or MACEDONIA, a most celebrated kingdom of antiquity, was bounded on the east by the Aegean sea; on the south by Theffaly and Epirus; on the west by the Ionian sea or Adriatic; on the north, at first by the river Strymon and the Scardian mountains, but afterwards by the river Nestus or Nef-tus. In a direct line the whole country extended only 150 miles in length; but the windings of the coast lengthened it out to three times that extent; in which almost every convenient situation was occupied by a Grecian sea-port. The country was naturally divided, by the Thermaic and Strymonic gulfs, into the provinces of Pieria, Chalcis, and Pangaeus. The middle region, which took its name from a city of Euboea from whence it was originally peopled, was very fertile and pleasant; the inland country, being diversified by lakes, rivers, and arms of the sea, was extremely convenient for inland navigation, while the towns of Amphipolis, Potidaea, Acanthus, and many others, afforded marts for the commerce of the republics of Greece, as well as of Thrace and Macedon. On one side of this district were the mountains of Pangaeus, and on the other the plains of Pieria. The Pangaeus mountains, which extended 90 miles towards the east and the river Nestus, though proper neither for corn nor pasture, produced plenty of timber for ship-building; while the southern branches of the mountains contained rich veins of gold and silver; but these, though wrought successively by the Thasians and the Athenians, were only brought to perfection by Philip of Macedon, who extracted from them gold and silver to the value of 200,000l. sterling annually. Pieria extended 50 miles along the Thermaic gulf, to the confines of Theffaly and Mount Pindus. The inland part of the country was beautifully diversified with shady hills and fountains; and so admirably calculated for solitary walks and retirement, that the ancients looked upon it to be the favourite haunt of the Muses, and accordingly bestowed upon them the title of Pierides.

In the most early times this country was called Aemathia, from Aemathius one of its princes. The name of Macedon is said to have been derived from Macedo a descendant of Deucalion; though others suppose it to have been only a corruption of Mygdonia a district of the country. In those remote ages of antiquity, Macedon, like most other countries of Europe, was divided into a great number of petty principalities, of which scarcely even the names are known at this time. All authors agree, however, that Caranus was the first who established any permanent sovereignty in Macedon. He was an Argive, a descendant of Macedon, Hercules, and about 800 years B. C. conducted a small colony of his countrymen into the inland district of Macedon, at that time distinguished by the name of Aemathia as already mentioned. This territory was about 300 miles in circumference. On the south it was separated from the sea by a number of Greek republics, of which the most considerable were those of Olynthus and Amphipolis; and on the north, east, and west, was surrounded by the barbarous kingdoms of Thrace, Peonia, and Illyricum. According to the traditions of those times, Caranus, having consulted the oracle on the success of his intended expedition, was commanded to be directed by the goats in the establishment of his empire. For some time he proceeded at random, without knowing what to make of the oracle's answer; but happening to enter the small kingdom of Aemathia, at that time governed by King Midas, he observed a herd of goats running towards Edessa the capital. Recollecting then the answer of the oracle, he attacked and took the city by surprise, soon after making himself master of the whole kingdom. In memory of this remarkable event he called the city Aegae, and the people Aegiates, from the goats who conducted him, and made use of the figure of a goat in his standard. From this fable also we see why the figure of a goat is so frequently seen on the coins of Philip and his successors.

The little colony of Argives led into Aemathia by policy of Caranus would soon have been overwhelmed by the barbarous nations who surrounded it, had not this prince and his subjects taken care to ingratiate themselves with their neighbours, rather than to attempt to subdue them by force of arms. They instructed them in the Grecian religion and government, and in the knowledge of many useful arts; adopting themselves, in some degree, the language and manners of the barbarians; imparting to them in return some part of the Grecian civilization and polite behaviour. Thus they gradually associated with the fierce and warlike tribes in their neighbourhood; and this prudent conduct, being followed by succeeding generations, may be looked upon as one of the causes of the Macedonian greatness.

Caranus, dying after a reign of three years, left the kingdom to his son Conus; who having considerably enlarged his dominions, was succeeded by Thurymas, and he by Perdiccas I. This last prince is by Thucydides and Herodotus accounted the founder of the Macedonian monarchy; though his history is so obscured by fable, that nothing certain can now be known concerning it. In process of time, however, the good understanding which had subsisted between the Macedonians and their barbarous neighbours began to suffer an interruption; and in 691 B. C. the kingdom was for the first time invaded by the Illyrians. At first they did considerable damage by their ravages; but the Macedonian monarch, Argaeus, having decoyed them into an ambush, cut off great numbers, and obliged the remainder to leave the kingdom. In the reign of his successors, however, they returned, and occasionally proved very troublesome enemies till the reigns of Philip and Alexander.

In the mean time the kingdom of Macedon began to be affected by those great events which took place in other parts of the world. Cyrus having overthrown the Persians and Macedonians. Macedon, the Babylonian empire, and conquered all the western part of Asia, established a mighty monarchy, which threatened all the eastern parts of Europe with subjugation. The Greeks, however, having now emerged from their barbarism, and acquired great knowledge in the art of war, were able to resist effectually this very formidable power; but the kingdom of Macedon, obscure and unconnected, was obliged to yield, and though not formally made a province of the Persian empire, was nevertheless accounted in some sort as under the vassalage and protection of the Persians. Alcetas, who ascended the Macedonian throne about the time that the Persian monarchy was founded, had the dexterity to preserve his dominions from the encroachments of the Greeks on the one hand, and of the Persians on the other; but in the reign of his successor Amyntas, a formal demand was made of submission to the great king Darius, by sending him a present of earth and water. Seven ambassadors were sent on this errand by Megabizus, one of the officers of Darius. They were sumptuously entertained by Amyntas; but having attempted to take some indecent liberties with the Macedonian women, Alexander the king's son caused them all to be murdered. This rash action had almost proved the ruin of the kingdom; but Alexander found means to pacify Bubaris the general sent against him by Megabizus, by showing him his sister Gygaea, a very beautiful woman, with whom the Persian fell in love at first sight, and afterwards married her.

From this time the Macedonians were accounted the faithful allies of the Persians; and, through the interest of his son-in-law, Amyntas obtained the country in the neighbourhood of Mount Haemus and Olympus, at the same time that the city of Alabanda in Phrygia was given to Amyntas the nephew of Alexander. The Macedonians distinguished themselves in the time of the Persian invasion of Greece, by furnishing their allies with 200,000 recruits; though some cities, particularly Potidaea, Olynthus, and Pallene, adhered to the Grecian interest. The two last were taken and rafed, and the inhabitants massacred by the Persians; but Potidaea escaped by reason of the sea breaking into the Persian camp, where it did great damage. Alexander, however, afterwards thought proper to court the favour of the Greeks by giving them intelligence of the time when Mardonius designed to attack them. The remaining transactions of this reign are entirely unknown, farther than that he enlarged his dominions to the river Nestus on the east and the Axios on the west.

Alexander I. was succeeded by his son Perdiccas II, who, according to Dr Gillies, "inherited his father's abilities, though not his integrity." But from his duplicity above mentioned both to Greeks and Persians, it does not appear that he had much to boast of as to the latter quality. In the Peloponnesian war he espoused the cause of the Spartans against the Athenians, from whom he was in danger by reason of their numerous settlements on the Macedonian coast, and their great power by sea. For some time, however, he amused the Athenians with a show of friendship; but at last, under pretence of enabling Olynthus and some other cities to recover their liberties, he assisted in destroying the influence of the Athenians in those places, in hopes of establishing that of the Macedonians in its stead. But this design failed of success; the Olynthian confederacy was broken, and the members of it became subject to Sparta, until at last, by the misfortunes of that republic, they became sufficiently powerful not only to resist the encroachments of the Macedonians, but to make considerable conquests in their country.

Perdiccas II. was succeeded about 416 B.C. by Archelaus I. He enlarged his dominions by the conquest of Pydna, and other places in Pieria, though his ambition seems rather to have been to improve his dominions than greatly to extend them. He facilitated the communication between the principal towns of Macedon, by cutting straight roads through most part of the country: he built walls and fortresses in such places as afforded a favourable situation; encouraged agriculture and the arts, particularly those subservient to war; formed magazines of arms; raised and disciplined a considerable body of cavalry; and in a word, says Dr Gillies, "added more to the solid grandeur of Macedon than had been done by all his predecessors put together. Nor was he regardless of the arts of peace. His palace was adorned by the works of Grecian painters. Euripides was long entertained at his court; Socrates was earnestly solicited to live there, after the example of this philosophic poet, formed by his precepts and cherished by his friendship: men of merit and genius in the various walks of literature and science were invited to reside in Macedon, and treated with distinguished regard by a monarch duly attentive to promote his own glory and the happiness of his subjects."

This great monarch died after a reign of six years, The king a space by far too short to accomplish the magnificent dom-projects he had formed. After his death the king-comes a dom fell under the power of usurpers or weak and wicked monarchs. A number of competitors con-stantly appeared for the throne; and these by turns called in to their assistance the Thracians, Illyrians, Thebans, the Olynthian confederacy, Athens, Sparta, and Thebes. Bardylis, an active and daring chief, who, from being head of a gang of robbers, had become sovereign of the Illyrians, entered Macedon at the head of a numerous army, deposed Amyntas II. the father of Philip, and set up in his place one Argeaus, who consented to become tributary to the Illyrians. Another candidate for the throne, named Pausanias, was supported by the Thracians; but, by the assistance of the Thebans and Olynthians, Amyntas was enabled to resume the government. After his restoration, however, the Olynthians refused to deliver up several places of importance belonging to Macedon which Amyntas had either intrusted to their care, or which they had taken from his antagonist. Amyntas complained to Sparta; and that republic, which had already form-ed schemes of very extensive ambition, to readily com-plied with the request, that it was generally supposed to have proceeded from Spartan emissaries sent into Mac-e-donia. They pretended indeed to hesitate a little, and to take time to deliberate on the army which ought to be raised for the purpose; but Cleigenes, the principal ambassador, represented the urgency of the case in such a manner, that the troops which happened at that time to be ready were ordered to take the field without delay. Two thousand Spartans, under the command command of Eudamidas, were ordered into Macedon, while a powerful reinforcement under the command of Phoebidas, brother to the general, was ordered to follow him as soon as possible. By accident, Phoebidas and his auxiliaries were detained till the season for action was passed; but Eudamidas with his small army performed very essential service. The appearance of a Spartan army at once encouraged the subjects and allies of the Olynthians to revolt; and the city of Potidea, a place of great importance in the isthmus of Pallene, surrendered soon after his arrival in the country. Being too much elated with his success, however, Eudamidas approached so near the city of Olynthus, that he was unexpectedly attacked, defeated, and killed, in a sally of the citizens. He was succeeded by Teleutias the brother of Agelaius, who had under his command a body of 10,000 men, and was farther assisted by Aemynatas king of Macedon, and Derdas his brother, the governor or sovereign of the most westerly province of Macedon, which abounded in cavalry. By these formidable enemies the Olynthians were defeated in a number of battles, obliged to shut themselves up in their city, and prevented from cultivating their territory; on which Teleutias advanced with his whole forces to invest the city itself. His excessive eagerness to destroy his enemies proved his ruin. A body of Olynthian horse had the boldness to pass the river Amnias in fight of the allied army, though so much superior in number. Teleutias ordered his targeteers to attack them, the Olynthians, having retreated across the river, were closely pursued by the Lacedaemonians, great part of whom also passed the river; but the Cynthians suddenly turned upon them, killed upwards of 100, with Temonidas their leader. Teleutias, exasperated at this disaster, ordered the remainder of the targeteers and cavalry to pursue; while he himself advanced at the head of the heavy-armed foot with such celerity that they began to fall into disorder. The Olynthians allowed them to proceed, and the Lacedaemonians very imprudently advanced just under the towers and battlements of the city. The townsmen then mounted the walls, and discharged upon them a shower of darts, arrows, and other missile weapons, while the flower of the Olynthian troops, who had been purposely posted behind the gates, fell in forth and attacked them with great violence. Teleutias, attempting to rally his men, was slain in the first onset; the Spartans who attended him were defeated, and the whole army at last dispersed with great slaughter, and obliged to shelter themselves in the towns of Acanthus, Apollonia, Spartolus, and Potidaea.

The Spartans, undismayed by this terrible disaster, next sent their king Agelopolis with a powerful reinforcement into Macedon. His presence greatly raised the spirits of the Lacedaemonian allies, and his rapid successes seemed to promise a speedy termination to the war, when he himself died of a calenture. He was succeeded in the throne by his brother Cleombrotus, and in the command of the army by Polybiades an experienced general, who likewise brought along with him a powerful reinforcement. Olynthus was now completely blocked up by land, while a squadron of Lacedaemonian galleys blockaded up the neighbouring harbour of Myceberna. The Olynthians, however, held out for nine or ten months, but at last were obliged to submit on very humiliating conditions. They formally renounced all claim to the dominion of Chalcis; they ceded the Macedonian cities to their ancient governor; The Olynthians oblige and in consequence of this Amyntas left the city of Aegea or Edessa, where till now he had held his royal residence, and fixed it at Pella, a city of great strength and beauty, situated on an eminence, which, together with a plain of considerable extent, was defended by the capital impassable morasses, and by the rivers Axios and Lydias. It was distant about 15 miles from the Aegean sea, with which it communicated by means of the above-mentioned rivers. It was originally founded by the Greeks, who had lately conquered and peopled it; but in consequence of the misfortunes of Olynthus, it now became the capital of Macedon, and continued ever after to be so.

Amyntas, thus fully established in his dominions, continued to enjoy tranquillity during the remaining part of his life. The reign of his son Alexander was short, and disturbed by invasions of the Illyrians; from whom he was obliged to purchase a peace. He left behind him two brothers, Perdiccas and Philip, both very young; so that Pausanias again found means to usurp the throne, being supported not only by the Thracians, but a considerable number of Greek mercenaries, as well as a powerful party in Macedon itself. In this critical juncture, however, Iphicrates the Athenian happening to be on an expedition to Amphipolis, was addressed by Eurydice the widow of Amyntas, so warmly in behalf of her two sons, whom she presented to him, that he interested himself in their behalf, and got Perdiccas the eldest established on the throne. He was induced also to this piece of generosity by the kindness which Eurydice and her husband had formerly shewn to himself; and he likewise saw the advantages which must ensue to his country from a connexion with Macedon. During the minority of the young prince, however, his brother Ptolemy, who was his guardian, openly aspired to the throne; but he was deposed by the Theban general Pelopidas, who reinstated Perdiccas in his dominions; and in order to secure, in the most effectual manner, the dependence of Macedon upon Thebes, carried along with him thirty Macedonian youths as hostages; and among them Philip, the younger brother of the king. Perdiccas now, elated by the protection of such powerful allies, forgot Iphicrates and the Athenians, and even disputed with them the right to the city of Amphipolis, which had been decreed to them by the general council of Greece, but which his opposition rendered impossible for them to recover. In consequence of the trust he put in these new allies, also, it is probable that he refused to Bardyllis the Illyrian the tribute which the Macedonians had been obliged to pay him; which occasioned a war with that nation. In this contest the Macedonians were defeated with the loss of 4000 men, Perdiccas himself being taken prisoner, and dying soon after of his wounds.

The kingdom was now left in the most deplorable state. Amyntas, the proper heir to the throne, was an infant; the Thebans, in whom Perdiccas had placed so much confidence, were deprived of the sovereignty of Greece; the Athenians, justly provoked at the ungrateful behaviour of the late monarch, showed a hostile tile disposition; the Illyrians ravaged the west, and the Paeonians the north quarter of the kingdom; the Thracians still supported the cause of Pausanias, and proposed to send him into Macedon at the head of a numerous army; while Argeus, the former rival of Amyntas, renewed his pretensions to the throne, and by flattering the Athenians with the hopes of recovering Amphipolis, easily induced them to support his claims; and in consequence of this they fitted out a fleet, having on board 3000 heavy-armed soldiers, which they sent to the coast of Macedon.

Philip, the late king's brother, no sooner heard of his defeat and death, than he set out privately from Thebes; and on his arrival in Macedon found matters in the situation we have just now described. Fired with an inflamable ambition, it is very probable that from the very first moment he had resolved to seize the kingdom for himself; yet it was necessary at first to pretend that he assumed the throne only to preserve it for his nephew. Philip, as has already been mentioned, was carried off as a hostage by Pelopidas, but for a long time past had remained in such obscurity, that historians disagree as to his place of residence; some placing him in Thebes and others in Macedon. It is certain, however, that from the age of 15 he had been very much in the family of Epaminondas, from whose lessons he could not but derive the greatest emolument. It is probable also that he attended this celebrated general in many of his expeditions; and it is certain, that, with an attendance suitable to his rank, he visited most of the principal republics, and showed an attention to their institutions, both civil and military, far superior to his years. Having easy access to whomsoever he pleased, he cultivated the friendship of the first people in Greece. Even in Athens, where no good will subsisted with Macedon, the philosophers Plato, Isocrates, and Aristotle, cultivated his acquaintance; and the connexion he formed with the principal leaders of that republic in the early period of his life, no doubt contributed greatly to the accomplishment of the designs in which he afterwards proved so successful. His appearance in Macedon instantly changed the face of affairs: the Macedonian army, though defeated, was not entirely destroyed; and the remainder of them secured themselves in the fortresses which had been built by Archelaus. There were also considerable garrisons in the fortresses, and walled towns scattered over the kingdom; and the Illyrians, who had made war only for the sake of plunder, soon returned home to enjoy the fruits of their victory. His other enemies, the Thracians and Paeonians, were much less formidable than the Illyrians, being still in a very rude and uncivilized state, incapable of uniting under one head in such a manner as to bring any formidable army into the field. While the Illyrians therefore gave up the campaign through mere caprice and unsteadiness, Philip himself applied to the Paeonians, and by fair promises and flattery prevailed upon them to desist. The king of Thrace, by means of a sum of money, was easily prevailed upon to abandon the cause of Pausanias; so that Philip, freed from these barbarians, was now left at liberty to oppose the Athenians, who supported Argeus, and threatened a very formidable invasion.

The appearance of the Athenian fleet before Methone, with that of Argeus at the head of a numerous army in Pieria, filled the whole country with consternation; and Philip, who was by no means deficient in talents necessary to recommend himself to the good graces of the people, took the opportunity of getting Amyntas set aside, and himself declared king; for which indeed the danger of the times afforded a very plausible pretext. Argeus, in the mean time, advanced with his Athenian allies towards Edessa or Aegae, the ancient capital of the Macedonian empire, where he hoped to have been amicably received; but finding the gates shut against him, he returned back to Methone. Philip harassed him in his retreat, cutting off great numbers of his men, and afterwards defeated him in a general engagement; in which Argeus himself, with the flower of his army, was cut in pieces, and all the rest taken prisoners.

