an ancient kingdom of Africa, bounded on the north by the Mediterranean sea; on the south by Gaetulia, or part of Libya Interior; on the west by the Mulucha, a river which separated it from Mauritania; and on the east by the Tufca, another river which bounded it in common with Africa Propria. Dr Shaw has rendered it probable, that the river which formerly went under the denominations of Malva, Malvana, Mulaucha, and Molochath, is the same with that now called Mulloqah by the Algerines; in which case, the kingdom of Numidia must have extended upwards of 500 miles in length: its breadth, however, cannot be so well ascertained; but supposing it to have been the same with that of the present kingdom of Algiers, in the narrowest part it must have been at least 40 miles broad, and in the widest upwards of 100.

This country included two districts; one inhabited by the Massyli, and the other by the Massifit; the latter being also called in after times, Mauritia Caesariensis, and the former Numidia Propria. The country of the Massyli, or, as some call it, Terra Metagenitis, was separated from the proper territory of Carthage by its eastern boundary the river Tufca, and from the kingdom of the Massifit, or Mauritania Caesariensis, by the river Amplaga. It seems to correspond with that part of the province of Constantina lying between the Zaine, and the Wed al Kibeer, which is above 130 miles long, and more than 100 broad. The sea coast of this province is for the most part mountainous and rocky, answering to the appellation given to it by Abulfeda, viz. El Eduan, the high or lofty. It is far from being equal in extent to the ancient country of the Massyli, which, Strabo informs us, was yet inferior to the country of the Massifit. Its capital was Cirta, a place of very considerable note among the ancients.

The most celebrated antiquarians agree, that the tract, Peopled by extending from the isthmus of Suez to the lake Triton, the descendants of Mizraim, and that the posterity of his brother Put, or Phut, spread themselves all over the country between that lake and the Atlantic ocean. To this notion Herodotus gives great countenance: for he tells us, that the Libyan Nomades, whose territories to the west were bounded by the Triton, agreed in their customs and manners with the Egyptians; but that the Africans, from that river to the Atlantic ocean, differed in almost all points from them. Ptolemy mentions a city called Putea near Adrametum; and Pliny, a river of Mauritania Tingitana, known by the name of Fat, or Phut; and the district adjacent to this river was called Regio Phutenis, which plainly alludes to the name of Phut. That word signifies scattered, or dispersed, which very well agrees with what Mela and Strabo relate of the ancient Numidians; so that we may, without any scruple, admit the aborigines of this country to have been the descendants of Phut.

The history of Numidia, during many of the early ages, is buried in oblivion. It is probable, however, that as the Phoenicians were masters of a great part of the the country, these transactions had been recorded, and generally known to the Carthaginians. King Jarbas probably reigned here as well as in Africa Propría, if not in Mauritania, and other parts of Libya, when Dido began to build Byrfa. It appears from Justin, that about the age of Herodotus, the people of this country were called both Africans or Libyans and Numidians. Justin likewise intimates, that about this time the Carthaginians vanquished both the Moors or Mauritanians and the Numidians; in consequence of which they were excused from paying the tribute which had hitherto been demanded of them.

After the conclusion of the first Punic war, the African troops carried on a bloody contest against their masters the Carthaginians; and the most active in this rebellion, according to Diodorus Siculus, were a part of the Numidian nation named Mucatianus. This so incensed the Carthaginians, that after Hamilcar had either killed or taken prisoners all the mercenaries, he sent a large detachment to ravage the country of those Numidians. The commandant of that detachment executed his orders with the utmost cruelty, plundering the district in a terrible manner, and crucifying all the prisoners without distinction that fell into his hands. This filled the rest with such indignation and resentment, that both they and their posterity ever afterwards bore an implacable hatred to the Carthaginians.

In the time of the second Punic war, Syphax king of the Massyli entered into an alliance with the Romans, and gave the Carthaginians a considerable defeat. This induced Gala, king of the Massyli, to conclude a treaty with the Carthaginians, in consequence of which his son Mafinissa marched at the head of a powerful army to give Syphax battle. The contest ended in favour of Mafinissa; 30,000 of the Massyli were put to the sword, and Syphax driven into Mauritania; and the like bad success attended Syphax in another engagement, where his troops were entirely defeated and dispersed.

