from the English army; and he at least affected to believe, that his situation was not yet so totally desperate as to reduce him to the necessity of resigning his dignity and authority, while his own territory remained inviolate, and the brave and powerful chiefs of Ulster still kept retired in their own districts without any thoughts of submission. Henry in the meantime attempted to attach the Irish lords to his interest by elegant and magnificent entertainments, such as to them appeared quite astonishing. Some historians pretend that he established the English laws in all those parts which had submitted to his jurisdiction; but this must appear extremely improbable, when we consider how tenacious a rude and barbarous people are of their ancient laws and customs. The Irish lords had been accustomed to do homage to a superior; and they had made no submission to Henry which they had not formerly done to Roderic, and probably thought their submission to the king of England more honourable than that to their Irish monarchs; and it cannot be supposed, that a wise and politic monarch, such as Henry Henry undoubtedly was, should form at once such an extravagant scheme as altering the laws of a great number of communities, none of which he had subdued by force of arms. By his transactions both with the natives and adventurers, however, Henry had attained the absolute dominion of several maritime cities and their dependencies; so that he had both a considerable number of real subjects, and a large extent of territory, in the island. To these subjects indeed Henry granted the English laws; and gave the city of Dublin by charter to the inhabitants of Bristol, to be held of him and his heirs, with the same liberties and free customs which they enjoyed at Bristol, and throughout all his land. And, by another charter, executed soon after, he confirmed to his burgesses of Dublin all manner of rights and immunities throughout his whole land of England, Normandy, Wales, and Ireland, wherever they and their effects shall be, to be fully and honourably enjoyed by them as his free and faithful subjects. And as it was not easy to induce his English subjects immediately to settle in these maritime towns, he permitted the Ostmen to take possession of Waterford; and to them he granted a particular right of denization, whereby they were invested with the rights and privileges of free subjects, and for the future to be governed by the laws of his realm. For the better execution of these new laws, the king also made a division of the districts now subject to him into shires or counties; which was afterwards improved and enlarged, as the extension of the English settlements and the circumstances of the country required. Sheriffs were appointed both for the counties and cities, with itinerant judges, and other ministers of justice, and officers of state, and every appendage of English government and law. To complete the whole system, a chief governor, or representative of the king, was appointed. His business was to exercise the royal authority, or such parts of it as might be committed to him in the king's absence; and, as the present state of Ireland, and the apprehensions of war or insurrections, made it necessary to guard against sudden accidents, it was provided, That in case of the death of any chief governor, the chancellor, treasurer, chief-justice, and chief baron, keeper of the rolls, and king's serjeant at law, should be empowered, with consent of the nobles of the land, to elect a successor, who was to exercise the full power and authority of this office, until the royal pleasure should be further known.

But while Henry was thus regulating the government of his new dominions, he received the unwelcome news, that two cardinals, Albert and Theodine, delegated by the pope, had arrived in Normandy the year before, to make inquisition into the death of Becket; that having waited the king's arrival until their patience was exhausted, they now summoned him to appear without delay, as he would avert the dreadful sentence of excommunication, and preserve his dominions from a general interdict. Such denunciations were of too great consequence to admit of his longer stay in Ireland; he therefore ordered his forces and the officers of his household to embark without delay, referring three ships for the conveyance of himself and his immediate attendants. Having therefore but a short time to secure his Irish interests, he addressed himself to the original English adventurers, and by grants and promises laboured to detach them from Strongbow, and to bind them firmly to himself. To make amends for what he had taken from Fitz-Stephen, he granted him a considerable district in the neighbourhood of Dublin, to be held by knight's service; at the same time entrusting the maritime towns to his own immediate dependants. Waterford was committed to Humphrey de Bohun, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and Hugh de Gundville, with a train of 20 knights. In Wexford were stationed William Fitz-Andelm, Philip of Hastings, and Philip de Braoifa, with a like number of attendants. Hugh de Lacey had a grant of all the territory of Meath, where there was no fortified place, and where of consequence no particular reservation was necessary, to be held of the king and his heirs, by the service of 50 knights, in as full a manner as it had been enjoyed by any of the Irish princes. He also constituted him lord governor of Dublin, with a guard of 20 knights. Robert Fitz-Stephen and Maurice Fitz-Gerald were appointed his coadjutors, with an equal train; and these, with others of the first adventurers, were thus obliged, under the pretence of an honourable employment, to reside at Dublin, subject to the immediate inspection of De Lacey, in whom Henry seems to have placed his chief confidence. Lands were assigned in the neighbourhood of each city for the maintenance of the knights and soldiers. Orders were given to build a castle in Dublin, and fortresses in other convenient places; and to John de Courcey, a baron distinguished by his enterprising genius and abilities for war, was granted the whole province of Ulster, provided he could reduce it by force of arms.

Henry was no sooner gone, than his barons began to contrive how they might best strengthen their own interests, and the Irish how they might best shake off the yoke to which they had so readily submitted. De Lacey parcelled out the lands of Meath to his friends and adherents, and began to erect forts to keep the old inhabitants in awe. This gave offence to O'Ruare, who still enjoyed the eastern part of this territory as a tributary prince. He repaired to Dublin, in order to obtain redress from Lacey for some injuries real or pretended; but, as the parties could not come to an agreement, another conference was appointed on a hill called Taragh. Both parties came with a considerable train of armed followers; and the event was a foulfe, in which O'Ruare and several of his followers were killed, and which served to render the English not a little odious to the natives.

The spirit of disaffection had soon after an opportunity of showing itself on the rebellion of King Henry's sons, of which an account is given under the article ENGLAND, No 121, et seq. The king had been obliged to weaken his forces in Ireland, by withdrawing several of his garrisons. The soldiers who remained were also discontented with their general Hervey of Mountmorris, on account of his severity in discipline, and refraining them from plunder, to which they imagined themselves entitled on account of the deficiencies of their pay. Raymond le Gros, the second in command, was much more beloved by the soldiery; and to such a height had the jealousies between the commanders arisen, that all effectual op- position to the Irish chieftains was prevented; and the event might have been fatal to the English interest, had not Henry found out a remedy. He summoned Earl Richard to attend him at Rouen in Normandy, and communicated his intentions of committing the affairs of Ireland to his sole direction. The earl expressed the utmost readiness to serve his master; but observed, that he had already experienced the envy and malignity of his secret enemies; that if he should appear in such a distinguished character as that of the king's deputy in Ireland, their insidious practices would be renewed, and his conduct misrepresented.—He therefore requested that a colleague might be appointed in the commission; and recommended Raymond as a person of approved loyalty and abilities, as well as highly acceptable to the lordship. The king replied, with an affected air of regard and confidence, that he had his free consent to employ Raymond in any service he should deem necessary, not as a colleague, but as an assistant; but that he relied entirely on the earl himself, and implicitly trusted every thing to his direction. To reward his services, he granted him the town of Wexford, together with a fort erected at Wicklow; and then dismissed him with the most gracious expressions of favour.

The earl landed at Dublin, where he was received with all the respect due to the royal commission. He signified the king's pleasure, that Robert Fitz-Bernard, with the garrison of Waterford, should instantly embark and repair to Normandy; that Robert Fitz-Stephen and Maurice Pendergaff should attend the service of their sovereign in England; and, agreeably to the king's instructions, took on him the custody of the cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford. Hugh de Lacey and Milo de Cogan were, with the other lords, commanded to repair to England for the service of the king; by which the earl's forces were considerably weakened, and he soon found himself under the necessity of appointing Raymond to the chief command. The new general proved successful in some enterprises against the rebellious Irish; but having presumed upon his merits to demand in marriage Basilia the earl's sister, Richard refused his consent, and Raymond retired into Wales.

Thus the supreme command again devolved upon Hervy of Mountmorris; who, being sensible that his character had suffered much from a comparison with that of Raymond, determined to emulate his successes by some bold attempt against the rebels. A detachment of 400 of his men, however, had the misfortune to be surprised and cut off by the enemy; and this success served as a signal for a general revolt. Several of the Leinster chieftains, who had lately made their submissions, and bound themselves to the service of King Henry, now openly disclaimed all engagements. Even Donald Kavanagh, son to the late king Desmond, who had hitherto adhered to the English in their greatest difficulties, now declared against them, and claimed a right to the kingdom of Leinster; while Roderic, on his part, was active in uniting the princes of Ulster, the native lords of Meath, and other chiefs, against their common enemy. This produced the immediate recall of Raymond; and Richard no longer refused his consent to the marriage with his sister, which was solemnized immediately on Raymond's arrival. The very next morning, the bridegroom was obliged to take the field against Roderic, who had committed great devastations in Meath. By the vigorous conduct of the English commander, however, he was not only prevented from doing farther mischief, but at last convinced of the folly of resistance; and Roderic therefore determined to make a final submission. Yet, conscious of his dignity, he disdained to submit to a subject; and therefore, instead of treating with Earl Richard, he sent deputies directly to the king. The deputies were, Catholicus archbishop of Tuam, the abbot of St Branan, and Mafler Lawrence as he is styled, chancellor to the king of Connaught.

The terms of this submission, by which Henry became sole monarch of Ireland, were as follows:—Roderic consented to do homage and pay tribute, as liege-man to the king of England; on which condition he was allowed to hold the kingdom of Connaught, as well as his other lands and sovereignties, in as ample a manner as he had enjoyed them before the arrival of Henry in Ireland. His vassals were to hold under him in peace, as long as they paid their tribute and continued faithful to the king of England; in which Roderic was to enforce their due obedience, and for this purpose to call to his assistance the English government, if necessary. The annual tribute to be paid was every tenth merchantable hide, as well as Connacht as from the rest of the island; excepting those parts under the immediate dominion of the king of England and his barons, viz. Dublin and Meath with their appurtenances, Wexford and all Leinster, and Waterford with its lands as far as Dungarvan inclusive; in all which districts Roderic was not to interfere, nor claim any power or authority.—The Irish who had fled from these districts were to return, and either pay their tribute, or perform the services required by their tenures, at the option of their immediate lords; and, if refractory, Roderic, at the requisition of their lords, was to compel them to return. He was to take hostages from his vassals, such as he and his liege-lord should think proper; and on his part to deliver either these or others to the king, according to the royal pleasure. His vassals were to furnish hawks and hounds annually to the English monarch; and were not to detain any tenant of his immediate demesnes in Ireland, contrary to his royal pleasure and command. This treaty was solemnly ratified in a grand council of prelates and temporal barons, among whom we find the archbishop of Dublin one of the subscribing witnesses. As metropolitan of Leinster, he was now become an English subject, and was probably summoned on this occasion as one obliged to attend, and who had a right to assist in the king's great council. It is also observable, that Henry now treated with Roderic not merely as a provincial prince, but as monarch of Ireland. This is evidently implied and supposed in the articles; although his monarchical powers and privileges were little more than nominal, frequently disregarded and opposed by the Irish toparchs. Even by their submissions to Henry, many of them in effect disavowed and renounced the sovereignty of Roderic; but now his supremacy seems to be industriously acknowledged, that the present submission might appear virtually the submission of all the subordinate princes, and thus the king Ireland, king of England be invested with the sovereignty of the whole island. The marks of sovereignty, however, were no more than homage and tribute; in every other particular the regal rights of Roderic were left inviolate. The English laws were only to be enforced in the English pale: and, even there, the Irish tenant might live in peace, as the subject of the Irish monarch; bound only to pay his quota of tribute, and not to take arms against the king of England.

But though the whole island of Ireland thus became subject to the king of England, it was far from being settled in tranquillity, or indeed from having the situation of its inhabitants mended almost in any degree. One great occasion of disturbance was, that the English laws were confined only to those parts which had been subdued by force of arms: while the chieftains that had only submitted to pay tribute, were allowed to retain the ancient Irish laws within the limits of their own jurisdictions. By these old Irish laws, many crimes accounted capital with us, such as robbery, murder, &c., might be compensated by a sum of money. Hence it happened, that very unequal punishments were inflicted for the same offence. If one Englishman killed another, he was punished with death; but if he killed an Irishman, he was punished only by a fine. If an Irishman, on the other hand, killed an Englishman, he was certainly punished with death: and as in times of violence and outrage, the crime of murder was very frequent, the circumstance just mentioned tended to produce an implacable hatred between the original inhabitants and the English. As the Irish laws were thus more favourable to the barbarity natural to the tempers of some individuals, many of the English were also tempted to lay aside the manners and customs of their countrymen altogether, and to associate themselves with the Irish, that, by becoming subject to their laws, they might thus have an opportunity of gratifying their brutal inclinations with less control than formerly; and in process of time, these degenerate English, as they were called, proved more bitter enemies to their countrymen than even the Irish themselves.

Another cause of the distresses of Ireland was, the great power of the English barons, among whom Henry had divided the greatest part of his Irish dominions. The extent of their authority only inflamed them with a desire for more; and, instead of contributing their endeavours to increase the power of their sovereign, or to civilize the barbarous people over whom they were placed, they did every thing in their power to counteract and destroy each other. Henry himself, indeed, seems to have been infected with a very fatal jealousy in this respect; for, though the abilities and fidelity of Raymond had abundantly manifested themselves, the king never could allow himself to continue him in the government of the island: and the consequence of degrading him never failed to be a scene of uproar and confusion. To these two reasons we must likewise add another: namely, that in those parts of the kingdom where the Irish chieftains enjoyed the sovereignty, they were at full liberty to make war upon each other as formerly, without the least restraint. This likewise induced many of the English to degenerate, that they might have an opportunity of sharing the plunder got by these petty wars; so that, on the whole, the island was a perpetual scene of horror, almost unequalled in the history of any country.

After the death of Earl Richard, Raymond was immediately elected to succeed him; but was superseded by the king, who appointed William Fitz-Andelm, a governor allied to Raymond, to succeed in his place. The new governor had neither inclination nor abilities to perform the task assigned to him. He was of a rapacious temper, sensual and corrupt in his manners; and therefore only studied to enrich himself. The native Irish, provoked by some depredations of the English, commenced hostilities: but Fitz-Andelm, instead of repelling these with vigour in the beginning, treated the chieftains with affected courtesy and flattery. This they had sufficient discernment to see, and to despise; while the original adventurers had the burden of the whole defence of the English pale, as the English territories were called, thrown upon them, at the same time that the bad conduct of the governor was the cause of perpetual disorders. The consequence of this was, that the lords avowed their hatred of Fitz-Andelm: the soldiers were mutinous, ill-appointed, and unpaid: and the Irish came in crowds to the governor with perpetual complaints against the old adventurers, which were always decided against the latter; and this decision increased their confidence, without lessening their disaffection.

In this unfavourable state of affairs, John de Courcy, a bold adventurer, who had as yet reaped none of the benefits he expected, resolved to undertake an expedition against the natives, in order to enrich himself with their spoils. The Irish at that time were giving no offence; and therefore pleaded the treaty lately concluded with King Henry: but treaties were of little avail, when put in competition with the necessities of an indigent and rapacious adventurer. The consequence was, that the flame of war was kindled through the whole island. The chieftains took advantage of the war with the English, to commence hostilities against each other. Desmond and Thomond, in the southern province, were distracted by the jealousies of contending chiefs, and the whole land was wasted by unnatural and bloody quarrels. Treachery and murder were revenged by practices of the same kind, in such a manner as to perpetuate a succession of outrages the most horrid and the most disgraceful to humanity. The northern province was a scene of the like enormities; though the new English settlers, who were considered as a common enemy, ought to have united the natives among themselves. All were equally strangers to the virtues of humanity; nor was religion, in the form it then assumed, capable of restraining these violences in the least.

Ireland was thus in a short time reduced to such a state, that Henry perceived the necessity of recalling Fitz-Andelm, and appointing another governor. He was recalled accordingly; and Hugh de Lacy appointed to succeed him. He left his government without being regretted, and is said by the historians of those times to have done only one good action during the whole course of his administration. This action was nothing more important, than the removing of a relic, called the staff of Jesus, from the cathedral of Armagh to that of Dublin; probably that it might be in greater safety, as the war raged violently in Ulster. De Lacey, however, was a man of a quite different disposition, and every way qualified for the difficult government with which he was invested; but at the same time, the king, by investing his son John with the lordship of Ireland, gave occasion to greater disturbances than even those which had already happened. The nature of this lordship hath been much disputed; but the most probable opinion is, that the king's son was now to be invested with all the rights and powers which had formerly belonged to Roderic, who was allowed the title of king of Ireland. It doth not appear, indeed, that Henry had any right to deprive Roderic of these powers, and still let him have the disposal of any of the territories of those chieftains who had agreed to become his tributaries; which nevertheless he certainly did, and which failed not to be productive of an immediate war with these chiefs.