This first instance of success contributed greatly to raise the spirits of Philip's party; and he himself took little care to improve it in the best manner possible. Having taken a great number of prisoners, both Macedonians and Athenians, he determined, by his treatment of them, to ingratiate himself with both parties. The former were called into his presence, and, after a gentle reprimand, admitted to swear allegiance to him; after which they were distributed through the army: the Athenians were entertained at his table, dismissed without ransom, and their baggage restored. The prisoners were just allowed time to return to their native city and to spread abroad the news of Philip's generosity, when they were followed by ambassadors from Macedon with proposals for peace. As he knew that the loss of Amphipolis had greatly irritated them, he now thought proper to renounce his jurisdiction over that city; and it was accordingly declared free, and independent, and subject only to the government of its own free and equitable laws. This artful conduct, together with his kind treatment of the prisoners, so wrought upon the minds of the Athenians, that they consented to the renewal of a treaty which had formerly subsisted between them and his father Amyntas. Thus he found means to remove all jealousy of his ambition or the schemes he might afterwards undertake to their prejudice; and not only this, but to induce them to engage in a ruinous war with their allies, which occupied their attention until Philip had an opportunity of getting his matters so well established that it was impossible to overthrow them.

The new king being thus left at liberty to regulate Reduce the domestic concerns, began to circumscribe the power of his chiefs and nobles; who, especially in the more remote provinces, paid very little regard to the authority of the kings of Macedon; sometimes, even in times of public calamity, throwing off their allegiance altogether, and assuming an independent government over considerable tracts of country. To counteract the ambition of these chiefs, Philip chose a body of number of the bravest Macedonian youths, whom he entertained illustrious at his own table, and honoured with many testimonies young men of his friendship, giving them the title of his companions, and allowing them constantly to attend him in war and hunting. Their intimacy with the sovereign, which was considered as an indication of their merit, obliged them to superior diligence in all the severe duties of military discipline; and the young nobility, eager to participate such high honours, vied with each other other in their endeavours to gain admission into this distinguished order; so that while on the one hand they served as hostages, on the other they formed an useful seminary for future generals, by whom both Philip and Alexander were afterwards greatly assisted in their conquests.

Diodorus Siculus, and all the Roman writers who have treated of the history of Greece, assert that Philip, in the first year of his reign, instituted the Macedonian phalanx; a body of 6000 men armed with short swords fitted either for cutting or stabbing, having also strong bucklers four feet long and two and a half broad, and pikes 14 feet long; usually marching 16 men deep. But this opinion is controverted by others. Dr Gillies supposes that the opinion had arisen from the Romans meeting with the phalanx in its most complete form in Macedon; and as they became acquainted with Greece and Macedon pretty nearly at the same time, it was natural for them to suppose that it had been invented among the Macedonians. The phalanx, he says, is nothing different from the armour and arrangement which had always prevailed among the Greeks, and which Philip adopted in their most perfect form; "nor is there reason (says he) to think that a prince, who knew the danger of changing what the experience of ages had approved, made any alteration in the weapons or tactics of that people. The improvement in the counter-march, to which Philip gave the appearance of advancing instead of retreating, mentioned by Ælian in his Tactics, cap. xxviii. was borrowed, as this author tells us, from the Lacedemonians. If Philip increased the phalanx, usually less numerous, to 6000 men, this was far from an improvement; and the latter kings of Macedon, who swelled it to 16,000, only rendered that order of battle more unwieldy and inconvenient." Instead of this, Philip, according to our author, employed himself in procuring arms, horses, and other necessary materials for war; and in introducing a more severe and exact military discipline than had formerly been known in Macedon.

While the king thus took the best methods to render himself secure at home and formidable abroad, the Peonians again began to make incursions into the kingdom. The death of Agis their king, however, who was a man of great military skill, deprived them almost of every power of resistance when they were attacked. Philip, of consequence, overran their country with little opposition, and reduced them to the state of tributaries to Macedon. No sooner was this accomplished, than he undertook a winter's campaign against the Illyrians, who had long been the natural enemies of Macedon. They had now extended their territory to the east; by which means the Macedonians were excluded from the harbours on the coast of the Adriatic. This was a grievance to Philip, who seems early to have meditated the raising of a naval power; neither could he hope to be in safety, should the kingdom be left open to the incursions of a barbarous enemy; for which reasons he determined at once to humble those enemies in such a manner that they should no longer be in a situation to give him any disturbance. After an ineffectual negotiation, he was met by Bardyllis at the head of a considerable body of infantry, but with only 400 horse. They made a gallant resistance for some time; but being unable to cope with such a skilful general as Philip, they were defeated with the loss of 7000 men, among whom was their leader Bardyllis, who fell at the age of 90.

By this defeat the Illyrians were so much disheartened, that they sent ambassadors to Philip, humbly begging for peace on any terms. The conqueror granted them the same conditions which had been imposed upon the Peonians, viz. the becoming tributary, and yielding up to him a considerable part of their country. That part of it which lay to the eastward of a lake named Lychnidus he annexed to Macedon; and probably built a town and settled a colony there; the country being fertile, and the lake abounding with many kinds of fish highly esteemed by the ancients. This town and lake were about 50 miles distant from the Ionian sea; and such was the ascendancy which the arms and policy of Philip acquired over his neighbours, that the inhabitants of all the intermediate district soon adopted the language and manners of their conquerors; and their territory, hitherto unconnected with any foreign power, sunk into such absolute dependence upon Macedon, that many ancient geographers supposed it to be a province of that country.

Philip had no sooner reduced the Illyrians, than he began to put in execution greater designs than any he had yet attempted. The rich coasts to the southward of Macedon, inhabited chiefly by Greeks, presented a strong temptation to his ambition and avarice. The confederacy of Olynthus, after having thrown off the yoke of Sparta, was become more powerful than ever, and could send into the field an army of 10,000 heavy armed troops, besides a number of cavalry in proportion. Most of the towns in Chalcidice were become its allies or subjects; so that this populous and wealthy province, together with Pangeus on the right and Pieria on the left, of both which the cities were either independent or subject to the Athenians, formed a barrier not only sufficient to guard against any incursions of the Macedonians, but which was even formidable to them. But though Philip was sensible enough of the importance of those places, he considered the conquest of Amphipolis as more necessary at the present time. By the possession of this place Macedon would be connected with the sea, and would be secured in many commercial advantages, which could not but contribute greatly to the prosperity of the kingdom at large; a road was likewise opened to the woods and mines of Pangeus, the former of which were so necessary to the raising of a naval power, and the latter for the establishment of a proper military force. This city had indeed been declared independent by Philip himself in the beginning of his reign; but this was only to prevent a rupture with the Athenians, who still asserted their right to it as an ancient colony; though, by reason of the perfidy of Charidemus, a native of Euboea, they had hitherto failed in their attempts to recover it. The Amphipolitans, however, having once enjoyed the sweets of liberty, prepared to maintain themselves in their independence. In the mean time the hostile designs of Philip, which all his precaution had not been able to conceal, alarmed the inhabitants to such a degree, that they thought proper to put themselves under the protection of the Olynthians. By them they were readily received in to the confederacy; and, trusting to the strength of their new allies, behaved in such an insolent manner to Philip, that he was not long of finding a specious pretext for hostility; at which the Olynthians, greatly alarmed, sent ambassadors to Athens, requesting their assistance against such a powerful enemy. Philip, however, justly alarmed at such a formidable conspiracy, sent agents to Athens, with such expedition that they arrived there before anything could be concluded with the Olynthian deputies. Having gained over the popular leaders and orators, he deceived and flattered the magistrates and senate in such an artful manner, that a negotiation was instantly set on foot, by which Philip engaged to conquer Amphipolis for the Athenians, upon condition that they surrendered to him the strong forts of Pydna, a place which he represented as of much less importance to them; promising also to confer upon them many other advantages, which, however, he did not specify at that time. Thus the Athenians, deceived by the perfidy of their own magistrates, elated with the hopes of recovering Amphipolis, and outwitted by the superior policy of Philip, rejected with disdain the proffers of the Olynthians.

The ambassadors of Olynthus returned home highly disgusted with the reception they had met with; but had scarce time to communicate the news to their countrymen, when the ambassadors of Philip arrived at Olynthus. He pretended to console with them on the affront they had received at Athens; but testified his surprize that they should court the assistance of that distant and haughty republic, when they could avail themselves of the powerful kingdom of Macedon, which wished for nothing more than to enter into equal and lasting engagements with their confederacy. As a proof of his moderation and sincerity, he offered to put them in possession of Anthemus, an important town in the neighbourhood, of which the Macedonians had long claimed the jurisdiction, making many other fair promises; and among the rest, that he would reduce for them the cities of Pydna and Potidea, which he chose rather to see in dependence on Olynthus than Athens. Thus he prevailed upon the Olynthians not only to abandon Amphipolis, but to assist him with all their power in the execution of his designs.

Philip now lost no time in executing his purposes on Amphipolis; and pressed the city so closely, that the people were glad to apply to the Athenians for relief. Accordingly they despatched two of their most eminent citizens, Hierax and Stratocles, to represent the danger of an alliance betwixt Philip and the Olynthians, and to profess their sorrow for having so deeply offended the parent state. This representation had such an effect, that though the Athenians were then deeply engaged in the Social war, they would probably have paid some attention to the Amphipolitans, had not Philip taken care to send them a letter with fresh assurances of friendship, acknowledging their right to Amphipolis, and which he hoped shortly to put into their hands in terms of his recent agreement. By these specious pretences the Athenians were persuaded to pay as little regard to the deputies of the Amphipolitans as they had already done to those of the Olynthians; so that the city, unable to defend itself alone against so powerful an enemy, surrendered at last at discretion in Macedon, the year 357 B.C.

Philip still proceeded in the same cautious and politic manner in which he had begun. Though the obstinate defence of the Amphipolitans might have furnished a pretence for severity, he contented himself with banishing a few of the popular leaders from whom he had most cause to dread opposition, treating the rest of the inhabitants with all manner of clemency; but took care to add Amphipolis to his own dominions, from which he was determined that it never should be separated, notwithstanding the promises he had made to the Athenians. Finding that it was not his interest at this time to fall out with the Olynthians, he cultivated the friendship of that republic with great assiduity; took the cities of Pydna and Potidea, which he readily yielded to the Olynthians, though they had given him but little assistance in the reduction of these places. Potidaea had been garrisoned by the Athenians; and them the artful king sent back without ransom, lamenting the necessity of his affairs which obliged him, contrary to his inclination, to oppose their republic. Though this was rather too gross, the Athenians at present were so much engaged with the Social war, that they had not leisure to attend to the affairs of other nations. Philip made the best use of his time, and next projected the conquest of the gold mines of Thrace. That rich and fertile country was now held by one Cotys, a prince of such weak intellectual faculties, that the superstition of the Greeks, into which he was newly initiated, had almost entirely subverted his reason; and he wandered about in quest of the goddess Minerva, with whom he fancied himself in love. The invasion of the Macedonians, however, awaked him from his reverie; and Cotys, finding himself destitute of other means of opposition, attempted to stop the progress of the enemy by a letter. To this Philip paid no regard: the Thracians were instantly expelled from their possessions at Crenide, where there were very valuable gold mines. These had formerly been worked by colonies from Thasos and Athens; but the colonists had long since been expelled by the barbarous Thracians, who knew not how to make use of the treasure they were in possession of. Philip took the trouble to descend into the mines himself, in order to inspect the works; and having caused them to be repaired, planted a Macedonian colony at Crenide, bestowed upon it the name of Philippi, and drew annually from the gold mines to the value of near 1000 talents, or 200,000l. sterling; an immense sum in those days. The coins struck here were likewise called Philippi.

Philip having obtained this valuable acquisition, next took upon him to settle the affairs of Thessaly, where every thing was in confusion. This country had been formerly oppressed by Alexander tyrant of Pherae; after whose death three others appeared, viz. Tiffiphornus, Pitholaus, and Lycophron, the brothers-in-law of Alexander, who had likewise murdered him. By the united efforts of the Thessalians and Macedonians, however, these usurpers were easily overthrown, and effectually prevented from making any disturbances for the future; and the Thessalians, out of a mistaken gratitude, surrendered to Philip all the revenues arising from from their fairs and towns of commerce, as well as all the conveniences of their harbours and shipping; a concession which Philip took care to secure in the most effectual manner.

Having now not only established his sovereignty in the most effectual manner, but rendered himself very powerful and formidable to his neighbours, Philip determined to enjoy some repose from his fatigues. Having formed an alliance with Arybbas king of Epirus, he in the year 357 B.C. married Olympias the sister of that prince; a match thought the more eligible, as the kings of Epirus were supposed to be descended from Achilles. The nuptials were solemnized at Pella with great pomp, and several months were spent in feasts and diversions; during which Philip showed such an extreme proneness to vice of every kind, as disgraced him in the eyes of his neighbours, and most probably laid the foundation of his future domestic unhappiness. So much was this behaviour of the Macedonian monarch taken notice of by the neighbouring states, that the Paeonians and Illyrians threw off the yoke, engaging in their schemes the king of Thrace; and notwithstanding the infane fate of that prince, their designs were now carried on with more judgment than was usual with barbarians. Philip, however, notwithstanding his dissipation, got warning of his danger in sufficient time to prevent the bad consequences which might have ensued had the confederates got time to bring their matters to a proper bearing. Early in the spring 356 he took the field with the flower of the Macedonian troops. Having marched in person against the Paeonians and Thracians, he despatched Parmenio his best general into Illyria. Both enterprises proved successful; and while Philip returned victorious from Thrace, he received an account of the victory gained by Parmenio; a second messenger informed him of a victory gained by his chariot at the Olympic games; and a third, that Olympias had been delivered of a son at Pella. This was the celebrated Alexander, to whom the diviners prophesied the highest prosperity and glory, as being born in such auspicious circumstances.

A short time after the birth of Alexander, Philip wrote a letter to the philosopher Aristotle, whom he chose for preceptor to his young son. The letter was written with great brevity, containing only the following words: "Know that a son is born to us. We thank the gods not so much for their gift, as for bestowing it at a time when Aristotle lives. We assure ourselves that you will form him a prince worthy of his father, and worthy of Macedon." He next set about the farther enlargement of his territories, which were already very considerable. Paeonia was now one of his provinces; on the east his dominions extended to the sea of Thasos, and on the west to the lake Lychnidus. The Thessalians were in effect subject to his jurisdiction, and the possession of Amphipolis had secured him many commercial advantages; he had a numerous and well-disciplined army, with plentiful resources for supporting such an armament, and carrying through the other schemes suggested by his ambition; though his deep and impenetrable policy rendered him more truly formidable than all these put together. His first scheme was the reduction of Olynthus, the most populous and fertile country on the borders of Macedon; after which his ambition prompted him to acquire the sovereignty of all Greece. To accomplish the former, he had hitherto courted the friendship of the Olynthians by every possible method; and without letting slip any opportunity to accomplish the latter, he deprived the Athenians gradually of several of their settlements in Thrace and Macedon. In these depredations, however, he took care always to give such appearance of justice to his actions, that his antagonists, who had studied the matter lest deeply, could not find a plausible pretext for engaging in war against him, even when he had openly committed hostilities against them. Philip easily perceived that the affairs of the Greeks were coming to a crisis, and he determined to wait the event of their mutual diffusions. That event did not disappoint his hopes. The Phocians Account of had violated the religion of those days in a most extraordinary manner; they had even ploughed up the lands consecrated to Apollo: and however they might pretend to excuse themselves by examples, the Amphictyons fulminated a decree against the Phocians, commanding the sacred lands to be laid waste, and imposing a heavy fine upon the community.

By this decree all Greece was again involved in the war called Phocian, from the name of the city about which it commenced. Philip at the beginning of the troubles was engaged in Thrace, where a civil war had taken place among the sons of Cotys; and wherever Philip interfered, he was sure to make matters turn out to his own advantage. His encroachments at length became so enormous, that Kerobletes, the most powerful of the contending princes, agreed to cede the Thracian Cheroneus to the Athenians; who immediately sent Chares at the head of a powerful armament to take possession of it. In this expedition the town of Selts was taken by storm, and the inhabitants cruelly treated by Chares, while Philip employed himself in the siege of Methone in Pieria. This city Philip lost he likewise reduced; but the king lost an eye at the siege in the following extraordinary manner, if we may give the credit to some ancient historians. A celebrated archer, named After, had, it seems, offered his services to Philip, being represented as such an excellent markman, that he could hit the swiftest bird on the wing. Philip replied, that he would be of excellent use if they were to make war with starlings. After, disgusted with this reception, went over to the enemy, and with an arrow wounded the king in the eye. When the weapon was extracted, it was found to have on it the following inscription: "For the right eye of Philip." The king ordered the arrow to be shot back again, with another inscription importing that he would cause After to be hanged when the town was taken. A report was raised after Philip's death, that he had lost his eye by prying too narrowly into the amours of Olympias and Jupiter Ammon; which the vanity of his successor prompted him to cherish, as his flatterers had probably been the inventor of it.

All this time the Phocian war raged with the greatest fury, and involved in it all the states of Greece. Lycophron, one of the Thessalian tyrants, whom Philip had formerly deprived of his authority, had again found means to re-establish his authority, and his countrymen having taken part with the Phocians, Lycophron called in Onomarchus, the Phocian general, to the Phocian protect general, protect him against the power of Philip, by whom he was sensible that he would soon be attacked. The king accordingly marched into Thessaly with a considerable army, defeated Phyllus the brother of Onomarchus, whom the latter had sent into the country with a detachment of 7000 men. After this he besieged and took the city of Pegaæa, driving the enemy towards the frontiers of Phocis. Onomarchus then advanced with the whole army; and Philip, though inferior in numbers, did not decline the engagement. The Phocians at first gave ground, on which the Macedonians pursued, but in good order; but coming near a precipice, on the top of which Onomarchus had posted a detachment of soldiers, the latter rolled down stones and fragments of the rock in such a manner as did dreadful execution, and threw them into the utmost disorder. Philip, however, rallied his troops with great presence of mind, and prevented the Phocians from gaining any farther advantage than they had already done; saying, as he drew off his men, that they did not retreat through fear, but like rams, in order to strike with the greater vigour. Nor was he long before he made good his affection; for having recruited his army with the greatest expedition, he returned into Thessaly at the head of 20,000 foot and 500 horse, where he was met by Onomarchus. The Macedonians at this time were superior in number to their enemies; and Philip moreover took care to remind them, that their quarrel was that of heaven, and that their enemies had been guilty of sacrilege, by profaning the temple of Delphi. That they might be still more animated in the cause, he put crowns of laurel on their heads. Thus fired by enthusiasm, and having besides the advantage of numbers, the Phocians were altogether unable to withstand them. They threw away their arms and fled towards the sea, where they expected to have been relieved by Chares, who, with the Athenian fleet, was nigh the shore: but in this they were disappointed, for he made no attempt to save them. Upwards of 6000 perished in the field of battle or in the pursuit, and 3000 were taken prisoners. The body of Onomarchus being found among the slain, was by order of Philip hung upon a gibbet as a mark of infamy, on account of his having polluted the temple; the bodies of the rest were thrown into the sea, as being all partakers of the same crime. The fate of the prisoners is not known, by reason of an ambiguity in a sentence of Diodorus Siculus, which may imply that they were drowned, though he does not expressly say so.