Gala dying whilst his son Mafinissa was acting at the head of the Numidian troops sent to the assistance of the Carthaginians in Spain, his brother Defalces, according to the established rules of succession in Numidia, took possession of the Massylian throne. That prince dying soon after his succession, Capuña his eldest son succeeded him. But he did not long enjoy his high dignity; for one Mezetulus, a person of the royal blood, but an enemy to the family of Gala, found means to excite a great part of his subjects to revolt. A battle soon took place between him and Capuña; in which the latter was slain with many of the nobility, and his army entirely defeated. But though Mezetulus thus became possessed of the sovereignty, he did not think proper to assume the title of king, but styled himself guardian to Lacumaces, the surviving son of Defalces, whom he graced with the royal title. To support himself in his usurpation, he married the dowager of Defalces, who was Hannibal's niece, and consequently of the most powerful family in Carthage. In order to attain the same end, he sent ambassadors to Syphax, to conclude a treaty of alliance with him. In the mean time Mafinissa, receiving advice of his uncle's death, of his cousin's slaughter, and of Mezetulus's usurpation, immediately passed over to Africa, and went to the court of Bocchae king of Mauritania to solicit succours. Bocchae, sensible of the great injustice done Mafinissa, gave him a body of 4000 Moors to escort him to his dominions. His subjects, having been apprised of his approach, joined him upon the frontiers with a party of 500 men. The Moors, in pursuance of their orders, returned home, as soon as Mafinissa reached the confines of his kingdom. Notwithstanding which, and the small body that declared for him having accidentally met Lacumaces at Thaphus with an effort going to implore Syphax's affiance, he drove him into the town, which he carried by assault after a faint resistance. However, Lacumaces, with many of his men, found means to escape to Syphax. The fame of this exploit gained Mafinissa great credit, insomuch that the Numidians flocked to him from all parts, and amongst the rest, many of his father Gala's veterans, who pressed him to make a speedy and vigorous push for his hereditary dominions. Lacumaces having joined Mezetulus with a reinforcement of Massylians, which he had prevailed upon Syphax to lend to the assistance of his ally, the usurper advanced at the head of a numerous army to offer Mafinissa battle; which that prince, though much inferior in numbers, did not decline. Hereupon an engagement ensued; which notwithstanding the inequality of numbers ended in the defeat of Lacumaces. The immediate consequence of this victory of Mafinissa was a quiet and peaceable possession of his kingdom; Mezetulus and Lacumaces, with a few that attended them, flying into the territories of Carthage. However, being apprehensive that he should be obliged to sustain a war against Syphax, he offered to treat Lacumaces with as many marks of distinction as his father Gala had Defalces, provided that prince would put himself under his protection. He also promised Mezetulus pardon, and a restitution of all the effects forfeited by his treacherous conduct, if he would make his submission to him. Both of them readily complied with the proposal, and immediately returned home; so that the tranquillity and repose of Numidia would have been settled upon a solid and lasting foundation, had not this been prevented by Asdrubal, who was then at Syphax's court. He inflamed to that prince, who was disposed to live amicably with his neighbours, "That he was greatly mistaken, if he imagined Mafinissa would be satisfied with his hereditary dominions. That he was a prince of much greater capacity and ambition, than either his father Gala, his uncle Defalces, or any of his family. That he had discovered in Spain marks of a most rare and uncommon merit. And that, in fine, unless his rising flame was extinguished before it came to too great a head, both the Massylian and Carthaginian states would be infallibly consumed by it." Syphax, alarmed by these suggestions, advanced with a numerous body of forces into a district which had long been in dispute between him and Gala, but was then in possession of Mafinissa. This brought on a general action between these two princes; wherein the latter was totally defeated, his army dispersed, and he himself obliged to fly to the top of Mount Balbus, attended only by a few of his horse. Such a decisive battle at the present juncture, before Mafinissa was fixed in his throne, could not but put Syphax into possession of the kingdom of the Massyli. Mafinissa in the mean time made nocturnal incursions from his post upon Mount Balbus, and plundered all the adjacent country, particularly that part of the Carthaginian territory contiguous to Numidia. This district he not only thoroughly pillaged, but likewise laid waste with fire and sword, carrying off from thence an immense booty, which was bought by some merchants, who had put into one of the Carthaginian ports for that purpose. In fine, he did the Carthaginians more damage, not only by committing such dreadful devastations, but by massacring and carrying into captivity vast numbers of their subjects on this occasion, than they could have sustained in a pitched battle, or one campaign of a regular war. Syphax, at the preffing and reiterated instances of the Carthaginians, sent Boccar, one of his most active commanders, with a detachment of 4000 foot, and 2000 horse, to reduce this pestilent gang of robbers, promising him a great reward if he could bring Mafnifla either alive or dead. Boccar, watching an opportunity, surprised the Mafylians, as they were straggling about the country without any order or discipline; so that he took many prisoners, dispersed the rest, and pursued Mafnifla himself, with a few of his men, to the top of the mountain where he had before taken poft. Considering the expedition as ended, he not only fent many head of cattle, and the other booty that had fallen into his hands, to Syphax, but likewise all the force, except 500 foot and 200 horse. With this detachment he drove Mafnifla from the summit of the hill, and pursued him through several narrow passes and defiles, as far as the plains of Cluepa. Here he fo surrounded him, that all the Mafylians, except four, were put to the sword, and Mafnifla himself, after having received a dangerous wound, escaped with the utmost difficulty. As this was effected by crossing a rapid river, in which attempt two of his four attendants perished in the fight of the detachment that pursued him, it was rumoured all over Africa, that Mafnifla also was drowned; which gave inexprefible pleasure to Syphax and the Carthaginians. For some time he lived undiscovered in a cave, where he was supported by the robberies of the two horfemen that had made their escape with him. But having cured his wound by the application of fome medicinal herbs, he boldly began to advance towards his own frontiers, giving out publicly that he intended once more to take poftion of his kingdom. In his march he was joined by about 40 horse, and, soon after his arrival amongst the Mafyli, fo many people flocked to him from all parts, that out of them he formed an army of 6000 foot and 4000 horse. With these forces, he not only reinflated himfelf in the poftion of his dominions, but likewife laid waste the borders of the Mafyli. This fo irritated Syphax, that he immediately assembled a body of troops, and encamped very commodiously upon a ridge of mountains between Cirta and Hippo. His army he commanded in perfon; and detached his fon Vermina, with a confiderable force, to take a compafs, and attack the enemy in the rear. In purfuit of his orders, Vermina fet out in the beginning of the night, and took poft in the place appointed him, without being difcovered by the enemy. In the mean time Syphax decamped, and advanced towards the Mafyli, in order to give them battle. When he had pofted himfelf of a rifing ground that led to their camp, and concluded that his fon Vermina muft have formed the ambuade behind them, he began the fight. Mafnifla being advantageously pofted, and his foldiers distinguishing themfelves in an extraordinary manner, the difpute was long and bloody. But Vermina unexpectedly falling upon their rear, and by this means obligeing them to divide their forces, which were scarcely able before to Numidia oppofe the main body under Syphax, they were foon thrown into confufion, and forced to betake themfelves to a precipitate flight. All the avenues being blocked up, partly by Syphax, and partly by his fon, fuch a dreadful laughter was made of the unhappy Mafyli, that only Mafnifla himfelf, with 60 horse, efcape to the Lesfer Syrtis. Here he remained, betwixt the confines of the Carthaginians and the Garamantes, till the arrival of Laelius and the Roman fleet on the coaft of Africa. What happened immediately after this junction with the Romans, belongs to the article ROME.

It will be fufficient, therefore, in this place to obferve, that, by the affiftance of Lelius, Mafnifla at laft reduced Syphax's kingdom. According to Zonaras, Mafnifla and Scipio, before the memorable battle of Zama, by a stratagem, deprived Hannibal of fome advantageous pofts; which, with a folar eclipse happening during the heat of the action, and not a little intimidating the Carthaginian troops, greatly contributed to the victory the Romans obtained. At the conclusion therefore of the fecond Punic war, he was amply rewarded by the Romans for the important fervices he had done them. As for Syphax, after the lofs of his dominions, he was kept in confinement for fome time at Alba; from whence being removed in order to grace Scipio's triumph, he died at Tibur in his way to Rome. Zonaras adds, that his corfle was decently interred; that all the Numidian prisoners were releafed; and that Vermina, by the affiftance of the Romans, took peaceable poftion of his father's throne. However, part of the Mafylian kingdom had been before annexed to Mafnifla's dominions, in order to reward that prince for his singular fidelity and close attachment to the Romans.