The new governor entered on his office with all that spirit and vigour which was necessary; but being misrepresented to the king by some factious barons, he was in a short time recalled, and two others, totally unfit for the government, appointed in his room. This error was soon corrected, and Lacey was replaced in three months. The same jealousy which produced his first degradation, soon produced a second; and Philip de Braola, or Philip of Worcester as he is called, a man of a most avaricious disposition, was appointed to succeed him. This governor behaved in such a manner, that his superstitious subjects expected every moment that the vengeance of heaven would fall upon him, and deliver them from his tyranny. His power, however, was of short duration; for now Prince John prepared to exercise the authority with which his father had invested him in Ireland. He was attended by a considerable military force: his train was formed of a company of gallant Normans in the pride of youth; but luxurious, insolent, and followed by a number of Englishmen, strangers to the country they were to visit, desperate in their fortunes, accustomed to a life of profligacy, and filled with great expectations of advantage from their present service. The whole assembly embarked in a fleet of 60 ships; and arrived at Waterford after a prosperous voyage, filling the whole country with the greatest surprize and expectation.

The young prince had not arrived at the years of discretion; nor indeed, from his subsequent conduct, doth it appear that his disposition was such as qualified him in the least for the high dignity to which he was raised. The hardy Welshmen who first migrated into Ireland, immediately waited upon him to do him homage; but they were disagreeable to the gay courtiers, and to the prince himself, who minded nothing but his pleasures. The Irish lords were at first terrified by the magnificent representation of the force of the English army; and being reconciled to submission by the dignity of the prince's station, hastened in crowds to Waterford to do him homage. They exhibited a spectacle to the Norman courtiers, which the latter did not fail to treat with contempt and ridicule. The Irish lords, with uncouth attire, thick bushy beards, and hair standing on end, advanced with very little ceremony; and, according to their own notions of respect, offered to kiss the young prince. His attendants stepped in, and prevented this horrid violation of decorum by thrusting away the Irishmen. The whole assembly burst into peals of laughter, pulled the beards, and committed several other indignities on the persons of their guests; which were immediately and severely resented. The chieftains left the court, boiling with indignation; and meeting others of their countrymen hastening to do homage to the prince, they informed them of the reception they themselves had met with. A league was instantly formed to extirpate the English, and the revolt whole nation flew to arms; while John and his courtiers, instead of opposing the enemy, employed themselves in harassing and oppressing those who were under their immediate jurisdiction. The country was therefore overrun by the barbarians, agriculture entirely neglected, and a dreadful famine threatened to follow the calamities of war.

This terrible devastation had continued for eight months before the king was fully acquainted with it. He then determined to recall his son; but was at a loss whom he should name for his successor. Lacey had been murdered by an Irish peasant, and the king was at last obliged to have recourse to John de Courcy, whose boisterous valour seemed now to be absolutely necessary to prevent the English from being totally exterminated. The new governor was obliged at first to suppress the league, and began their usual hostilities against Courcy; each other, he was at last enabled to maintain the authority of the English government, and to support their acquisitions in Ireland, though not to extend them.

In this situation were the affairs of Ireland when Miserable Henry II. died, and was succeeded by his son Richard I. The new king was determined on an expedition to the holy land, which left him no leisure to attend to the affairs of Ireland. John, by virtue of the powers granted him by his father, took upon him the management of Irish affairs; and immediately degraded De Courcy from his government, appointing in his place Hugh de Lacey the younger. De Courcy, provoked at this indignity, retired into Ulster, where he was immediately engaged in a furious war with the natives, and at last almost entirely detached himself from the English government. The greatest confusion ensued: Hugh de Lacey was recalled from his government, and William Petit earl marshal of England appointed in his place. Petit's administration proved more unfortunate than that of any of his predecessors. Confederacies everywhere took place against the English; the latter were everywhere defeated, their towns taken; and their power would certainly have been annihilated, had not the Irish, as usual, turned their arms against each other.

In this desperate situation matters continued during the whole reign of King Richard, and part of the reign of John, while the distresses of the country were increased by the dissensions and disaffection of the English lords, who aspired at independency, and made war upon each other like Irish chieftains. The prudent somewhat conduct of a governor named Meiler Fitz-Henry, however, at last put an end to these terrible commotions; and about the year 1208, the kingdom was more quiet than it had been for a long time before. In 1210, John came over to Ireland in person with an army, army, with a design, as he said, to reduce his refractory nobles to a sense of their duty. More than 20 Irish chiefs waited upon him immediately to do him homage; while three of the English barons Hugh and Walter de Lacy and William de Braofa, fled to France. The king, at the desire of his Irish subjects, granted them, for their information, a regular code and charter of laws, to be deposited in the exchequer of Dublin, under the king's seal. For the regular and effectual execution of these laws, besides the establishment of the king's courts of judicature in Dublin, there was now made a new and more ample division of the king's lands of Ireland into counties, where sheriffs, and many other officers, were appointed. These counties were, Dublin, Meath, Kildare, Argail, now called Louish, Katherlagh, Kilkenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Tipperary; which marks the extent of the English dominions at this time as confined to a part of Leinster and Munster, and to those parts of Meath and Argail which lie in the province of Ulster as now defined. Before his departure, the king gave liberty to John de Grey, bishop of Norwich, whom he appointed governor, to coin money of the same weight with that of England; and which, by royal proclamation, was made current in England as well as Ireland.

This ecclesiastical governor is said to have managed affairs so happily, that during the violent contests between John and his barons, Ireland enjoyed an unusual degree of tranquillity. We are not to imagine, however, that this unhappy country was at this or indeed any other period, till the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, perfectly free from disorders, only they were confined to those districts most remote from the English government. In 1219, the commotions were renewed, through the immeasurable ambition and contentions of the English barons, who despised all control, and oppressed the inhabitants in a terrible manner. The disorders in England during the reign of Henry III. encouraged them to despise the royal authority; they were ever the secret enemies, and sometimes the avowed adversaries, of each other; and in many places where they had obtained settlements, the natives were first driven into insurrections by their cruelty, and then punished with double cruelty for their resistance. The English laws, which tended to punish the authors of these outrages, were scorned by an imperious aristocratic faction, who, in the frenzy of rapine and ambition, trampled on the most salutary institutions. In 1228, a remonstrance was presented to the king against this dangerous neglect and suspension of the laws; which he answered by a mandate to the chief governor, directing that the whole body of nobility, knights, free tenants, and bailiffs of the several counties, should be convened; that the charter of English laws and customs received from King John, and to which they were bound by oath, should be read over in their presence; that they should be directed for the future strictly to observe and adhere to these; and that proclamation should be made in every county of Ireland, strictly enjoining obedience, on pain of forfeiture of lands and tenements. How little effect was produced by this order, we may learn from another, dated in 1246; where the barons are commanded, for the peace and tranquillity of the land, to permit it to be governed by the laws of England.

Nothing indeed can be conceived more terrible than the state of Ireland during the reign of Henry III. People of all ranks appear to have been sunk in the lowest degree of depravity. The powerful English lords not only subverted the peace and security of the people, by refusing to admit the salutary laws of their own country, but behaved with the utmost injustice and violence to the natives who did not enjoy the benefits of the English constitution. The clergy appear to have been equally abandoned with the rest; nor indeed could it be otherwise; for through the partialities of Henry himself, the neglected, the worthless, and the depraved among the English clergy, found refuge in the church of Ireland. What were the manners of these clergy, will appear from the following petition of a widow to King Edward I.

"Margaret le Blunde, of Cashel, petitions our lord the king's grace, that she may have her inheritance which she recovered at Clonmell before the king's judges, &c., against David Macmackerwayt bishop of Cashel.

"Item, the said Margaret petitions redress on account that her father was killed by the said bishop.

"Item, for the imprisonment of her grandfather and mother, whom he shut up and detained in prison until they perished by famine, because they attempted to seek redress for the death of their son, father of your petitioner, who had been killed by the said bishop.

"Item, for the death of her six brothers and sisters, who were starved to death by the said bishop, because he had their inheritance in his hands at the time he killed their father.

"And it is to be noted, that the said bishop had built an abbey in the city of Cashel, on the king's lands granted for this purpose, which he hath filled with robbers, who murder the English, and depopulate the country; and that when the council of our lord the king attempts to take cognizance of the offence, he fulminates the sentence of excommunication against them.

"It is to be noted also, that the said Margaret has five times crossed the Irish sea. Wherefore, she petitions for God's sake, that the king's grace will have compassion, and that she may be admitted to take profession of her inheritance.

"It is further to be noted, that the aforesaid bishop hath been guilty of the death of many other Englishmen besides that of her father; and that the aforesaid Margaret hath many times obtained writs of our lord the king, but to no effect, by reason of the influence and bribery of the said bishop.

"She further petitions, for God's sake, that she may have costs and damages," &c.

Matters continued in the same deplorable state during the reign of Edward I., with this additional grievance, that the kingdom was infected by invasions of the Scots. The English monarch indeed possessed all that prudence and valour which were necessary to have reduced the island to a state of tranquillity; but his project of conquering Scotland left him but little leisure to attend to the distracted state of Ireland. Certain it is, Ireland, is, however, that the grievous distress of that country gave him great uneasiness; so that he transmitted his mandate to the prelates of Ireland, requiring them to interpose their spiritual authority for composing the public disorders. About the same time, the Irish who lay contiguous to the English, and who dwelt among them, presented a petition to the king, offering to pay him 8000 marks, upon condition that they were admitted to the privileges of English subjects. To this petition he returned a favourable answer; but his good intentions were defeated by the licentious nobility, who knew that these laws would have circumscribed their rapacious views, and contrived their violence and oppression. Petitions of the same kind were several times repeated during this reign, but as often defeated; though some means were used for the peace of the kingdom, such as the frequent calling of parliaments, appointing sheriffs in some new counties, &c.

These means were not altogether without effect. They served to give some check to the disorders of the realm, though by no means to terminate or subdue them. The incursions of the natives were repressed, and the English lords began to live on better terms with each other; and, in 1311, under Edward II., the most powerful of them were reconciled by the marriage of Maurice and Thomas Fitz-John, afterwards the heads of the illustrious houses of Desmond and Kildare, to two daughters of the earl of Ulster. But just at this happy period, when the nation seemed to have some prospect of tranquillity, more dreadful calamities than any hitherto related were about to take place. The Scots had just recovered their liberty under Robert Bruce, and were now in no danger of being again enslaved by a foreign power. Edward, the king's brother, as a recompense for his services, demanded a share of the royal authority. This was refused by Robert, and Edward was for the present satisfied by being declared heir apparent to the crown. But the king, wisely considering the necessity of finding out some employment for a youth of such an aspiring and ambitious disposition, pointed out to his brother the island of Ireland, the conquest of which would be easy, on account of the distracted state in which it almost always was, and which would make him an independent sovereign. This proposal was eagerly embraced by Edward, and everything necessary for the expedition immediately got ready. On the 25th of May 1315, he landed on the north-eastern coast of Ireland with 6000 men, to assert his claim to the sovereignty of this kingdom. The Irish lords of Ulster, who had invited and encouraged him to this enterprise, were now prepared to receive their new monarch, flocked with eagerness to his standard, and prepared to wreak their vengeance on the common enemy. Their progress was marked by desolation and carnage. The English settlers were slaughtered, or driven from their possessions, their cattle levelled with the ground, and their towns set on fire. The English lords were neither prepared to resist the invasion, nor sufficiently united among themselves. The consequence was, that the enemy for some time met with no interruption. An intolerable scarcity of provisions, however, prevented Bruce from pursuing his advantages; and though his brother landed in Ireland with a powerful army, the famine prevented him from being of any essential service. The forces which he left behind him, however, proved of considerable advantage; and by means of this reinforcement, he was enabled to take the city of Carrickfergus.

The terrible devastations committed by Bruce and his associates, now induced some English lords to enter into an association to defend their possessions, and repel these invaders. For this purpose they raised a considerable body of forces; which coming to an engagement with Feidlim, prince of Connaught, one of Bruce's principal allies, entirely defeated and killed him with 8000 of his men. This defeat, however, had very little effect on the operations of Bruce himself. He ravaged the country to the walls of Dublin, traversed the district of Offaly, and penetrated into Munster, destroying every thing with fire and sword. The English continued to augment their army, till at last it amounted to 30,000 men; and then Bruce, no longer able to oppose such a force, found it necessary to retire into the province of Ulster. His retreat was effected with great difficulty, and during the time of his inactivity, the distresses of his army increased to such a degree, that they are said to have fed upon the bodies of their dead companions. At last an end was put to the sufferings and the life of this adventurer in the battle of Dundalk, in 1318, where he was defeated and killed by the English under Sir Robert Bingham. A brave English knight, named Maupas, had fought forward to encounter Bruce himself, and both antagonists had killed each other; the body of Maupas being found, after the battle, stretched upon that of Bruce. The king of Scotland had been advancing with powerful succours to his brother; but Edward, confident of victory, refused to wait his arrival; and Robert, on hearing of his brother's death, instantly retired.

The defeat of the Scottish invaders did not put an end to the disturbances of this unhappy country. The contentions of the English with one another, of the Irish with the English, and among themselves, still kept the island in a state of the utmost barbarity and confusion. An attempt was made indeed, in the reign of Edward II., to establish an university in Dublin; but for want of proper encouragement the institution for some time languished, and then expired amidst the confusion and anarchy of the country. The reign of Edward III., proved not much more favourable than preceding times had been. He was too much taken up with the idea of conquering France, to pay much regard to the interests of Ireland. The unhappy people, indeed, sensible of their own miseries, petitioned the king to admit all his subjects in Ireland to a participation of the English laws; but the petition being delivered as usual to the chief governor, and laid before the parliament, it was either clandestinely defeated, or openly rejected. A new scene of tumult and bloodshed immediately ensued; which at last produced an order from the king, prohibiting all Irishmen, or Englishmen married and having estates in Ireland, from bearing any public office whatever. This, instead of having a tendency to promote peace, made the disorder much greater than before; and at last produced a remonstrance from the states met at Kilkenny, in which they grievously complain not only Ireland. of the disorders of the kingdom, but also of the conduct of the king himself in the edict above mentioned; and to this remonstrance the king thought proper to give a gracious and condescending answer, in order to procure from Ireland the succours he wanted in his expedition against France.

It is not to be supposed, that mere promises, unassisted by any vigorous exertion, could make the least alteration in the state of a kingdom involved in so much misery. The disorders, however, at last became insupportable to the inhabitants themselves; and a parliament was summoned in 1368, the result of which was the famous statute of Kilkenny. The preamble to this act recites, that the English had become mere Irish in their language, names, apparel, and manner of living; had rejected the English laws, and submitted to those of the Irish, with whom they had united by marriage-alliance, to the ruin of the commonwealth.

—It was therefore enacted, that marriage, nurture of infants, &c., with the Irish, should be considered and punished as high treason.—Again, if any man of English race shall use an Irish name, the Irish language, or the Irish apparel, or any mode or custom of the Irish, the act provides, that he shall forfeit lands and tenements, until he hath given security in the court of chancery to conform in every particular to the English manners; or if he have no lands, that he shall be imprisoned till the like security be given. The Brehon law was pronounced to be a pernicious custom and innovation lately introduced among the English subjects; and it was therefore ordained, that in all their controversies they should be governed by the common law of England; and that whoever should submit to the Irish jurisdiction should be adjudged guilty of high treason. As the English had been accustomed to make war or peace with the bordering Irish at pleasure, they were now expressly prohibited from levying war without special warrant from the state.—It was also made highly penal for the English to permit their Irish neighbours to graze their lands, to present them to ecclesiastical benefices, or to receive them into monasteries or religious houses; to entertain their bards, who perverted their imaginations by romantic tales, or their news-tellers, who seduced them by false reports.—It was made felony to impede or clog any forces upon the English subject against his will. And as the royal liberties and franchises were become sanctuaries for malefactors, express power was given to the king's sheriffs to enter into all franchises, and there to apprehend felons and traitors.—Lastly, because the great lords, when they levied forces for the public service, acted with partiality, and laid unequal burdens upon the subjects, it was ordained that four wardens of the peace in every county should adjudge what men and armour every lord or tenant should provide.—The statute was promulgated with particular solemnity; and the spiritual lords, the better to enforce obedience, denounced an excommunication on those who should presume to violate it in any instance.

This statute, it is evident, could not tend to promote the peace of the kingdom. This could only have been done by removing the animosity between the native Irish and English; but so far was the statute of Kilkenny from having any tendency of this kind, that it manifestly tended to increase the hatred between them.

During the whole of this reign, therefore, the state of the Irish government continued to be greatly disordered and embroiled. The English interest gradually declined; and the connections of the king's subjects with the original inhabitants, occasioned by their vicinity and necessary intercourse, in despite of all legal injunctions, obliged the king to relax the severity of the statutes of Kilkenny, in cases where they proved impracticable, or oppressive in the execution. The perpetual hostility, however, in which the different parties lived, proved an effectual bar to the introduction of those arts which contribute to the comfort and refinement of mankind. Even foreign merchants could not venture into such a dangerous country without particular letters of protection from the throne. The perpetual succession of new adventurers from England, led by interest or necessity, served only to inflame dissension, instead of introducing any essential improvement. Lawyers sent from England were notoriously insufficient, if not corrupt; and, as such, had frequently been the objects of complaint. The clergy were a mean grovelling race, totally influenced by the crown. Even prelates were commonly made the inferior agents of government in collecting forces, and raising war against the Irish enemy; but were not to be enticed into this service, except by remittances from the exchequer. Attendance in parliament they dreaded as the greatest hardship; and either recurred to mean excuses to avert the penalty of absence, or sued to the king to be exempted by patent from contributing or assenting to those laws by which they were to be governed.