After this victory, Philip set about the settlement of Thessaly, waiting only for an opportunity to put in execution his favourite scheme of invading Greece. In the mean time, he rejoiced to see the states weakening each other by their mutual differences; of which he never failed to take advantage as far as possible. He now, however, began to throw off the mask with regard to the Olynthians, whom he had long deceived with fair promises. Having detached Kersobletes from the interest of the Athenians, he established him in the sovereignty of Thrace; not out of any good will, but with a view to destroy him whenever a proper opportunity offered. Were he once possessed of the dominions of that prince, the way to Byzantium was open to him; the possession of which must have been a great temptation to Philip, who well knew how to Macedonian value the importance of its situation both with respect to commerce and war; and in order to pave the way to this important conquest, he attacked the forts of Herseum, a small and in itself unimportant place, though, by reason of its neighbourhood to Byzantium, the acquisition was valuable to Philip. The Is opposed Athenians, however, at last began to perceive the de- by the A. signs of Philip, and determined to counteract them. For this purpose they entered into an alliance with Olynthus; and having warned Kersobletes of his danger, they ordered a powerful fleet to the defence of the Heraeum. But these vigorous measures were soon counteracted by the report of Philip's death, which had been occasioned by his wound at Methone, and a distemper arising from the fatigues he had afterwards undergone. The inconstant Athenians too easily gave credit to this report; and, as if all danger had been over with his death, discontinued their preparations, and directed their whole attention to the sacred war.

—This contest, instead of being ended by the death of Onomarchus, now raged with double fury. Phy-Continu- allus, above mentioned, the only surviving brother of Onomarchus, undertook the cause of the Phocians; and his affairs becoming every day more and more desperate, he undertook the most unaccountable method of retrieving them which could be imagined: having converted into ready money the most precious materials belonging to the temple at Delphi, and with this treasure doubled the pay of his soldiers. By this new piece of sacrilege, he indeed brought many adventurers to his standard, though he cut off all hopes of mercy for himself or his party should he be defeated. Having the assistance of 1000 Lacedæmonians, 2000 Achaeans, and 5000 Athenian foot, with 400 cavalry, he was still enabled to make a very formidable appearance; and the Phocians took the field with great prospect of success.

Philip now thought it time to throw off the mask entirely, for which the proceedings of the Athenians, particularly their league with Olynthus, furnished him with a plausible pretext; and the revenging such horrid sacrilege as had been committed at Delphi seemed to give him a title to march at the head of an army into Greece. The superstition of the Greeks, however, had not yet blinded them to such a degree, but they could easily perceive that Philip's piety was a mere pretence, and that his real design was to invade and conquer the whole country. The Athenians no sooner heard of the march of the Macedonian army, than they despatched, with all expedition, a strong guard to secure the pass of Thermopylae; so that Philip was obliged to return greatly chagrined and dis-prevented. Their next step was to call an assembly, ed from en- to deliberate upon the measures proper to be taken in tering order to refrain the ambition of the Macedonian mon-arch; and this assembly is rendered memorable by the first appearance of Demosthenes as an orator against Philip. Athens for some time had been in a very alarming situation. They were deeply involved in the sacred war; their northern possessions were continually insulted and plundered by Philip; while a number of his mercenary partisans drew off the public attention to such a degree, that, instead of taking measures to counteract that ambitious prince, they a- mused themselves with speculations about the designs of the Persian monarch, who was preparing for war against the Cyprians, Egyptians, and Phoenicians. Iococrates the celebrated orator, and Phocion the statesman, joined the multitude in their present opinion, though not from any mercenary motives, but purely from a sense of the unfeated conduct of the Athenians; who, they were assured, could not contend with a prince of the vigour and activity of Philip; and therefore exhorted them by all means to cultivate the friendship of Philip, whom they could not oppose with any probability of success. Iococrates, indeed, greatly wished for an expedition into Asia, and looked upon Philip to be the only general capable of conducting it; though at present the Greeks had no pretence for making war upon the Persians, but that of revenging former injuries: and on this subject he addressed a discourse to Philip himself; and it is even said, that Iococrates, by the power of his rhetoric, prevailed upon Philip and the Athenians to lay aside their animosities for a short time, and consent to undertake this expedition in conjunction.

If this coalition, however, did really take place, it was of very short duration. The views of Phocion and Iococrates were violently opposed by Demosthenes. Though sensible of the corruption and degeneracy of his countrymen, he hoped to be able to rouse them from their lethargy by dint of his eloquence; a talent he had been at great pains to cultivate, and in which he is said to have excelled all men that ever existed.

In his first addresses to the people, this celebrated orator exhorted them to awake from their indolence, and to assume the direction of their own affairs. They had been too long governed, he said, by the incapacity of a few ambitious men, to the great disadvantage as well as disgrace of the community. In the first place, an orator who had placed himself at the head of a faction of no more than 300 or 400, availed himself and his followers of the carelessness and negligence of the people, to rule them at pleasure. From a consideration of their present weakness and corruption, as well as of the designs and commotions of the neighbouring powers, he advised them to abandon all romantic and distant schemes of ambition; and instead of carrying their arms into remote countries, to prepare for repelling the attacks which might be made upon their own dominions. He insisted also upon a better regulation of their finances, a more equal distribution of the public burdens, in proportion to the abilities of those upon whom they were laid, and upon the retrenching many superfluous expenses. Having pointed out in a strong light the vigorous conduct of Philip; and shewn by what means he had attained to such a respectable footing in the world, he next laid down a proper plan for their military operations. He told them, that they were not yet prepared to meet Philip in the field; they must begin with protecting Olynthus and the Cheroneans, for which it would be necessary to raise a body of 2000 light armed troops, with a due proportion of cavalry, which ought to be transported under a proper convoy to the islands of Lemnos, Thasos, and Sciatbos, in the neighbourhood of Macedon. In these they would enjoy all kinds of necessaries in abundance, and might avail themselves of every favourable incident, to appear at Macedon, the first summons of their allies; and either to repel the incursions of the Macedonians, or harass their territories. While this was going on, more vigorous preparations might be made for war at home; and it was proposed, that only the fourth part of the Athenian citizens should enlist, and no more supplies were wanted at present but 90 talents. But notwithstanding the moderation of these proposals, and the urgent necessities of the state, it was impossible to prevail upon the indolent and careless Athenians to provide for their own safety. They appear, indeed, at this time to have been desperately sunk in effeminacy and dissipation; which disposition Philip took care to encourage to the utmost of his power. There was an assembly in the city called the Sixty, from their consisting originally of that number, who met expressly for the purposes of extinguishing all care about public affairs, and to intoxicate themselves with every kind of pleasure they had in their power. With this assembly Philip was so well pleased, that he sent them money to support their extravagancies; and so effectually did they answer his purposes, that all the eloquence of Demosthenes could not counteract the speeches of orators much his inferiors when backed by Macedonian gold.

Philip himself, as we have already hinted, was excessively debauched in his private character, and the most shameful stories are related of him by the ancient writers, particularly by Demosthenes, Theopompus, too, an author who flourished in the time of Alexander, and was rewarded and honoured by that monarch, also speaks of him in such terms as we cannot with decency relate: but these accounts, coming from the avowed enemies of the king, are scarcely to be credited; and perhaps policy, as well as inclination, might contribute somewhat to this scandalous behaviour, that he might thereby recommend himself to the liberties of Athens, and prevent even many of the more thinking part of the people from suspecting his designs. But in whatever excesses he might at times indulge himself, he never lost sight of his main object, the subjugation of the Greek states. On pretence of being in want of money to defray the expense of his buildings, he borrowed money at a very high price throughout the whole country; and this he found an easy matter to do, as the dissipation of the Delphic treasures had rendered cash very plentiful in Greece. Thus he attached his creditors firmly to his own interest; and on pretence of paying debts, was enabled without molestation to bestow a number of pensions and gratuities upon the Athenian orators, who by their treacherous harangues contributed greatly to the ruin of their country; at least as far as it could be ruined by submission to a prince who would have obliged them to remain at peace, and apply themselves to useful arts. These he himself encouraged in a very eminent degree. The greatest part of his time was employed at Pella, which city he adorned in the most magnificent manner with temples, theatres, and porticoes. He invited by liberal rewards, the most ingenious artists in Greece; and as many of these met with very little encouragement in their own country, great numbers flocked to him from all quarters. In the government of his people, also, Philip behaved with the utmost impartiality: listening with condescension to the complaints of the meanest meanest of his subjects, and keeping up a constant correspondence with those whom he thought worthy of his acquaintance; from which, it is not easy to imagine how he could be so guilty of the vices we have already mentioned from some ancient historians.

The fate of Olynthus was now soon determined. This city, which held the balance of power betwixt Athens and Macedon, was taken and plundered, and the inhabitants sold for slaves; but the chief hope of Philip was in putting an end to the Phocian war. For this purpose he affected a neutrality, that he might thereby become the arbiter of Greece. His hopes were well founded; for the Thebans, who were at the head of the league against the Phocians, solicited him on the one side, and the states confederate with the Phocians did the like on the other. He answered neither, yet held both in dependence. In his heart he favoured the Thebans, or rather placed his hopes of favouring his own cause in that state; for he well knew, that the Athenians, Spartans, and other states allied with Phocis, would never allow him to pass Thermopylae, and lead an army into their territories. So much respect, however, did he show to the ambassadors from these states, particularly Ctesiphon and Phrynon, who came from Athens, that they believed him to be in their interest, and reported as much to their masters. The Athenians, who were now dissolved in ease and luxury, received this news with great satisfaction; and named immediately ten plenipotentiaries to go and treat of a full and lasting peace with Philip. Among these plenipotentiaries were Demosthenes and Aeschines, the most celebrated orators in Athens. Philip gave directions that these ambassadors should be treated with the utmost civility; naming, at the same time, three of his ministers to confer with them, viz. Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. Demosthenes being obliged to return to Athens, recommended it to his colleagues not to carry on their negociations with Philip's deputies; but to proceed with all diligence to court, there to confer with the king himself. The ambassadors, however, were so far from following his instructions, that they suffered themselves to be put off for three months by the arts of Philip and his ministers.

In the mean time, the king took from the Athenians such places in Thrace as might best cover his frontiers; giving their plenipotentiaries, in their stead, abundance of fair promises, and the strongest assurances that his good will should be as beneficial to them as ever their colonies had been. At last a peace was concluded; but then the ratification of it was deferred till Philip had possessed himself of Pherae in Thessaly, and saw himself at the head of a numerous army: then he ratified the treaty; and dismissed the plenipotentiaries with assurances, that he would be ready at all times to give the Athenians proofs of his friendship. On their return to Athens, when this matter came to be debated before the people, Demosthenes plainly told them, that, in his opinion, the promises of Philip ought not to be relied on, because they appeared to be of little significance in themselves, and came from a prince of so much art, and so little fidelity, that they could derive no authority from their maker. Aeschines, on the other hand, gave it as his sentiment, that the king of Macedon's assurances ought to give them full satisfaction. He said, that for his part, he was not politician enough to see any thing of disguise or dissimulation in the king's conduct; that there was great danger in disfriending princes; and that the surest method of putting men upon deceit was to show that we suspected them of it. The rest of the plenipotentiaries concurred with Aeschines; and the people, desirous of quiet, and addicted to pleasure, easily gave credit to all that was said, and decreed that the peace should be kept. All this was the easier brought about, because Phocion, the worthiest man in the republic, did not oppose Philip; which was owing to his having a just sense of the state his country was in. He conceived, that the Athenians of those times were nothing like their ancestors; and therefore, as he expressed himself on another occasion, he was desirous, since they would not be at the head of Greece themselves, that they would at least be upon good terms with that power which would be so.

Philip, who knew how to use as well as to procure every opportunity, while the Athenians were in this good humour, passed Thermopylae, without their knowing it, and whether he would fall on Phocis or Thebes; but he quickly undeceived them, by commanding his soldiers to put on crowns of laurel, declaring them thereby the troops of Apollo, and himself the lieutenant-general of that god. He then entered Phocis with an air of triumph; which so terrified the Phocians, whom he had caused to be proclaimed sacrilegious persons, that they immediately dismissed all thoughts of defence, and without more ado submitted to his mercy. Thus the Phocian war, which had so long employed all Greece, was ended without a stroke; and the judgement on the Phocians remitted to the Amphictyons, or grand council of Greece. By their decree the walls of three Phocian cities were demolished, the people were forbid to inhabit in any but villages, to pay a yearly tribute of 60 talents, and never to make use either of houses or arms till they had repaid to the temple of Apollo the money they had sacrilegiously carried from thence. Their arms were taken from them, broken to pieces, and burnt; their double voice in the council was taken from them, and given to the Macedonians. Other orders were made for settling the affairs both of religion and state throughout Greece: all of which were executed by Philip with great exactness and moderation, he paying the most profound respect to the council; and, when he had performed its commands, retiring peaceably with his army back to Macedon, which gained him great reputation.

At Athens alone, the justice and piety of Philip was not understood. The people began to see, though a little too late, that they had been abused and deceived by those who had negociated the late peace. They saw that, through their acceptance of it, the Phocians were destroyed; that Philip was become master of the Thermopylae, and might enter Greece when he pleased; that, in abandoning their allies, they had abandoned themselves; and that, in all probability, they might soon feel the weight of his power, whom they had so foolishly trusted: they therefore began to take new and hostile measures; they ordered that the women should retire out of the villages into the city, their walls be repaired, and their forts new strengthen- Macedon. ed. They seemed inclined to question Philip's election into the council of the Amphictyons, because it had been done without their consent; and even to proceed to an open war. In all likelihood they had carried things to extravagancy, if Demosthenes had not interposed. He told them, that though he was not for making the peace, he was however for keeping it; and that he saw no manner of occasion for their entering into so unequal a contest as would needs ensue, if they took up arms, not only against Philip, but against all the states concurring with him in the late transactions. This seems to have cooled the rage of the Athenians; and to have brought them to think of ruining Philip by degrees, as by degrees they had raised him.

The fame of his achievements without the bounds of Macedon having disposed the subjects of Philip to hope every thing from his conduct, and the several states of Greece to desire above all things his friendship; that prudent monarch laid hold of this favourable situation to fix his dominion on such a stable foundation as that a reverse of fortune should not immediately destroy it. To this end, while he carried on his negotiations through Greece, he likewise kept his army in exercise, by taking several places in Thrace, which terribly incensed the Athenians. Diopithes, who had the government of the Athenian colonies in those parts, perceiving well what end Philip had in view, did not lay for intrusions from home; but having raised with much expedition, a considerable body of troops, taking advantage of the king's being absent with his army, entered the adjacent territories of Philip, and waited them with fire and sword.

The king, who, on account of the operations of the campaign in the Chersonese, was not at leisure to repel Diopithes by force, nor indeed could divide his army without imminent hazard, chose, like an able general, rather to abandon his provinces to insults, which might be afterwards revenged, than, by following the dictates of an ill-timed passion, to hazard the loss of his veteran army, whereon lay all his hopes. He contented himself, therefore, with complaining to the Athenians of Diopithes's conduct, who in a time of peace had entered his dominions, and committed such devastations as could scarcely have been justified in a time of war. His partisans supported this application with all their eloquence. They told the Athenians, that unless they recalled Diopithes, and brought him to a trial for this infringement of the peace, they ought not to hope either for the friendship of Philip or of any other prince or state; neither could they justly complain, if, prompted by such a precedent, others should break faith with them, and fall without the least notice upon their dominions. Demosthenes defended Diopithes; and undertook to show that he deserved the praise and not the censure of the Athenians. Those of the other party began then to charge him with crimes of a different nature; they alleged, that he oppressed the subjects and maltreated the allies of Athens. Demosthenes replied, that of these things there were as yet no proofs; that when such should appear, a single galley might be sent to bring over Diopithes to abide their judgment, but that Philip would not come if they sent a fleet: whence he inferred, that they ought to be cautious, and to weigh well the merits of this cause before they took any resolution.

He said, that it was true Philip had not as yet attacked Attica, or pretended to make a descent on their territories in Greece, or to force his way into their ports; when it came to that, he was of opinion they would be hardly able to defend themselves; wherefore he thought such men were to be esteemed as fought to protect their frontiers, in order to keep Philip as long as might be at a distance: whereupon he moved, that, instead of disowning what Diopithes had done, or directing him to dismiss his army, they should send him over recruits, and show the king of Macedon they knew how to protect their territories, and to maintain the dignity of their state, as well as their ancestors. These arguments had such an effect, that a decree was made conformable to his motion.

While affairs stood thus, the Illyrians recovering courage, and seeing Philip at such a distance, harassed the frontiers of Macedon, and threatened a formidable invasion: but Philip, by quick marches, arrived on the borders of Illyricum; and struck these barbarous people with such a panic, that they were glad to compound for their former depredations at the price he was pleased to set. Most of the Greek cities in Thrace now fought the friendship of the king, and entered into a league with him for their mutual defence. As it cannot be supposed that each of these free cities had a power equal to that of Philip, we may therefore look upon him as their protector. About this time Philip's negotiations in Peloponnesus began to come to light; themes the Argives and Messenians, growing weary of defeated, tyrannical authority which the Spartans exercised over them, applied to Thebes for assistance; and the Thebans out of their natural aversion to Sparta, fought to open a passage for Philip into Peloponnesus, that, in conjunction with them, he might humble the Lacedaemonians. Philip readily accepted the offer; and resolved to procure a decree from the Amphictyons, directing the Lacedaemonians to leave Argos and Messene free; which if they complied not with, he, as the lieutenant of the Amphictyons, might, with great appearance of justice, march with a body of troops to enforce their order. When Sparta had intelligence of this, she immediately applied to Athens, earnestly entreating assistance, as in the common cause of Greece. The Argives and Messenians, on the other hand, laboured assiduously to gain the Athenians to their side; alleging that, if they were friends to liberty, they ought to assist those whose only aim was to be free. Demosthenes, at this juncture, outwitted Philip, if we may borrow that king's expression; for, by a vehement harangue, he not only determined his own citizens to become the avowed enemies of the king, but also made the Argives and Messenians not over fond of him for an ally; which when Philip perceived, he laid aside all thoughts of this enterprise for the present, and began to practise in Euboea.

This country, now called Negropont, is separated from Greece by the Euripus, a strait so narrow, that Euboea might easily be united to the continent. This situation made Philip call it the fetters of Greece, which he therefore fought to have in his own hands. There had been for some years great disturbances in that country; under colour of which, Philip sent forces thither, and demolished Porthmos, the strongest city in those parts, leaving the country under the government of three lords, whom Demosthenes roundly calls tyrants, established by Philip. Shortly after, the Macedonians took Oreus, which was left under the government of five magistrates, styled also tyrants at Athens. Thither Plutarch of Eretria, one of the most eminent persons in Euboea, went to represent the distresses of his country, and to implore the Athenians to set it free. This suit Demosthenes recommended warmly to the people; who sent thither their famous leader Phocion, supported by formidable votes, but a very slender army: yet so well did he manage the affairs of the commonwealth and her allies, that Philip quickly found he must for a time abandon that project; which, however, he did not till he had formed another no less beneficial to himself, or less dangerous to Athens. It was the prosecution of his conquests in Thrace which he thought of pushing much farther than he had hitherto done, or could be reasonably suspected to have any intention of doing.