This feems to be countenanced by the epitomizer of Livy, who gives us fufficiently to understand, that Syphax's family, for a confiderable time after the conclufion of the fecond Punic war, reigned in one part of Numidia. For he intimates, that Archobarzanes, Syphax's grandfon, and probably Vermina's fon, hovered with a powerful army of Numidians upon the Carthaginian frontiers a few years before the beginning of the third Punic war. This he feems to have done, either in order to cover them, or to enable the Carthaginians to make an irruption into Mafnifla's territories. Cato, however, pretended that thefe forces, in conjunction with thofe of Carthage, had a defign to invade the Roman dominions, which he urged as a reafon to induce the confcript fathers to deftroy the African republic.

Nothing is further requisite, in order to complete the history of this famous prince, than to exhibit to our readers view fome points of his conduct towards the decline, and at the clofe, of life; the wise difpoftions made after his death by Aemilianus, in order to the regulation of his domestic affairs; and fome particulars relating to his character, genius, and habit of body, drawn from the moft celebrated Greek and Roman authors.

By drawing a line of circumvallation around the Carthaginian army under Asdrubal, pofted upon an eminence, Mafnifla cut off all manner of supplies from them; which introduced both the plague and famine into their camp. As the body of Numidian troops em- ployed in this blockade was not near so numerous as the Carthaginian forces, it is evident, that the line here mentioned must have been extremely strong, and consequently the effect of great labour and art. The Carthaginians, finding themselves reduced to the last extremity, concluded a peace upon the following terms, which Mafinissa dictated to them: 1. That they should deliver up all deserters. 2. That they should recall their exiles, who had taken refuge in his dominions. 3. That they should pay him 5000 talents of silver within the space of 50 years. 4. That their soldiers should pass under the yugum, each of them carrying off only a single garment. As Mafinissa himself, though between 80 and 90 years of age, conducted the whole enterprise, he must have been extremely well versed in fortification, and other branches of the military art. His understanding likewise he must have retained to the last. This happened a short time before the beginning of the third Punic war. See CARTHAGE.

Soon after, the consuls landed an army in Africa, in order to lay siege to Carthage, without imparting to Mafinissa their design. This not a little chagrined him, as it was contrary to the former practice of the Romans; who, in the preceding war, had communicated their intentions to him, and consulted him on all occasions. When, therefore, the consuls applied to him for a body of his troops to act in concert with their forces, he made answer, "That they should have a reinforcement from him when they stood in need of it." It could not but be provoking to him to consider, that after he had extremely weakened the Carthaginians, and even brought them to the brink of ruin, his pretended imperious friends should come to reap the fruits of his victory, without giving him the least intelligence of it.

However, his mind soon returned to its natural bias, which was in favour of the Romans. Finding his end approaching, he sent to Æmilianus, then a tribune in the Roman army, to desire a visit from him. What he proposed by this visit, was to invest him with full powers to dispose of his kingdom and estate as he should think proper, for the benefit of his children. The high idea he had entertained of that young hero's abilities and integrity, together with his gratitude and affection for the family into which he was adopted, induced him to take this step. But, believing that death would not permit him to have a personal conference with Æmilianus upon this subject, he informed his wife and children in his last moments, that he had empowered him to dispose in an absolute manner of all his possessions, and divide his kingdom amongst his sons. To which he subjoined, "I require, that whatever Æmilianus may decree, shall be executed as punctually as if I myself had appointed it by my will." Having uttered these words, he expired, at about 90 years of age.

This prince, during his youth, had met with strange reverses of fortune. However, says Appian, being supported by the Divine protection, he enjoyed an uninterrupted course of prosperity for a long series of years. His kingdom extended from Mauritania to the western confines of Cyrenaica; from whence it appears, that he was one of the most powerful princes of Africa. Many of the inhabitants of this vast tract he civilized in a wonderful manner, teaching them to cultivate their soil, and to reap those natural advantages Numidia, which the fertility of some parts of their country offered them. He was of a more robust habit of body than any of his contemporaries, being blessed with the greatest health and vigour; which was doubtless owing to his extreme temperance, and the toils he incessantly sustained. We are informed by Polybius, that sometimes he stood upon the same spot of ground from morning till evening, without the least motion, and at others continued as long in a sitting posture. He would remain on horseback for several days and nights together, without being sensible of the least fatigue. Nothing can better convince the strength of his constitution, than his youngest son, named Steribal, Sthenba, or Stembanus, who was but four years old at his decease. Though 90 years of age, he performed all the exercises used by young men, and always rode without a saddle. Pliny tells us, that he reigned above 60 years. He was an able commander, and much facilitated the reduction of Carthage. Plutarch from Polybius observes, that the day after a great victory won over the Carthaginians, Mafinissa was seen fitting at the door of his tent, eating a piece of brown bread. Suidas relates, that to the last he could mount his horse without any assistance. According to Appian he left a numerous well disciplined army, and an immense quantity of wealth, behind him.

Mafinissa, before his death, gave his ring to his eldest son Micipla; but left the distribution of all his other effects and possessions amongst his children entirely to Æmilianus. Of 54 sons that survived him, only three were legitimate, to wit, Micipla, Gulussa, and Maftanabal. Æmilianus, arrived at Cirta after he had expired, divided his kingdom, or rather the government of it, amongst these three, though to the others he gave considerable possessions. To Micipla, who was a prince of a pacific disposition, and the eldest son, he assigned Cirta, the metropolis, for the place of his residence, in exclusion of the others. Gulussa, the next to him, being a prince of military genius, had the command of the army, and the transacting of all affairs relating to peace or war committed to his care. And Maftanabal, the youngest, had the administration of justice, an employment suitable to his education, allotted him. They enjoyed in common the immense treasures Mafinissa had amassed, and were all of them dignified by Æmilianus with the royal title. After he had made these wise dispositions, that young nobleman departed from Cirta, taking with him a body of Numidian troops, under the conduct of Gulussa, to reinforce the Roman army that was then acting against the Carthaginians.

Maftanabal and Gulussa died soon after their father, as appears from the express testimony of Sallust. We find nothing more remarkable of these princes, besides what has been already related, than that the latter continued to assist the Romans in the third Punic war, and that the former was pretty well versed in the Greek language. Micipla therefore became sole possessor of the kingdom of Numidia. In his reign, and under the consulship of M. Plautius Hypsaeus and M. Fulvius Flaccus, according to Orosius, a great part of Africa was covered with locusts, which destroyed all the produce of the earth, and even devoured dry wood. But at last they were all carried by the wind into the African sea, out of which being thrown in vast heaps upon the shore, a plague ensued which swept away an infinite number number of animals of all kinds. In Numidia only 800,000 men perished, and in Africa Propria 200,000; amongst the rest, 30,000 Roman soldiers quartered in and about Utica for the defence of the latter province. At Utica, in particular, the mortality raged to such a degree, that 1500 dead bodies were carried out of one gate in a day. Micipha had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempal, whom he educated in his palace, together with his nephew Jugurtha. That young prince was the son of Maltanabal; but his mother having been only a concubine, Mafrinissa had taken no great notice of him. However, Micipha considering him as a prince of the blood, took as much care of him as he did of his own children.