In this deplorable situation the kingdom continued till the time of Henry VII., who laid the foundation of the future civilization of the Irish, as he also did of the English nation. This he effected by enacting some salutary laws, and appointing faithful and active governors to see them put in execution. Of these governors Sir Edward Poyning contributed more than any other to the tranquillity of the state. During his administration was enacted the law known by the name of Poyning's Law, and which hath since been the subject of much political debate. The purport of it was, that no parliament should be held in that island without first giving notice to the king of England, and acquainting him with the acts to be passed in that parliament; neither should any act passed, or any parliament held, without the approbation of the king and council, be deemed valid. Thus was the power of the turbulent barons greatly broken; and the governor, not having it in his power to assemble parliaments when he pleased, became a person of much less consequence. The whole Irish legislation also became dependent on that of England, and hath ever since continued to be so.

From this time we may date the revival of the English power in Ireland; which from the Scottish war in the time of Edward II. had gradually declined into a miserable and precarious state of weakness. The authority of the crown, which had at last been desired, insulted, and rejected, even in the English territory, was restored and confirmed, and the rebellious vigorously opposed and suppressed. The sovereignty of the British crown over the whole body of the Irish, which in former reigns seemed to have been totally forgotten, was now formally claimed and asserted, and some of the most ferocious chieftains by their marriage-connections became the avowed friends of the English power. An ignominious tribute, called the Black Rent, was indeed still paid to some chieftains; but their hostilities were opposed and chastised, and even in their own districts they were made to feel the superiority of English government.

During the reign of Henry VIII. the Irish affairs were neglected; and the disorders, which had only been checked, and never thoroughly eradicated, returned as usual. They were further promoted by the innovations in religion which the king introduced, and which were exceedingly disagreeable both to English and Irish. The Reformation, however, continued to make some progress, though slowly, during the reign of Edward VI., and even in the reign of Queen Mary; for as the persecution did not reach thither, many Protestants fled to Ireland in order to avoid the queen's cruelty. The machinations of the Spaniards against Queen Elizabeth excited the Irish to fresh insurrections. The king of Spain, indeed, not only encouraged the natives in those insurrections, but actually sent over troops to assist them in driving out the English altogether. This they had well nigh effected; but the Spaniards, upon seeing an army of Irish defeated by a handful of their enemies, were so much provoked that they surrendered all the places they had made themselves masters of, and even offered to assist the English in reducing the rebels; though it was not thought proper to accept of their assistance. The consequence of this was, that the Irish, abandoned by their allies, were unable to carry on the war; and the grand rebel O'Neal of Tirowen, or Tirone, after much treachery, evasion, and many pretended submissions, was at last obliged to submit in good earnest. He fell upon his knees before the deputy, and petitioned for mercy with an air and aspect of distress. He subscribed his submission in the most ample manner and form. He implored the queen's gracious commiseration; and humbly sued to be restored to his dignity, and the state of a subject, which he had justly forfeited. He utterly renounced the name of O'Neal, which he had assumed on account of the great veneration in which it was held among the Irish. He abjured all foreign power, and all dependency except on the crown of England; resigned all claim to any lands except such as should be conferred upon him by letters patent; promising at the same time to assist the state in abolishing all barbarous customs and establishing law and civility among his people. The lord deputy, on the part of the queen, promised a full pardon to him and all his followers; to himself the restoration of his blood and honours, with a new patent for his lands, except some portions reserved for certain chieftains received into favour, and some for the use of English garrisons.

No insurgent now remained in this kingdom who had not obtained or sued for mercy. Many, indeed, were driven by necessity to the continent, and earned a subsistence by serving in the armies of Spain; and thus a race of Irish exiles was trained to arms, filled with a malignant resentment against the English. Thus the honour of reducing all the enemies of the crown of England in this island, after a continued contest for Ireland, 440 years, was reserved for the arms of Elizabeth.

The ghastliness of famine and desolation was now somewhat enlivened by the restoration of tranquillity. Inexorbitant prices of provisions were so high, that considering the value of money at that time, it is surprising how the inhabitants could subsist. From an account of the rates of provisions taken by the mayor of Dublin in 1602, it appears, That wheat had risen from 3s. to 9l. the quarter; barley-malt from 10s. to 43s. the barrel; oat-meal from 5s. to 22s. the barrel; pease from 5s. to 40s. the peck; oats from 3s. 4d. to 20s. the barrel; beef from 26s. 8d. to 8l. the carcass; mutton from 3s. to 26s. the carcass; veal from 10s. to 20s. the carcass; a lamb from 12d. to 6s.; a pork from 8s. to 20s.

Under James I. Ireland began to assume a quite different appearance. That monarch valued himself up on promoting the arts of peace, and made it his study to civilize his barbarous Irish subjects. By repeated conspiracies and rebellions, a vast tract of land had escheated to the crown in five northern counties, Tyrconnel, now called Donegal, Tyrone, Derry, Fermanagh, Cavan, and Armagh, amounting to about 500,000 acres; a tract of country covered with woods, where rebels and banditti found a secure refuge, and which was destined to lie waste without the timely interposition of government. James resolved to dispose of these lands in such a manner as might introduce all the happy consequences of peace and cultivation. He caused surveys to be taken of the several counties where the new settlements were to be established; described particularly the state of each; pointed out the situations proper for the erection of towns and castles; delineated the characters of the Irish chieftains, the manner in which they should be treated, the temper and circumstances of the old inhabitants, the rights of the new purchasers, and the claims of both; together with the impediments to former plantations, and the methods of removing them.

At his instance it was resolved, that the persons to whom lands were assigned should be either new undertakers from Great Britain, especially from Scotland, or servitors, as they were called; that is, men who had for some time served in Ireland, either in civil or military offices; or old Irish chieftains or captains. Among the last were included even those Irish who had engaged in the rebellion of Tirone, and still harboured their secret discontents. To gain them, if possible, by favour and lenity, they were treated with particular indulgence. Their under-tenants and servants were allowed to be of their own religion; and, while all the other planters were obliged to take the oath of allegiance, they were tacitly excepted. The servitors were allowed to take their tenants either from Ireland or Britain, provided no Popish recusants were admitted. The British undertakers were confined to their own countrymen.

In the plantations which had been formerly attempted, the Irish and English had been mixed together, from a fond imagination that the one would have learned civility and industry from the other. But experience had now discovered, that this intercourse served only to make the Irish envy the superior comforts of their their English neighbours, and to take the advantage of a free access to their houses to steal their goods and plot against their lives. It was therefore deemed necessary to plant them in separate quarters; and in the choice of these situations, the errors of former times were carefully corrected. The original English adventurers, on their first settlement in Ireland, were captivated by the fair appearance of the plains and open districts. Here they erected their castles and habitations; and forced the old natives into the woods and mountains, their natural fortresses. There they kept themselves unknown, living by the milk of their kine, without husbandry or tillage; there they increased to incredible numbers by promiscuous generation; and there they held their assemblies, and formed their conspiracies without discovery. But now the northern Irish were placed in the most open and accessible parts of the country, where they might lie under the close inspection of their neighbours, and be gradually habituated to agriculture and the mechanic arts. To the British adventurers were assigned places of the greatest strength and command; to the servitors stations of the greatest danger and greatest advantage to the crown: but as this appeared a peculiar hardship, they were allowed guards and entertainment, until the country should be quietly and completely planted.

The experience of ages had shown the inconvenience of enormous grants to particular lords, attended with such privileges as obstructed the administration of civil government; and even in the late reign, favourite undertakers had been gratified with such portions of land as they were by no means able to plant. But, by the present scheme, the lands to be planted were divided in three different proportions; the greatest to consist of 2000 English acres, the least of 1000, and the middle of 1500. One half of the elecated lands in each county was assigned to the smallest, the other moiety divided between the other proportions; and the general distributions being thus ascertained, to prevent all disputes between the undertakers, their settlements in the respective districts were to be determined by lot. Estates were assigned to all, to be held of them and their heirs. The undertakers of 2000 acres were to hold of the king in capite; those of 1500, by knights service; those of 1000 in common socage. The first were to build a castle, and enclose a strong court-yard, or bawn, as it was called, within four years; the second, to finish a house and bawn within two years; and the third, to enclose a bawn; for even this rude species of fortification was accounted no insconsiderable defence against an Irish enemy. The first were to plant upon their lands, within three years, 48 able men of English or Scottish birth, to be reduced to 20 families; to keep a demesne of 600 acres in their own hands; to have four free farmers on 120 acres each; five lease-holders, each on 100 acres; and on the rest, eight families of husbandmen, artificers, and cottagers. The others were under like obligations proportionally. All were, for five years after the date of their patents, to reside upon their lands, either in person, or by such agents as should be approved by the state, and to keep a sufficient quantity of arms for their defence. The British and servitors were not to alienate their lands to mere Irish, or to demise any portions of them to such persons as should refuse to take the oaths to government; they were to let them at determined rents, and for no shorter term than 21 years, or three lives. The houses of their tenants were to be built after the English fashion, and united together in towns or villages. They had power to erect manors, to hold courts-baron, and to create tenures. The old natives, whose tenures were granted in fee simple, to be held in socage, were allowed the like privileges. They were enjoined to let their lands at certain rents, and for the like terms as the other undertakers; to take no Irish exactions from their inferior tenants, and to oblige them to forfeit their old Scythian custom of wandering with their cattle from place to place for pasture, or creaghuing as they called it; to dwell in towns, and conform to the English manner of tillage and husbandry. An annual rent from all the lands was reserved to the crown for every 60 English acres, six shillings and eightpence from the undertakers, ten shillings from servitors, and 13 shillings and fourpence from Irish natives. But for two years they were exempt from such payments, except the natives, who were not subject to the charge of transportation. What gave particular credit to this undertaking, was the capital part which the city of London was persuaded to take in it. The corporation accepted of large grants in the county of Derry; they engaged to expend 20,000l. on the plantation, to build the cities of Derry and Colerain, and stipulated for such privileges as might make their settlements convenient and respectable. As a competent force was necessary to protect this infant plantation, the king, to support the charge, instituted the order of baronets, an hereditary dignity, to be conferred on a number not exceeding 250; each of whom, on passing his patent, was to pay into the exchequer such a sum as would maintain 30 men in Ulster, for three years, at 8d. daily pay.

But scarcely had the lands been allotted to the different patentees, when considerable portions were reclaimed by the clergy as their rightful property. And so far had the estates of the northern bishoprics been embarrased, both by the usurpations of the Irish lords, and the claims of patentees, that they scarcely afforded a competent, much less an honourable, provision for men of worth and learning, while the state of the parochial clergy was still more deplorable. Most of the northern churches had been either destroyed in the late wars or had fallen to ruin: the benefices were small, and either shamefully kept by the bishops in the way of commendam or sequestration; or filled with ministers as scandalous as their income. The wretched flock was totally abandoned; and for many years divine service had not been used in any parish church of Ulster, except in cities and great towns. To remedy these abuses, and to make some proper provision for the instruction of a people immersed in lamentable ignorance, the king ordained, that all ecclesiastical lands should be restored to their respective fees and churches, and that all lands should be deemed ecclesiastical from which bishops had in former times received rents or pensions: that compositions should be made with the patentees for the site of cathedral churches, the residences of bishops and dignitaries, and other church-lands which were not intended to be conveyed to them; who were to receive equivalents if they compounded freely, Ireland, freely, or else to be deprived of their patents as the king was deceived in his grant, and the possessions restored to the church. To provide for the inferior clergy, the bishops were obliged to resign all their impropriations, and relinquish the tythes paid them out of parishes, to the respective incumbents; for which ample recompense was made out of the king's lands. Every proportion allotted to undertakers was made a parish, with a parochial church to each. The incumbents, besides their tythes and duties, had glebe-lands assigned to them of 60, 90, or 120 acres, according to the extent of their parishes. To provide for a succession of worthy pastors, free-schools were endowed in the principal towns, and considerable grants of lands conferred on the university of Dublin, which had been re-established by Queen Elizabeth, together with the advowson of six parochial churches, three of the largest, and three of the middle proportion in each county.

Such was the general scheme of this famous northern plantation, so honourable to the king, and of such consequence to the realm of Ireland. Its happy effects were immediately perceived, although the execution by no means corresponded with the original idea. Buildings were slowly erected; British tenants were difficult to be procured in sufficient numbers; the old natives were at hand, offered higher rents, and were received into those districts from which it was intended to exclude them. In this particular, the Londoners were accused of being notoriously delinquent. They acted entirely by agents; their agents were interested and indolent, and therefore readily countenanced this dangerous intrusion of the natives: an error of which sufficient cause was afterwards found to repent. For the present, however, a number of loyal and industrious inhabitants was poured into the northern counties, considerable improvements made by the planters, and many towns erected. To encourage their industry, and advance his own project, the king was pleased to incorporate several of these towns, so that they had a right of representation in the Irish parliament.

The only disturbance that now ensued was from the Popish party, who never could bear to see the Protestant religion established in preference to their own, while they had power to resist. After numberless ineffectual machinations and complaints, their fury broke out in a terrible massacre of the new English settlers in the year 1641*. The affairs of Britain were at that time in such confusion, that the rebellion could not be quelled in less than ten years; during which time the country was reduced to a most deplorable situation. It recovered again under Cromwell, Charles II, and the short reign of James II. On the accession of William III matters were once more thrown into confusion by an attempt made in favour of the exiled monarch, who came over thither in person, and whose bad success is related under the article BRITAIN, No 309—325. Since that time, Ireland hath recovered from the miserable situation to which it was so long reduced. As yet, however, it is far from being in such a flourishing state as either South or North Britain. One great obstacle to the improvement of the kingdom is the extreme poverty and oppression of the common people. The produce of the kingdom, whether in corn or cattle, is not above two-thirds at most of what by good cultivation it might yield. The high roads throughout the southern and western parts are lined with beggars, who live in huts or cabins without chimneys, or any covering capable of defending the wretched inhabitants from the cold, wind, and rain. "It is a scandal (says a judicious traveller, who lately visited Ireland) to the proprietors of this fertile country, that there is not the greatest plenty of good corn and hay in it; but some of the best land in the king's dominions is suffered to be torn in pieces, and cultivated in the vilest manner, by a set of abject miserable occupiers: who are absolutely no better than slaves to the detestable, lazy, and oppressive subordinate landlords."

Another cause consisted in the various restrictions Origin of which it had been thought proper to lay upon the Irish trade; and the constant and great preference given by government to the English manufacturers, at last produced the most grievous discontentments and distresses. On the State of part of England it was supposed, that as Ireland had been subdued by force of arms, the inhabitants ought for every respect to be subject to the victorious state; and that the interest of the English ought on all occasions to be consulted, without regarding the inconveniences which might ensue to the Irish. A very different idea, however, was entertained by the Irish themselves, or at least by the patriotic party among them. They rejected all notions of dependence upon the British ministry and parliament; and though they did not scruple to acknowledge the king's right of conquest, they most positively denied that the British parliament had any authority whatever over them; and therefore looked upon the restrictions laid upon their trade as the most grievous and intolerable oppression.

In the year 1719, according to Mr Crawford, the cause of oppression and grievances of Ireland became altogether Sherlock infupportable. A cause relative to an estate, between Hester Sherlock and Maurice Annelley, was tried before the court of exchequer in Ireland. Here the latter obtained a decree in his favour; but, on an appeal, the sentence was reversed by the lords. Annelley appealed from them to the English peers; who having reversed the judgment of those of Ireland, he was put in possession of the subject in dispute. Sherlock appealed again to the Irish lords, and the matter became very serious. It was proposed to the consideration of the judges, Whether by the laws of the land an appeal lies from a decree of the court of exchequer in Ireland to the king in parliament in Britain? This question being determined in the negative, Sherlock was again put in possession of the estate. A petition was some time after presented to the house by Alexander Burrowes (sheriff of Kildare), setting forth, "That his predecessor in office had put Sherlock in possession of the premises: that, upon his entering into office, an injunction, agreeable to the order of the English peers, issued from the exchequer, requiring him to restore Maurice Annelley to the possession of the above-mentioned lands; and that, not daring to act in contradiction to the order of the house, he was fined. In consequence of this, being afraid lest he should be taken into custody, he durst not come in to pass his accounts; and for this he was peers of fined 100l." His conduct was applauded by the Irish lords, who commanded the fines imposed upon him to be be taken off; and in a short time after drew up a memorial to be presented to his majesty. In this they set forth, that having submitted to Henry II. as their liege lord, they had from him obtained the benefit of English law, with many other privileges, particularly that of having a distinct parliament. In consequence of this concession, the English had been encouraged to come over and settle in Ireland, where they were to enjoy the same privileges as in their own country. They farther insisted, that though the imperial crown of Ireland was annexed to that of Britain, yet being a distinct dominion, and no part of the kingdom of England, none could determine with regard to its affairs, but such as were authorised by its known laws and customs, or the express consent of the king. It was an invasion of his majesty's prerogative for any court of judicature to take upon them to declare, that he could not by his authority in parliament determine all controversies betwixt his subjects of this kingdom; or that, when they appealed to his majesty in parliament, they did not bring their cause before a competent judicature: and they represented that the practice of appeals from the Irish parliament to the British peers was an usurped jurisdiction allowed by the latter; the bad consequences of which they pointed out very fully.