Extraordinary preparations were made by the Macedonian monarch for this campaign. His son Alexander was left regent of the kingdom; and he himself with 30,000 men laid siege to Perinthus, one of the strongest cities in the country. At present, however, all his arts of cajoling and pretending friendship were insufficient to deceive the Athenians. They gave the command of their army and fleet to Phocion; a general of great abilities, and with whom Philip would have found it very hard to contend. On the other hand, the king of Persia began to turn jealous of the growing power of the Macedonian monarch. The Persian kings had been accustomed to regard those of Macedon as their faithful allies; but the good fortune of Philip, the continual clamour of the Athenians against him, and his dethroning at pleasure the petty princes of Thrace, made him now regarded in another light. When, therefore, he led his troops against Perinthus, the Great King, as he was styled by the Greeks, sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the maritime provinces, directing them to supply the place with all things in their power; in consequence of which they filled it with troops, granted subsidies in ready money, and lent besides great convoys of provision and ammunition. The Byzantines also, supposing their own turn would be next, exerted their utmost endeavours for the preservation of Perinthus; fending thither the flower of their youth, with all other necessaries for an obstinate defence. The consequence of all this was, that Philip found himself obliged to raise the siege with great loss.

That the reputation of the Macedonian arms might not sink by this disgrace, Philip made war on the Scythians and Triballi, both of whom he defeated; and then formed a design of invading Attica, though he had no fleet to transport his troops, and knew very well that the Thessalians were not to be depended upon if he attempted to march through the Pírae, and that the Thebans would even then be ready to oppose his march. To obviate all these difficulties, he had recourse to Athens itself; where by means of his partisans, he procured his old friend Æschines to be sent their deputy to the Amphictyons. This seemed a small matter, and yet was the hinge on which his whole project turned. By that time Æschines had taken his seat, a question was stirred in the council, whether the Locrians of Amphissa had not been guilty of sacrilege in ploughing the fields of Cyrtha in the neighbourhood of the temple of Delphi. The assembly being divided in their opinions, Æschines proposed to take a view, which was accordingly decreed. But when the Amphictyons came in order to see how things stood, the Locrians, either jealous of their property, or spurred thereto by the suggestions of some who far farther than themselves, fell upon those venerable persons so rudely, that they were compelled to secure themselves by flight. The Amphictyons decreed, that an army should be raised, under the command of one of their own number, to chastise the delinquents; but as this army was to be composed of troops sent from all parts of Greece, the appearance at the rendezvous was so inconsiderable, that the Amphictyons sent to command them durst undertake nothing. The whole matter being reported to the council, Æschines, in a long and eloquent harangue, showed how much the welfare and even the safety of Greece depended on the deference paid to their decrees; and after inveighing against the want of public spirit in such as had not sent their quotas at the time appointed by the council, he moved that they should elect Philip for their general, and pray him to execute their decree. The deputies from the other states, conceiving that by this expedient their respective constituents would be free from any farther trouble or expense, came into it at once; whereupon a decree was immediately drawn up, purporting that ambassadors should be sent to Philip of Macedon, in the name of Apollo and the Amphictyons, once more to require his assistance, and to notify to him, that the states of Greece had unanimously chosen him their general, with full power to act as he thought fit against such as had opposed the authority of the Amphictyons. Thus of a sudden Philip acquired all that he sought; and having an army ready in expectation of this event, he immediately marched to execute the commands of the Amphictyons in appearance, but in reality to accomplish his own designs: For having passed into Greece with his army, instead of attacking the Locrians, he seized immediately upon Elatea, a great city of Phocii upon the river Cephissus.

The Athenians in the mean time were in the utmost confusion on the news of Philip's march. However, by the advice of Demosthenes, they invited the Thebans to join them against the common enemy of Greece, and Theban Philip endeavoured as much as possible to prevent this confederacy from taking place; but all his efforts proved ineffectual. The Athenians raised an army, which marched immediately to Eleusis, where they were joined by the Thebans. The confederates made the best appearance that had ever been seen in Greece, and the troops were exceedingly good; but unfortunately the generals were men of no conduct or skill in the military art. An engagement ensued at Cheronea; where he in Alexander commanded one wing of the Macedonian army, and his father Philip the other. The confederate army was divided according to the different nations of which it consisted; the Athenians having the right and the Boeotians the left. In the beginning of the battle the confederates had the better; where- upon Stratocles an Athenian commander cried out, "Come on, brother soldiers, let us drive them back to Macedon;" which being overheard by the king, he said very coolly to one of his officers, "These Athenians do not know how to conquer." Upon this he directed the files of the phalanx to be straitened; and drawing his men up very close, retired to a neighbouring eminence: from whence, when the Athenians were eager in their pursuit, he rushed down with impetuosity, broke, and routed them with prodigious slaughter. The orator Demosthenes behaved very unbecomingly in this engagement; for he deserted his post, and was one of the first that fled: nay, we are told, that a flake catching hold of his robe, he, not doubting but it was an enemy, cried out, "Alas! spare my life."

This victory determined the fate of Greece; and from this time we must reckon Philip supreme lord of all the Grecian states. The first use he made of his power was to convoke a general assembly, wherein he was recognized generalissimo, and with full power appointed their leader against the Persians. Having, by virtue of his authority, settled a general peace among them, and appointed the quota that each of the states should furnish for the war, he dismissed them: and returning to Macedon, began to make great preparations for this new expedition. His pretence for making war on the Persians at this time was the affluence given by the Persians to the city of Perinthus, as already mentioned. In the mean time, however, the king by reason of the diffusions which reigned in his family, was made quite miserable. He quarrelled with his wife Olympias to such a degree, that he divorced her, and married another woman named Cleopatra. This produced a quarrel between him and his son Alexander; which also came to such a height, that Alexander retired into Epirus with his mother. Some time afterwards, however, he was recalled, and a reconciliation took place in appearance; but in the mean time a conspiracy was formed against the king's life, the circumstances and causes of which are very much unknown. Certain it is, however, that it took effect, as the king was exhibiting certain shows in honour of his daughter's marriage with the king of Epirus. Philip having given a public audience to the ambassadors of Greece, went next day in state to the theatre. All the seats were early taken up; and the shows began with a splendid procession, wherein the images of the 12 superior deities of Greece were carried, as also the image of Philip, habited in like manner, as if he now made the 13th, at which the people shouted aloud. Then came the king alone, in a white robe, crowned, with his guards at a considerable distance, that the Greeks might see he placed his safety only in his confidence of the loyalty of his subjects. Pausanias, the assassin, however, had fixed himself close by the door of the theatre; and observing that all things fell out as he had foreseen they would, took his opportunity when the king drew near him, and plunging his sword in his left side, laid him dead at his feet. He then fled as fast as he was able towards the place where his horses were; and would have escaped, had not the twig of a vine caught his shoe and thrown him down. This gave time to those who pursued him to come up with him; but instead of securing him, in order to extort a discovery of his accomplices, they put an end to Macedon's life.

With regard to the character of this monarch, it appears certain, that he was one of the most eminent persons that ever sat on a throne. Had he lived for some time longer, he would in all probability have subdued the Persians: which was in truth less difficult than what he had already done. "Had that event taken place (says Dr Gillies), the undertakings of his long and successful reign would have been ennobled and illuminated by the splendour of extensive foreign conquest. Philip would have reached the height of such renown as is obtained by the habits of activity, vigilance, and fortitude, in the pursuit of unbounded greatness; and in the opinion of posterity, would perhaps have surpassed the glory of all kings and conquerors who either preceded or followed him. Yet, even on this supposition, there is not any man of sense and probity, who, if he allows himself time for serious reflection, would purchase the imagined grandeur and prosperity of the king of Macedon at the price of his artifices and his crimes; and to a philosopher, who considered either the means by which he had obtained his triumphs, or the probable consequences of his dominion over Greece and Asia, the busy ambition of this mighty conqueror would appear but a deceitful scene of splendid misery."

No sooner did the news of Philip's death reach Athens, than, as if all danger had been past, the inhabitants showed the most extravagant signs of joy. De- of the Athenians and his party put on chaplets of flowers, and behaved as if they had gained a great victory. Phocion reproved them for this madness; bidding them remember, that "the army which had beaten them at Cheronea was lefened but by one." This reproof, however, had very little effect. The people heard with pleasure all the harsh things which the orators could say of the young Alexander king of Macedon, whom they represented as a giddy wrong-headed boy, ready to grasp all things in his imagination, and able to perform nothing. The affairs of Macedon indeed were in a very distracted state on the accession of Alexander: for all the neighbouring nations had the same notion of the young king with the Athenians; and being irritated by the usurpations of Philip, immediately revolted; and the states of Greece entered into a confederacy against him. The Persians had been contriving to transfer the war into Macedon; but as soon as the news of Philip's death reached them, they behaved as if all danger had been over. At the same time Attalus, one of the Macedonian commanders, aspired to the crown, and fought to draw off the soldiers from their allegiance.

In the councils held on this occasion, Alexander's best friends advised him rather to make use of dissimulation than force, and to cajole those whom they thought he could not subdue. These advices, however, were ill suited to the temper of their monarch. He thought that vigorous measures only were proper, and therefore immediately led his army into Thessaly. Here he harangued the princes so effectually, that he thoroughly gained them over to his interest, and was declared by them general of Greece; upon which he returned to Macedon, where he caused Attalus to be feized, and put to death. In the spring of the next year (335 B.C.) Alexander resolved to subdue the Triballians and Illyrians, who inhabited the countries now called Bulgaria and Sclavonia, and had been very formidable enemies to the Macedonian power. In this expedition he discovered, though then but 20 years of age, a surprising degree of military knowledge. Having advanced to the passes of Mount Haemus, he found that the barbarians had posted themselves in the most advantageous manner. On the tops of the cliffs, and at the head of every passageway, they had placed their carriages and waggons in such a manner as to form a kind of parapet with their shafts inwards, that when the Macedonians should have half ascended the rock, they might be able to push these heavy carriages down upon them. They reckoned the more upon this contrivance, because of the close order of the phalanx, which, they imagined, would be terribly exposed by the soldiers wanting room to stir, and thereby avoid the falling waggons. But Alexander, having directed his heavy armed troops to march, gave orders, that, where the way would permit, they should open to the right and left, and suffer the carriages to go through; but that, in the narrow passes, they should throw themselves on their faces with their shields behind them, that the carts might run over them. This had the desired effect; and the Macedonians reached the enemies works without the loss of a man. The dispute was then quickly decided; the barbarians were driven from their posts with great slaughter, and left behind them a considerable booty for the conquerors.

The next exploits of Alexander were against the Getæ, the Tanlantii, and some other nations inhabiting the country on the other side of the Danube. Them he also overcame; showing in all his actions the most perfect skill in military affairs, joined with the greatest valour. In the mean time, however, all Greece was in commotion by a report which had been confidently spread abroad, that the king was dead in Illyria. The Thebans, on this news, seized Amyntas and Timolaus, two eminent officers in the Macedonian garrison which held their citadel, and dragged them to the market-place, where they were put to death without either form or process, or any crime alleged against them. Alexander, however, did not suffer them to remain long in their mistake. He marched with such expedition, that in seven days he reached Pallene in Thessaly; and in six days more he entered Boeotia, before the Thebans had any intelligence of his passing the straits of Thermopylae. Even then they would not believe that the king was alive; but insisted that the Macedonian army was commanded by Antipater, or by one Alexander the son of Æneas. The rest of the Greeks, however, were not so hard of belief; and therefore sent no assistance to the Thebans, who were thus obliged to bear the consequences of their own folly and obstinacy. The city was taken by storm, and the inhabitants were for some hours massacred without distinction of age or sex; after which the houses were demolished, all except that of Pindar the famous poet, which was spared out of respect to the merit of its owner, and because he had celebrated Alexander king of Macedon. The lands, excepting those destined to religious uses, were shared among the soldiers, and all the prisoners sold for slaves; by which 440 talents were brought into the king's treasury.

By this severity the rest of the Grecian states were so thoroughly humbled, that they thought no more of making any resistance, and Alexander had nothing further to hinder him from his favourite project of invading Asia. Very little preparation was necessary for the Macedonian monarch, who went out as to an assured conquest, and reckoned upon being supplied only by the spoils of his enemies. Historians are not agreed as to the number of his army: Arrian says, that there were 30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Diodorus Siculus tells us, that there were 13,000 Macedonian foot, 7000 with which the confederate states, and 5000 mercenaries. These he invaded were under the command of Parmenio. Of the Odrians, Triballians, and Illyrians, there were 5000; and of the Agrians, who were armed only with darts, 1000. As for the horse, he tells us there were 1800 commanded by Philotas, and as many Thessalians under the command of Callas: out of the confederate states of Greece, were 600 commanded by Eurygius; and 900 Thracians and Pæonians, who led the van under Caffander. Plutarch tells us, that, according to a low computation, he had 30,000 foot and 5000 horse; and, according to the largest reckoning, he had 34,000 foot and 4000 horse. As to his fund for the payment of the army, Aristobulus says it was but 70 talents; and Oneifcritus, who was also in this expedition, not only takes away the 70 talents, but affirms that the king was 200 in debt. As for provisions, there was just sufficient for a month and no more; and to prevent disturbances, Antipater was left in Macedon with 12,000 foot and 1500 horse.

The army having assembled at Amphipolis, he set out on the 7th of the month of Hecatombaeus, and marched from thence to the mouths of the river Strymon; then crossing Mount Pangaeus, he took the road to Abdera. Crossing the river Ebrus, he proceeded through the country of Paëtis, and in 20 days reached Seffos; thence he came to Eleus, where he sacrificed on the tomb of Protephilus, because he was the first among the Greeks who at the siege of Troy set foot on the Asiatic shore. He did this, that his landing might be more propitious than that of the hero to whom he sacrificed, who was slain soon after. The greatest part of the army, under the command of Parmenio, embarked at Seffos, on board a fleet of 160 galleys of three benches of oars, besides small craft. Alexander himself sailed from Eleus; and when he was in the middle of the Hellespont, offered a bull to Neptune and the Nereids, pouring forth at the same time a libation from a golden cup. When he drew near the shore, he launched a javelin, which stuck in the earth: then, in complete armour, he leaped upon the strand; and having erected altars to Jupiter, Minerva, and Hercules, he proceeded to Ilium. Here again he sacrificed to Minerva; and taking down some arms which had hung in the temple of that goddess since the time of the Trojan war, consecrated his own in their stead. He sacrificed also to the ghost of Priam, to avert his wrath on account of the desert which he himself claimed from Achilles.

In the mean time the Persians had assembled a great army in Phrygia; among whom was one Memnon a Rhodian, the best officer in the service of Darius. Alexander, Alexander, as soon as he had performed all the ceremonies which he judged necessary, marched directly towards the enemy. Memnon gave it as his opinion, that they should burn and destroy all the country round, that they might deprive the Greeks of the means of subsisting, and then transport a part of their army into Macedon. But the Persians, depending on their cavalry, rejected this fatal advice; and posted themselves along the river Granicus, in order to wait the arrival of Alexander. In the engagement which happened on the banks of that river, the Persians were defeated*, and Alexander became master of all the neighbouring country; which he immediately began to take care of, as if it had been part of his hereditary dominions. The city of Sardis was immediately delivered up; and here Alexander built a temple to Jupiter Olympus. After this, he restored the Ephesians to their liberty; ordered the tribute which they formerly paid to the Persians to be applied towards the rebuilding the magnificent temple of Diana: and having settled the affairs of the city, marched against Miletus. This place was defended by Memnon with a considerable body of troops who had fled thither after the battle of Granicus, and therefore made a vigorous resistance. The fortune of Alexander, however, prevailed; and the city was soon reduced, though Memnon with part of the troops escaped to Halicarnassus. After this, the king dismissed his fleet, for which various reasons have been assigned; though it is probable, that the chief one was to show his army that their only resource now was in subverting the Persian empire.

Almost all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus submitted as soon as they heard that the former was taken; but Halicarnassus, where Memnon commanded with a very numerous garrison, made an obstinate defence. Nothing, however, was able to resist the Macedonian army. Memnon was at last obliged to abandon the place; upon which Alexander took and razed the city of Tralles in Phrygia; received the submission of several princes tributary to the Persians; and having destroyed the Marmarians, a people of Lycia who had fallen upon the rear of his army, put an end to the campaign; after which he sent home all the new married men; in obedience, it would seem, to a precept of the Mosaic law, and which endeared him more to his soldiers than any other action of his life.

As soon as the season would permit, Alexander quitted the province of Phaëtus; and having sent part of his army through the mountainous country to Perga, by a short but difficult road, took his route by a certain promontory, where the way is altogether impassable, except when the north winds blow. At the time of the king's march the south wind had held for a long time; but of a sudden it changed, and blew from the north so violently, that, as he and his followers declared, they obtained a safe and easy passage through the Divine assistance. By many this march is held to be miraculous, and compared to that of the children of Israel through the Red sea; while, on the other hand, it is the opinion of others, that there was nothing at all extraordinary in it. He continued his march towards Gordium, a city of Phrygia; the enemy having abandoned the strong pass of Telmissus, through which it was necessary for him to march. When he arrived at Gordium, and found himself under a necessity of staying some time there till the several corps of his army could be united, he expressed a strong desire of seeing Gordius's chariot, and the famous knot in the harness, of which such strange stories had been published to the world. The cord in which this knot was tied, was made of the inner rind of the cornel tree; and no eye could perceive where it had begun or ended. Alexander, when he could find no possible way of untying, and yet was unwilling to leave it tied lest it should cause some fears in the breaths of his soldiers, is said by some authors to have cut the cords with his sword, saying, "It matters not how it is undone." But Arriabulus assures us, that the king wrested a wooden pin out of the beam of the waggon, which, being driven in across the beam, held it up; and so took the yoke from under it. Be this as it will, however, Arrian informs us, that a great tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain, happening the succeeding night, it was held declarative of the true solution of this knot, and that Alexander should become lord of Asia.

The king having left Gordium, marched towards Cilicia; where he was attended with his usual good fortune, the Persians abandoning all the strong passes as he advanced. As soon as he entered the province, he received advice that Artales, whom Darius had made governor of Tarbus, was about to abandon it, and that the inhabitants were very apprehensive that he intended to plunder them before he withdrew. To prevent this, the king marched incessantly, and arrived just in time to save the city. But his saving it had His sickness well nigh cost him his life: for, either through the excessive fatigue of marching, as some say, or, according to others, by his plunging when very hot into the river Cydnus, which, as it runs through thick shades, has its waters excessively cold, he fell into such a distemper as threatened his immediate dissolution. His army lost their spirits immediately; the generals knew not what to do; and his physicians were so much affrighted, that the terror of his death hindered them from using the necessary methods for preserving his life. Philip the Acaeanian alone preserved temper enough to examine the nature of the king's disease; the worst symptom of which was a continual waking, and which he took off by means of a potion, and in a short time the king recovered his usual health.

