a very ancient and celebrated city of Italy, situated on the river Tiber, in E. Long. 13°. N. Lat. 41°. 45. once the capital of the greatest empire in the world; and famous in modern history for being the centre of an ecclesiastical tyranny, by which for many ages the greatest part of the world was held in subjection.

The ancient Romans derived their origin from Æneas, the Trojan hero; and though some historians pretended to treat his voyage into Italy as a mere fable, yet from Æneas sufficient reasons for rejecting this account have been offered, nor has any more probable history of the origin of the Roman name been given; so that, without entering into the dispute, we shall proceed to the history of Æneas and his successors as they are recorded by the generality of Latin writers.

When the Greeks, by the treachery of the sons of Antenor, or by whatever other means it happened, were become masters of Troy, Æneas with the forces under his command retired into the fortresses of the city, and defended it bravely for some time; but yielding at length to necessity, he conveyed away his gods, his father, wife, and children, with every thing he had that was valuable, and, followed by a numerous crowd of Trojans, fled to the strong places of Mount Ida. Hither all those of his countrymen, who were more anxious than the rest to preserve their liberty, flocked to him from the several towns of Troas. His army thus augmented and advantageously posted, he continued quiet, waiting for the departure of the Greeks, who it was imagined, would return home as soon as they had pillaged the country. But these, after they had enriched themselves with the spoils of Troy and of the neighbouring towns, turned their arms against the fugitives, resolving to attack them in their strong-holds upon the mountain. Æneas, to avoid the hazard of being forced in his last refuge, had recourse to negotiation; and, by his heralds, intreated the enemy not to constrain him to a battle. Peace was granted him, peace with condition that he with his followers quitted the Trojan territories; and the Greeks, on their part, promised fed not to molest him in his retreat, but to let him safely pass through any country within the extent of their domination.

Upon this assurance Æneas equipped a fleet, in order to seek a settlement in some foreign land. We are told, that at his departure he left his eldest son Alcæus with the Dafylites, a people of Bithynia, who desired to have him for their king; but that the young prince did not remain long with them: for when Scamandrus (Altynax), with the rest of the Hectoridae whom Neoptolemus permitted to return home from Greece, repaired to him, he put himself at their head, and led them back to their native country.

The Trojan, having crossed the Hellespont, arrived in the peninsula of Pallene, where he built a city, called from him Æneia, and left in it a part of that multitude which had followed him. From thence he sailed to Delos; and thence to Cythera, where he erected a temple to Venus. He built another to the same goddess in Zacynthus, in which island he likewise instituted games, called the races of Æneas and Venus: the statues of both, says Dionysius, are standing to this day. In Leucas, where the Trojans landed, was to be seen, in the same author's time, a temple erected to Venus the mother of Æneas. Nor were Actium and Abracia without monuments that testified his arrival in those places. At Dodona were found brazen vases, upon which the name of the Trojan hero, who had made an offering of them to Jupiter, was engraven in old characters. Not far from Ruthrotos, in Epirus, a Trojan camp which had escaped the injuries of time, retained the name of Troy. All these antiquities, still subsisting in the reign of Augustus, were then looked upon as indisputable proofs of Æneas's voyage to Epirus: "and that he came into Italy (adds the same Dionysius) we have the concurrent testimony of all the Romans; the ceremonies they observe in their sacrifices and festivals bear witness to it, as also the Sibylline books, the Pythian oracles, and many other things which nobody can reasonably reject as invented merely for ornament."

The first land of Italy which Æneas made, after crossing the Ionian sea, was Cape Minerva, in Iapygia; and here he went on shore. Sailing afterwards from hence, and coasting along the south-east of Italy and the east and south sides of Sicily, he arrived with his fleet either by choice or by stress of weather at the port of Drepanum in that island. Elymus and Ægeetus, who had escaped from Troy a little before him, had brought a Trojan colony to this place. Æneas augmented it by a good number of his followers, whom, pleased to have found a safe resting place after many dangers and fatiguing voyages, he willingly left behind him at their request; though certain authors pretend that he was constrained to it by the difficulty of transporting them, because some Trojan women, weary of the sea, had burnt a considerable part of his ships.

Æneas, leaving Drepanum, steered his course for Italy across the Tyrrhenian sea. To the cape where he first landed, he gave the name Palinurus, from one of his pilots who died there. The little island of Leucasia, not far distant, whither he sailed next, got its name in like manner from a daughter of Æneas's sister, who there ended her days. The port of Misenum, the island of Prochyta, and the promontory of Cajeta, where he successively arrived, were so called from being the burial places, the first of a noble Trojan his companion, the second of his kinswoman, and the third of his nurse. At length the Trojan prince and his chosen band finished their tedious and painful voyages on the coast of the since famous Latium. This was a small land in territory on the east side of the river Tiber, containing a part of the present Campagna di Roma: Latinus was the king of it; his capital town, Laurentum; his subjects, a people who, till his time called Aborigines, had from him taken the name of Latins. Here, far removed from their implacable enemies the Greeks, Æneas and his followers undertook to raise a second Troy: they fortified a camp near the mouth of the Tiber, gave it the name of Troy, and flattered themselves with the hopes of a quiet settlement, and a period to all their unhappy adventures.