This representation being laid before his majesty in parliament, it was resolved, that the barons of exchequer in Ireland had acted with courage and fidelity, according to law, &c., and an address was presented to his majesty, praying him to confer on them some mark of his royal favour as a recompense for the injuries they had sustained from the Irish legislature. This was followed by a bill for the better securing the dependency of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain. By this it was determined, "That the house of lords of Ireland have not, nor of right ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse, any judgment, sentence, or decree, given or made in any court within the kingdom; and that all proceedings before the said house of lords, upon any such judgment or decree, are utterly null and void to all intents and purposes whatever." It was also determined in this bill, that "the king's majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the people of Ireland."

This bill was looked upon by the Irish to be equivalent to a total annihilation of their liberties; and they were still farther exasperated in the year 1724, by the patent granted to one Wood an Englishman to coin halfpence and farthings for the use of Ireland. In this affair Wood is said to have acted very dishonourably; infomuch that a shilling of the halfpence he made were scarcely worth a penny. Great quantities of this base coin were sent over; and it was used not only in change, but accounts were likely to be paid in it, so that dangerous consequences seemed ready to ensue. The Irish parliament, in an address to the king, represented that they were called upon by their country to lay before his majesty the ill consequences of Wood's patent, and that it was likely to be attended with a diminution of the revenue and the ruin of trade.

The same was set forth in an application made to his majesty by the privy council. In short, the whole nation seemed to unite their efforts in order to remedy an evil of such dangerous tendency, the effects of which already began to be felt.

Among the controversial pieces which appeared on Dr Swift in this occasion, those of Dr Swift were particularly distinguished. His Drapier's letters are to this day held in grateful remembrance by his countrymen; but his opposition was in danger of suffering deeply in the cause. He Wood had been at particular pains to explain an argument used by the Irish on this occasion, viz. that brass money, being illegal, could not be forced upon the nation by the king, without exceeding the limits of his prerogative. Hence the opposite party took occasion to charge the Irish with a design of casting off their dependence on Britain altogether; but Swift having examined the accusation with freedom, pointed out the encroachments made by the British parliament on the liberties of Ireland; and asserted, that any dependence on England, except that of being subjects to the same king, was contrary to the law of reason, nature, and nations, as well as to the law of the land. This publication was so disagreeable to government, that they offered a reward of 300l. for the discovery of the author; but as nobody could be found who would give him up, the printer was prosecuted in his stead; however, he was unanimously acquitted by a jury of his countrymen.

The Irish continued to be jealous of their liberties, while the British ministry seemed to watch every opportunity of encroaching upon them as far as possible. Apprehensions being entertained of a design upon Ireland by the partisans of the pretender in 1715, a vote of credit to government was passed by the house of commons to a considerable amount. This laid the foundation of the national debt of that kingdom, which was quickly augmented to several hundred thousand pounds; for discharge of which a fund had been provided by administration. An attempt was made during the administration of Lord Carteret (who governed Ireland till 1730), to vest this fund in the hands of his majesty and of his heirs for ever, redeemable by debt. This was opposed by the patriotic party, who insisted that it was inconsistent with the public safety, and unconstitutional, to grant it longer than from session to session. In 1731 another attempt was made to vest the same in the crown for 21 years; but when the affair came to be debated, the strength of both parties was found to be equally balanced. Immediately before the vote, however, Colonel Tottingham having rode past on the occasion, arrived in the house, and determined the question against government.

The behaviour of Lord Chesterfield, who was made governor of Ireland in 1745, is highly extolled, on account of his moderation, and the favour he showed to the liberties of the people. As the apprehensions of government were then very considerable, on account of the rebellion which raged in Scotland, his lordship was advised to augment the military force of Ireland by 4000 men. Instead of this, however, he sent four battalions to the duke of Cumberland, and encouraged the volunteer associations which formed in different parts for the defence of their country. These battalions he replaced by additional companies to the regiments already on the establishment; by which means he saved a considerable expense to the nation, without augmenting the influence of the crown. The supplies asked by him were small, and raised in the most easy and agreeable manner to the people, expending the money at the same time with the utmost economy. There was even a saving which he applied to the use of the public. It had been a custom with many of the lieutenant-governors of Ireland to bestow reverential grants, in order to purchase the assistance of friends in support of their measures. Lord Chesterfield, however, being convinced that this practice was prejudicial to the interest of the nation, put a stop to it; but the most remarkable part of his administration was, the humanity with which he treated the Roman Catholics. Before his arrival, the Roman chapels in Dublin had been shut up; their priests were commanded by proclamation to leave the kingdom; and such as disobeyed had been subjected to imprisonment and other penalties. Lord Chesterfield, however, convinced that the affection is to be engaged by gentle usage, permitted them to exercise their religion without disturbance. The accusations brought against them of forming plots against government were disregarded; and so much was his moderation and uprightness in this respect applauded by all parties, that, during the whole time of his administration, the national tranquillity was not once interrupted by the smallest internal commotion. On his leaving the island, his bust was placed at the public expense in the castle of Dublin.

Lord Chesterfield having left Ireland in the spring of 1746, the island continued to be governed by lords justices until the 13th of September, when William earl of Harrington came over with the powers of lord-lieutenant. A contest in the election of representatives for the city of Dublin this year called forth the abilities of Mr Charles Lucas, so much celebrated for his patriotic virtues. Having some years before been admitted a member of the common council, he resolved to exert himself in behalf of the privileges of his fellow-citizens. The powers of this city-corporation, as well as of others, had been changed by authority derived from an act in the time of Charles II.; and among other innovations, for the purpose of augmenting the influence of the crown, they deprived the commons of the power of choosing the city magistrates. This was now vested in the board of aldermen; which being subject in the exercise of its jurisdiction to the approbation of the privy-council, was consequently dependent on government. Mr Lucas complained loudly of the injury; but as this law could not be altered, he set himself to inquire, whether encroachments, which could not be justified by law, had not been made on the rights of the citizens? Having satisfied himself, by searching diligently into ancient records, that his apprehensions were well founded, he published his discoveries, explained the nature of the evidence resulting from them, and encouraged the people to take the proper steps for obtaining redress.

The consequence of this was a contest between the commons and aldermen, which lasted two years. The former struggled in vain to recover their lost privileges; but the exertions of Lucas in every stage of the dispute had rendered him so respectable among his countrymen, that on the death of Sir James Somerville he was encouraged to declare himself a candidate for a seat in parliament. This being highly agreeable to his wishes, he was elected accordingly; and distinguished himself not only by the boldness and energy of his speeches, but more especially by a number of addresses to his countrymen. In none of these he particularly considered the several branches of the constitution, and pointed out the encroachments of the British legislature. Government, alarmed at his boldness, determined to crush him by the hand of power; for which reason the most obnoxious paragraphs were extracted from his works, and made the foundation of a charge before parliament. The commons voted him an enemy to his country; and addressed the lord-lieutenant for an order to prosecute him by the attorney-general. The universal esteem in which he was held could not screen him from ministerial vengeance: he was driven from Ireland; but having spent some years in banishment, he was once more enabled, through the exertions of his friends, to present himself as a candidate for the city of Dublin. Being again elected, he continued to distinguish himself by the same virtuous principles for which he had been from the beginning so remarkable, and died with the character which he had preferred through life, of the incorruptible Lucas.

In the year 1753, a remarkable contest took place between the Irish parliament relative to previous consent. As the taxes for defraying state expenses are imposed by the representatives of the people, it thence naturally follows, that they have a right to superintend the expenditure of them; and by an inspection of the journals of the house of commons, it appeared, that from the year 1692 they had exercised a right of calling for and examining the public accounts. When any surplus remained in the treasury, it was also customary to dispose of it by bill for the good of the public. In the year 1749, however, a considerable sum having remained in the treasury, the disposal of this money in future became an object of minority. In 1751, it was intimated to parliament by the lord-lieutenant, the duke of Dorset, that his majesty would graciously consent and recommend it to them, that such part of the money as then remained in the treasury should be applied to the reduction of the national debt. As this implied a right inherent in his majesty to dispose of the money as he thought proper, the proposal was accounted an invasion of the privileges of the house of commons. No notice was therefore taken of the direction given by Dorset, but the bill was sent over to England as usual without any notice taken of his majesty's consent. In England, however, this very material alteration was made, and the word consent introduced into it. The commons at this time did not take any notice of such an essential alteration; but next year, on its being repeated, the bill was rejected. Government were now at the utmost pains to defend the measure they had adopted, and pamphlets were published in which it was justified on various grounds. The event at last, however, was, that his majesty by letter took the money which had been the subject of dispute out of the treasury.

In the year 1760 Ireland sustained an inconsiderable invasion by hostile invasion, the first that had been experienced in the 1760s. Ireland. the kingdom for 70 years. The armament consisted originally of five ships; one of 48 guns, two of 36, and two of 24; having on board 1270 land forces. They were commanded by the celebrated Thurot, whose reputation, as captain of a privateer, had advanced him to this dignity. The squadron, however, was driven by adverse winds to Gottenburgh; where having continued a few days, they set sail for the place of their destination. On their arrival at the coast of Ireland, they were obliged to shelter themselves in Lough Foyle from a violent storm which again overtook them. The wind, however, having shifted, and continuing to blow tempestuously, they were obliged to keep out to sea. Two of the ships were thus separated from the rest by the violence of the storm, and returned to France; but the remaining three directed their course to the island of Ilay, where they anchored; and having repaired their damages, took in a supply of provisions, and thence sailed to Carrickfergus.

In the mean time, an officer belonging to the small number of troops at that time in Carrickfergus took post on a rising ground, with an advanced party, to observe the motions of the enemy. A skirmish ensued betwixt this party and Thurot's men, until the former, having expended all their ammunition, were obliged to retire into the town. Having in vain attempted to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it, the British troops shut themselves up in the castle, where they were soon obliged to capitulate, after having killed about 100 of their enemies, with the loss of only three on their own part. The French having plundered the town, set sail on the 26th of February; and three days after were all taken by Captain Elliot, Thurot, himself being killed in the engagement.

Soon after the accession of George III. Ireland first began to be disturbed by a banditti who styled themselves White Boys; and as these were generally of the Roman persuasion, the prejudices against that sect broke forth in the usual manner. A plot was alleged to have been formed against government; French and Spanish emigrants to have been sent over to Ireland, and actually to be employed to assist in carrying it into execution. The real cause of this commotion, however, was as follows: About the year 1739 the murrain broke out among the horned cattle in the duchy of Holstein, from whence it soon after spread through the other parts of Germany. From Germany it reached Holland, from whence it was carried over to England, where it raged with great violence for a number of years. The mitigation of the penal laws against the Papists about this time encouraged the natives of the south of Ireland to turn their thoughts towards agriculture, and the poor began to enjoy the necessaries of life in a comfortable manner. A foreign demand for beef and butter, however, having become uncommonly great, by reason of the cattle temper just mentioned, ground appropriated to grazing became more valuable than that employed in tillage. The cottars were everywhere dispossessed of their little possessions, which the landlords let to monopolizers who could afford a higher rent. Whole baronies were now laid open to pasturage, while the former inhabitants were driven desperate by want of subsistence. Numbers of them fled to the large cities, or emigrated to foreign countries, while those who remained took small spots of land, about an acre each, at an exorbitant price, where they endeavoured if possible to procure the means of supporting a miserable existence for themselves and families. For some time these poor creatures were allowed by the more humane landlords the liberty of commonage; but afterwards this was taken away, in despite of justice and a positive agreement; at the same time, the payment of tythes, and the low price of labour, not exceeding the wages in the days of Queen Elizabeth, aggravated the distresses of the unhappy sufferers beyond measure.

In such a situation, it is no wonder that illegal methods were pursued in expectation of redress. The people, covered with white shirts, assembled in parties at night, turned up the ground, destroyed bullocks, levelled the inclosures of the commons, and committed other acts of violence. These unavailing efforts were construed into a plot against the government; numbers of the rioters were apprehended in the counties of Limerick, Cork, and Tipperary, and some of them, condemned and executed. In different places these unhappy wretches, instead of being looked upon as objects of compassion, were prosecuted with the utmost severity. Judge Afton, however, who was sent over to try them, executed his office with such humanity as did him the highest honour. A most extraordinary and affecting instance of this was, that on his return from Dublin, for above ten miles from Clonmel, both sides of the road were lined with men, women, and children; who, as he passed along, kneeled down and implored the blessing of heaven upon him as their guardian and protector.

In the mean time, the violences of the White Boys continued, notwithstanding that many examples were made. The idea of rebellion was still kept up; and, without the smallest foundation, gentlemen of the first rank were publicly charged with being concerned in it, insomuch that some of them were obliged to enter bail, in order to protect themselves from injury. The Catholics of Waterford, gave in a petition to Lord Hertford, the governor in 1765, in behalf of themselves and brethren, protesting their loyalty and obedience to government; but no effectual step was taken either to remove or even to investigate the cause of the disturbances.

About two years after the appearance of the White Boys, a similar commotion arose in Ulster; which, however, proceeded in part from a different cause, and was of much shorter duration. By an act of parliament, the making and repairing of highways in Ireland was formerly a grievous oppression on the lower ranks of people. An housekeeper who had no horse was obliged to work at them six days in the year; and if he had a horse, the labour of both was required for the same space of time. Besides this oppression, the poor complained that they were frequently obliged to work at roads made for the convenience of individuals, and which were of no service to the public. Nor were these the only grievances of which the insurgents at this time complained: the tythes exacted by the clergy were said to be unreasonable, and the rent of lands was more than they could bear. In 1763, therefore, being exasperated by a road proposed to be made through a part of the county of Armagh, the inhabitants most immediately affected by it rose in a body, and decla- red that they would make no more highways of the kind. As a mark of distinction, they wore oak-branches in their hats, from which circumstance they called themselves Oak-boys. The number of their partizans soon increased, and the insurrection became general through the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Derry, and Fermanagh. In a few weeks, however, they were dispersed by parties of the military; and the public tranquillity was restored with the loss of only two or three lives. The road-act, which had been so justly found fault with, was repealed next session; and it was determined, that for the future the roads should be made and repaired by a tax to be equally assessed on the lands of the rich and poor.

Besides these, another set of insurgents called Steel-boys soon made their appearance, on the following account. The estate of an absentee nobleman happening to be out of lease, he proposed, instead of an additional rent, to take fines from his tenants. Many of those, who at that time possessed his lands, were unable to comply with his terms; while others who could afford to do so, insisted upon a greater rent from the immediate tenants than they were able to pay. The usual consequence of this kind of oppression instantly took place. Numbers being disfranchised and thrown destitute, were forced into acts of outrage similar to those already mentioned. One of these charged with felony was carried to Belfast, in order to be committed to the county gaol; but his associates, provoked by the usage they had received, determined to relieve him. The design was eagerly entered into by great numbers all over the country; and several thousands, having provided themselves with offensive weapons, proceeded to Belfast in order to rescue the prisoner. To prevent this, he was removed to the barracks and put under the guard of a party of soldiers quartered there; but the Steel-boys pressed forward with a determination to accomplish their purpose by force, and some shots were actually exchanged between them and the soldiers. The consequences would undoubtedly have been fatal, had it not been for a physician of highly respectable character, who interposed at the risk of his life, and prevailed on those concerned to set the prisoner at liberty. The tumult, however, was not thus quelled. The number of insurgents daily increased, and the violences committed by them were much greater than those of the other two parties. Some were taken and tried at Carrickfergus, but none condemned. It was supposed that the fear of popular resentment had influenced the judges; for which reason an act was passed, enjoining the trial of such prisoners for the future to be held in counties different from those where the crimes were committed. This breach of a fundamental law of the constitution gave such offence, that though several of the Steel-boys were afterwards taken up and carried to the castle of Dublin, no jury would find them guilty. This obnoxious law was therefore repealed; after which some of the insurgents, being tried in their respective counties, were condemned and executed. Thus the commotions were extinguished; but as no methods were taken to remove the cause, the continued distresses of the people drove many thousands of them into America in a very few years.

In the mean time a very material alteration had taken place in the constitution of the kingdom, with regard to the duration of parliaments. At an early period these had continued only for a year; but afterwards they were prolonged until the death of a sovereign, unless he chose to dissolve it sooner by an exertion of his prerogative. Thus, from the moment of their election, the commoners of Ireland were in a manner totally independent of the people and under the influence of the crown; and government soon availed itself of this power to bribe a majority to serve its own purposes. Various methods were thought of to remedy this evil; but all proved ineffectual until the year 1768, when, during the administration of Lord Townshend, a bill was prepared and sent over to England, by which it was enacted, that the Irish parliaments thenceforth should be held every seven years. It was returned with the addition of one year; and Parliament ever since the parliaments of this country have been of Ireland octennial. During this session an attempt was made by the British ministry to infringe the rights of the tennal house of commons in a very material point. A money-bill, which had not originated in Ireland, was sent over from Britain, but was rejected in a spirited manner. Its rejection gave great offence to the lord-lieutenant, who repeatedly prorogued them till the year 1771.