Soon after Alexander's recovery, he received the agreeable news that Ptolemy and Alexander had defeated the Persian generals, and made great conquests on the Hellespont; a little after that, he met the Persian army at Issus, commanded by Darius himself. A bloody engagement ensued, in which the Persians were defeated with great slaughter, as related under the article Issus. The consequences of this victory were very advantageous to the Macedonians. Many governors of provinces and petty princes submitted themselves to the conqueror; and such as did so were treated, not as a newly conquered people, but as his old hereditary subjects; being neither burdened with soldiers nor opprest with tribute. Among the number of those places which, within a short space after the battle of Issus, sent deputies to submit to the conqueror, was the city of Tyre. The king, whose name was Azel- mics, was absent in the Persian fleet; but his son was among the deputies, and was very favourably received by Alexander. The king probably intended to confer particular honours on the city of Tyre; for he acquainted the inhabitants that he would come and sacrifice to the Tyrian Hercules, the patron of their city, to whom they had erected a most magnificent temple. But these people, like most other trading nations, were too suspicious to think of admitting such an enterprising prince with his troops within their walls. They sent therefore their deputies again to him, to inform him, that they were ready to do whatever he should command them; but, as to his coming and sacrificing in their city, they could not consent to that, but were positively determined not to admit a single Macedonian within their gates. Alexander immediately dismissed their deputies in great displeasure. He then assembled a council of war, wherein he insisted strongly on the disaffected state of Greece (for most of the Grecian states had sent ambassadors to Darius, to enter into a league with him against the Macedonians), the power of the Persians by sea, and the folly of carrying on the war in distant provinces, while Tyre was left unreduced behind them: he also remarked, that if once this city was subdued, the sovereignty of the sea would be transferred to them, because it would fix their possession of the coasts; and as the Persian fleet was composed chiefly of tributary squadrons, those tributaries would fight the battles, not of their late, but of their present masters. For these reasons the siege of Tyre was resolved on. The town was not taken, however, without great difficulty; which provoked Alexander to such a degree, that he treated the inhabitants with the greatest cruelty. See Tyre.

After the reduction of Tyre, Alexander, though the season was already far advanced, resolved to make an expedition into Syria; and in his way thither proposed to chastise the Jews, who had highly offended him during the siege of Tyre: for when he sent to them to demand provisions for his soldiers, they answered, That they were the subjects of Darius, and bound by oath not to supply his enemies. The king, however, was pacified by their submission; and not only pardoned them, but conferred many privileges upon them, as related under the article Jews.

From Jerusalem Alexander marched directly to Gaza, the only place in that part of the world which still held out for Darius. This was a very large and strong city, situated on a high hill, about five miles from the sea-shore. One Batis or Betis, an eunuch, had the government of the place; and had made every preparation necessary for sustaining a long and obstinate siege. The governor defended the place with great valour, and several times repelled his enemies; but at last it was taken by storm, and all the garrison slain to a man; and this secured to Alexander an entrance into Egypt, which having before been very impatient of the Persian yoke, admitted the Macedonians peaceably.

Here the king laid the foundations of the city of Alexandria, which for many years after continued to be the capital of the country. While he remained here, he also formed the extraordinary design of visiting the temple of Jupiter Ammon. As to the motives by which he was induced to take this extraordinary journey, authors are not agreed; but certain it is, that he hazarded himself and his troops in the highest degree; there being two dangers in this march, which, with the example of Cambyses, who lost the greatest part of his army in it, might have terrified anybody but Alexander. The first was the want of water, which, in the sandy deserts surrounding the temple, is nowhere to be found; the other, the uncertainty of the road from the fluctuation of the sands; which changing their situation every moment, leave the traveller neither a road to walk in nor mark to march by. These difficulties, however, Alexander got over; though not without a miraculous interposition, as is pretended by all his historians.

Alexander having consulted the oracle, and received a favourable answer, returned to pursue his conquests. Having settled the government of Egypt, he appointed the general rendezvous of his forces at Tyre. Here he met with ambassadors from Athens, requesting him to pardon such of their countrymen as he found serving the enemy. The king, being desirous to oblige such a famous state, granted their request; and sent also a fleet to the coast of Greece, to prevent the effects of some commotions which had lately happened in Peloponnesus. He then directed his march to Thapsacus; and having passed the Euphrates and Tigris, met with Darius near Arbela, where the Persians were again overthrown with prodigious slaughter, and Alexander in effect became the smaller of the Persian empire.

After this important victory, Alexander marched directly to Babylon, which was immediately delivered up; the inhabitants being greatly disaffected to the Persian interest. After 30 days stay in this country, the king marched to Sufa, which had already surrendered to Philoxenus; and here he received the treasures of the Persian monarch, amounting, according to the most generally received account, to 50,000 talents. Having received also at this time a supply of 6000 foot and 500 horse from Macedon, he set about reducing the nations of Media, among whom Darius was retired. He first reduced the Uxians, and having forced a passage to Persepolis the capital of the empire, he like a barbarian destroyed the stately palace there, a pile of building not to be equalled in any part of the world; after having given up the city to be plundered by his soldiers. In the palace he found 120,000 talents, which he appropriated to his own use, and caused immediately to be carried away upon mules and camels; for he had such an extreme aversion to the inhabitants of Persepolis, that he determined to leave nothing valuable in the city.

During the time that Alexander remained at Persepolis, he received intelligence that Darius remained at Ecbatana the capital of Media; upon which he purposed him with the greatest expedition, marching at the rate of near 40 miles a-day. In 15 days he reached Ecbatana, where he was informed that Darius had retired from thence five days before, with an intent to pass into the remotest provinces of his empire. This put some stop to the rapid progress of the Macedonian army; and the king, perceiving that there was no necessity for hurrying himself and his soldiers in such a manner, began to give the orders requisite in the present situation of his affairs. The Thebalian horse, who had deserved exceedingly well of him in all his battles, he dismissed according to his agreement; gave them their whole pay, and ordered 2000 talents over and above to be distributed among them. He then declared that he would force no man; but if any were willing to serve him longer for pay, he desired they would enter their names in a book, which a great many of them did; the rest fold their horses, and prepared for their departure. The king appointed Epocilus to conduct them to the sea, and assigned him a body of horse as an escort: he likewise sent Menetes with them, to take care of their embarkation, and that they were safely landed in Euboea without any expense to themselves.

On receiving fresh information concerning the state of Darius's affairs, the king set out again in pursuit of him, advancing as far as Phages, a city one day's journey from the Caspian straits: there he understood that Darius had passed those straits some time before; which information leaving him again without hopes, he halted for five days. Oxidates, a Persian whom Darius had left prisoner at Sufa, was made governor of Media, while the king departed on an expedition into Parthia. The Caspian straits he passed immediately without opposition; and then gave directions to his officers to collect a quantity of provisions sufficient to serve his army on a long march through a wasted country. But before his officers could accomplish those commands, the king received intelligence that Darius had been murdered by Bessus, one of his own subjects, and governor of Bactria, as is related at length under the article PERSIA.

As soon as Alexander had collected his forces together, and settled the government of Parthia, he entered Hyrcania; and having, according to his usual custom, committed the greatest part of his army to the care of Craterus, he, at the head of a choice body of troops, passed through certain craggy roads, and before the arrival of Craterus, who took an open and easy path, struck the whole provinces with such terror, that all the principal places were immediately put into his hands, and soon after the province of Aria also submitted, and the king continued Satibarzanes the governor in his employment.—The reduction of this province finished the conquest of Persia; but the ambition of Alexander to become master of every nation of which he had the least intelligence, induced him to enter the country of the Mardi, merely because its rocks and barrennesses had hitherto hindered any body from conquering, or indeed from attempting to conquer it. This conquest, however, he easily accomplished, and obliged the whole nation to submit to his pleasure. But in the mean time disturbances began to arise in Alexander's new empire, and among his troops, which all his activity could not thoroughly suppress. He had scarcely left the province of Aria, when he received intelligence, that the traitor Bessus had caused himself to be proclaimed king of Asia by the name of Artaxerxes; and that Satibarzanes had joined him, after having massacred all the Macedonians who had been left in the province. Alexander appointed one Aryandes governor in the room of Satibarzanes; and marched thence with his army against the Zaranga, who, under the command of Barzaentes, one of those who had conspired against Darius, had taken up arms, and threatened to make an obstinate defence. Macedon. But their numbers daily falling off, Barzaentes being afraid they would purchase their own safety at the expense of his, privately withdrew from his camp, and, crossing the river Indus, sought shelter among the nations beyond it. But they, either dreading the power of Alexander, or detesting the treachery of this Persian towards his former master, seized and delivered him up to Alexander, who caused him immediately to be put to death.

The immense treasure which the Macedonians had acquired in the conquest of Persia began now to corrupt them. The king himself was of a most generous disposition, and liberally bestowed his gifts on those around him; but they made a bad use of his bounty, and foolishly indulged in those vices by which the former possessors of that wealth had lost it. The king did all in his power to discourage the lazy and inactive pride which now began to show itself among his officers; but neither his discourses nor his example had any considerable effect. The manners of his courtiers from bad became worse, in spite of all he could say or do to prevent it; and at last they proceeded to censure his conduct, and to express themselves with some bitterness on the subject of his long continuance of the war, and his leading them constantly from one labour to another. This came to such a height, that the king was at last obliged to use some severity, in order to keep his army within the limits of their duty. From this time forward, however, Alexander himself began to alter his conduct; and by giving a little in conformity to the customs of the Orientals, endeavoured to secure that obedience from his new subjects which he found so difficult to be preserved among his old ones. He likewise endeavoured, by various methods, to blend the customs of the Asiatics and the Greeks. The form of his civil government resembled that of the ancient Persian kings; in the military affairs, however, he preferred the Macedonian discipline; but then he made choice of 30,000 boys out of the provinces, whom he caused to be instructed in the Greek language, and directed to be brought up in such a manner as that from time to time he might with them fill up the phalanx. The Macedonians saw with great concern these extraordinary measures, which suited very ill with their gross understandings; for they thought, after all the victories they had gained, to be absolute lords of Asia, and to possess not only the riches of its inhabitants, but to rule the inhabitants themselves; whereas they now saw, that Alexander meant no such thing; but that, on the contrary, he conferred governments, offices at court, and all other marks of confidence and favour, indiscriminately both on Greeks and Persians.—From this time also the king seems to have given instances of a cruelty he had never shewn before. Philotas his most intimate friend was seized, tortured, and put to death for a conspiracy of which it could never be proved that he was guilty; and soon after Parmenio and some others were executed without any crime at all real or alleged. These things very much disturbed the army. Some of them wrote home to Macedon of the king's suspicions of his friends, and his disposition to hunt out enemies at the very extremities of the world. Alexander having intercepted some of these letters, and procured the best information he could concerning their authors, picked out these dissatisfied people, and having disposed them into a corps, gave it the title of the turbulent battalion; hoping by this means to prevent the spirit of disaffection from pervading the whole army.

As a farther precaution against any future conspiracy, Alexander thought fit to appoint Hephaestion and Clytus generals of the auxiliary horse; being apprehensive, that if this authority was lodged in the hands of a single person, it might prompt him to dangerous undertakings, and at the same time furnish him with the means of carrying them into execution. To keep his forces in action, he suddenly marched into the country of the Euergetae, i.e. Benefactors; and found them full of that kind and hospitable disposition for which that name had been bestowed on their ancestors: he therefore treated them with great respect; and at his departure added some lands to their dominions, which lay contiguous, and which for that reason they had requested of him.

Turning then to the east, he entered Arachosia, the inhabitants of which submitted without giving him any trouble. While he passed the winter in these parts, the king received advice, that the Arians, whom he had so lately subdued, were again up in arms, Satibarzanes being returned into that country with two thousand horse assigned him by Bessus. Alexander instantly despatched Artabazus the Persian, with Erigys and Caranus, two of his commanders, with a considerable body of horse and foot; he likewise ordered Phrataphernes, to whom he had given the government of Parthia, to accompany them. A general engagement ensued, wherein the Arians behaved very well, as long as their commander Satibarzanes lived; but he engaging Erigys, the Macedonian struck him first into the throat, and then, drawing forth his spear again, through the mouth; so that he immediately expired, and with him the courage of his soldiers, who instantly began to fly; whereupon Alexander's commanders made an easy conquest of the rest of the country, and settled it effectually under his obedience.

The king, notwithstanding the inclemency of the season, advanced into the country of Paropamisus, so called from the mountain Paropamisus, which the soldiers of Alexander called Caucus. Having crossed the country in 16 days, he came at length to an opening leading into Media; which finding of a sufficient breadth, he directed a city to be built there, which he called Alexandria, as also several other towns about a day's journey distant from thence: and in these places he left 7000 persons, part of them such as had hitherto followed his camp, and part of the mercenary soldiers, who, weary of continual fatigue, were content to dwell there. Having thus settled things in this province, sacrificed solemnly to the gods, and appointed Proexes the Persian president thereof with a small body of troops under the command of Niloxenus to assist him, he resumed his former design of penetrating into Bactria.

Bessus, who had assumed the title of Artaxerxes, when he was assured that Alexander was marching towards him, immediately began to waste all the country between Paropamisus and the river Oxus; which river he passed with all his forces, and then burnt all the vessels he had made use of for transporting them, retiring to Nautaca, a city of Sogdia; fully persuaded, that, by the precautions he had taken, Alexander would be compelled to give over his pursuit. This conduct of his, however, disheartened his troops, and gave the lie to all his pretensions; for he had affected to censure Darius's conduct, and had charged him with cowardice, in not defending the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, whereas he now quitted the banks of the most defensible river perhaps in the whole world. As to his hopes, though it cannot be said they were ill founded, yet they proved absolutely vain; for Alexander, continuing his march, notwithstanding all the hardships his soldiers sustained, reduced all Bactria under his obedience, particularly the capital Bactria and the strong castle Aornus: in the latter he placed a garrison under the command of Archelaus; but the government of the province he committed to Artabazus. He then continued his march to the river Oxus: on the banks of which, when he arrived, he found it three quarters of a mile over, its depth more than proportionable to its breadth, its bottom sandy, its stream so rapid as to render it almost unnavigable, and neither boat nor tree in its neighbourhood; so that the ablest commanders in the Macedonian army were of opinion that they should be obliged to march back. The king, however, having first sent away, under a proper escort, all his infirm and worn-out soldiers, that they might be conducted safe to the sea-ports, and from thence to Greece, devised a method of passing this river without either boat or bridge, by causing the hides which covered the soldiers' tents and carriages to be stuffed with straw, and then tied together, and thrown into the river. Having crossed the Oxus, he marched directly towards the camp of Bessus, where, when he arrived, he found it abandoned; but received at the same time letters from Spitamenes and Dataphernes, who were the chief commanders under Bessus, signifying, that, if he would send a small party to receive Bessus, they would deliver him into his hands; which they did accordingly, and the traitor was put to death in the manner related in the history of Persia.

A supply of horses being now arrived, the Macedonian cavalry were remounted. Alexander continued his march to Maracanda the capital of Sogdia, from whence he advanced to the river Iaxartes. Here he performed great exploits against the Scythians; from whom, however, though he overcame them, his army suffered much; and the revolted Sogdians being headed by Spitamenes, gave him a great deal of trouble. Here Alexander he married Roxana the daughter of Oxyartes, a prince of the country whom he had subdued. But during these expeditions, the king greatly disguised his army by the murder of his friend Clytus in a drunken quarrel at a banquet, and by his extravagant vanity in claiming divine honours.

At last he arrived at the river Indus, where Hephaestion and Perdiccas had already provided a bridge of boats for the passage of the army. The king refreshed his troops for 30 days in the countries on the other side of the river, which were those of his friend and ally Taxiles, who gave him 30 elephants, and joined his army now with 700 Indian horse, to which, when they were to enter upon action, he afterwards added 5000 foot, foot. The true reason of this seems to have been his enmity to Porus, a famous Indian prince whose territories lay on the other side of the river Hydaspes. During this recess, the king sacrificed with great solemnity; receiving also ambassadors from Ambisurus, a very potent prince, and from Doxareas, who was likewise a king in those parts, with tenders of their duty, and considerable presents. These ceremonies over, Alexander appointed Philip governor of Taxila, and put a Macedonian garrison into the place, because he intended to erect an hospital there for the cure of his sick and wounded soldiers. He then ordered the vessels, of which his bridge had been composed when he passed the Indus, to be taken to pieces, that they might be brought to the Hydaspes, where he was informed that Porus with a great army lay encamped to hinder his passage. When he approached the banks of this river with his army and the auxiliaries under the command of Taxiles, he found that the people he had to do with were not so easily to be subdued as the Persians and other Asiatics. The Indians were not only a very tall and robust, but also a very hardy and well disciplined people; and their king Porus was a prince of high spirit, invincible courage, and great conduct.

It was about the summer solstice when Alexander reached the Hydaspes, and consequently its waters were broader, deeper, and more rapid, than at any other time; for in India the rivers swell as the sun's increasing heat melts the snow, and subside again as winter approaches. Alexander therefore had every difficulty to struggle with. Porus had made his dispositions so judiciously, that Alexander found it impossible to practise upon him as he had done upon others, and to pass the river in this view: wherefore he was constrained to divide his army into small parties, and to practise other arts, in order to get the better of so vigilant a prince. To this end he caused a great quantity of corn and other provisions to be brought into his camp; giving out, that he intended to remain where he was till the river fell, and by becoming fordable should give him an opportunity of forcing a passage: this did not, however, hinder Porus from keeping up very strict discipline in his camp; which when Alexander perceived, he frequently made such motions as seemed to indicate a change of his resolution, and that he had full thoughts of passing the river. The main thing the Macedonians stood in fear of were the elephants; for the bank being pretty steep on the other side, and it being the nature of horses to start at the first appearance of those animals, it was foreseen that the army would be disordered, and incapable of sustaining the charge of Porus's troops.