Jugurtha possessed several eminent qualities, which gained him universal esteem. He was very handsome, endued with great strength of body, and adorned with the finest intellectual endowments. He did not devote himself, as young men commonly do, to a life of luxury and pleasure. He used to exercise himself, with persons of his age, in running, riding, hurling the javelin, and other manly exercises, suited to the martial genius of the Numidians; and though he surpassed all his fellow sportmen, there was not one of them but loved him. The chase was his only delight; but it was that of lions and other savage beasts. Sallust, to finish his character, tells us, that he excelled in all things, and spoke very little of himself.

So conspicuous an assemblage of fine talents and perfections, at first charmed Micipha, who thought them an ornament to his kingdom. However, he soon began to reflect, that he was considerably advanced in years, and his children in their infancy; that mankind naturally thirsted after power, and that nothing was capable of making men run greater lengths than a vicious and unlimited ambition. These reflections soon excited his jealousy, and determined him to expose Jugurtha to a variety of dangers, some of which, he entertained hopes, might prove fatal to him. In order to this, he gave him the command of a body of forces which he sent to assist the Romans, who were at that time besieging Numantia in Spain. But Jugurtha, by his admirable conduct, not only escaped all those dangers, but likewise won the esteem of the whole army, and the friendship of Scipio, who sent a high character of him to his uncle Micipha. However, that general gave him some prudent advice in relation to his future conduct; observing, no doubt, in him certain sparks of ambition, which, if lighted into a flame, he apprehended might one day be productive of the most fatal consequences.

Before this last expedition, Micipha had endeavoured to find out some method of taking him off privately; but his popularity amongst the Numidians obliged that prince to lay aside all thoughts of this nature. After his return from Spain the whole nation almost adored him. The heroic bravery he had shewn there, his undaunted courage, joined to the utmost calmness of mind; which enabled him to preserve a just medium between a timorous foresight and an impetuous rashness, a circumstance rarely to be met with in persons of his age, and above all the advantageous testimonials of his conduct given by Scipio, attracted an universal esteem. Nay, Micipha himself, charmed with the high opinion the Roman general had entertained of his merit, changed his behaviour towards him; resolving, if possible, to win his affection by kindness. He therefore adopted him, and declared him joint heir with his two sons to the crown. Finding, some few years afterwards, that his end approached, he sent for all three to his bed side; where, in the presence of the whole court, he desired Jugurtha to recollect with what extreme tenderness he had treated him, and consequently to consider how well he had deserved at his hands. He then entreated him to protect his children on all occasions; who, being before related to him by the ties of blood, were now by their father's bounty become his brethren. In order to fix him the more firmly care of his in their interest, he likewise complimented him upon children; his bravery, address, and consummate prudence. He further intimated, that neither arms nor treasures constitute the strength of a kingdom; but friends, who are neither won by arms nor gold, but by real services and an inviolable fidelity. "Now, where (continued he) can we find better friends than in brothers? And how can that man who becomes an enemy to his relations, repose any confidence in, or depend upon strangers?" Then addressing himself to Adherbal and Hiempal, "And you (said he) I enjoin always to pay the highest reverence to Jugurtha. Endeavour to imitate, and if possible surpass, his exalted merit, that the world may not hereafter observe Micipha's adopted son to have reflected greater glory upon his memory than his own children." Soon after, Micipha, who, according to Diodorus, was a prince of an amiable character, expired. Though Jugurtha did not believe the king to speak his real sentiments with regard to him, yet he seemed extremely pleased with so gracious a speech, and made him an answer suitable to the occasion. However, that prince at the same time was determined within himself to put in execution the scheme he had formed at the siege of Numantia, which was suggested to him by some factions and abandoned Roman officers, with whom he there contracted an acquaintance. The purport of this scheme was, that he should extort the crown by force from his two cousins, as soon as their father's eyes were closed; which they intimat ed might easily be effected by his own valour, and the venality of the Romans. Accordingly, a short time after the old king's death, he found means to assassinate Hiempal in the city of Thirrida where his treasures were deposited, and drive Adherbal out of his dominions. That unhappy prince found himself obliged to fly to Rome, where he endeavoured to engage the conscript fathers to espouse his quarrel; but, notwithstanding the justice of his cause, they had not virtue enough effectually to support him. Jugurtha's ambassadors, by distributing vast sums of money amongst the senators, brought them so far over, that a majority palliated his inhuman proceedings. This encouraged those ministers to declare, that Hiempal had been killed by the Numidians on account of his excessive cruelty; that Adherbal was the aggressor in the late troubles; and that he was only chagrined because he could not make that havoc among his countrymen he would willingly have done. They therefore entreated the senate to form a judgment of Jugurtha's behaviour in Africa from his conduct at Numantia, rather than from the fuggelions of his enemies. Upon which, by far the greatest part of the senate discovered themselves prejudiced prejudiced in his favour. A few, however, that were not lost to honour, nor abandoned to corruption, insisted upon bringing him to condign punishment. But as they could not prevail, he had the best part of Numidia allotted him, and Adherbal was forced to rest satisfied with the other.

Jugurtha finding now by experience that every thing was venal at Rome, as his friends at Numantia had before informed him, thought he might pursue his towering projects without any obtrusion from that quarter. He therefore, immediately after the last division of Micipha's dominions, threw off the mask, and attacked his cousin by open force. As Adherbal was a prince of a pacific disposition, and almost in all respects the reverse of Jugurtha, he was by no means a match for him. The latter therefore pillaged the former's territories, stormed several of his fortresses, and overran a good part of his kingdom without opposition. Adherbal, depending on the friendship of the Romans, which his father in his last moments assured him would be a stronger support to him than all the troops and treasures in the universe, dispatched deputies to Rome to complain of these hostilities. But whilst he lost time in sending thither fruitless deputations, Jugurtha overthrew him in a pitched battle, and soon after flung him up in Cirta. During the siege of this city, a Roman commission arrived there, in order to persuade both parties to an accommodation; but finding Jugurtha untractable, the commissioners returned home without so much as conferring with Adherbal. A second deputation, composed of senators of the highest distinction, with AEmilius Scaurus, president of the senate, at their head, landed some time after at Utica, and summoned Jugurtha to appear before them. That prince at first seemed to be under dreadful apprehensions, especially as Scaurus reproached him with his enormous crimes, and threatened him with the resentment of the Romans if he did not immediately raise the siege of Cirta. However, the Numidian, by his address, and the irresistible power of gold, as was afterwards suspected at Rome, so mollified Scaurus, that he left Adherbal at his mercy. In fine, Jugurtha had at last Cirta surrendered to him, upon condition only that he should spare the life of Adherbal. But the merciless tyrant, in violation of the laws of nature and humanity as well as the capitulation, when he had got possession of the town, ordered him to be put to a most cruel death. The merchants likewise, and all the Numidians in the place capable of bearing arms, he caused without distinction to be put to the sword.