The affairs of Ireland began now to draw towards that crisis which effected the late remarkable revolution in favour of the liberties of the people. The passing of the octennial bill had diminished, but not taken away, the influence of the crown; and the situation of affairs between Britain and America had inclined ministry to make the most of this influence they could. In 1773 Lord Harcourt, at that time governor of Ireland, exerted himself so powerfully in favour of administration, that the voice of opposition in parliament was almost entirely silenced. The difficulties, however, under which the whole nation laboured began to be so severely felt, that an address on the subject laid was presented by the commons to his excellency. In before this they told him, that they hoped he would lay before the king the state of Ireland, restricted in its commerce from the short-fighted policy of former times, to the great injury of the kingdom, and the advantage of the rivals, if not of the enemies, of Great Britain. These hardships, they said, were not only impolitic, but unjust; and they told his excellency plainly, that they expected to be restored to some, if not to all their rights, which alone could justify them to their constituents for laying upon them so many burdens during the course of this session.

This representation to the lord-lieutenant produced no effect; and Ireland for some years longer continued to groan under the burden of intolerable restrictions. These had principally taken place in the reign of Charles II. At this time it was enacted, that beef or live cattle should not be exported to England; neither were the commodities of Ireland to be exported to the American colonies, nor American goods imported to any port in Ireland without first unloading them in some part of England or Wales. All trade with Asia was excluded by charters granted to particular companies; and restrictions were imposed upon almost every valuable article of commerce sent to the different ports of Europe. Towards the end of King King William's reign an absolute prohibition was laid on the exportation of Irish wool. This restriction proved disadvantageous not only to Ireland, but to Great Britain herself. The French were now plentifully supplied by smuggling with Irish wool; and not only enabled to furnish woollen stuffs sufficient for their own consumption, but even to vie with the British in foreign markets. Other restrictions conspired to augment the national calamity; but that which was most sensibly felt took place in 1776. "There had hitherto (says Mr. Crawford) been exported annually to America large quantities of Irish linens; this very considerable source of national advantage was now shut up, under pretence of rendering it more difficult for the enemy to be supplied with the means of subsistence; but in reality, to enable a few rapacious English contractors to fulfil their engagements, an embargo, which continued, was in 1776 laid upon the exportation of provisions from Ireland, by an unconstitutional stretch of prerogative. Remittances to England, on various accounts, particularly for the payment of our forces abroad, were more than usually considerable. These immediate causes being combined with those which were invariable and permanent, produced in this country very calamitous effects. Black cattle fell very considerably in their value; notwithstanding that, customers could not be had. The price of wool was reduced in a still greater proportion. Rents everywhere fell; nor, in many places, was it possible to collect them. An universal stagnation of business ensued. Credit was very materially injured. Farmers were pressed by extreme necessity, and many of them failed. Numbers of manufacturers were reduced to extreme necessity, and would have perished, had they not been supported by public charity. Those of every rank and condition were deeply affected by the calamity of the times. Had the state of the exchequer permitted, grants might have been made to promote industry, and to alleviate the national distress; but it was exhausted to a very uncommon degree. Almost every branch of the revenue had failed. From want of money the militia law could not be carried into execution. We could not pay our forces abroad; and, to enable us to pay those at home, there was a necessity for borrowing £5,000 from England. The money which parliament was forced to raise, it was obliged to borrow at an exorbitant interest. England, in its present state, was affected with the wretched condition to which our affairs were reduced. Individuals there, who had estates in Ireland, were sharers of the common calamity; and the attention of individuals in the British parliament was turned to our situation, who had even no personal interest in this country."

While things were in this deplorable situation, Earl Nugent, in the year 1778, undertook the cause of the Irish, by moving in parliament, that their affairs should be taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house. This motion being agreed to almost unanimously, it was followed by several others, viz. That the Irish might be permitted to export directly to the British plantations, or to the settlements on the coasts of Africa, all goods being the produce and manufacture of the kingdom, excepting only wool, or woollen manufactures, &c. That all goods, being the produce of any of the British plantations, or of the settlements on the coast of Africa, tobacco excepted, be allowed to be imported directly from Ireland to all places, Britain excepted. That cotton yarn, the manufacture of Ireland, be allowed to be imported into Great Britain. That glass manufactured in Ireland be permitted to be exported to all places, Britain excepted.—With respect to the Irish sail cloth and cordage, it was moved, that they should have the same privilege as for the cotton yarn.

These motions having passed unanimously, bills for the relief of Ireland were framed upon them accordingly. The trading and manufacturing towns of England, however, now took the alarm, and petitions against the Irish indulgence were brought forward from many different quarters, and numbers instructed to oppose it. In consequence of this a warm contest took place on the second reading of the bills. Mr Burke supported them with all the strength of his eloquence; and as the minister seemed to favour them, they were committed; though the violent opposition to them still continued, which induced many of their friends at that time to desert their cause.

Though the efforts of those who favoured the cause of Ireland thus proved unsuccessful for the present, they renewed their endeavours before the Christmas vacation. They now urged, that, independent of all claims from justice and humanity, the relief of Ireland was enforced by necessity. The trade with British America was now lost for ever; and it was indispensably requisite to unite the remaining parts of the empire in one common interest and affection. Ireland had hitherto been passive; but there was danger that, by driving her to extremities, she would cast off the yoke altogether; or, even if this should not happen, the tyranny of Britain would be of little advantage; as, on the event of a peace, the people would desert a country in which they had experienced such oppression, and emigrate to America, where they had a greater prospect of liberty. On the other hand, they infirled, that very considerable advantages must ensue to Britain by the emancipation of Ireland; and every benefit extended to that country would be returned with accumulated interest. The business was at last summed up in a motion made by Lord Newhaven, in February 1769, that liberty should be granted to the Irish to import sugars from the West Indies. This was carried; but the New peti- merchants of Glasgow and Manchester having petitioned against it, it was again lost through the interference of the minister, who now exerted his influence against the relief he had formerly declared in favour of. Various other efforts, however, were made to effect the intended purpose; but nothing more could be obtained than a kind of compromise, by which Lord Gower pledged himself, as far as he could answer for the conduct of others, that, during the recess, some plan should be fallen upon for accommodating the affairs of Ireland to the satisfaction of all parties.

In the mean time the affairs of this country hastened to a crisis; which forced the British ministry to give that relief so long solicited, and which they so often promised without any intention of performing their promises. As long as the affairs of the country were under consideration of the British parliament, the inhabitants habitant preserved some degree of patience; but when they found themselves defeated by the minister, their discontent was inflamed beyond measure. The laws he had passed in their favour, viz. an allowance to plant tobacco, and a bill for encouraging the growth of hemp, were considered as mockery instead of relief, and it was now resolved to take such measures as should effectually convince the ministry that it was not their interest to tyrannize any longer. With this view, associations against the importation of British commodities, which had been entered into in some places before, now became universal throughout the kingdom; and such as presumed to oppose the voice of the people in this respect, had the mortification to find themselves exposed to public obloquy and contempt on that account. Thus the Irish manufactures began to revive; and the people of Britain found themselves obliged seriously to take into consideration the relief of that country, and to look upon it as a matter very necessary to their own interest. To this also they were still more seriously disposed by the military associations, which had taken place some time before, and now assumed a most formidable appearance. These at first were formed by accidental causes. The situation of Britain, for some time, had not admitted of any effectual method being taken for the defence of Ireland. Its coasts had been insulted, and the trading ships taken by the French and American privateers; nor was it at all improbable that an invasion might soon follow.

"The minister (says Mr Crawford) told us, that the situation of Britain was such as rendered her incapable of protecting us. The weakness of government, from the following circumstance, was strikingly obvious. The mayor of Belfast having transmitted a memorial to the lord-lieutenant, setting forth the unprotected state of the coast, and requesting a body of the military for its defence, received for answer, that he could not afford him any other assistance than half a troop of dismounted horse and half a company of invalids."

In this dilemma, a number of the inhabitants of the town associated for the purpose of self-defence; and, on the same principle, a few volunteer companies were formed in different parts of the kingdom. These chose their own officers, purchased their own uniforms and arms, and, with the assistance of persons properly qualified, assembled regularly on the parade to acquire a knowledge in the military art. Their respectable appearance, and the zeal they showed in the service of their country, soon excited curiosity and attracted respect. Their number increased every day; and people of the first consequence became ambitious of being enrolled among them. As no foreign enemy appeared, against whom they might exercise their military prowess, these patriotic bands soon began to turn their thoughts towards a deliverance from domestic oppression. No sooner was this idea made known, than it gave new vigour to the spirit of volunteering; insomuch that, by the end of 1778, the military associations were thought to amount at least to 30,000 men. But, while thus formidable from their numbers, and openly avowing their intention to demand a restitution of their rights from the British ministry, they professed the utmost loyalty and affection to the king; and with regard to sobriety and decent demeanor, they were not only unexceptionable, but exemplary. Instead of exciting disorders themselves, they refrained every kind of irregularity, and exerted themselves with unanimity and vigour for the execution of the laws.

That such a body of armed men, acting without any command or support from government, should be an object of apprehension to ministry, is not to be wondered at. In the infancy of their associations indeed, they might have been suppressed; but matters had been suffered to proceed too far; and, as they stood at present, all resistance was vain. As the volunteers could not be controlled, some attempts were made to bring them under the influence of the crown: but this being found impossible, ministry thought proper to treat them supplied with an appearance of confidence; and, accordingly, orders were issued for supplying them with 16,000 militia.

The Irish parliament, thus encouraged by the spirit of the nation, and pressed by the difficulties arising from the diminished value of their estates, resolved to exert themselves in a becoming manner, in order to procure relief to their country. At their meeting in October 1779, an address to his majesty was drawn up; in which it was expressly declared, that "it was not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone, that Ireland was now to be saved from impending ruin." When this address was carried up to the lord-lieutenant, the streets of Dublin were lined with volunteers, commanded by the duke of Leinster, in their arms and uniform. But, though a general expectation of relief was now diffused, an anxious fear of disappointment still continued. If the usual supply was granted for two years, there was danger of the distresses continuing for all that time; and after it was granted, the prolongation of parliament might put a stop to the expected relief altogether. The people, however, were not now to be trifled with. As the court party showed an aversion to comply with the popular measures, a mob rose in Dublin, who, among other acts of violence, pulled down the house of the Dublin attorney-general, and did their utmost to compel the members to promise their countenance to the matter in hand. When the point therefore came to be debated, some espoused the popular side from principle, others from necessity; so that on the whole a majority appeared in favour of it. A short money-bill was passed and transmitted to England; where, though very mortifying to the minister, it passed also.

On the meeting of the British parliament in December, the affairs of Ireland were first taken into consideration in the house of peers. The necessity of granting again con- not well founded. He added, in his own vindication, that early in the summer he had promised that relief should be granted to Ireland, and had done every thing in his power to keep his word; but that all his efforts had proved fruitless.

In the house of commons the minister found himself so hard pressed by the arguments of the minority, and the short money-bill from Ireland, that he was obliged to declare, than in less than a week he intended to move for a committee of the whole house to take the affairs of Ireland into consideration. On the 13th of December he accordingly brought forward his propositions in favour of this kingdom. The design of these was to repeal the laws prohibiting the exportation of Irish manufactures made of wool or wool flocks; to repeal as much of the act of 17th Geo. II. as prohibited the importation of glaas into Ireland, except of British manufacture, or the exportation of glaas from Ireland; and to permit the Irish to export and import commodities to and from the West Indies and the British settlements on the coast of Africa, subject to such regulations and restrictions as should be imposed by the Irish parliament.

On these propositions his lordship made several remarks by way of explanation. One object of them, he said, was to restore to Ireland the wool export and woollen manufacture. In 1692, from jealousy or some other motive, an address had been presented by the English parliament, recommending a kind of compact between the two kingdoms; the terms of which were, that England should enjoy the woollen manufacture, and Ireland the linen, exclusively. But notwithstanding this agreement, it was certain, that England carried on the linen manufacture to as great extent as Ireland, while at the same time the former retained the monopoly of woollens. The first step taken, in consequence of this agreement, was to lay a heavy duty, equal to a prohibition, upon all wool and woollens exported; and when this act, which was but a temporary one by way of experiment, expired, the English parliament passed a similar one, and made it perpetual; by means of which and some others a total end was put to the woollen trade of Ireland.

With regard to the trade of Ireland, his lordship observed, that, upon an average of the six years from 1766 to 1772, the export to Ireland was somewhat more than two millions; and, in the succeeding six years, from 1772 to 1778, about as much more: nearly one-half being British manufacture and produce; the other half certified articles, of which this country was the medium of conveyance. The native produce, on an average, was somewhat more than 900,000l. but of this only 200,000l. were woollens. The woollen manufacture of Ireland therefore would long continue in a state of infancy; and though cloths had been manufactured sufficient for home consumption, yet it could hardly be expected that Ireland would rival Great Britain at the foreign markets, when, after the expense of land-carriage, freight, insurance, and factorage, the latter was able to undersell Ireland in her own market on the very spot, even though aided by the low wages and taxes paid in the country.

With regard to the linen, his lordship observed, that however prosperous it might appear, yet still it was capable of great improvement. The idea of extending and improving the linen manufactures of Ireland originated from a pamphlet written by Sir William Temple; and this gave rise to the compact which had been referred to. But though this compact was now about to be dissolved, it was his opinion that the bounties on importing Irish linens ought not to be discontinued; because it appeared, that the British bounties had operated as a great encouragement to the Irish manufactures, at the same time that the sum appropriated to this purpose amounted to more than 13,000l.

With regard to the dissolution of the compact between England and Ireland, he observed, that, as a more liberal spirit had now appeared on both sides of the water, he hoped both kingdoms would be perfectly contented. Ireland would never be able to rival England in the fine woollen fabrics; but allowing the Irish to manufacture their own wool, would put an end to the contraband trade with France; and it ought to be remembered, that whatever was an advantage to Ireland, must sooner or later be of singular advantage to Great Britain, and by the proposed regulations in their commercial connections, the two kingdoms would be put more upon an equality.

With regard to the glaas manufacture, his lordship likewise observed, that Ireland had been very injuriously treated. Before the act of 17th Geo. II. they had begun to make some progress in the lower branches of the glaas manufacture; but by that act they were not only prevented from importing any other glaas than what was of British manufacture, but also from exporting their own glaas, or putting it on a horse or carriage with a design to be exported. This act had been complained of in Ireland as a piece of great injustice, and it was the intention of his proposition to remove that grievance.

With regard to the third proposition, his lordship observed, that allowing Ireland a free trade to the colonies must be considered as a favour to that kingdom. Considering her even as an independent state, she could set up no claim to an intercourse with the British colonies. By every principle of justice, of the laws of nations, and the custom of the other European powers who had settlements and distant dependencies, the mother country had an exclusive right to trade with, and to forbid all others from having any intercourse with them. Were not this the case, what nation under the sun would spend their blood and treasure in establishing a colony, and protecting and defending it in its infant state, if other nations were afterwards to reap the advantages derived from their labour, hazard, and expense. But though Great Britain had a right to restrain Ireland from trading with her colonies, his lordship declared himself of opinion that it would be proper to allow her to participate of the trade. This would be the only prudent means of affording her relief; it would be an unequivocal proof of the candour and sincerity of Great Britain; and he had not the least doubt but it would be received as such in Ireland. Britain, however, ought not to be a sufferer by her bounty to Ireland; but this would be the case, should the colony trade be thrown open to the latter, without accompanying it with restrictions similar to those which were laid upon the British trade with them. An equal trade must include an equal share of duties and taxes; Ireland. taxes; and this was the only proper ground on which the benefits expected by the Irish nation could be either granted or denied.

Having made some other observations on the propriety of these measures, they were regularly formed into motions, and passed unanimously. In Ireland they were received with the utmost joy and gratitude by both houses of parliament. On the 20th of December the following resolutions were passed; viz. That the exportation of woollen and other manufactures from Ireland to all foreign places will materially tend to relieve its distresses, increase its wealth, promote its prosperity, and thereby advance the welfare of Britain, and the common strength, wealth, and commerce of the British empire: that a liberty to trade with the British colonies in America and the West Indies, and the settlements on the coast of Africa, will be productive of very great commercial benefits; will be a most affectionate mark of the regard and attention of Great Britain to the distresses of the kingdom; and will give new vigour to the zeal of his majesty's brave and loyal people of Ireland, to stand forth in support of his majesty's person and government, and the interest, the honour, and dignity of the British empire.”

The same resolutions were, next day, passed in the house of peers.