At length Alexander passed the river by the following contrivance. There was, at the distance of 150 fathoms from his camp, a rocky promontory projecting into the river, thick covered with wood; and over-against this promontory there lay a pretty large uninhabited island almost overgrown with trees. The king therefore conceived within himself a project of conveying a body of troops from this promontory into that island; and upon this scheme he built his hopes of surprising Porus, vigilant as he was. To this end he kept him and his army constantly alarmed for many nights together, till he perceived that Porus apprehended it was only done to harass his troops, and therefore no longer drew out of his camp, but trusted to his ordinary guards: then Alexander resolved to put his design in execution. A considerable body of horse, the Macedonian phalanx, with some corps of light-armed foot, he left in his camp under the command of Craterus, as also the auxiliary Indians, giving these orders, to be observed in his absence, that if Porus marched against him with part of his army, and left another part with the elephants behind in his camp, Craterus and his forces should remain where they were; but if it so happened that Porus withdrew his elephants, then Craterus was to pass the river, because his cavalry might then do it safely. Alexander having marched half the way, or about nine of our miles, ordered the mercenary troops under the command of Attalus and other generals, to remain there; and directed them, that as soon as they knew he was engaged with the Indians on the other side, they should pass in vessels provided for that purpose, in order to assist him. Then marching a long way about, that the enemy might not perceive his design of reaching the rock, he advanced as diligently as he could towards that point. It happened very fortunately for him, that a great storm of thunder, lightning, and hail, rose in the night, whereby his march was perfectly concealed, his vessels of 30 oars put together, and his tents stuffed and stitched, so that they passed from the rock into the island, without being perceived, a little before break of day; the storm ceasing just as he and his soldiers were ready for their passage. When they had traversed the island, they boldly set forward to gain the opposite shore in sight of Porus's outguards, who instantly posted away to give their master an account of the attempt. Alexander landed first himself, and was followed as expeditiously as possible by his forces, whom he took care to draw up as fast as they arrived. When they began their march again, they found that their good fortune was not so great as at first they esteemed it; for it appeared now, that they had not reached the continent at all, but were in truth in another island much larger than the former. They crossed it as fast as they could, and found that it was divided from the terra firma by a narrow channel, which, however, was so swelled by the late heavy rain, that the poor soldiers were obliged to wade up to the breast. When they were on the other side, the king drew them up again carefully, ordering the foot to march slowly, they being in number about 6000, while himself with 5000 horse advanced before. As soon as Porus received intelligence that Alexander was actually passing the river, he sent his son with 2000 horse and 120 armed chariots, to oppose him. But they came too late: Alexander was already got on shore, and even on his march.

When the Macedonian scouts perceived them advance, they informed the king, who sent a detachment of horse to attack them, remaining still at the head of his chariots and valy in expectation of Porus. But when he found that this party was unsupported, he instantly attacked with all his horse, and defeated them with the slaughter of many, and the loss of all their armed chariots, the son of Porus being slain in the fight. The remainder of the horse returning to the camp with this disastrous account, Porus was in some confusion: however, he took very quickly the best and wisest resolutions his circumstances would allow: which were, MAC

Macedon. to leave a party of his army, with some of his elephants, to oppose Craterus, who was now about to pass the river also; and, with the rest, to march against Alexander and his forces, who were already palled. This resolution once taken, he marched immediately out of his camp at the head of 4000 horse, 30,000 foot, 300 chariots, and 200 elephants. He advanced as expeditiously as he could, till he came into a plain which was firm and sandy, where his chariots and elephants might act to advantage: there he halted, that he might put his army in order, knowing well that he need not go in quest of his enemy. Alexander soon came up with his horse, but he did not charge Porus; on the contrary, he halted, and put his troops in order, that they might be able to defend themselves in case they were attacked. When he had waited some time, his foot arrived; whom he immediately surrounded with his horse, that, after so fatiguing a march, they might have time to cool and breathe themselves, before they were led to engage. Porus permitted all this, because it was not his interest to fight, and because he depended chiefly upon his order of battle, the elephants covering his foot, so that the Macedonians could not charge them.

When Alexander had disposed his foot in proper order, he placed his horse on the wings: and, observing that he was much superior in them to the enemy, and that the cavalry of Porus were easy to be charged, he resolved to let the foot have as little share as possible in the battle. To this end, having given the necessary directions to Cenius who commanded them, he went himself to the right, and with great fury fell upon the left wing of Porus. The dispute, though short, was very bloody: the cavalry of Porus, though they fought gallantly, were quickly broken; and the foot being by this means uncovered, the Macedonians charged them. But the Indian horse rallying, came up to their relief, yet were again defeated. By this time the archers had wounded many of the elephants, and killed most of their riders, so that they did not prove less troublesome and dangerous to their own side than to the Macedonians; whence a great confusion ensued: and Cenius, taking this opportunity, fell on with the troops under his command, and entirely defeated the Indian army. Porus himself behaved with the greatest intrepidity, and with the most excellent conduct: he gave his orders and directed every thing, as long as his troops retained their form; and when they were broken, he retired from party to party as they made islands, and continued fighting till every corps of Indians was put to the rout. In the mean time Craterus had passed with the rest of the Macedonian army, and these, falling upon the flying Indians, increased the slaughter of the day excessively, insomuch that 20,000 foot and 3000 horse were killed, all the chariots were hacked to pieces, and the elephants not killed were taken; two of Porus's sons fell here, as also most of his officers of all ranks.

As for Perus, Alexander gave strict directions that no injury might be done to his person: he even sent Taxiles to persuade him to surrender himself, and to assure him that he should be treated with all the kindness and respect imaginable; but Porus, disdaining this advice from the mouth of an old enemy, threw a javelin at him, and had killed him but for the quick turn of his horse. Meroe the Indian, who was also in the service of Alexander, succeeded better: he had been the old acquaintance of Porus; and therefore when he entreated that prince to spare his person, and to submit himself to fortune and a generous victor, Porus followed his advice; and we may truly say, that the condition of this Indian king suffered nothing by the loss of the battle. Alexander immediately gave him his liberty, restored him shortly after to his kingdom, to which he annexed provinces almost equal to it in value. Neither was Alexander a loser by his munificence; for Porus remained his true friend and constant ally.

To perpetuate the memory of this victory, Alexander ordered two cities to be erected; one on the field of battle, which he named Nicæa; the other on this side the river, which he called Bucephala, in honour of his horse Bucephalus, who died here, as Arrian says, of mere old age, being on the verge of 30. All the soldiers who fell in the battle, he buried with great honours; offered solemn sacrifices to the gods, and exhibited pompous shows on the banks of the Hydajpes, where he had forced his passage. He then entered the territories of the Glaude, in which were 37 good cities, and a multitude of populous villages. All these were delivered up to him without fighting; and as soon as he received them, he presented them to Porus; and having reconciled him to Taxiles, he lent the latter home to his own dominions. About this time ambassadors arrived from some Indian princes with their submissions: and Alexander having conquered the dominions of another Porus, which lay on the Hydraotes, a branch of the Indus, added them to those of Porus his ally.

In the middle of all this success, however, news arrived, that the Cathi, the Oxydraces, and the Malli, the most warlike nations of India, were confederated against the Macedonians, and had drawn together a great army. The king immediately marched to give them battle; and in a few days reached a city called Sangala, seated on the top of a hill, and having a fine lake behind it. Before this city the confederate Sangala Indians lay encamped, having three circular lines of taken carriages locked together, and their tents pitched in the centre. Notwithstanding the apparent difficulty of forcing these intrenchments, Alexander resolved immediately to attack them. The Indians made a noble defence; but at last the first line of their carriages was broken, and the Macedonians entered. The second was stronger by far; yet Alexander attacked that too, and after a desperate resistance forced it. The Indians, without trusting to the third, retired into the city; which Alexander would have invested: but the foot he had with him not being sufficient for that purpose, he caused his works to be carried on both sides as far as the lake; and, on the other side of that, ordered several brigades of horse to take post; ordering also battering engines to be brought up, and in some places employing miners. The second night, he received intelligence that the besieged, knowing the lake to be fordable, intended to make their escape through it. Upon this the king ordered all the carriages which had been taken in forcing their camp to be placed up and down the roads, in hopes of hindering their flight; giving directions to Ptolemy, who commanded commanded the horse on the other side of the lake, to be extremely vigilant, and to cause all his trumpets to sound, that the forces might repair to that part where the Indians made their greatest effort. These precautions had all the effect that could be desired: for of the few Indians who got through the lake, and passed the Macedonian horse, the greater part were killed on the roads; but the greatest part of their army was constrained to retire again through the water into the city. Two days after, the place was taken by storm. Seventeen thousand Indians were killed; 70,000 taken prisoners; with 300 chariots, and 500 horse. The Macedonians are said to have lost only 100 men in this siege; but they had 1200 wounded, and among these several persons of great distinction.

The city was no sooner taken, than Alexander despatched Eumenes his secretary, with a party of horse, to acquaint the inhabitants of the cities adjacent with what had befallen the Sangalans; promising also, that they should be kindly treated if they would submit. But they were so much affrighted at what had happened to their neighbours, that, abandoning all their cities, they fled into the mountains; choosing rather to expose themselves to wild beasts, than to these invaders, who had treated their countrymen so cruelly. When the king was informed of this, he sent detachments of horse and foot to scour the roads; and these, finding, aged, infirm, and wounded people, to the number of about 500, put them to the sword without mercy. Perceiving that it was impossible to persuade the inhabitants to return, he caused the city of Sangala to be razed, and gave the territories to the few Indians who had submitted to him.

Alexander, still unslaked with conquest, now prepared to pass the Hyphasis. The chief reason which induced him to think of this expedition was, the information he had received of the state of the countries beyond that river. He was told that they were in themselves rich and fruitful; that their inhabitants were not only a very martial people, but very civilized; that they were governed by the nobility, who were themselves subject to the laws; and that as they lived in happiness and freedom, it was likely they would fight obstinately in defence of those blessings. He was farther told, that among these nations there were the largest, strongest, and most useful elephants bred and tamed; and was therefore fired with an earnest desire to reduce such a bold and brave people under his rule, and of attaining to the possession of the many valuable things that were said to be amongst them. As exorbitant, however, as his personal ambition was, he found it impossible to infuse any part of it into the minds of his soldiers; who were so far from wishing to triumph over new and remote countries, that they were highly desirous of leaving those that they had already conquered. When therefore they were informed of the king's intentions, they privately consulted together in the camp about the situation of their own affairs. At this consultation, the gravest and best of the soldiers lamented that they were made use of by their king, not as lions, who fall fiercely upon those who have injured them; but as mastiffs, who fly upon and tear those who are pointed out to them as enemies. The rest were not so modest; but expressed themselves roundly against the king's humour for leading them from battle to battle, from siege to siege, and from river to river; protesting that they would follow him no further, nor lavish away their lives any longer, to purchase fame for him.

Alexander was a man of too much penetration not to be early in perceiving that his troops were very uneasy. He therefore harangued them from his tribunal; but though his eloquence was great, and the love his army had for him was yet very strong, they did not relent. For some time the soldiers remained fullen and silent; and at last turned their eyes on Coenus, an old and experienced general, whom Alexander loved, and in whom the army put great confidence.—He had the generosity to undertake their cause; and told Alexander frankly, "That men endured toil in hopes of repose; that the Macedonians were already much reduced in their numbers; that of those who remained, the greater part were invalids; and that they expected, in consideration of their former services, that he would now lead them back to their native country: an act which, of all others, would most contribute to his own great designs; since it would encourage the youth of Macedon, and even of all Greece, to follow him in whatever new expedition he pleased to undertake." The king was far from being pleased with this speech of Coenus, and much less with the disposition of his army, which continued in a deep silence. He therefore dismissed the assembly; but next day he called another, wherein he told the soldiers plainly, that he would not be driven from his purpose; that he would proceed in his conquests with such as should follow him voluntarily; as for the rest, he would not detain them, but would leave them at liberty to go home to Macedon, where they might publish, "that they had left their king in the midst of his enemies." Even this expedient had no success; his army was so thoroughly tired with long marches and desperate battles, that they were determined to go no further, either for fair speeches or foul. Upon this Alexander retired to his tent, where he refused to see his friends, and put on the same gloomy temper that reigned among his troops. For three days things remained in this situation. At last the king suddenly appeared; and, as if he had been fully determined to pursue his first design, he gave orders for sacrificing for the good success of his new undertaking. Aristotle the augur reported, that the omens were altogether inauspicious; upon which the king laid, that since his proceeding farther was neither pleasing to the gods, nor grateful to his army, he would return. When this was rumoured among the army, they assembled in great numbers about the royal tent, saluting the king with loud acclamations, wishing him success in all his future designs; giving him at the same time hearty thanks, for that "he who was invincible had suffered himself to be overcome by their prayers."

A stop being thus put to the conquests of Alexander, he determined to make the Hyphasis the boundary of his dominions; and having erected twelve altars of an extraordinary magnitude, he sacrificed on them: after which he exhibited shows in the Grecian manner; and, having added all the conquered country in these parts to the dominions of Porus, he Macedon began to return. Having arrived at the Hydaspes, he made the necessary preparations for sailing down the Indus into the ocean. For this purpose, he ordered vast quantities of timber to be felled in the neighbourhood of the Hydaspes, through which he was to sail into the Indus; he caused the vessels with which he had passed other rivers to be brought thither, and assembled a vast number of artificers capable of repairing and equipping his fleet; which, when finished, consisted of 80 vessels of three banks of oars, and 2000 lesser ships and transports. Those who were to manage this fleet were collected out from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and Egyptians following his army, and who were reckoned perfectly well skilled in the naval art. When all things were ready, the army embarked about break of day; the king, in the mean time, sacrificing to the gods according to the ceremonies used in his own country, and likewise according to those of the country where he now was. Then he himself went on board; and causing the signal to be given by sound of trumpet, the fleet set sail. Craterus and Hephaestion had marched some days before with another division of the army; and in three days the fleet reached that part of the river which was opposite to their camps. Here he had information, that the Oxydraces and Malli were raising forces to oppose him; upon which he immediately determined to reduce them; for, during this voyage, he made it a rule to compel the inhabitants on both sides of the river to yield him obedience. But before he arrived on the coasts of the people above mentioned, he himself sustained no small danger; for, coming to the confluence of the Acesines with the Hydaspes, from whence both rivers roll together into the Indus, the eddies, whirlpools, and rapid currents, rushing with tremendous noise from the respective channels of those rivers into the great one formed by them both, at once terrified those who navigated his vessels, and actually destroyed many of the long vessels, with all who were aboard of them; the king himself being in some danger, and Nearchus the admiral not a little at a loss. As soon as this danger was over, Alexander went on shore; and having ordered his elephants with some troops of horse and archers to be carried across, and put under the command of Craterus, he then divided his army on the left hand bank into three bodies; the first commanded by himself, the second by Hephaestion, and the third by Ptolemy. Hephaestion had orders to move silently through the heart of the country, five days march before the king; that if, on Alexander's approach, any of the barbarians should attempt to shelter themselves by retiring into the country, they might fall into the hands of Hephaestion. Ptolemy Lagus was ordered to march three days journey behind the king, that if any escaped his army, they might fall into Ptolemy's hands; and the fleet had orders to stop at the confluence of this river with the Hydrotas till such time as these several corps should arrive.

Alexander himself, at the head of a body of horse and light armed foot, marched through a desert country against the Malli; and, scarce affording any rest to his soldiers, arrived in three days at a city into which the barbarians had put their wives and children, with a good garrison for their defence. The country people, having no notion that Alexander would march through such a desert and barren region, were all unarmed, and in the utmost confusion. Many of them therefore were slain in the field; the rest fled into the city, and shut the gates. But this only protracted their fate for a short time; for the king, having ordered the city to be invested by his cavalry, took it, as well as the castle, by storm, and put all he found there to the sword. He sent at the same time Perdiccas with a considerable detachment, to invest another city of the Malli at a considerable distance; but when he came there he found it abandoned. However, he pursued the inhabitants, who had but lately left it, and killed great numbers of them on the road. After this the king took several other cities, but not without considerable resistance; for the Indians sometimes chose to burn themselves in their houses rather than surrender. At last he marched to their capital city; and finding that abandoned, he proceeded to the river Hydrotas, where he found 50,000 men encamped on the opposite bank, in order to dispute his passage. He did not hesitate, however, to enter the river with a considerable party of horse: and so much were the Indians terrified at his presence, that their whole army retired before him. In a short time they returned and attacked him, being ashamed to fly before such an inconsiderable number; but in the mean time the rest of the Macedonian forces came up, and the Indians were obliged to retire to a city which lay behind them, and which Alexander invested that very night. The next day he stormed the city with such violence, that the inhabitants were compelled to abandon it, and to retire to the castle, where they prepared for an obstinate defence. The king instantly gave orders for scaling the walls, and the soldiers prepared to execute these orders as fast as they could; but the king being impatient caught hold of a ladder and mounted it first himself, being followed by Leonatus, Peucestas, and Abreas, the latter a man of great valour, and who on that account had double pay allowed him. The king having gained the top of the battlements, cleared them quickly of the defenders, killing some of them with his sword, and puh—His depe—ing others over the walls; but after this was done, he rate values was in more danger than ever; for the Indians galled and danger—him with their arrows from the adjacent towers, though they durst not come near enough to engage him. His own battalion of targeteers mounting in haste to second him, broke the ladders; which, as soon as Alexander perceived, he threw himself down into the castle, as did also Peucestas, Leonatus, and Abreas. As soon as the king was on the ground, the Indian general rushed forward to attack him; but Alexander instantly dispatched him, as well as several others who followed him. Upon this the rest retired, and contented themselves with throwing darts and stones at him at a distance. Abreas was struck into the head with an arrow, and died on the spot; and, shortly after, another pierced through the king's breastplate into his body. As long as he had spirits, he defended himself valiantly; but, through a vast effusion of blood, loosing his senses, he fell upon his shield. Peucestas then covered him with the sacred shield of Pallas on one side, as did Leonatus with his own shield on the other, though they themselves were dreadfully dreadfully wounded. In the mean time, however, the soldiers on the outside, eager to save their king, supplied their want of ladders, by driving large iron pins into the walls. By the help of these many of them ascended, and came to the assistance of Alexander and his companions. The Indians were now slaughtered without mercy; but Alexander continued for some time in a very dangerous way: however, he at last recovered his strength, and showed himself again to his army, which filled them with the greatest joy.

The Malli, being now convinced that nothing but submission could save the remainder of them, sent deputies to Alexander, offering the dominion of their country; as did also the Oxydracei: and the king having settled every thing in these countries agreeable to his mind, proceeded on his voyage down the river Indus. In this voyage he received the submission of some other Indian princes; and perceiving, that at the point of the island Pattala, the river divided itself into two vast branches, he ordered an haven and convenient docks to be made there for his ships; and when he had careened his fleet, he sailed down the right hand branch towards the ocean. In his passage he sustained great difficulties by reason of his want of pilots, and at the mouth of the river very narrowly missed being cast away: yet all this did not hinder him from pursuing his first design, though it does not appear that he had any other motive thereto than the vain desire of boasting that he had entered the ocean beyond the Indus: for, having consecrated certain bulls to Neptune, and thrown them into the sea, performed certain libations of golden cups, and thrown the cups also into the sea, he came back again; having only surveyed two little islands, one at the mouth of the Indus, and one a little farther in the ocean.

On the king's return to Pattala, he resolved to sail down the other branch of the Indus, that he might see whether it was more safe and commodious for his fleet than that which he had already tried; and for this he had very good reasons. He had resolved to send Nearchus with his fleet by sea, through the Persian gulf up the river Tigris, to meet him and his army in Mesopotamia; but as the possibility of this voyage depended on the ceasing of the Etesian winds, there was a necessity of laying up the fleet till the season should prove favourable. Alexander, therefore, failing through this branch of the Indus, fought on the sea coast for bays and creeks, where his fleet might anchor in safety; he caused also pits to be sunk, which might be filled with fresh water for the use of his people; and took all imaginable precautions for preserving them in ease and safety till the season would allow them to continue their voyage. In this he succeeded to his wish; for he found this branch of the river Indus, at its mouth, spread over the plain country, and forming a kind of lake, wherein a fleet might ride with safety. He therefore appointed Leonatus, and a part of his army, to carry on such works as were necessary: causing them to be relieved by fresh troops as often as there was occasion: then having given his last instructions to Nearchus, he departed with the rest of the army, in order to march back to Babylon.