Every person at Rome inspired with any sentiments of humanity, was struck with horror at the news of this tragical event. However, all the venal senators still concurred with Jugurtha's ministers in palliating his enormous crimes. Notwithstanding which, the people, excited thereto by Caius Memmius their tribune, who bitterly inveighed against the venality of the senate, resolved not to let so flagrant an instance of villany go unpunished. This disposition in them induced the conscript fathers likewise to declare their intention to chastise Jugurtha. In order to this, an army was levied to invade Numidia, and the command of it given to the consul Calpurnius Beflia, a person of good abilities, but rendered unfit for the expedition he was to go upon by his insatiable avarice. Jugurtha being informed of the great preparations making at Numidia, Rome to attack his dominions, sent his son thither to avert the impending storm. The young prince was plentifully supplied with money, which he had orders to distribute liberally amongst the leading men. But Beflia, propounding to himself great advantages from an invasion of Numidia, defeated all his intrigues, and got a decree passed, ordering him and his attendants to depart Italy in ten days, unless they were come to deliver up the king himself, and all his territories, to the republic by way of dedition. Which decree being notified to them, they returned without so much as having entered the gates of Rome; and the consul soon after landed with a powerful army in Africa. For some time he carried on the war there very briskly, reduced several strong holds, and took many Numidians prisoners. But upon the arrival of Scaurus, a peace was granted Jugurtha upon advantageous terms. That prince coming from Vacea, the place of his residence, to the Roman camp, in order to confer with Beflia and Scaurus, and the preliminaries of the treaty being immediately after settled between them in private conferences, every body at Rome was convinced that the prince of the senate and the consul had to their avarice sacrificed the republic. The indignation therefore of the people in general displayed itself in the strongest manner. Memmius also fired them with his speeches. It was therefore resolved to despatch the praetor Caflius, a person they could confide in, to Numidia, to prevail upon Jugurtha to come to Rome, that they might learn from the king himself which of their generals and senators had been seduced by the pestilent influence of corruption. Upon his arrival there, he found means to bribe one Baebius Salca, a man of great authority amongst the plebeians, but of infatiable avarice, by whose affiance he escaped with impunity. Nay, by the efficacy of gold, he not only eluded all the endeavours of the people of Rome to bring him to justice, but likewise enabled Bomilcar, one of his attendants, to get Mafilla, an illegitimate son of Micipha, affianced in the streets of Rome. That young prince was advised by many Romans of probity, wellwishers to the family of Mafilla, to apply for the kingdom of Numidia; which coming to Jugurtha's ears, he prevented the application by this execrable step. However, he was obliged to leave Italy immediately.

Jugurtha had scarce feet foot in Africa, when he received advice that the senate had annulled the shameful peace concluded with him by Beflia and Scaurus. Soon after, the consul Albinus transported a Roman army into Numidia, flattering himself with the hopes of reducing Jugurtha to reason before the expiration of his consulate. In this, however, he found himself deceived; for that crafty prince, by various artifices so amused and imposed upon Albinus, that nothing of moment happened that campaign. This rendered him strongly suspected of having betrayed his country, after the example of his predecessors. His brother Aulus, who succeeded him in the command of the army, was still more unsuccessful; for after rising from before Suthul, where the king's treasures were deposited, he marched his forces into a defile, out of which he found it impossible to extricate himself. He therefore was obliged to submit to the ignominious ceremony of passing under the jugum, with all his men, and to quit Numidia entirely in ten days time, Numid. time, in order to deliver his troops from immediate destruction. The avaricious disposition of the Roman commander had prompted him to besiege Suthul, the possession of which place he imagined would make him master of all the wealth of Jugurtha, and consequently paved the way to such a scandalous treaty. However, this was declared void as soon as known at Rome, as being concluded without the authority of the people. The Roman troops retired into Africa Propría, which they had now reduced into the form of a Roman province, and there took up their winter quarters.

In the mean time Caius Mamillius Limetanus, tribune of the people, excited the plebeians to inquire into the conduct of those persons by whose affiance Jugurtha had found means to elude all the decrees of the senate. This put the body of the people into a great ferment; which occasioned a prosecution of the guilty senators, that was carried on, for some time, with the utmost heat and violence. Lucius Metellus the consul, during these transactions, had Numidia assigned him for his province, and consequently was appointed general of the army destined to act against Jugurtha. As he perfectly disfregarded wealth, the Numidian found him superior to all his temptations; which was a great mortification to him. To this he joined all the other virtues which constitute the great captain; so that Jugurtha found him in all respects inaccessible. That prince therefore was now forced to regulate his conduct according to the motions of Metellus, with the greatest caution; and to exert his utmost bravery, in order to compensate for that hitherto so favourable expedient which now began to fail him. Marius, Metellus's lieutenant, being likewise a person of uncommon merit, the Romans reduced Vacca, a large opulent city, and the most celebrated mart in Numidia. They also defeated Jugurtha in a pitched battle; overthrew Bomilcar, one of his generals, upon the banks of the Muthulus; and, in fine, forced the Numidian monarch to take shelter in a place rendered almost inaccessible by the rocks and woods with which it was covered. However, Jugurtha signalized himself in a surprising manner, exhibiting all that could be expected from the courage, abilities, and attention of a consummate general, to whom despair administers fresh strength, and suggests new lights. But his troops could not make head against the Romans; they were again worsted by Marius, though they obliged Metellus to raise the siege of Zama. Jugurtha, therefore, finding his country everywhere ravaged, his most opulent cities plundered, his fortresses reduced, his towns burnt, vast numbers of his subjects put to the sword and taken prisoners, began to think seriously of coming to an accommodation with the Romans. His favourite Bomilcar, in whom he reposed the highest confidence, but who had been gained over to the enemy by Metellus, observing this disposition, found it no difficult matter to persuade him to deliver up his elephants, money, arms, horses, and deserters, in whom the main strength of his army consisted, into the hands of the Romans. Some of these last, in order to avoid the punishment due to their crime, retired to Boeclus king of Mauritania, and lived in his service. But Metellus ordering him to repair to Tifidrum, a city of Numidia, there to receive farther directions, and he refusing a compliance with that order, hostilities were renewed with greater fury than ever. Fortune now seemed to declare in favour of Jugurtha: he retook Vacca, and massacred all the Roman garrison, except Turpilius the commandant. However, soon after, a Roman legion feasted again upon it, and treated the inhabitants with the utmost severity. About this time, one of Mafanabas's sons, named Gauda, whom Micipha in his will had appointed to succeed to the crown in case his two legitimate sons and Jugurtha died without issue, wrote to the senate in favour of Marius, who was then endeavouring to supplant Metellus. That prince having his understanding impaired by a declining state of health, fell a more easy prey to the base and infamous adulation of Marius. The Roman, fothing his vanity, assured him, that as he was the next heir to the crown, he might depend upon being fixed upon the Numidian throne, as soon as Jugurtha was either killed or taken; and that this must in a short time happen, when once he appeared at the head of the Roman army with an unlimited commission. Soon after, Bomilcar and Nabada formed a design to assassinate Jugurtha, at the instigation of Metellus; but this being detected, Bomilcar and most of his accomplices suffered death. The plot however had such an effect upon Jugurtha, that he enjoyed afterwards no tranquillity or repose. He suspected persons of all denominations, Numidians as well as foreigners, of some black designs against him. Perpetual terrors sat brooding over his mind; insomuch that he never got a wink of sleep but by stealth, and often changed his bed in a low plebeian manner. Starting from his sleep, he would frequently snatch his sword, and break out into the most doleful cries: So strongly was he haunted by a spirit of fear, jealousy, and draftration!