The highest encomiums were now passed on Lord North. His exertions in favour of Ireland were declared to have been great and noble; he was styled “the great advocate of Ireland;” and it was foretold, that he would be of glorious and immortal memory in that kingdom. But while these panegyrics were so lavishly made on the minister, the members in opposition, in the British parliament, were spoken of in very indifferent terms. It was said, that, while they thought the minister did not mean to go into the business of Ireland, they called loudly for censure against him for not doing it; but when it was found that he meant seriously to take their affairs into consideration, they had then barely seceded, and wholly forsaken the interest of the kingdom. These censures were so loud, that a member of the British house of commons wrote a letter to be communicated to his friends in Ireland, in which he represented, that however politic it might be to compliment the minister on the present occasion, it was neither very wise nor generous in the members of the Irish parliament to be so ready in bestowing invectives against their old friends in England. With regard to the minister, it was alleged, that until he was driven to it by the measures adopted in Ireland, his conduct had been extremely equivocal, dilatory, and indecisive. The minority had been justly incensed against him for having so grossly sacrificed the honour of the nation and the dignity of parliament as to refuse any substantial relief to the Irish, until their own exertions had made it appear that every thing which could be done for them by the British parliament was not a matter of choice but of necessity. The minority, it was said, had earnestly and repeatedly laboured to procure relief for the people of Ireland; and if they had now contented themselves with a silent acquiescence in the minister’s propositions, it was only until they should know whether they would be satisfactory to the people of Ireland; and because what was now done, appeared to be more an act of state than of mere parliamentary deliberation and discussion.

To the propositions already mentioned, Lord North added three others. 1. For repealing the prohibition of exporting gold coin from Great Britain to Ireland, in favour of exporting gold coin from Great Britain to Ireland, hops into Ireland, and the drawback on the exportation of foreign hops. 2. For enabling his majesty’s Irish subjects to become members of the Turkey company, and to export woollens in British or Irish bottoms to the Levant. In support of this last resolution his lordship urged, that it was necessary, because the exportation of woollens having been granted to Ireland, the Irish would naturally expect a share in the Turkey trade, which, as matters stood, was not possible, it having hitherto been a received opinion, that no Irishman could be elected a member of the Turkey company. Notwithstanding all the satisfaction, however, with which the news of these bills were received in Ireland, it was not long before thoughts of a different kind began to take place. It was suggested that a free trade could be but of little use, if held by a precarious tenure. The repeal of the obnoxious laws was represented as an act of necessity, not of choice, on the part of the British parliament. When that necessity, therefore, no longer existed, the same parliament might recall the benefits it had granted, and again fetter the Irish trade by restrictions perhaps more oppressive than before. To secure the advantages they now possessed it was necessary that the kingdom should enjoy the benefits of a free constitution. For this the people looked up to the volunteer companies; and the idea of having such a glorious object in their power, augmented the numbers of those which had also been increased from other causes. They had now received the thanks of both houses of parliament, and thus had obtained the sanction of the legislature. Thus many who had formerly scrupled to connect themselves with a lawless body, made no scruple to enter their lists. Government also engaged several of their friends in the volunteer cause. New companies were therefore raised; but whatever might be the political sentiments of the officers, the private men were universally attached to the popular cause. The national spirit was likewise kept up by several patriotic publications, particularly the letters signed Owen Roe O’Neil, which in an especial manner attracted the public attention; nor was the pulpit backward in contributing its part in the same cause.

To give the greater weight to their determinations, the volunteers now began to form themselves into battalions; and in a very short time they were all united in this manner, excepting a small number of companies, which, from accidental causes, continued separate. The newspapers were filled with resolutions from the several corps, declaring Ireland to be an independent kingdom, entitled by reason, nature, and compact, to claim all the privileges of a free constitution; that no power in the world, excepting the king, with the lords and commons of Ireland, had or ought to have power to make laws for binding the Irish; and that, in support of these rights and privileges, they were determined to sacrifice their lives and property.

Notwithstanding all this zeal, however, the representatives Ireland. Tentatives of the people in Ireland seem yet to have behaved in a very supine and careless manner, and to have been entirely obedient to the dictates of government. One of the house of commons declared in the month of April 1780, that "no power on earth, excepting the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, had a right to make laws to bind the people." "Every member in the house (says Mr Crawford), one excepted, acknowledged the truth of the proposition, either in express terms, or by not opposing it; and yet, however astonishing it may appear, it was evident, that had the question been put, it would have been carried in the negative. The matter was compromised. The question was not put; and nothing relating to it was entered on the journals.

This inattention, or rather unwillingness, of the majority to serve their country, was more fully manifested in the case of a mutiny bill, which they allowed to be made perpetual in Ireland, though that in England had always been cautiously passed only from year to year. After it was passed, however, some of the zealous patriots, particularly Mr Grattan, took great pains to set forth the bad tendency of that act. He observed, that standing armies in the time of peace were contrary to the principles of the constitution and the safety of public liberty; they had subverted the liberty of all nations, excepting in those cases where their number was small, or the power of the sovereign over them limited in some respect or other; but it was in vain to think of setting bounds to the power of the chief magistrate, if the people chose by a statute to bind themselves to give them a perpetual and irresistible force. The mutiny bill, or martial law methodized, was directly opposite to the common law of the land. It set aside the trial by jury and all the ordinary steps of law; establishing in their stead a summary proceeding, arbitrary crimes and punishments, a secret sentence, and sudden execution. The object of this was to bring those who were subject to it to a state of implicit subordination, and render the authority of the sovereign absolute. The people of England, therefore, from a laudable jealousy on all subjects in which their liberty was concerned, had in the matter of martial law exceeded their usual caution. In the preamble to the mutiny act, they recited part of the declaration of right, "that standing armies and martial law in time of peace, without the consent of parliament, are illegal." Having then stated the purity and simplicity of their ancient constitution, and set forth the great principle of magna charta, they admitted a partial and temporary repeal of it: they admitted an army, and a law for its regulation, but at the same time they limited the number of the former, and the duration of both; confining the existence of the troops themselves, the law that regulated them, and the power that commanded them, to one year. Thus were the standing forces of England rendered a parliamentary army, and the military rendered effectually subordinate to the civil magistrate, because dependent on parliament. Yet the people of England considered the army, even thus limited, only as a necessary evil, and would not admit even of barracks, lest the soldier should be still more alienated from the state of a subject; and in this state of alienation have a post of strength, which would augment the danger arising from his situation. When

the parliament of Ireland proceeded to regulate the army, therefore, they ought to have adopted the maxims of the British constitution, as well as the rules of British discipline. But they had totally departed from the maxims and example of the English, and that in the most important concern, the government of the sword. They had omitted the preamble which declared the great charter of liberty; they had left the number of forces in the breast of the king, and under these circumstances they had made the bill perpetual.

It is probable that the bulk of the Irish nation did not at first perceive the dangerous tendency of the bill in question. The representations of Mr Grattan and others, however, soon opened their eyes, and a general dissatisfaction took place. This was much increased by two unsuccessful attempts in the house of commons; one to obtain an act for modifying Poynings's law; and the other for securing the independency of the judges. An universal disgust against the spiritless conduct of parliament now took place; and the hopes of the people were once more fet on the volunteers.

As it became now somewhat probable that these companies might at last be obliged to assert the rights of their countrymen by force of arms, reviews were appointed. These reviews took place in the course of summer 1780. The spectators in general were struck with the novelty and grandeur of the sight; the volunteers became more than ever the objects of esteem and admiration, and their numbers increased accordingly. The reviews in 1781 exceeded those of the former year; and the dexterity of the corps who had associated more early was now observed to be greater than that of the rest. More than 5000 men were reviewed at Belfast, whose performances were set off to peculiar advantage by the display of 13 pieces of cannon. They showed their alacrity to serve their country in the field, on a report having arisen that the kingdom was to be invaded by the combined fleets of France and Spain; and for their spirited behaviour on this occasion they received a second time the thanks of both houses of parliament.

Such prodigious military preparations could not but alarm the British ministry in the highest degree; and it was not to be doubted that the Irish volunteers would come to the same extremities the Americans had done, unless their wishes were speedily complied with. Still, however, it was imagined possible to suppress them, and it was supposed to be the duty of the lord-lieutenant to do so. It was during the administration of the duke of Buckingham that the volunteers had grown into such consequence; he was therefore recalled, and the earl of Carlisle appointed in his place. Though it was impossible for the new governor to suppress the spirit of the nation, he found it no difficult matter to obtain a majority in parliament. Thus every parliament redress was for the present effectually denied. Neither the modification of Poynings's law, nor the repeal of the obnoxious parts of the mutiny bill, could be obtained. The volunteers, exasperated at this behaviour, resolved at once to show that they were resolved to do themselves justice, and were conscious that they had power to do so. At a meeting of the officers of the southern battalion of the Armagh regiment, com- manded by the earl of Charlemont, the following resolutions were entered into, December 28, 1781. 1. That the most vigorous and effectual methods ought to be pursued for rooting corruption out from the legislative body. 2. For this purpose a meeting of delegates from all the volunteer associations was necessary; and Dungannon, as the most central town in the province of Ulster, seemed to be the most proper for holding such a meeting. 3. That as many and lasting advantages might attend the holding such a meeting before the present session of parliament was much farther advanced, the 15th of February next should be appointed for it.

These resolutions proved highly offensive to the friends of government, and every method was taken to discourage it. On the appointed day, however, the representatives of 143 volunteer corps attended at Dungannon; and the results of their deliberation were as follows. 1. It having been asserted, that volunteers, as such, cannot with propriety debate or publish their opinions on political subjects, or on the conduct of parliament, or public men, it was resolved unanimously, that a citizen, by learning the use of arms, does not abandon any of his civil rights. 2. That a claim from any body of men, other than the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, to make laws to bind the people, is illegal, unconstitutional, and a grievance. 3. Resolved, with one dissenting voice only, that the powers exercised by the privy council of both kingdoms, under colour or pretence of the law of Poyning, are unconstitutional and a grievance. 4. Resolved unanimously, that the ports of this country are by right open to all foreign countries not at war with the king; and that any burden thereupon, or obstruction thereto, excepting only by the parliament of Ireland, are unconstitutional and a grievance. 5. Resolved, with one dissenting voice only, that a mutiny bill, not limited in point of duration from session to session, is unconstitutional and a grievance. 6. Resolved unanimously, that the independence of judges is equally essential to the impartial administration of justice in Ireland as in England, and that the refusal or delay of this right is in itself unconstitutional and a grievance. 7. Resolved, with 11 dissenting voices only, that it is the decided and unalterable determination of the volunteer companies to seek a redress of these grievances; and they pledged themselves to their country, and to each other, as freeholders, fellow-citizens, and men of honour, that they would, at every ensuing election, support only those who had supported them, and would support them therein, and that they would use all constitutional means to make such pursuit of redress speedy and effectual. 8. Resolved, with only one dissenting voice, that the minority in parliament, who had supported those constitutional rights, are entitled to the most grateful thanks of the volunteer companies, and that an address to the purpose be signed by the chairman, and published with the resolutions of the present meeting. 9. Resolved unanimously, that four members from each county of the province of Ulster, eleven to be a quorum, be appointed a committee till the next general meeting, to act for the volunteer corps, and to call general meetings of the province as occasion requires. 10. The committee being appointed, and the time of general meetings, and some other affairs of a similar nature settled, it was resolved unanimously, that the court of Portugal having unjustly refused entry to certain Irish commodities, the delegates would not consume any wine of the growth of Portugal, and that they would use all their influence to prevent the use of the said wine, excepting what was then in the kingdom, until such time as the Irish exports should be received in the kingdom of Portugal. 11. Resolved, with only two dissenting voices, that they hold the right of private judgment in matters of religion equally sacred in others as in themselves; and that they rejoiced in the relaxation of the penal laws against the Papists, as a measure fraught with the happiest consequences to the union and prosperity of the inhabitants of Ireland.

While these proceedings took place at Dungannon, Ministerial, the ministry carried all before them in parliament. In party proceedings concerning the exclusive legislative privileges of Ireland, a law member, speaking of the arbitrary acts of England, asserted, that "power constituted right;" and a motion that the commons should be declared the representatives of the people was carried in the negative. These scandalous proceedings could not but hasten the ruin of their cause. The resolutions entered into at the Dungannon meeting were received throughout the kingdom with the utmost applause. A few days after, Mr Grattan, whose patriotism has been already taken notice of, moved in the house of commons an address for a long and spirited address to his majesty, declaring the rights of the kingdom, and afflicting the principle which now began to prevail, that Ireland could legally be bound by no power but that of the king, lords, and commons of the country; though the British parliament had assumed such a power. This motion was at first rejected by a large majority; but their eyes were soon enlightened by the volunteers.

These having now appointed their committees of correspondence, were enabled to communicate their sentiments to one another with the utmost facility and quickness. An association was formed in the name of the nobility, representatives, freeholders, and inhabitants of the county of Armagh, wherein they set forth their sentiments openly regarding the fundamental and undoubted rights of the nation. They declared, that, in every situation in life, and with all the means in their power, they would maintain the constitutional right of the kingdom to be governed only by the king and parliament of Ireland, and that they would, in every instance, uniformly and strenuously oppose the execution of any statutes, excepting such as derived their authority from the parliament just mentioned; and they pledged themselves, in the usual manner, to support what they now declared with their lives and fortune.

This declaration was quickly adopted by all the other counties, and similar sentiments became universally avowed throughout the kingdom. The change in the British ministry in the spring of 1782 facilitated the wishes of the people. The duke of Portland, who came over as lord-lieutenant in April that year, lent a most welcome message to parliament. He informed them, that "his majesty, being concerned to find that the duke of Portland and loyal subjects in Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance, he recommended it to parliament to take..." Mr Grattan, whose patriotic efforts had never been slackened, now ventured to propose a second time in parliament the address which had been rejected before. On the 16th of April he began a speech to this purpose with a panegyric on the volunteers, and the late conduct of the people. The Irish, he said, were no longer a divided colony, but an united land, manifesting itself to the rest of the world in signal instances of glory. In the rest of Europe the ancient spirit was expired; liberty was yielded, or empire left; nations were living upon the memory of past glory, or under the care of mercenary armies. In Ireland, however, the people by departing from the example of other nations, had become an example to them. Liberty, in former times and in other nations, was recovered by the quick feelings and rapid impulse of the populace. But in Ireland, at the present period, it was recovered by an act of the whole nation reasoning for three years on its situation, and then refusing itself by a settled sense of right pervading the land. The meeting of the delegates at Dungannon was an original measure; and, like all of that kind, continued to be matter of surprise, until at last it became matter of admiration. Great measures, such as the meeting of the English at Runny Mead, and of the Irish at Dungannon, were not the consequences of precedent, but carried in themselves both precedent and principle; and the public cause in both instances would infallibly have been lost had it been trusted to parliament. The meeting at Dungannon had resolved, that the claim of the British parliament was illegal; and this was a constitutional declaration. The Irish volunteers were associated for the preservation of the laws, but the conduct of the British parliament subverted all law. England, however, had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers; they would sacrifice their lives in her cause. The two nations formed a general confederacy. The perpetual annexation of the crown was a great bond, but magna charta was a greater. It would be easy for Ireland to find a king; but it would be impossible to find a nation who would communicate to them such a charter as magna charta; and it was this which made their natural connexion with England. The Irish nation were too high in pride, character, and power, to suffer any other nation to make their laws. England had indeed brought forward the question, not only by making laws for Ireland the preceding session, but by enabling his majesty to repeal all the laws which England had made for America. Had she consented to repeal the declaratory law against America? and would she refuse to repeal that against Ireland? The Irish nation were incapable of submitting to such a distinction.

Mr Grattan now found his eloquence much more powerful than formerly. The motion which, during this very session, had been rejected by a great majority, was now agreed to after a short debate, and the address to his majesty prepared accordingly. In this, after thanking his majesty for his gracious message, and declaring their attachment to his person and government, they assured him, that the subjects of Ireland are a free people; that the crown of Ireland is an imperial crown, inseparably annexed to that of Britain, on which connection the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend; but the kingdom of Ireland is distinct, with a parliament of its own: that there is no body of men competent to make laws to bind Ireland, except the king, lords, and commons thereof, nor any other parliament that hath any power or authority of any sort whatsoever, in this country, except the parliament of Ireland. They assured his majesty, that they humbly conceive, that in this right the very essence of their liberties did exist; a right which they, on the part of all Ireland, do claim as their birthright, and which they cannot yield but with their lives. They assured his majesty, that they had seen with concern certain claims advanced by the parliament of Great Britain, in an act intitled, "For the better securing the dependency of Ireland;" an act containing matter entirely irreconcilable to the fundamental rights of the nation. They informed his majesty, that they conceived this act, and the claims it advanced, to be the great and principal cause of the discontent and jealousies in the kingdom. They assured him that his commons did most sincerely wish, that all the bills, which become law in Ireland, should receive the approbation of his majesty under the seal of Great Britain; but yet, that they conceived the practice of suppressing their bills in the council of Ireland, or altering them anywhere, to be another just cause of discontent and jealousy. They further assured his majesty, that an act intitled, "For the better accommodation of his majesty's forces," being unlimited in duration, and defective in some other circumstances, was another just cause of jealousy and discontent. These, the principal causes of jealousies and discontent in the kingdom, they had submitted to his majesty, in humble expectation of redress: and they concluded with an assurance, that they were more confident in the hope of obtaining redress, as the people of Ireland had been, and were, not more disposed to share the freedom of England, than to support her in her difficulties, and to share her fate.