When Æneas arrived in Italy, Latinus was engaged in a war with the Rutuli, a neighbouring people, in which he was attended but with very indifferent success, when news was brought him that a foreign army had made a descent on his coasts, pillaged the maritime part of his dominions, and were fortifying themselves in a camp at a small distance from the sea. Hereupon he marched against them with all his forces, hoping to oblige them to reembark and abandon his dominions, without meeting with any great resistance from a band of vagabonds, as he supposed, or pirates, come only to seek for plunder: but finding them, as he drew near, well-armed, and regularly drawn up, he thought it advisable to forbear engaging troops that appeared so well disciplined; and, instead of venturing a battle, to defer a parley. In this conference Latinus understanding who they were, and being at the same time struck with terror, and touched with compassion for those brave but unfortunate men, entered into a treaty with them, and assigned them a tract of land for a settlement, on condition that they should employ their arms and exert their valour in defence of his dominions, and look upon the Rutuli as a common enemy. This condition Æneas readily accepted; and complied with his engagement so faithfully, an alliance that Latinus came at length to repose an entire confidence in the Trojan; and in proof of it gave him Lavinia, his daughter and only child, in marriage, securing his daughter to him by that means the succession to the throne of Latium. Æneas, to testify his gratitude to Latinus, and affection for Lavinia, gave her name to the camp he had pitched; and instead of Troy called it Latium. The Trojans followed the example of their leader; and by making alliances with Latin families, became, in a short time, one and the same people with the Latins.

In the mean time Turnus, the queen's nephew, who had been brought up in the palace under the eye of Latinus, and entertained hopes of marrying Lavinia and succeeding to the throne, seeing the princess bestowed on a stranger, and all his views defeated, went over to the Rutuli; and by stirring them up, brought on a battle between them and the Latins, in which both he and Latinus were killed. Thus Æneas, by the death of his father-in-law, and by that of a troublesome rival, came into the quiet possession of the kingdom of Latium, which he governed with great wisdom, and transmitted to his posterity.

Æneas is said to have reigned three years; during which which time he established the worship of the gods of his own country, and to the religion of the Latins added that of Troy. The two Palladiums, which had been the protectors of that city, became the tutelary deities of Lavinium, and, in after ages, of the whole Roman empire. The worship of Vesta was likewise introduced by Æneas; and virgins, from her called Vestals, were appointed to keep a fire continually burning in honour of that goddess. Jupiter, Venus, and many other deities who had been revered in Troy, became in all likelihood known to the Latins by means of Æneas; which gave occasion to the poets of representing him under the character of a pious hero.

While Æneas was thus employed, the Rutuli, ancient enemies of the Latin name, entering into an alliance with Mezentius king of the Tyrrhenians, took the field with a design to drive out those new-comers, of whose power they began to conceive no small jealousy. Æneas marched out against them at the head of his Trojans and Latins. Hereupon a battle ensued, which lasted till night; when Æneas being pushed to the banks of the Numicus, which ran close by Lavinium, and forced into that river, was there drowned. The Trojans concealed his body; and pretending that he had vanished away on a sudden, made him pass for a deity among his credulous subjects, who accordingly erected a temple to him under the title of Jupiter Indiges.

Upon the death of Æneas, his son Euryleon, called also Aeneus and Iulus, ascended the throne; but as the young king did not think it advisable to venture a battle in the very beginning of his reign, with a formidable enemy, who promised himself great success from the death of Æneas, he had the prudence to confine himself within the walls of Lavinium, and to try whether he could, by an honourable treaty, put an end to so dangerous a war. But the haughty Mezentius demanding of the Latins, as one of the conditions of a peace, that they should pay him yearly, by way of tribute, all the wine produced in the territory of Latium, Acanthus rejected the proposal with the utmost indignation; and having caused all the vines throughout his dominions to be consecrated to Jupiter, and by that means put it out of his power to comply with the enemy's request, he resolved to make a vigorous fall, and try whether he could, by force of arms, bring the insulting Tyrrhenian to more reasonable terms. The main body of the enemy's army was encamped at some distance from Lavinium; but Laufus, the son of Mezentius, with the flower of their youth under his command, lay entrenched at the very gates of the city. The Trojans, who had been long accustomed to make vigorous fallsies, marching out in the night, attacked the post where Laufus commanded, forced his entrenchments, and obliged the troops he had with him to save themselves by flying to the main body of the army encamped on the plains; but the unexpected arrival and overthrow of their advance-guard struck them with such terror, that, instead of stopping the flight of their companions, they fled with them, in great disorder, to the neighbouring mountains. The Latins pursued them, and in the pursuit Laufus was killed: whose death so discouraged Mezentius, that he immediately sued for peace; which was granted him, upon condition, that for the future the Tiber should be the boundary between the Latin and Hetrurian territories.