Jugurtha having destroyed great numbers of his friends on suspicion of their having been concerned in the late conspiracy, and many more of them deserting to the Romans and Bocchus king of Mauritania, he found himself, in a manner, destitute of counsellors, generals, and all persons capable of assisting him in carrying on the war. This threw him into a deep melancholy, which rendered him dissatisfied with every thing, and made him fatigue his troops with a variety of contradictory motions. Sometimes he would advance with great celerity against the enemy, and at others retreat with no small swiftness from them. Then he resumed his former courage; but soon after despaired either of the valour or fidelity of the forces under his command. All his movements therefore proved unsuccessfull, and at last he was forced by Metellus to a battle. That part of the Numidian army which Jugurtha commanded, behaved with some resolution; but the other fled at the first onset. The Romans therefore entirely defeated them, took all their standards, and made a few of them prisoners. But few of them were slain in the action; since, as Sallust observes, the Numidians trusted more to their heels than to their arms for safety in this engagement.

Metellus pursued Jugurtha and his fugitives to Thala. His march to this place being through vast deserts, was extremely tedious and difficult. But being supplied with leathern bottles and wooden vessels of all sizes taken from the huts of the Numidians, which were filled with water brought by the natives, who had submitted to him, he advanced towards the city, Numidia. city. He had no sooner begun his march, than a most copious shower of rain, a thing very uncommon in those deserts, proved a great and felonable refreshment to his troops. This so animated them, that upon their arrival before Thala, they attacked the town with such vigour, that Jugurtha with his family, and treasures deposited therein, thought proper to abandon it. After a brave defence, it was reduced; the garrison, consisting of Roman deserters, setting fire to the king's palace, and consuming themselves, together with every thing valuable to them, in the flames. Jugurtha, being now reduced to great extremities, retired into Gaetulia, where he formed a considerable corps. From thence he advanced to the confines of Mauritania; and engaged Bocchus king of that country, who had married his daughter, to enter into an alliance with him. In consequence of which, having reinforced his Gaetulian troops with a powerful body of Mauritanians, he turned the tables upon Metellus, and obliged him to keep close within his entrenchments. Sallust informs us, that Jugurtha bribed Bocchus's ministers to influence that prince in his favour; and that having obtained an audience, he intimated, that should Numidia be subdued, Mauritania must be involved in its ruin, especially as the Romans seemed to have vowed the destruction of all the thrones in the universe. In support of what he advanced, he produced several instances very apposite to the point in view. However, the same author seems to intimate, that Bocchus was determined to assist Jugurtha against his enemies by the flight the Romans had formerly shewn him. That prince, at the first breaking out of the war, had sent ambassadors to Rome, to propose an offensive and defensive alliance to the republic; which, though of the utmost consequence to it at the juncture, a few of the most venal and infamous senators, who were abandoned to corruption, prevented from taking effect. This undoubtedly wrought more powerfully upon Bocchus in favour of Jugurtha, than the relation he stood in to him: For both the Moors and Numidians adapted the number of their wives to their circumstances, so that some had 10, 20, &c. to their share; their kings therefore were unlimited in this particular, and of course all degrees of affinity resulting to them from marriage had little force. It is observable, that the posterity of those ancient nations have the same custom prevailing amongst them at this day.

Marius succeeds Metellus.

Such was the situation of affairs in Numidia, when Metellus received advice of the promotion of Marius to the consuliate. But, notwithstanding this injurious treatment, he generously endeavoured to draw off Bocchus from Jugurtha, though this would facilitate the reduction of Numidia for his rival. To this end ambassadors were despatched to the Mauritanian court, who intimated to Bocchus, "That it would be highly imprudent to come to a rupture with the Romans without any cause at all; and that he had now a fine opportunity of concluding a most advantageous treaty with them, which was much preferable to a war. To which they added, that whatever dependence he might place upon his riches, he ought not to run the hazard of losing his dominions by embroiling himself with other states, when he could easily avoid this; that it was much easier to begin a war than to end it, which it was in the power of the victor alone to do; that, in fine, he would by no means consult the interest of his subjects if he followed the desperate fortunes of Jugurtha." To which Bocchus replied. "That for his part there was nothing he wished for more than peace; but that he could not help pitying the deplorable condition of Jugurtha; that if the Romans, therefore, would grant that unfortunate prince the same terms they had offered him, he would bring about an accommodation." Metellus let the Mauritanian monarch know, that it was not in his power to comply with what he desired. However, he took care to keep up a private negotiation with him till the new consul Marius's arrival. By this conduct he served two wise ends. First, He prevented Bocchus from coming to a general action with his troops; which was the very thing Jugurtha desired, as hoping that this, whatever the event might be, would render a reconciliation betwixt him and the Romans impracticable. Secondly, This inaction enabled him to discover something of the genius and disposition of the Moors; a nation of whom the Romans, till then, had scarcely formed any idea; which, he imagined, might be of no small service, either to himself or his successors, in the future prosecution of the war.