To this remarkable address a most gracious answer was given. In a few days the lord-lieutenant made a civilly received speech to both houses; in which he informed them, that, by the magnanimity of the king, and wisdom of the British parliament, he was enabled to assure them, that immediate attention had been paid to their representations, and that the legislature of Britain had concurred in a resolution to remove the causes of their discontent, and were united in a desire to gratify every wish expressed in the late address to the throne; and that, in the mean time, his majesty was graciously disposed to give his royal assent to acts to prevent the supprestion of bills in the Irish privy-council, and to limit the mutiny-bill to the term of two years.

The joy which now diffused itself all over the kingdom was extreme. The warmest addresses were pre-joy of the fented not only to his majesty but to the lord-lieutenant. The commons instantly voted 100,000l. to his majesty, to enable him to raise 20,000 men for the navy; and soon after, 5000 men were likewise voted from the Irish establishment. The volunteers became in a peculiar manner the objects of gratitude and universal panegyric; but none was placed in so conspicuous a position. ous a light as Mr Grattan. Addresses of thanks flowed in upon him from all quarters; and the commons addressed his majesty to give him £5,000 as a recompense of his services; for which they promised to make provision.

This request was also complied with; but still the jealousies of the Irish were not completely eradicated. As the intended repeal of the declaratory act was found to be simple, without any clause expressly relinquishing the claim of right, several members of the house of commons were of opinion, that the liberties of Ireland were not yet thoroughly secured. The majority, however, were of opinion, that the simple repeal of the obnoxious act was sufficient; but many of the nation at large differed in sentiments. Mr Flood, a member of the house, and a zealous patriot, now took the lead in this matter; while Mr Grattan lost much of his popularity by espousing the contrary opinion. The matter, however, was to appearance finally settled by the volunteers, who declared themselves on Mr Grattan's side. Still some murmurs were heard; and it must be owned, that even yet the conduct of Britain appeared equivocal. An English law was passed, permitting importation from one of the West India islands to all his majesty's dominions; and of course including Ireland, though the trade of the latter had already been declared absolutely free. This was looked upon in a very unfavourable light. Great offence was also taken at a member of the English house of lords for a speech in parliament, in which he asserted, that Great Britain had a right to bind Ireland in matters of an external nature; and proposed to bring in a bill for that purpose. The public discontent was also greatly inflamed by some circumstances relating to this bill, which were particularly obnoxious. Lord Beauchamp, in a letter addressed to one of the volunteer corps, was at pains to show that the security of the legislative privileges obtained from the parliament of Britain was insufficient. The lawyers corps, also, who took the question into consideration, were of the same opinion; but the circumstance which gave the greatest offence was, that the chief justice in the English court of king's bench gave judgment in an Irish cause directly contrary to a law which had limited all such judgments to the first of June. All these reasons of discontent, however, were removed on the death of the marquis of Rockingham, and the appointment of the new ministry who succeeded him. Lord Temple came over to Ireland, and his brother and secretary Mr Grenville went to England, where he made such representations of the discontent which prevailed concerning the insufficiency of the declaratory act, that Mr Townshend, one of the secretaries of state, moved in the house of commons for leave to bring in a bill to remove from the minds of the people of Ireland all doubts respecting their legislative and judicial privileges. This bill contained, in the fullest and most express terms, a relinquishment on the part of the British legislature of all claims of a right to interfere with the judgment of the Irish courts, or to make laws to bind Ireland in time to come. Thus the contest was at last ended; and ever since this kingdom has continued to flourish, and to enjoy the blessings of tranquillity and peace, free from every kind of restriction either on its commerce or manufactures, till the commencement of the rebellion in 1798.

Some time after the above transaction, the commercial propositions of Mr Pitt were rejected by both houses of the Irish parliament; and in the latter end of the year 1788, very warm debates took place on the regency bill; but the sudden and unexpected recovery of his majesty put a period to this political contest. The question respecting the emancipation of the Roman Catholics was much agitated about this period, and the ministry rendered themselves still more popular by appointing Earl Fitzwilliam to succeed the marquis of Buckingham as lord-lieutenant of Ireland. It is to be presumed, however, that the joy of the people on this occasion chiefly originated from the hope, that the bill for the Catholic emancipation, brought in by Mr Grattan on the 12th of February 1793, and another on the 14th of the same month, for the diminution of the national expenditure, would be allowed to pass. The bill in favour of Catholic emancipation was rejected on the 4th of May, by a majority of 71, which had a powerful tendency to increase the popular discontent. Of this disaffection the rulers of France determined to avail themselves, and fitted out a fleet for the invasion tempt to Ireland, consisting of 18 sail of the line, 13 frigates, laid in Ireland, and 12 sloops, with transports, and 25,000 men, which were under the command of General Hoche. This formidable armament sailed from Brest on the 10th of December 1796; but so tempestuous was the weather that the fleet was dispersed; the squadron under the command of Admiral Bouvet returned to Brest on the 31st after reaching Bantry bay; a ship of the line and two frigates perished at sea; another French frigate was taken by the British, and a French ship of the line escaped, after fighting for some time against two British ships.

It was no doubt a fortunate circumstance for Britain, yet the internal anarchy and confusion of Ireland were still rapidly gaining ground. The members of the society of United Irishmen, instituted in the year 1791, professed to have no other objects in view than a reform in parliament, and that the people of every religious profession should enjoy an equality of civil rights; but it was afterwards undeniably proved, that they anxiously wished to bring about a revolution, and establish a republican government, similar to that which then deluged France with blood. The members swore "to obtain a complete reform in the legislature, on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty; and never to inform, or give evidence, in any court, against any member of that or similar societies." So plausible were these objects, that their numbers increased with astonishing rapidity, and their divisions and subdivisions were soon extended all over the kingdom. Many loyal subjects, afraid of the extension of Roman Catholic privileges, also formed associations under the title of Orangemen, in order to deprive Papists of arms; and they in their turn assumed the name of defenders: in consequence of which the most terrible outrages were committed on both sides. The United Irishmen still continued the most numerous; but the first first direct communication between them and the French directory took place in 1795 through the medium of one Mr Lewis; and in the following year the invasion, already mentioned, was concerted on the frontiers of France, between Lord Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor, and General Hoche, the failure of which did not seem to intimidate the rebels. Arms continued to be distributed with secrecy among the members, and a correspondence with the French directory was still preserved.

As proceedings of such a nature were justly alarming to the British government, the Insurrection Act was passed in March 1796, by which magistrates were authorized to place the people under martial law; a measure no doubt justifiable from the alarming nature of the times; but it certainly had the effect of increasing the discontented, and was also productive of numerous acts of oppression. Yet such as were connected with the United Irishmen were guilty of actions equally atrocious. So fully convinced were they of ultimate success, that in December 1797 an executive directory was nominated for the government of the Irish republic, consisting of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Mr A. O'Connor, Mr Oliver Bond, Dr McNiven, and Counsellor Emmet. With such consummate art was their conspiracy planned, and with such profound secrecy was it conducted, that there is great reason to believe it might have been carried into effect, had not Mr Reynolds made a discovery in March 1798, which led to the apprehension of the principal ringleaders, and Fitzgerald received a mortal wound while resisting the officers. This reverse of fortune did not prevent the nomination of another directory; but its fate was similar to the former, and information was given against them by a Captain Armstrong, who had entered into their society for the purpose of betraying them. John and Henry Sheares, two of the directors, were apprehended on the 21st of May 1798; Mr Neillson and a number more of the same description on the 23rd, and the metropolis was proclaimed in a state of insurrection. The guards were made three times stronger than before; and the whole city might be considered as forming but one garrison. Dublin was thus delivered from the dreadful havoc and devastation premeditated by the rebels; but in the provinces of Leinster and Connaught, as well as in various other places, they appeared in formidable bodies, intercepted the mail coaches, and thus gave the signal for a general insurrection.

In their attack upon the town of Naas, on the 24th of May, they experienced a signal defeat from Lord Gosford at the head of the Armagh militia, and left 400 men dead on the field. General Dundas defeated a considerable body of the rebels near Kilcullen, and on the 25th Lord Roden vanquished another body of them about 400 strong, the leaders of whom were taken and executed. On the 26th they shared the same fate at Tallagh hill, when 350 of them were slain. They attacked the town of Carlow to the number of 1000, where they were defeated with the loss of 400 men; but as the inhabitants fired upon the king's troops, one half of the town was burnt in revenge. The rebels made an attack upon Kildare on the 29th, but the gallant conduct of Sir J. Duff and the troops under his command, made them soon retire with the loss of 200 men. In Wicklow and Wexford, however, the rebellion raged with the most dreadful fury; in the latter of which they were computed to have 15,000 men on the 25th of May, when they surrounded and cut to pieces the North York militia at Oulard, commanded by Colonel Foot and Major Lombard. They attacked and carried the town of Enniscorthy, but with the loss of 400 men, and a party of the Meath militia fell into their hands on the 29th. The town of Wexford surrendered to them next day, when Harvey, Fitzgerald, and Colclough, who had been made prisoners on the 26th for treason, were instantly set at liberty, and Harvey was appointed their commander-in-chief. Having left a garrison in the town, the rebel commander marched on the 5th of June to attack New Ross, where Major-general Johnston obstinately defended the town for several hours, and at last forced the enemy to retreat with considerable loss. This defeat so exasperated the rebels, that they butchered 105 royalists whom they found in the jail of Wexford. Their attempt upon Gorey was ineffectual, as well as that upon Newton Barry on the third of June, where Colonel Leftrange defeated them with the loss of 500 men killed in the action. On the following day, however, the tide of fortune seemed to turn in their favour near Slievebay mountain, where the royal forces under Colonel Walpole were defeated with the loss of 54 men, and the commander himself was slain in the action. Encouraged by this success, they resolved to make an attack upon Arklow; but the grape-shot of General Needham made terrible havoc among them; yet their strong position near Vinegar hill was still maintained by their main body, from which it was found impracticable to dislodge them before the 21st, when they were nearly surrounded by General Lake, with his troops in five columns, led into action by Generals Dundas, Johnson, Eutace, Duff, and Loftus. The carnage was terrible, as the rebels defended themselves with great obstinacy for an hour and a half, and lost 13 pieces of cannon. The town of Wexford surrendered next day, and on the 26th Harvey and Colclough were apprehended on one of the Saltee islands, who were tried and executed, together with Keughe, the rebel governor of Wexford.

The details of carnage and bloodshed are by no means agreeable to the feelings of humanity, yet a regard to historical truth obliges us to give them, but in as conciliatory manner as we possibly can. The rebels gained possession of Antrim about the 7th of June, but were soon obliged to abandon it by the exertions of General Nugent. Still, however, a spirit of insurrection continued formidable in the counties of Antrim and Down; but the rebels were defeated on the 12th at Ballynahinch, where they lost upwards of 400 men, and the royal forces only 20 in killed and wounded. Munro, their general, was taken prisoner and executed. It is to be lamented that both rebels and royalists seemed, during this unnatural contest, to be such utter strangers to every principle of humanity, that some have deemed it a very difficult matter to determine which party was the worst, although the bishop of Killala, who suffered much for his attachment to government, gives it against the latter. This, however, was destined to be terminated in a very short time, for Marquis Cornwallis was now appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and arrived in Dublin on the 20th of June. The first measure, adopted by his excellency, soon after his arrival, had a more powerful effect in crushing the rebellion than all the rigorous measures formerly pursued. On the 7th of July he made an offer of his majesty's pardon to all who should surrender before a certain day. The consequence of this proclamation was, that numbers returned to their allegiance, and delivered up all the arms in their possession. Some, however, of the most notorious offenders were tried by a special commission, condemned, and executed, such as J. and H. Sheares, McCann, Byrne, and others. Mr Oliver Bond, who was condemned on the 23d of July, had powerful interest made for him in order to save his life on account of his respectable connexions. The sentence of death was to be changed into banishment, on condition he would tell all he knew respecting the rebellion. He was accordingly pardoned, but his death happened soon after. Some of the most desperate of the rebels still continued to lurk about the mountains of Wicklow and Wexford, notwithstanding the proclamation of the amnesty, but these were gradually reduced.

It was the general opinion about this time, that the rebellion was completely ended, when the people were suddenly and unexpectedly alarmed by the landing of a body of French troops under General Humbert. This happened at Killala, on the 22d of August 1798. Their number being at first very much exaggerated, Lord Cornwallis designed to march against them in person at the head of the army. In the mean time Humbert marched on towards Castlebar, where he engaged the British forces under General Lake, obliging them to retreat with the loss of six pieces of cannon, and a considerable number of men. Lord Cornwallis came up with the French near Castlebar, and forced them to retreat; and General Humbert having been joined by a number of the rebels, he made a circuitous march in order to favour their escape, in consequence of which the greater part of them got away in safety. Ninety-three of them and three of their generals were taken prisoners. The French having surrendered, the public were astonished to find that this tremendous army amounted to no more than 844 men!

On the 16th of September a French brig made its appearance off the isle of Rutland, on the north-west coast of Donegal, where the crew landed, together with General Roy and the celebrated Napper Tandy, sustaining the rank of a French general of brigade. On inquiring after Humbert, they seemed astonished at being informed that he and his men were prisoners. In the end of September a ship of the line and eight frigates, with troops and ammunition for Ireland, sailed from Brest harbour; but the coast was too well defended by the squadron under the command of Sir J. B. Warren, for such an armament to be successful. The ship of the line, called the Hoche, struck after a gallant defence; and the whole squadron was captured, with the exception of two frigates. This defeat was a death-blow to the hopes of the French as well as to the Irish rebels. The celebrated Theobald Wolfe Tone was found among the prisoners in the Hoche, who was considered as the ablest man at Paris from Ireland, in respect of negotiating. He was tried by a court martial at Dublin, where it was allowed that he made a very manly defence, neither denying nor excusing his crime, but resting the merits of his plea on the idea of his being, as he thought, a citizen of France, and an officer in the service of that country. His arguments, however, were ineffectual, and the court would not even grant his request to be shot rather than hanged, in consequence of which he committed suicide in prison. The spirit of rebellion might be said to die with this wonderful man; for the few rebels who still continued with General Holt, the last of the rebel chiefs, gradually laid down their arms, as did Holt himself, who was banished for life.

At the termination of this horrible contest, it was computed that not fewer than 30,000 persons lost their lives, independent of many thousands who were wounded or transported.

The only remaining event of any importance connected with the history of this country, is its union with Great Britain. This event had been long in contemplation, but it was first announced in the British house of commons on the 22d of January 1799, by a message from his majesty, conceived in these words:

"George R. His majesty is persuaded, that the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ireland from this country, cannot fail to engage the particular attention of parliament; and his majesty recommends it to this house, to consider of the most effectual means of finally defeating this design, by disposing the parliaments of both kingdoms, to provide in the manner which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment, as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a connexion essential for their common security, and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire."

On the 31st the measure was taken into consideration, when Mr Pitt moved seven resolutions as the basis of it, which were opposed by Mr Sheridan, who gave it as his decided opinion, that the fair and free approbation of parliament could never be ascertained, while any of its members were under government influence, on which account he opposed the union; as did also Messrs Grey, Tierney, Jones, Sir F. Burdett, General Fitzpatrick, Dr Lawrence and others. It also met with considerable opposition in the house of peers, and in the Irish parliament the opposition was formidable. In the address to his majesty, the paragraph recommending an union was voted to be expunged, by a majority of 111 against 106, in consequence of which the city of Dublin was twice illuminated. In the house of peers, however, a majority appeared in favour of the union; and when it was introduced in form by a message from the lord-lieutenant, it was carried in favour of the union, after a long and interesting debate, by a majority of 161 against 115. The articles of the intended union were transmitted to England by the lord-lieutenant; they were again submitted to the British parliament on the 2d of April; on the 2d of July the bill received the royal assent, and the union took place on the 1st of January 1801.

In consequence of this union, which we trust will prove an unspeakable blessing to both countries, the Irish are to have a share of all the commerce of Great Britain, with the exception of such parts of it as belong to chartered companies, and consequently not free to the inhabitants of the British empire indiscriminately. The commons of Ireland are represented by a hundred members in the imperial parliament; the spiritual and temporal peerage of that country by four bishops and twenty-eight lay-lords, who are elected by the bishops and peers of Ireland, and hold their seats for life; and the title of his Britannic majesty is "king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, defender of the faith;" the title of king of France being now laid aside. The former laws and courts of justice in Ireland are still retained, as also the court of chancery, and the king of Great Britain is still represented by a lord-lieutenant. No part of the debt contracted by Britain prior to the union is to be paid by Ireland, which only contributes to the expenses of the empire in the ratio of 1 to 7½. But as this in time might prove extravagantly favourable to that country, in consequence of a rapid increase of its trade and commerce, it may be revised and altered by parliament in the course of twenty years. By one clause of the act of union it is declared, that such peers of Ireland as are not elected into the house of lords, are competent to sit in the house of commons as representatives of British towns and counties, on condition that they give up all the privileges of the peerage during their continuance in the lower house.

The climate of Ireland would almost perfectly agree with that of England, were the soil equally improved, being abundantly fruitful both in corn and grass, especially the latter; in consequence of which, an infinite number of black cattle and sheep are bred, particularly in the province of Connacht. Few countries produce finer grain than that which grows in the improved parts of this kingdom. The northern and eastern counties are best cultivated and inclosed, and the most populous.