Before the king's departure, many of his friends advised him against the route which he intended to take. They told him, that nothing could be more rash or dangerous than this resolution. They acquainted him, that the country through which he was to travel was a wild uncultivated desert; that Semiramis, when she led her soldiers this way out of India, brought home but 20 of them; and that Cyrus, attempting to do the same, returned with only seven. But all this was so far from deterring Alexander, that it more than ever determined him to pursue no other road. As soon, therefore, as he had put things in order, he marched at the head of a sufficient body of troops to reduce the Oritee, who had never vouchsafed either to make their submission or to court his friendship. Their territories lay on the other side of a river called Arabis, which Alexander crossed so speedily, that they had no intelligence of his march; whereupon most of them quitted their country, and fled into the deserts. Their capital he found so well situated, that he resolved to take it out of their hands, and to cause a new and noble city to be founded there, the care of which he committed to Hephaestion. Then he received the deputies of the Oritee and Gedroa; and having assured them, that if the people returned to their villages, they should be kindly treated, and having appointed Apollonides president of the Oritee, and left a considerable body of troops under Leonatus to secure their obedience, he began his march through Gedroa. In this march his troops suffered incredible hardships. The Hisdan road was very uncertain and troublesome, on account of its lying through deep and loose sands, rising in many places into hillocks, which forced the soldiers to climb through at the same time that it sunk under their feet; there were no towns, villages, nor places of refreshment, to be met with; so that, after excessive marches, they were forced to encamp among these dry lands. As to provisions, they hardly met with any during their whole march. The soldiers were therefore obliged to kill their beasts of carriage; and such as were sent to bring some corn from the sea side, were so grievously distressed, that, though it was sealed with the king's signet, they cut open the bags, choosing rather to die a violent death for disobedience than perish by hunger. When the king, however, was informed of this, he freely pardoned the offenders; he was also forced to accept the excuses that were daily made for the loss of mules, horses, &c. which were in truth eaten by the soldiers, and their carriages broken in pieces to avoid further trouble. As for water, their want of it was a great misfortune; and yet their finding it in plenty was sometimes a greater: for, as by the first they perished with thirst, so by the latter they were burnt, thrown into droppings, and rendered incapable of travel. Frequently they met with no water for the whole day together: sometimes they were disappointed of it at night; in which case, if they were able, they marched on; so that it was common with them to travel 30, 40, 50, or even 60 miles without encamping. Numbers through these hardships were obliged to lag in the rear; and of these many were left behind, and perished; for indeed scarcely any ever joined the army again. Their miseries, however, they sustained with incredible patience, being encouraged by the example of their king; who, on this occasion, suffered greater hardships than the meanest soldier in his army. At last they arrived at the capital of Gedrosia, where they refreshed themselves, and stayed some time: after which they marched into Caramania; which being a very plentiful country, they there made themselves ample amends for the hardships and fatigues they had sustained. Here they were joined first by Craterus with the troops under his command, with a number of elephants: then came Stefanor president of the Arians, and Pharmanes the son of Phrataphernes governor of Parthia. They brought with them camels, horses, and other beasts of burden, in vast numbers; having foreseen, that the king's march through Gedrosia would be attended with the loss of the greatest part, if not of all the cavalry and beasts belonging to his army.

During Alexander's stay in Caramania, he redressed the injuries of his people, who had been grievously oppressed by their governors during his absence. Here also he was joined by his admiral Nearchus, who brought him an account that all under his command were in perfect safety, and in excellent condition; with which the king was mightily pleased, and, after having bestowed on him singular marks of his favour, sent him back to the navy. Alexander next set out for Persia, where great disorders had been committed during his absence. These also he redressed, and caused the governor to be crucified; appointing in his room Peucestas, who saved his life when he fought singly against a whole garrison as above related. The new governor was no sooner invested with his dignity, than he laid aside the Macedonian garb, and put on that of the Medes; being the only one of Alexander's captains, who, by complying with the manners of the people he governed, gained their affection.

While Alexander visited the different parts of Persia, he took a view, among the rest, of the ruins of Persepolis, where he is said to have expressed great sorrow for the destruction he had formerly occasioned. From Persepolis he marched to Susa, where he gave an extraordinary loot to pleasure; resolving to make himself and his followers some amends for the difficulties they had hitherto undergone: purposing at the same time so effectually to unite his new conquered with his hereditary subjects, that the jealousies and fears which had hitherto tormented both, should no longer subsist. With this view he married two wives of the blood royal of Persia; viz. Barsine, or Statira, the daughter of Darius, and Parysatis the daughter of Ochus. Drypetis, another daughter of Darius, he gave to Hephaestion; Amatrine, the daughter of Oxyartes the brother of Darius, married Craterus; and to the rest of his friends, to the number of 80, he gave other women of the greatest quality. All these marriages were celebrated at once, Alexander himself bestowing fortunes upon them; he directed likewise to take account of the number of his officers and soldiers who had married Asiatic wives; and though they appeared to be 10,000, yet he gratified each of them according to his rank. He next resolved to pay the debts of his army, and thereupon issued an edict directing every man to register his name and the sum he owed; with which the soldiers complying slowly, from an apprehension that there was some design against them, Alexander ordered tables heaped with money to be set in all quarters of the camp, and caused every man's debts to be paid on his bare word, without even making any entry of his name: though the whole sum came to 20,000 talents. On such as had distinguished themselves in an extraordinary manner, he bestowed crowns of gold, Peucestas had the first; Leonatus the second; Nearchus the third; Oneicritus the fourth; Hephaestion the fifth; and the rest of his guards had each of them one. After this he made other dispositions for conciliating, as he supposed, the differences among all his subjects. He reviewed the 30,000 youths, whom at his departure for India he had ordered to be taught Greek and the Macedonian discipline; expressing high satisfaction at the fine appearance they made, which rendered them worthy of the appellation he bestowed on them, viz. that of Epigoni, i.e. successors. He promoted also, without any distinction of nation, all those who had served him faithfully and valiantly in the Indian war. When all these regulations were made, he gave the command of his heavy armed troops to Hephaestion, and ordered him to march directly to the banks of the Tigris, while in the mean time a fleet was equipped for carrying the king and the troops he retained with him down to the ocean.

Thus ended the exploits of Alexander; the greatest conqueror that ever the world saw, at least with respect to the rapidity of his conquests. In 12 years time he had brought under his subjection Egypt, Libya, Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Babylonia, Persia, with part of India and Tartary. Still, however, he meditated greater things. He had now got a great taste in maritime affairs; and is said to have meditated a voyage to the coasts of Arabia and Ethiopia, and thence round the whole continent of Africa to the straits of Gibraltar. But of this there is no great certainty; though that he intended to subdue the Carthaginians and Italians, is more than probable. All these designs, however, were frustrated by his death, which happened at Babylon in 323 B.C. He is said to have received several warnings of his approaching fate, and to have been advised to avoid that city; which advice he either defied or could not follow. He died of a fever after eight days illness, without naming any successor; having only given his ring Babylon to Perdiccas, and left the kingdom, as he said, to the most worthy.

The character of this great prince has been variously represented; but most historians seem to have looked upon him rather as an illustrious madman than one upon whom the epithet of Great could be properly bestowed. From a careful observation of his conduct, however, it must appear, that he possessed not only a capacity to plan, but likewise to execute, the greatest enterprises that ever entered into the mind of any of the human race. From whatever cause the notion originated, it is plain that he imagined himself a divine person, and born to subdue the whole world: and extravagant and impracticable as this scheme may appear at present, it cannot at all be looked upon in the same light in the time of Alexander. The Greeks were in his time the most powerful people in the world in respect to their skill in the military art, and the Persians were the most powerful with respect to wealth and numbers. The only other powerful people in the world were the Carthaginians, Gauls, and Italian nations. From a long series of wars which the Carthaginians ginians carried on in Sicily, it appeared that they were by no means capable of contending with the Greeks, even when they had an immense superiority of numbers; much less then could they have sustained an attack from the whole power of Greece and Asia united. The Gauls and Italians were indeed very brave, and of a martial disposition; but they were barbarous, and could not have resisted armies well disciplined and under the command of such a skilful leader as Alexander. Even long after this time, it appeared that the Romans themselves could not have resisted the Greeks; since Regulus, after having defeated the Carthaginians and reduced them to the utmost distress, was totally unable to resist a Carthaginian army commanded by a Greek general, and guided by Greek discipline.

Thus it appears, that the scheme of Alexander cannot by any means be accounted that of a madman, or of one who projects great things without judgment or means to execute them. If we consider from his actions the end which most probably he had in view, could his scheme have been accomplished, we shall find it not only the greatest but the best that can possibly be imagined. He did not conquer to destroy, enslave, or oppress; but to civilize and unite the whole world as one nation. No sooner was a province conquered than he took care of it as if it had been part of his paternal inheritance. He allowed not his soldiers to oppress and plunder the Persians, which they were very much inclined to do; on the contrary, by giving into the oriental customs himself, he strove to extinguish that inveterate hatred which had so long subsisted between the two nations. In the Scythian countries which he subdued, he pursued the same excellent plan. His courage and military skill, in which he never was excelled, were displayed, not with a view to rapine or deftutory conquest, but to civilize and induce the barbarous inhabitants to employ themselves in a more proper way of life. "Midst the hardships of a military life (says Dr Gillies), obstinate sieges, bloody battles, and dear bought victories, he still respected the rights of mankind, and practised the mild virtues of humanity. The conquered nations enjoyed their ancient laws and privileges; the rigours of despotism were softened; arts and industry encouraged; and the proudest Macedonian governors compelled, by the authority and example of Alexander, to observe the rules of justice towards their meanest subjects. To bridle the fierce inhabitants of the Scythian plains, he founded cities and established colonies on the banks of the Iaxartes and Oxus; and those destructive campaigns usually ascribed to his restless activity, and blind ambition, appeared to the discernment of this extraordinary man not only essential to the security of the conquests which he had already made, but necessary for the more remote and splendid expeditions which he still purposed to undertake, and which he performed with singular boldness and unexampled success." In another place, the same author gives his character in the following words.

"He was of a low stature, and somewhat deformed; but the activity and elevation of his mind animated and ennobled his frame. By a life of continual labour, and by an early and habitual practice of the gymnastic exercises, he had hardened his body against the impressions of cold and heat, hunger and thirst, Macedon, and prepared his robust constitution for bearing such exertions of strength and activity, as have appeared incredible to the undisciplined softness of modern times. In generosity and in prowess, he rivalled the greatest heroes of antiquity; and in the race of glory, having finally outstripped all competitors, became ambitious to surpass himself. His superior skill in war gave uninterrupted success to his arms; and his natural humanity, enlightened by the philosophy of Greece, taught him to improve his conquests to the best interests of mankind. In his extensive dominions he built or founded not less than 70 cities; the situation of which being chosen with consummate wisdom, tended to facilitate communication, to promote commerce, and to diffuse civility through the greatest nations of the earth. It may be suspected, indeed, that he mistook the extent of human power, when in the course of one reign he undertook to change the face of the world: and that he miscalculated the stubbornness of ignorance and the force of habit, when he attempted to enlighten barbarism, to soften lervitude, and to transplant the improvements of Greece into an African and Asiatic soil, where they have never been known to flourish. Yet let not the designs of Alexander be too hastily accused of extravagance. Whoever seriously considers what he actually performed before his 33d year, will be cautious of determining what he might have accomplished had he reached the ordinary term of human life. His resources were peculiar to himself; and such views as well as actions became him as would have become none besides. In the language of a philosophical historian, 'he seems to have been given to the world by a peculiar dispensation of Providence, being a man like to none other of the human kind.'

"From the part which his father Philip and himself acted in the affairs of Greece, his history has been transmitted through the impure channels of exaggerated flattery or malignant envy. The innumerable fictions which disgrace the works of his biographers, are contradicted by the most authentic accounts of his reign, and inconsistent with those public transactions which concurring authorities confirm. In the present work it seemed unnecessary to expatiate on such topics, since it is less the business of history to repeat or even to expose errors than to select and impress useful truths. An author, ambitious of attaining that purpose, can seldom indulge the language of general panegyric. He will acknowledge that Alexander's actions were not always blameless; but, after the most careful examination, he will affirm, that his faults were few in number, and resulted from his situation rather than from his character.

"From the first years of his reign he experienced the crimes of disaffection and treachery, which multiplied and became more dangerous with the extent of his dominions and the difficulty to govern them. Several of his lieutenants early aspired at independence; others formed conspiracies against the life of their master. The first criminals were treated with a lenity becoming the generous spirit of Alexander: but when Philotas, the son of Parmenio, and even Parmenio himself, afforded reason to suspect their fidelity; when the Macedonian youths, who, according to the institu- tution of Philip, guarded the royal pavilion, prepared to murder their sovereign, he found it necessary to depart from his lenient system, and to hold with a firmer hand the reins of government. Elated by unexampled prosperity, and the submissive reverence of vanquished nations, his loftiness disguised the pride of his European troops, particularly the Macedonian nobles, who had been accustomed to regard themselves rather as his companions than subjects. The pretensions which found policy taught him to form and to maintain, of being treated with those external honours ever claimed by the monarchs of the East, highly offended the religious prejudices of the Greeks, who deemed it impious to prostrate the body or bend the knee to any mortal sovereign. Yet had he remitted formalities consecrated by the practice of ages, he must infensibly have lost the respect of his Asiatic subjects. With a view to reconcile the discordant principles of the victors and vanquished, he affected an immediate descent from Jupiter Ammon, a claim liberally admitted by the avarice or fears of the Libyan priests; and which, he had reason to expect, could not be very obstinately denied by the credulity of the Greeks and Macedonians; who universally acknowledged that Philip, his reputed father, was remotely descended from the Grecian Jupiter. But the success of this design, which might have entitled him, as a son of Jupiter, to the same obeisance from the Greeks which the barbarians readily paid him as monarch of the East, was counteracted, at first by the secret displeasure, and afterwards by the open indignation, of several of his generals and courtiers. Nor did the conduct of Alexander tend to extricate him from this difficulty. With his friends he maintained that equal intercourse of visits and entertainments which characterized the Macedonian manners; indulged the liberal flow of ungarded conversation; and often exceeded that intemperance in wine which disgraced his age and country."

We shall conclude this character of Alexander with observing, that he had in view, and undoubtedly must have accomplished, the sovereignty of the ocean as well as of the land. The violent resistance made by the Tyrians had shewn him the strength of a commercial nation; and it was undoubtedly with a view to enrich his dominions by commerce, that he equipped the fleet on the Indus, and wished to keep up a communication with India by sea as well as by land. "It was chiefly with a view to the former of these objects (says Dr Robertson), that he examined the navigation of the Indus with so much attention. With the same view, on his return to Sufa, he in person surveyed the course of the Euphrates and Tigris, and gave directions to remove the cataracts or dams with which the ancient monarchs of Persia, induced by a peculiar precept of their religion, which enjoined them to guard with the utmost care against defiling any of the elements, had constructed near the mouths of these rivers, in order to shut out their subjects from any access to the ocean. By opening the navigation in this manner, he proposed that the valuable commodities of India should be conveyed from the Persian gulf into the interior parts of his Asiatic dominions, while by the Arabian gulf they should be carried to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world.

"Grand and extensive as these schemes were, the precautions employed, and the arrangements made for Macedon carrying them into execution, were so various and so proper, that Alexander had good reason to entertain languine hopes of their proving successful. At the time when the mutinous spirit of his soldiers obliged him to relinquish his operations in India, he was not 30 years of age complete. At this enterprising period of life, a prince of a spirit so active, perceiving, and indefatigable, must have soon found means to resume a favourite measure on which he had been long intent. If he had invaded India a second time, he would not, as formerly, have been obliged to force his way through hostile and unexplored regions, opposed at every step by nations and tribes of barbarians whose names had never reached Greece. All Asia, from the shores of the Ionian sea to the banks of the Hyphasis, would then have been subject to his dominion; and through that immense stretch of country he had established such a chain of cities or fortified stations, that his armies might have continued their march with safety, and have found a regular succession of magazines provided for their subsistence. Nor would it have been difficult for him to bring into the field forces sufficient to have achieved the conquest of a country so populous and extensive as India. Having armed and disciplined his subjects in the east like Europeans, they would have been ambitious to imitate and to equal their instructors; and Alexander might have drawn recruits, not from his scanty domains in Macedonia and Greece, but from the vast regions of Asia, which in every age has covered the earth, and astonished mankind with its numerous armies. When at the head of such a formidable power he had reached the confines of India, he might have entered it under circumstances very different from those in his first expedition. He had secured a firm footing there, partly by means of the garrisons which he left in the three cities which he had built and fortified, and partly by his alliance with Taxiles and Porus. These two Indian princes, won by Alexander's humanity and beneficence, which, as they were virtues seldom displayed in the ancient mode of carrying on war, excited of course a higher degree of admiration and gratitude, had continued steady in their attachment to the Macedonians. Reinforced by their troops, and guided by their information as well as by the experience which he had acquired in his former campaigns, Alexander must have made rapid progress in a country where every invader from his time to the present age has proved successful.

"But this and all his other splendid schemes were terminated at once by his untimely death. In consequence of that, however, events took place which illustrate and confirm the justness of the preceding speculations and conjectures, by evidence the most striking and satisfactory. When that great empire, which the superior genius of Alexander had kept united and in subjection, no longer felt his superintending control, it broke into pieces, and its various provinces were seized by his principal officers, and parcelled out among them. From ambition, emulation, and personal animosity, they soon turned their arms against one another; and as several of the leaders were equally eminent for political abilities and for military skill, the contest was maintained long, and carried on with frequent vicissitudes of fortune. Amidst the various convulsions and revolutions Macedon. revolutions which these occasioned, it was found that the measures of Alexander for the preservation of his conquests had been concerted with such sagacity, that upon the final restoration of tranquillity, the Macedonian dominion continued to be established in every part of Asia, and not one province had shaken off the yoke. Even India, the most remote of Alexander's conquests, quietly submitted to Python the son of Agenor, and afterwards to Seleucus, who successively obtained dominion over that part of Asia. Ptolemy and Taxiles, notwithstanding the death of their benefactor, neither declined submission to the authority of the Macedonians, nor made any attempt to recover independence.

With the death of Alexander fell all the glory of the Macedonians; who very soon relapsed into a situation, as bad, or worse, than that in which they had been before the reign of Philip. This was occasioned principally by his not having distinctly named a successor, and having no child of his own come to the years of discretion to whom the kingdom might seem naturally to belong. The ambition and jealousy of his mother Olympias, his queen Roxana, and especially of the great commanders of his army, not only prevented a successor from being ever named, but occasioned the death of every person, whether male or female, who was in the least related to Alexander. To have a just notion of the origin of these disturbances, it is necessary in the first place to understand the situation of the Macedonian affairs at the time of Alexander's death.