Jugurtha, being informed that Marius, with a numerous army, was landed at Utica, advised Bocchus to retire, with part of the troops, to some place of difficult access, whilst he himself took post upon another inaccessible spot with the remaining corps. By this measure, he hoped the Romans would be obliged to divide their forces, and consequently be more exposed to his efforts and attacks. He likewise imagined, that seeing no formidable body appear, they would believe the enemy in no condition to make head against them; which might occasion a relaxation of discipline, the usual attendant of a too great security, and consequently produce some good effect. However, he was disappointed in both these views. For Marius, far from suffering a relaxation of discipline to take place, trained up his troops, which consisted chiefly of new levies, in so perfect a manner, that they were soon equal in goodness to any consular army that ever appeared in the field. He also cut off great numbers of the Gaetulian marauders, defeated many of Jugurtha's parties, and had like to have taken that prince himself near the city of Cirta. These advantages, though not of any great importance, intimidated Bocchus, who now made overtures for an accommodation; but the Romans, not being sufficiently vantage satisfied of his sincerity, paid no great attention to them. In the mean time Marius pushed on his conquests, reducing several places of less note, and at last resolved to besiege Capfa. That this enterprise might be conducted with the greater secrecy, he suffered not the least hint of his design to transpire, even amongst any of his officers. On the contrary, in order to blind them, he detached A. Manlius, one of his lieutenants, with some light-armed cohorts, to the city of Lares, where he had fixed his principal magazine, and deposited the military chest. Before Manlius left the camp, that he might the more effectually amuse him, he intimated, that himself with the army should take the same route in a few days; but instead of that, he bent his march towards the Tanais, and in six days time arrived upon the banks of that river. Here he pitched his tents for a short time, in order to refresh his troops; which having done, he advanced to Capfa, and made himself master of it. Numidia. As the situation of this city rendered it extremely commodious to Jugurtha, whose plan of operations, ever since the commencement of the war, it had exceedingly favoured, he levelled it with the ground after it had been delivered up to the soldiers to be plundered. The citizens likewise, being more strongly attached to that prince than any of the other Numidians, on account of the extraordinary privileges he indulged them with, and of course bearing a more implacable hatred to the Romans, he put to the sword or sold for slaves. The true motive of the consul's conduct on this occasion seems here to be affixed; though we are told by Sallust, in conformity to the Roman genius, that neither avarice nor resentment prompted him to so barbarous an action, but only a desire to strike a terror into the Numidians.

The Numidians, ever after this exploit, dreaded the very name of Marius; who now, in his own opinion, had eclipsed the glory of all his predecessor's great achievements, particularly the reduction of Thala, a city, in strength and situation, nearly resembling Capta. Following his blow, he gradually presented himself before most of the places of strength in the enemy's country; many of which either opened their gates, or were abandoned, at his approach, being terrified with what had happened to the unfortunate citizens of Capta. Others taken by force, he laid in ashes; and in short, filled the greatest part of Numidia with blood, horror, and confusion. Then, after an obstinate defence, he reduced a castle that seemed impregnable, seated not far from Mulaucha, where Jugurtha kept part of his treasures. In the mean time, Jugurtha not being able to prevail upon Bocchus, by his repeated solicitations, to advance into Numidia, where he found himself greatly pressed, was obliged to have recourse to his usual method of bribing the Mauritanian ministers, in order to put that prince in motion. He also promised him a third part of his kingdom, provided they could either drive the Romans out of Africa, or get all the Numidian dominions confirmed to him by treaty.

So considerable a cession could not fail of engaging Bocchus to support Jugurtha with his whole power. The two African monarchs, therefore, having joined their forces, surprised Marius near Cirta as he was going into winter quarters. The Roman general was so pulled on this occasion, that the barbarians thought themselves certain of victory, and doubted not but they should be able to extinguish the Roman name in Numidia. But their inaction and too great security enabled Marius to give them a total defeat; which was followed four days after by so complete an overthrow, that their numerous army, consisting of 90,000 men, by the accession of a powerful corps of Moors, commanded by Bocchus's son Volux, was entirely ruined. Sylla, Marius's lieutenant, most eminently distinguished himself in the last action, which laid the foundation of his future greatness. Bocchus, now looking upon Jugurtha's condition as desperate, and not being willing to run the risk of losing his dominions, showed a disposition to clap up a peace with Rome. However, the republic gave him to understand, that he must not expect to be ranked amongst its friends, till he had delivered up into the consul's hands Jugurtha, the inveterate enemy of the Roman name. The Mauritanian monarch, having entertained a high idea of an alliance with that state, resolved to satisfy it in this particular; and was confirmed in his resolution by one Dabar, a Numidian prince, the son of Maufugrada, and descended by his mother's side from Masinilla. Being closely attached to the Romans, and extremely agreeable to Bocchus, on account of his noble disposition, he defeated all the intrigues of Alpar, Jugurtha's minister. Upon Sylla's arrival at the Mauritanian court, the affair there seemed to be entirely settled. However, Bocchus, who was for ever projecting new designs, and, like the rest of his countrymen, in the highest degree perfidious, debated within himself, whether he should sacrifice Sylla or Jugurtha, who were both then in his power. He was a long time fluctuating with uncertainty, and combated by a contrariety of sentiments. The sudden changes which displayed themselves in his countenance, his air, and his whole person, evidently shewed how strongly his mind was agitated. But at last he returned to his first design, to which the bias of his mind seemed naturally to lead him. He therefore delivered up Jugurtha into the hands of Sylla, to be conducted to Marius; who, by that successful event, happily terminated this dangerous war. The kingdom of Numidia was now reduced to a new form: Bocchus, for his important services, had the country of the Maliylii, contiguous to Mauritania, assigned him: which, from this time, took the name of New Mauritania. Numidia Propria, or the country of the Maliylii, was divided into three parts; one of which was given to Hiempfal, another to Mandrosta, both descendants of Masinilla; and the third the Romans annexed to Africa Propria, or the Roman province adjacent to it. What became of Jugurtha after he had graced Marius's triumph, at which ceremony he was led in chains, together with his two sons, through the streets of Rome, we have already laid before our readers. See JUGURTHA.