Ireland is known to have many rich mines; and there is no inconsiderable prospect of gold and silver in some parts of the kingdom. No country in the world abounds more in beautiful lakes, both fresh and salt water ones; and it is also plentifully watered with many beautiful rivers. The commodities which Ireland exports, as far as her present trade will permit, are hides, tallow, beef, butter, cheese, honey, wax, hemp, metals, and fish: wool and glass were, till December 23, 1779, prohibited; but her linen trade is of late grown of very great consequence. England, in the whole, is thought to gain yearly by Ireland upwards of 1,400,000l.; and in many other respects the must be of very great advantage to that kingdom. Formerly, indeed, she was rather a burden to her elder sister than any benefit; but the times are changed now, and improve every day.

Mr O'Halloran says, the linen manufacture was carried on in Ireland in very early days to a great extent; and Gratianus Lucius quotes a description of the kingdom, printed at Leyden in 1627; in which the author tells us, "That this country abounds with flax, which is sent ready spun in large quantities to foreign nations. Formerly (says he) they sew great quantities of linen, which was mostly consumed at home, the natives requiring above 30 yards of linen in a shirt or shift." So truly expensive was the Irish fashion of making up shirts, on account of the number of plaits and folds, that, in the reign of Henry VIII., a statute passed, by which they were forbidden, under a severe penalty, to put more than seven yards of linen in a shirt or shift.

We may form some idea of what the trade of Ireland must have been in former times, when, so late as the reign of Brian Boru, who died in 1014, notwithstanding the ravages and distresses which a Danish war, of about 200 years continuance, must have produced throughout the kingdom, the annual duties arising from goods imported into the single port of Limerick, and paid in red wine, amounted to 365 pipes! Even so lately as the last century, it is scarcely credible what riches this city derived from the bare manufacture of shoes, which were exported in amazing quantities; whereas now, instead of shoes and boots, we see the raw hides shipped off for foreign markets.

No country in the world seems better situated for a maritime power than Ireland, where the ports are convenient to every nation in Europe, and the havens safe and commodious. The great plenty of timber, the superior excellence of the oak, and the acknowledged skill of her ancient artizans in wood-works, are circumstances clearly in her favour. That the Irish formerly exported large quantities of timber, is manifest from the churches of Gloucester, Westminster monastery and palace, &c. being covered with Irish oak.

The government of the kingdom is in the hands of Government, or lord-lieutenant, who lives in very great wealth, splendour. In his absence there are lords justices (styled palaestrae, their excellencies), generally three in number, viz. lord primate, lord high chancellor, and, before the union, the speaker of the house of commons. The parliament of Ireland, while it existed, was regulated in the same way as the British parliament.

Ireland is divided into four large provinces, and those again into 32 counties, as follows:

### I. ULSTER.

| Counties | House | Extent, &c. | |----------|-------|-------------| | 1. Antrim | 20738 | Length 68 | | 2. Armagh | 13125 | Breadth 98 miles | | 3. Cavan | 9268 | Circumference 460 | | 4. Down | 26090 | Irish plantation acres, 2836837; English acres, 4491205. | | 5. Donegal | 12357 | English acres, 144961 | | 6. Fermanagh | 5674 | Parishes, 365 | | 7. Londonderry | 14527 | Boroughs, 29 | | 8. Monaghan | 26637 | Baronies, 55 | | 9. Tyrone | 16345 | Archbishopsric, 1 Bishoprics, 6 | | | | Market towns, 58 |

### II. LEINSTER.

| Counties | House | Extent, &c. | |----------|-------|-------------| | 1. Carlow | 5444 | Length 104 miles | | 2. Dublin | 24145 | Breadth 55 | | 3. Kildare | 8887 | Circumference 360 | | 4. Kilkenny | 3231 | Irish acres, 2642958; English, 4281155 | | 5. King's county | 9294 | Parishes, 858 | | 6. Longford | 6557 | Boroughs, 53 | | 7. Louth | 8150 | Baronies, 99 | | 8. Meath (East) | 14000 | Market-towns, 63 | | 9. Queen's county | 11226 | Archbishopsric, 1 Bishoprics, 3 | | 10. Westmeath | 9621 | The rivers are, the Boyne, Barrow, Liffey, Noir, and the May. |

120851 III. MUNSTER.

| County | Houses | Extent, &c. | |--------|--------|-------------| | 1. Clare | 11381 | Length 100 | | 2. Cork | 47334 | Breadth 107 miles | | 3. Kerry | 11633 | Circumference 600 | | 4. Limerick | 19280 | Irish acres 3289932; 5329146 English | | 5. Tipperary | 18325 | Parishes, 749 | | 6. Waterford | 9455 | Boroughs, 26 | | | | Baronies, 63 | | | | Archbishopsric, 1 | | | | Bishops, 6 |

IV. CONNAUGHT.

| County | Houses | Extent, &c. | |--------|--------|-------------| | 1. Galway | 15576 | Length 90 | | 2. Leitrim | 5156 | Breadth 80 miles | | 3. Mayo | 11889 | Circumference 500 | | 4. Roscommon | 8780 | Irish acres, 1272915; 5681746 English | | 5. Sligo | 5970 | Parishes, 330 | | | | Boroughs, 10 | | | | Baronies, 43 | | | | Archbishopsric, 1 | | | | Bishop, 1 |

Rivers are the Shannon, May, Suck, and Gyll.

In 1731, while the duke of Dorset was lord-lieutenant, the inhabitants were numbered, and it was found that the four provinces contained as follows:

| Province | Protestant | Papists | |----------|------------|---------| | Connaught | 21604 | 21782 | | Leinster | 20387 | 44796 | | Munster | 115130 | 482044 | | Ulster | 366632 | 158020 |

The return of houses in Ireland for the year 1734, was 395,439; and for the year 1766, it was 424,046. Supposing therefore the numbers to have increased at the same rate, the number of houses now cannot be less than 454,130; which, allowing five persons to a family, will make the number of inhabitants 2,262,650: but as the return of the houses by hearth-collectors is rather under than above the truth, and as there are many families in every parish who are by law excused from that tax, and therefore not returned, the number on a moderate estimate will be 2,500,000. Sir W. Petty reckoned 160,000 cabins without a chimney; and if there be an equal number of such houses now, the number of people will be above 3,000,000.

It has been frequently observed by the most celebrated writers on political arithmetic, that plenty of food, frequency of marriage, a salubrious climate, a mild and equitable government, and an increased demand for labour, are the never failing criteria of an increasing population in any country whatever. The three first of these have contributed in a very powerful manner to increase the population of Ireland in the 18th century. The climate of that country has changed for the better in a most astonishing degree since the middle of the 17th century. The extensive forests with which it once abounded, no longer exist, to obstruct the circulation of a free current of air; and some inquisitive philosophers have hazarded an opinion, that the atmosphere of Ireland contains a larger proportion of oxygen in any given quantity, than is to be met with in some other countries. It cannot be known what effect this may have on the population of a country, because it is found by eminent chemists, that about 75 of oxygen in 100 parts of atmospheric air, constitute the proportion discovered by analysis of the air in different climates, and at different heights.

That the population of Ireland is increased, notwithstanding the ravages of the late rebellion, appears from the rapid increase and flourishing state of trade and commerce, which unavoidably occasions an increase of labour, and that again a multiplication of hands. All articles of the nature of provisions, as well as manufactures, have rapidly increased, and the tillage in particular is six times more extensive than it was about the year 1783, so that six times more people are employed in that single department of labour than were required at the fore-mentioned period. The people thus engaged must also furnish employment for a much greater number of mechanics of all descriptions, as the numerous and varied branches of trade depend on each other like the links of a chain. The astonishing increase of the quantity of many articles imported into Ireland for home consumption, such as coals, drapery, tobacco, tea, and sugar, may be regarded as another decisive proof of an increased population. In 1783, there were 230,135 tons of coals imported, but in 1804 there were 417,030 tons, notwithstanding the consumption was greatly diminished, owing to an augmentation of 7s. per ton on the price of that important article. There were 353,753 yards of old drapery imported in 1783; but in 1804, according to the custom-house books, they amounted to no fewer than 1,339,304 yards, or almost a fourfold increase. In the year 1783, there were imported of tobacco 3,459,861 pounds; but in 1804 that quantity was almost doubled: and as the use of that article has greatly declined, it follows of consequence, that the population has wonderfully increased. The same fact is also proved from the consumption of tea and sugar at these two different periods, the quantity of both articles having been doubled in 1804.

If then we allow, on an average, six persons to each house in Ireland, it will appear from accurate returns made in the year 1777, that there were 2,692,556 people in that country, and 3,000,000 in 1788. If it be admitted as a fact (in support of which many respectable documents could be produced), that the population of Ireland has, since the year 1791, experienced an annual average increase of nearly 91,448 souls, it may fairly be concluded that the whole inhabitants of that country cannot be estimated much under 5,339,436 souls. It must at the same time be acknowledged, that the causes affecting the population of Ireland have not always operated with uniformity, and therefore a permanently accurate standard cannot be fixed, although there is every reason to believe that it is rather on the increase than the contrary. The average number of persons which we have assigned to each house is indeed greater than what is found to obtain in England or Wales (viz. 3½), but it is fully warranted by the actual survey of different counties. Mr Arthur Young found the average number to be six in some parts of the province of Ulster; the same at Drumoland in the province of Munster; and at Killane it was 6½. Mr Tighe considers six as the average number in the county of Kilkenny; while in the town of Cove, and county of Cork, it was found no less than 93! The same author affirms, that in one village he found the average number to be 9, and in others 7 and 8, so that 6 must be considered as a moderate estimate; and Mr Newenham seems fully warranted, from these considerations, in estimating the population of Ireland, in round numbers, at 5,400,000 souls.

As numerous reasons conspire to evince, that the population of this country is doubled in the course of 46 years, we think with Mr Newenham, that it is extremely probable that it will not amount to less than 8,413,224 by the year 1837; and yet Ireland is fully competent to support this population, immense as it is.*

According to Young, Newenham, and others, the soil in point of fertility even surpasses that of England; it contains not such a large proportion of waste land, and many extensive tracts of the productive soil seem to be wholly unrivalled in respect of fertility. For an example detail of the uncommon richness and fertility of the soil of Ireland in general, we refer our readers to the instructive Tour of Mr A. Young, which contains many experiments made by himself on the soils of different counties.

What a valuable acquisition to the British empire, of which it now happily forms a constituent part, since it can augment the military strength of the whole in a very powerful manner, and make such respectable additions to the British revenue as cannot fail to result from its flourishing commerce. Ireland in a state of enmity against Britain, both weakened the latter, and rendered herself vulnerable in a high degree; but since both are happily united, and have only one common interest, we trust that the most daring enemy shall ever find them invulnerable.

Beauty seems to be more diffused in England, among the lower ranks of life, than in Ireland; which may, however, be attributed to the mere modes of living. In England, the meanest cottager is better fed, better lodged, and better dressed, than the most opulent farmers here, who, unaccustomed to what our peasants reckon the comforts of life, know no luxury but in deep potations of aquavite.

From this circumstance, we may account for a fact reported by the officers of the army here. They say, that the young fellows of Ireland, who offer to enlist, are more generally below the given height than in England. There can be no appeal from their testimony; for they were Irish, and the standard is an infallible test. No reason, indeed, can be given why the causes which promote or prevent the growth of other animals, should not have similar effects upon the human species. In England, where there is no stint of provisions, the growth is not checked; but, on the contrary, it is extended to the utmost bound of nature's original intention; whereas, in Ireland, where food is neither in the same quantity nor of the same quality, the body cannot expand itself, but is dwarfed and stunted in its dimensions. The gentlemen of Ireland are full as tall as those of England: the difference, then, between them and the commonalty, can only proceed from the difference of food.

The inhabitants, in general, of this kingdom are very far from what they have too often and unjustly been represented by those of our country who never saw them, a nation of wild Irish. Miserable and oppressed, as by far too many of them are, an Englishman will find as much civility in general, as amongst the same class in his own country: and, for a small pecuniary consideration, they will exert themselves to please you as much as any people perhaps in the king's dominions. Poverty and oppression will naturally make mankind sour, rude, and unfriendly; and eradicate, or at least suppress, all the more amiable principles and passions of humanity. But it should seem unfair and ungenerous to judge of, or decide against, the natural disposition of a man reduced by indigence and oppression almost to deprecation. Let commerce, agriculture, and arts, but call forth the dormant activity of their genius, and rouse the native spirit of enterprise, which now lies torpid within them; let liberal laws unfetter their minds, and plenty cheer their tables; they will soon show themselves deserving to rank with the most respectable societies in Europe.

"The lower Irish," (says Carr), "are remarkable for their ingenuity and docility, and a quick conception; in Ireland, in these properties they are equalled only by the Rufians. It is curious to see with what scanty materials they will work; they build their own cabins, and make bridles, stirrups, cruppers, and ropes for every rustic purpose, of hay; and British adjutants allow that Irish recruits are sooner made soldiers than English ones.

"That the Irish are not naturally lazy, is evident from the quantity of laborious work which they will perform, when they have much to do, which is not frequently the case in their own country, and are adequately paid for it, so as to enable them to get proper food to support severe toil. Upon this principle, in England, an Irish labourer is always preferred.

"The handsomest peasants in Ireland are the natives of Kilkenny and the neighbourhood; and the most wretched and squalid near Cork and Waterford, and in Munster and Connaught. In the county of Roscommon the male and female peasantry and horses are handsome, the former are fair and tall, and possess great flexibility of muscle: the men are the best leapers in Ireland: the finest hunters and most expert huntsmen are to be found in the fine sporting county of Fermanagh. In the county of Meath the peasants are very heavily limbed. In the county of Kerry, and along the western shore, the peasants very much resemble the Spaniards in expression of countenance, and colour of hair.

"The instruction of the common people is in the lowest state of degradation. In the summer a wretched uncharacterized itinerant derives a scanty and precarious existence by wandering from parish to parish, and opening a school in some ditch covered with heath and furze, to which the inhabitants send their children to be instructed by the miserable breadloafers being, who is nearly as ignorant as themselves; and in the winter these pedagogue pedlars go from door to door offering their services, and pick up just sufficient to prevent themselves from perishing by famine. What proportion of morals and learning can flow from such a source into the mind of the ragged young pupil, can easily be imagined, but cannot be reflected upon without serious concern." A gentleman of undoubted veracity stated, not long since, before the Dublin association for distributing bibles and testaments amongst the poor, that whole parishes were without a bible.

Their hospitality, when their circumstances are not too wretched to display it, is remarkably great. It is thus beautifully described by Mr Curran. 'The hospitality of other countries is a matter of necessity, or convention: in savage nations, of the first; in polished, of the latter: but the hospitality of an Irishman is not the running account of polled and ledgered courtesies, as in other countries: it springs, like all his other qualities, his faults, his virtues, directly from the heart. The heart of an Irishman is by nature bold, and he confides; it is tender, and he loves; it is generous, and he gives; it is social, and he is hospitable.'

The bogs wherewith Ireland is in some places overgrown, are not injurious to health, as is commonly imagined; the watery exhalations from these are neither so abundant nor so noxious as those from marshes, which become prejudicial from the various animal and vegetable substances which are left to putrefy as soon as the waters are exhaled by the sun. Bogs are not, as one might suppose from their blackness, masses of putrefaction; but, on the contrary, they are of such a texture, as to resist putrefaction above any other substance we know of. A shoe, all of one piece of leather, very neatly stitched, was taken out of a bog some years ago, yet entirely fresh;—from the very fashion of which, there is scarce room to doubt that it had lain there some centuries. Butter, called rouisin, has been found in hollowed trunks of trees, where it had been hid so long, that it was become hard and almost friable, yet not devoid of unctuosity; that the length of time it had been buried was very great, we learn from the depth of the bog, which was ten feet, that had grown over it. But the common phenomenon of timber-trees dug out of these bogs not only found, but also so embalmed as afterwards to defy the injuries of time, demonstrate the antifeptic quality of them. The horns of the moose-deer must have lain many centuries in a bog; for the Irish histories do not recognize the existence of the animal whereon they grew. Indeed, human bodies have, in many places, been dug up entire, which must have lain there for ages. The growth of bogs, however, is variable in different places, from the variety of conditions in the situation, soil, humidity, and quantity of vegetable food; in some places it is very rapid, in others very slow; and therefore their altitudes cannot afford any certain measure of time. In the manufacturing counties of the north, peat-fuel has become so scarce, that turfaries let from five to eight guineas an acre. In some places they are so eradicated, there does not remain a trace of them, the ground being now converted into rich meadows and sweet pastures.

If we trust to authorities, we must conclude that Ireland was not originally inferior to England, either in the fertility of the soil or salubrity of the climate. When this country shall have felt the happy effects of the late concessions and indulgences of the British parliament, by repealing several acts which restrained the trade of this kingdom with foreign ports, and allowing the exportation of woollen manufactures and glats, and shall have received further indulgences from the same authority; and when the spirit of industry shall be infused, in consequence of it, into the common people; their country will not be inferior to any other on the globe under the same parallel.