When Alexander set out for Asia, he left Antipater, as we formerly observed, in Macedon, to prevent any disturbances that might arise either there or in Greece. The Greeks, even during the lifetime of Alexander, bore the superiority which he exercised over them with great impatience; and, though nothing could be more gentle than the government of Antipater, yet he was exceedingly hated, because he obliged them to be quiet. One of the last actions of Alexander's life set all Greece in a flame. He had, by an edict, directed all the cities of Greece to recall their exiles; which edict, when it was published at the Olympic games, created much confusion. Many of the cities were afraid, that, when the exiles returned, they would change the government; most of them doubted their own safety, if the edict took place; and all of them held this peremptory decree to be a total abolition of their liberty. No sooner, therefore, did the news of Alexander's death arrive than they prepared for war.

In Asia the state of things was not much better; not indeed through any inclination of the conquered countries to revolt, but through the differences among the commanders.—In the general council which was called soon after the death of Alexander, after much confusion and altercation, it was at last agreed, or rather commanded by the soldiers, that Arideus, the brother of Alexander, who had always accompanied the king, and had been wont to sacrifice with him, should assume the sovereignty.—This Arideus was a man of very slender parts and judgment, not naturally, but by the wicked practices of Olympias, who had given him poisonous draughts in his infancy, lest he should stand in the way of her son Alexander or any of his family; and for this, or some other reason, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, and most of the horse-officers, resented his promotion to such a degree, that they quitted the assembly, and even the city.

However, Meleager, at the head of the phalanx vigorously supported their first resolution, and threatened loudly to shed the blood of those who affected to rule over their equals, and to assume a kingdom, which now way belonged to them: Arideus was accordingly arrayed in royal robes, had the arms of Alexander put upon him, and was saluted by the name of Philip, to render him more popular. Thus were two parties formed, at the head of whom were Meleager and Perdiccas, both of them pretending vast concern for the public good, yet at bottom desiring nothing more than their own advantage. Perdiccas was a man of high birth, and had a supreme command in the army, was much in favour with Alexander, and one in whom the nobility had put great confidence. Meleager had become formidable by having the phalanx on his side, and having the nominal king entirely in his power; for Arideus, or Philip, was obliged to comply with whatever he thought proper; and publicly declared, that whatever he did was by the advice of Meleager; so that he made his minister accountable for his own schemes, and now way endangered himself. The Macedonians also, besides their regard for the deceased king, soon began to entertain a personal love for Philip on account of his moderation.

It is remarkable, however, that notwithstanding all the favours which Alexander had conferred upon his officers, and the fidelity with which they had served him during his life, only two of them were attached to the interests of his family after his death. These were Antipater, and Eumenes the Cardian, whom he had appointed his secretary. Antipater, as we have already seen, was embroiled with the Greeks, and could not assist the royal family who were in Asia; and Eumenes had not as yet sufficient interest to form a party in their favour. In a short time, however, Perdiccas prevailed against Meleager, and got him murdered; by which means the supreme power for a time fell into his hands. His first step, in consequence of this power, was to distribute the provinces of the empire among the commanders in the following manner, in order to prevent competitors, and to satisfy the ambition of the principal commanders of the army. Arideus, and the son of Roxana, born after the death of his father, were to enjoy the regal authority. Antipater had the government of the European provinces. Craterus had the title of protector. Perdiccas was general of the household troops in the room of Hephaestion. Ptolemy the son of Lagus had Egypt, Libya, and that part of Arabia which borders upon Egypt. Cleomenes, a man of infamous character, whom Alexander had made receiver-general in Egypt, was made Ptolemy's deputy. Leomedon had Syria; Philotas, Cilicia; Python, Media; Eumenes, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and all the country bordering on the Euxine sea, as far as Trapezus; but these were not yet conquered, so that he was a governor without a province. Antigonus had Pamphylia, Lycia, and Phrygia Major; Cassander, Caria; Menander, Lydia; Leonatus, Phrygia on the Hellepont.

In the mean time, not only Alexander's will, but Alexander himself, was so much neglected, that his body was allowed to remain seven days before any notice was taken of it, or any orders given for its being embalmed. The only will he left was a short memoir. random of six things he would have done.—1. The building of a fleet of 1000 stout galleys, to be made use of against the Carthaginians and other nations who should oppose the reduction of the sea-coasts of Africa and Spain, with all the adjacent islands as far as Sicily. 2. A large and regular highway was to be made along the coast of Africa, as far as Ceuta and Tangier. 3. Six temples of extraordinary magnificence were to be erected at the expense of 1500 talents each. 4. Castles, arsenals, havens, and yards for building ships, to be settled in proper places throughout his empire. 5. Several new cities were to be built in Europe and Asia; those in Asia to be inhabited by colonies from Europe, and those in Europe to be filled with Asiatics; that, by blending their people and their manners, that hereditary antipathy might be eradicated which had hitherto subsisted between the inhabitants of the different continents. 6. Lastly, He had projected the building of a pyramid, equal in bulk and beauty to the biggest in Egypt, in honour of his father Philip. All these designs, under pretence of their being expensive, were referred to a council of Macedonians, to be held nobody knew when or where.

The government, being now in the hands of Perdiccas and Roxana, grew quickly very cruel and disaffectual. Alexander was scarce dead when the queen sent for Statira and Drypetis the two daughters of Darius, one of whom had been married to Alexander and the other to Hephaestion: but as soon as they arrived at Babylon, caused them both to be murdered, that no son of Alexander by any other woman, or of Hephaestion, might give any trouble to her or her son Alexander. Sisygambis, the mother of Darius, no sooner heard that Alexander the Great was dead, than she laid violent hands on herself, being apprehensive of the calamities which were about to ensue.

War was first declared in Greece against Antipater in the year 321 B.C. Through the treachery of the Thessalians, that general was defeated, with the army he had under his own command. Leonatus was therefore sent from Asia, with a very considerable army, to his assistance; but both were overthrown with great loss by the confederates, and Leonatus himself was killed. In a short time, however, Craterus arrived in Greece with a great army, the command of which he resigned to Antipater. The army of the confederates amounted to 25,000 foot and 3000 horse; but Antipater commanded no fewer than 40,000 foot, 3000 archers, and 9000 horse. In such an unequal contest, therefore, the Greeks were defeated, and forced to sue for peace; which they did not obtain but on condition of their receiving Macedonian garrisons into several of their cities. At Athens also the democratic government was abrogated; and such a dreadful punishment did this seem to the Athenians, that 22,000 of them left their country, and retired into Macedon.

While these things were doing in Greece, disturbances began also to arise in Asia and in Thrace. The Greek mercenaries, who were dispersed through the inland provinces of Asia, despairing of ever being allowed to return home by fair means, determined to attempt it by force. For this purpose, they assembled to the number of 20,000 foot and 3000 horse; but were all cut off to a man by the Macedonians. In Thrace, Lyssimachus was attacked by one Seuthes, a prince of that country, who claimed the dominions of Macedon as his ancestors, and had raised an army of 20,000 foot and 8000 horse. But though the Macedonian commander was forced to engage this army with no more than 4000 foot and 2000 horse, yet he kept the field of battle, and could not be driven out of the country. Perdiccas, in the mean time, by pretending friendship to the royal family, had gained over Eumenes entirely to his interest; and at last put him in possession of the province of Cappadocia by the defeat of Ariarathes, king of that country, whom he afterwards cruelly caused to be crucified. His ambition, however, now began to lead him into difficulties. At the first division of the provinces, Perdiccas, to strengthen his own authority, had proposed to marry Nicce the daughter of Antipater; and so well was this proposal relished, that her brethren Jollas and Archias conducted her to him, in order to be present at the celebration of the nuptials. But Perdiccas now had other things in view. He had been solicited by Olympias to marry her daughter Cleopatra, the widow of Alexander king of Epirus, and who then resided at Sardis in Lydia. Eumenes promoted this match to the utmost of his power, because he thought it would be for the interest of the royal family; and his persuasions had such an effect on Perdiccas, that he was sent to Sardis to compliment Cleopatra, and to carry presents to her in name of her new lover. In the absence of Eumenes, however, Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, persuaded him to marry Nicce; but, in order to gratify his ambition, he resolved to divorce her immediately after marriage, and marry Cleopatra. By this last marriage, he hoped to have a pretence for altering the government of Macedon: and, as a necessary measure preparative to these, he entered into contrivances for destroying Antigonus. Unfortunately for himself, however, he ruined all his schemes by his own jealousy and precipitate cruelty. Cynane, the daughter of Philip by his second wife, had brought her daughter named Adda, and who was afterwards named Eurydice, to court, in hopes that King Arideus might marry her. Against Cynane, Perdiccas, from some political motives, conceived such a grudge, that he caused her to be murdered. This raised a commotion in the army; which frightened Perdiccas to such a degree, that he now promoted the match between Arideus and Eurydice; to prevent which, he had murdered the mother of the young princess. But, in the mean time, Antigonus, knowing the designs of Perdiccas against himself, fled with his son Demetrius to Greece, there to take shelter under the protection of Antipater and Craterus, whom he informed of the ambition and cruelty of the regent.

A civil war was now kindled. Antipater, Craterus, Neoptolemus, and Antigonus, were combined against Perdiccas; and it was the misfortune of the empire in general, that Eumenes, the most able general, as well as the most virtuous of all the commanders, was on the side of Perdiccas, because he believed him to be in the interest of Alexander's family. Ptolemy, in the mean time, remained in quiet possession of Egypt; but without the least intention of owning any person for his superior: however, he also acceded to the league formed against Perdiccas; and thus the only person in the whole empire who consulted the interest of the royal family was Eumenes. It was now thought proper to bury the body of Alexander, which had been kept for two years, during all which time preparations had been making for it. Aridaeus, to whose care it was committed, set out from Babylon for Damascus, in order to carry the king's body to Egypt. This was done against the will of Perdiccas; for it seems there was a superstitious report, that wherever the body of Alexander was laid, that country should flourish most. Perdiccas, therefore, out of regard to his native soil, would have it conveyed to the royal sepulchres in Macedon; but Aridaeus, pleading the late king's express direction, was determined to carry it into Egypt, from thence to be conveyed to the temple of Jupiter Ammon.—The funeral was accordingly conducted with all imaginable magnificence. Ptolemy came to meet the body as far as Syria; but, instead of burying it in the temple of Jupiter Ammon, erected a stately temple for it in the city of Alexandria; and, by the respect he showed for his dead master, induced many of the Macedonian veterans to join him, and who were afterwards of the greatest service to him.

No sooner was the funeral over, than both the parties above mentioned fell to blows. Perdiccas marched against Ptolemy: but was slain by his own men, who, after the death of their general, submitted to his antagonist: and thus Eumenes was left alone to contend against all the other generals who had served under Alexander. In this contest, however, he would by no means have been overmatched, had his followers been attached to him; but as they had been accustomed to serve under those very generals against whom they were now to fight, they were on all occasions ready to betray and desert Eumenes. However he defeated and killed Neoptolemus and Craterus, but then found himself obliged to contend with Antipater and Antigonus. Antipater was now appointed protector of the kings, with sovereign power; and Eumenes was declared a public enemy. A new division of the Alexandrian empire took place. Egypt, Libya, and the parts adjacent, were given to Ptolemy, because they could not be taken from him. Syria was confirmed to Leoncidas. Philoxenus had Cilicia. Mesopotamia and Arabelitus were given to Amphimachus. Babylon was bestowed on Seleucus. Susiana fell to Antigenes, who commanded the Macedonian Argyraspide or Silver Shields, because he was the first who opposed Perdiccas. Peucestas held Persia. Tlepolemus had Caramania. Python had Media as far as the Caspian straits. Stafander had Aria and Drangia; Philip, Parthia; Statonor, Bactria and Sogdia; Syrbirtius, Aracopa; Oxyartes, the father of Roxana, Parapontius. Another Python had the country between this province and India. Porus and Taxiles held what Alexander had given them, because they would not part with any of their dominions. Cappadocia was assigned to Nicanor. Phrygia Major, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, were given to Antigonus; Caria to Cassander, Lydia to Clytus, Phrygia the Les to Aridaeus. Cassander was appointed general of the horse; while the command of the household troops was given to Antigonus, with orders to prosecute the war against Eumenes. Antipater having thus settled every thing as well as he could, returned to Macedon with the two kings, to the great joy of his countrymen, having left his son Cassander to be a check upon Antigonus in Asia.

Matters now seemed to wear a better aspect than they had yet done; and, had Eumenes believed that his enemies really consulted the interest of Alexander's family, there is not the least doubt that the war would have been immediately terminated. He saw, however, that the design of Antigonus was only to set up for himself, and therefore he refused to submit. From this time, therefore, the Macedonian empire ceased in Asia; and an account of the transactions of this part of the world fall to be recorded under the article SYRIA. The Macedonian affairs are now entirely confined to the kingdom of Macedon itself, and to Greece.

Antipater had not long been returned to Macedon, when he died; and the last action of his life completed the ruin of Alexander's family. Out of a view to the public good, he had appointed Polyperchon, the eldest of Alexander's captains at hand, to be protector and governor of Macedon. This failed not to disgust his son Cassander; who thought he had a natural right to these offices, and of course kindled a new civil war in Macedon. This was indeed highly promoted by his first actions as a governor. He began with attempting to remove all the governors appointed in Greece by Antipater, and to restore democracy wherever it had been abolished. The immediate consequence of this was, that the people refused to obey their magistrates; the governors refused to resign their places, and applied for assistance to Cassander. Polyperchon also had the imprudence to recall Olympias from Epirus, and allow her a share in the administration; which Antipater, and even Alexander himself, had always refused her. The consequence of all this was, that Cassander invaded Greece, where he prevailed against Polyperchon: Olympias returned to Macedon, where she cruelly murdered Aridaeus and his wife Eurydice; she herself was put to death by Cassander, who afterwards caused Roxana and her son to be murdered, and Polyperchon being driven into Etolia, first raised to the crown Hercules the son of Alexander by the daughter of Darius, and then by the instigation of Cassander murdered him, by which means the line of Alexander the Great became totally extinct.

Cassander having thus destroyed all the royal family, assumed the regal title as he had for 16 years before, and had all the power. He enjoyed the title of king of Macedon only three years; after which he died, about 298 B. C. By Theffalonica, the daughter of Philip king of Macedon, he left three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander. Philip succeeded him, but soon after died of a consumption. A contest immediately began between the two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. Antipater seized the kingdom; and to secure himself in it, murdered his mother Theffalonica, if not with his own hand, at least the execrable act was committed in his presence. Alexander invited Pyrrhus king of Epirus, and Demetrius the son of Antigonus, to assist him and revenge the death of his mother. But Pyrrhus being bought off, and a peace concluded between the brothers, Alexander, being afraid of having too many protectors, formed a scheme of getting Demetrius assassinated. Instead of this, however, both he and Antipater were put to death; and Macedon. Demetrius became king of Macedon four years after the death of Cassander.

In 287 B.C. Demetrius was driven out by Pyrrhus, who was again driven out by Lycurgus two years after, who was soon after killed by Seleucus Nicator; and Seleucus, in his turn, was murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, who became king of Macedon about 280 B.C. The new king was in a short time cut off, with his whole army, by the Gauls; and Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, became king of Macedon in 278 B.C. He proved successful against the Gauls, but was driven out by Pyrrhus king of Epirus; who, however, soon dislodged his subjects to such a degree, that Antigonus recovered a great part of his kingdom. But in a little time, Pyrrhus being killed at the siege of Argos in Greece, Antigonus was restored to the whole of Macedon; but fearcely was he seated on the throne, when he was driven from it by Alexander the son of Pyrrhus. This new invader was, in his turn, expelled by Demetrius the son of Antigonus; who, though at that time but a boy, had almost made himself master of Epirus. In this enterprise, however, he was disappointed; but by his means Antigonus was restored to his kingdom, which he governed for many years in peace. By a stratagem he made himself master of the city of Corinth, and from that time began to form schemes for the thorough conquest of Greece. The method he took to accomplish this was, to support the petty tyrants of Greece against the free states: which indeed weakened the power of the latter; but involved the whole country in so many calamities, that these transactions could not redound much to the reputation either of his arms or his honour. About 243 B.C. he died, leaving the kingdom to his son, Demetrius II.

Neither Demetrius, nor his successor Antigonus Doson, performed any thing remarkable. In 221 B.C. the kingdom fell to Philip, the last but one of the Macedonian monarchs. To him Hannibal applied for assistance after the battle of Cannae, which he refused; and the same imprudence which made him refuse this assistance prompted him to embroil himself with the Romans; and at last to conclude a treaty with them, by which he in effect became their subject, being tied up from making peace or war but according to their pleasure. In 179 B.C. he was succeeded by his eldest son Perseus, under whom the war with the Romans was renewed. Even yet the Macedonians were terrible in war; and their phalanx, when properly conducted, seems to have been absolutely invincible by any method of making war known at that time. It consisted of 16,000 men, of whom 1000 marched abreast, and thus was 16 men deep, each of whom carried a kind of pike 23 feet long. The soldiers stood so close, that the pikes of the fifth rank reached their points beyond the front of the battle. The hindermost ranks leaned their pikes on the shoulders of those who went before them, and, looking them fast, pressed briskly against them when they made the charge; so that the first five ranks had the impetus of the whole phalanx, which was the reason why the shock was generally irresistible. The Romans had never encountered such a terrible enemy; and in the first battle, which happened 171 B.C. they were defeated with the loss of 2200 men, while the Macedonians lost no more than 60. The generals of Perseus now pressed him to storm the enemy's camp: but he being naturally of a cowardly disposition, refused to comply, and thus the best opportunity he ever had was lost. Still, however, the Romans gained little or no advantage, till the year 168 B.C. when Paulus Aemilius, a most experienced commander, was sent to Macedon. Perseus now put all upon the issue of a general engagement; and Aemilius, with all his courage and military experience, would have been defeated, had the Macedonians been commanded by a general of the smallest courage or conduct. The light-armed Macedonians charged with such vigour, that after the battle, some of their bodies were found within two furlongs of the Roman camp. When the phalanx came to charge, the points of their spears striking into the Roman shields, kept the heavy-armed troops from making any motion; while, on the other hand, Perseus's light-armed men did terrible execution. On this occasion, it is said, that Aemilius tore his clothes, and gave up all hopes. However, perceiving that as the phalanx gained ground it lost its order in several places, he caused his own light-armed troops to charge in those places, whereby the Macedonians were soon put into confusion. If Perseus with his horse had on the first appearance of this charged the Romans briskly, his infantry would have been able to recover themselves; but instead of this, he betook himself to flight, and the infantry at last did the same, but not till 20,000 of them had lost their lives.

This battle decided the fate of Macedon, which immediately submitted to the conqueror. The cowardly king took refuge in the island of Samothrace: but was at last obliged to surrender to the Roman consul, by whom he was carried to Rome, led in triumph, and afterwards most barbarously used. Some pretenders to the throne appeared afterwards; but being unable to defend themselves against the Romans, the country was reduced to a Roman province in 148 B.C. To become a Roman it continued subject till the year 1357, when it was reduced by the Turkish sultan Bajazet, and has remained in the hands of the Turks ever since.