Jugurtha's two sons survived him, but spent their lives in captivity at Venusia. However, one of them, named Oxyntas, was, for a short time, released from his confinement by Aporius, who besieged Accrae in the war between the Romans and the Italian allies. That general brought this prince to his army, where he treated him as king, in order to draw the Numidian forces off from the Roman service. Accordingly those Numidians no sooner heard that the son of their old king was fighting for the allies, than they began to desert by companies; which obliged Julius Caesar the consul to part with all his Numidian cavalry, and send them back into Africa. Some few years after this event, Pompey defeated Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, and Hiarbas one of the kings of Numidia, killing 17,000 of their men upon the spot. Not satisfied with this victory, that general pursued the fugitives to their camp, which he soon forced, put Domitius to the sword, and took Hiarbas prisoner. He then reduced that part of Numidia which belonged to Hiarbas, who seems to have succeeded Mandrosta above-mentioned; and gave it to Hiempfal, a neighbouring Numidian prince, descended from Masinilla, who had always opposed the Marian faction.

Suetonius informs us, that a dispute happened between Hiempfal and one Masintha, a noble Numidian, whom, it is probable, he had in some respect injured, when Julius Caesar first began to make a figure in the world. The same author adds, that Caesar warmly espoused espoused the cause of Mafintha, and even grossly insulted Juba, Hicmphil's son, when he attempted to vindicate his father's conduct on this occasion. He pulled him by the beard, than which a more unpardonable affront could not be offered to an African. In short, he screened Mafintha from the insults and violence of his enemies; from whence a reason may be assigned for Juba's adhering so closely afterwards to the Pompeian faction.

In consequence of the indignity Caesar had offered Juba, and the disposition it had occasioned, that prince did Caesar great damage in the civil wars betwixt him and Pompey. By a stratagem he drew Curio, one of his lieutenants, into a general action, which it was his interest at that time to have avoided. He caused it to be given out over all Africa Propria and Numidia, that he was retired into some remote country at a great distance from the Roman territories. This coming to Curio's ears, who was then besieging Utica, it hindered him from taking the necessary precautions against a surprize. Soon after, the Roman general receiving intelligence that a small body of Numidians was approaching his camp, he put himself at the head of his forces in order to attack them, and, for fear they should escape, began his march in the night, looking upon himself as sure of victory. Some of their advanced posts he surprised asleep, and cut them to pieces; which still farther animated him. In short, about daybreak he came up with the Numidians, whom he attacked with great bravery, though his men were then fainting, and vastly fatigued by their forced and precipitate march. In the mean time, Juba, who immediately after the propagation of the rumour above mentioned, had taken care to march privately, with the main body of the Numidian army, to support the detachment sent before to decoy Curio, advanced to the relief of his men. The Romans had met with a great resistance before he appeared; so that he easily broke them, killed Curio, with a great part of his troops, upon the spot, purposed the rest to their camp, which he plundered, and took many of them prisoners. Most of the fugitives, who endeavoured to make their escape on board the ships in the port of Utica, were either slain by the pursuers, or drowned. The remainder fell into the hands of Varus, who would have saved them; but Juba, who arrogated to himself the honour of this victory, ordered most of them to be put to the sword.

This victory infused new life and vigour into the Pompeian faction, who thereupon conferred great honours upon Juba, and gave him the title of king of all Numidia. But Caesar and his adherents declared him an enemy to the state of Rome, adjudging to Bocchus and Bogud, two African princes entirely in their interest, the sovereignty of his dominions. Juba afterwards, uniting his forces with those of Scipio, reduced Caesar to great extremities, and would in all probability have totally ruined him, had he not been relieved by Publius Sittius. That general, having formed a considerable corps, consisting of Roman exiles, and Mauritanian troops sent him by Bocchus, according to Dio, or, as Caesar will have it, Bogud, made an irruption into Caetulia and Numidia, while Juba was employed in Africa Propria. As he ravaged these countries in a dreadful manner, Juba immediately returned with the best part of his army, to preserve them from utter destruction. However, Caesar knowing his horse to be afraid of the enemy's elephants, did not think proper to attack Scipio in the absence of the Numidian, till his own elephants, and a fresh reinforcement of troops, hourly expected, arrived from Italy. With this accession of strength, he imagined himself able to give a good account, both of the Roman forces with which he was to cope, and the barbarians. In the mean time Scipio dispatched reiterated expresses to Juba to hasten to his affiance; but could not prevail upon him to move out of Numidia, till he had promised him the possession of all the Roman dominions in Africa, if they could from thence expel Caesar. This immediately put him in motion; so that, having sent a large detachment to make head against Sittius, he marched with the rest of his troops to assist Scipio. However, Caesar at last overthrew Scipio, Juba, and Labienus, near the town of Thapsus, and forced all their camps. As Scipio was the first surprised and defeated, Juba fled into Numidia without waiting for Caesar's approach; but the body of the Numidians detached against Sittius, having been broken and dispersed by that general, none of his subjects there would receive him. Abandoned therefore to despair he fought death in a single combat with Petreius, and, having killed him, caused himself to be dispatched by one of his slaves.

After this decisive action, and the reduction of Africa Propria, Caesar made himself master of Numidia, reduced to which he reduced to a Roman province, appointing Crispus Sallustius to govern it in quality of proconsul, with private instructions to pillage and plunder the inhabitants, and, by that means, put it out of their power ever to shake off the Roman yoke. However, Bocchus and Bogud still preferred a fort of sovereignty in the country of the Massafyli and Mauritania, since the former of those princes, having deserted Caesar, sent an army into Spain to afflict the Pompeians; and the latter, with his forces, determined victory to declare for Caesar at the ever memorable battle of Munda. Bogud, afterwards siding with Antony against Octavius, sent a body of forces to assist him in Spain; at which time the Tingitanians revolting from him, Bocchus, with an army composed of Romans in the interest of Octavius, who palled over from Spain into Africa, and his own subjects, possessed himself of Mauritania Tingitana. Bogud fled to Antony; and Octavius, after the conclusion of the war, honoured the inhabitants of Tingi with all the privileges of Roman citizens. He likewise confirmed Bocchus king of Mauritania Caesariensis, or the country of the Massafyli, in the possession of Tingitana, which he had conquered, as a reward for his important services. In this he imitated the example of his great predecessor Julius Caesar, who divided some of the fruitful plains of Numidia among the soldiers of P. Sittius, who had conquered great part of that country, and appointed Sittius himself sovereign of that district. Sittius, as has been intimated above, having taken Cirta, killed Sabura, Juba's general, entirely dispersed his forces, and either cut off or taken prisoners most of the Pompeian fugitives that escaped from the battle of Thapsus, highly deserved to be distinguished in so eminent a manner. After Bocchus's death, Mauritania and the Massafylian Numidia were in all respects considered as Roman provinces.