In the mean time Lavinia, who had been left with child by Æneas, entertaining a strong jealousy of the ambition of her son-in-law, retired to the woods, and was there peaceably delivered of a son, who, from his birth, had the surname of Sylvius; but as the queen's son, flight, who had disappeared on a sudden, raised suspicions at Lavinium prejudicial to the reputation of Ascanius, he used all possible means to remove them, caused diligent search to be made after Lavinia, calmed her fears, and prevailed upon her to return to the town with her son, whom he ever after treated as a brother. Lavinium grew every day more populous; but as it was in reality the patrimony of Lavinia, and the inheritance of her son Sylvius, Ascanius resolved to resign it to them, and build elsewhere another city for himself. This he made the place of his residence, and the capital of his new kingdom, calling it Alba Longa; and founds to distinguish it from another town of the same name in the country of the Marsi; or rather, because it extended, without having much breadth, the whole length of a lake near which it was built. It was 30 years after the building of Lavinium that Ascanius fixed his abode at Alba; and there he died, after a reign of about 38 years, 12 of which he had resided at his new settlement. He left a son called Iulus; so that between him and Sylvius lay the right of succession to the Latin throne; the latter being the son, and the former the grandson, of Æneas.

The Latins not thinking it their interest to continue divided, as it were, into two states, resolved to unite Alba and Lavinium into one sovereignty; and as Sylvius was born of Lavinia the daughter of Latinus, and had thereby an undoubted title to the kingdom of his grandfather, whereas the other was but the son of a stranger, the Latins bestowed the crown on Sylvius; united, and, to make Iulus some amends, decreed to him the sovereign power in affairs of religion; a power which thenceforth continued in his family. Sylvius was succeeded by 13 kings of the same race, who for near 400 years reigned at Alba; but we scarce know anything of them besides their names, and the years of their respective reigns. Æneas Sylvius died, after a reign of 29 years. His son, called also Æneas Sylvius, governed Latium 31 years. Latinus Sylvius, who succeeded him, swayed the sceptre for the space of 51 years.—Alba reigned 39; Capetus, by Livy named Atys, 26; Capis, 28; and Capetus, 13. Tiberinus, who succeeded him, engaged in a war which proved fatal to him; for in a battle which was fought on the banks of the Albula, he was forced into that river and drowned. From him the river took the name of Tiber, which it has borne ever since. Agrippa succeeded Tiberinus after a reign of eight years; and left the throne, which he had held 41 years, to Alladius; who reigned 19, and was succeeded by Aventinus, who left his name to the hill Aventinus, where he was interred. Procas, who succeeded him, and reigned 23 years, was the father of Numitor and Amulius; and at his death bequeathed the throne to his elder son Numitor. But Amulius, who surpassed his brother in courage and understanding, drove him from the throne; and, to secure it to himself, murdered Ægeus, Numitor's only son, and consecrated crated his daughter Rhea Sylvia to the worship of Vesta, by which she was obliged to perpetual virginity. But this precaution proved ineffectual; for as the Vestal was going to a neighbouring spring to fetch water for the performance of a sacrifice to Mars, she was met and ravished by a man in a military habit, like that in which the god Mars is represented. Some authors think that this counterfeit Mars was a lover come thither by her appointment; others charge Amulius himself with using this violence to his niece, not so much to gratify his lust, as to have a pretence to destroy her.

For ever after he caused her to be carefully watched, till she was delivered of two sons; and then exaggerating her crime in an assembly of the people, he prevailed upon them to sentence her to death, and to condemn the fruit of her criminal amour to be thrown into the Tiber. The sentence against Rhea was, according to some authors, changed by Amulius, at the request of his daughter Antho, into perpetual confinement, but executed against the twins; who being laid in a wooden trough, and carried to the foot of Mount Palatine, were there turned adrift on the Tiber, which at that time overflowed its banks. But the wind and stream proved both so favourable, that at the fall of the water the two infants were left safe on the strand, and were there happily found by Faustulus, the chief of the king's shepherds, and fuddled by his wife Acca Laurentia, who for her disorderly life was called Lupa; and this probably gave rise to the fabulous miracle of their being nursed by a wolf.

As Faustulus was probably well acquainted with the birth of the twins, he took more than ordinary care of their education, and sent them to Gabii to be instructed there in Greek literature. As they grew up, they appeared to have something great in their men and air which commanded respect; and the ascendancy which they assumed over the other shepherds made them dreaded in the forests, where they exercised a sort of empire.

A quarrel happening between the herdsmen of Amulius and those of Numitor, the two brothers took the part of the former against the latter; and some blood being shed in the fray, the adverse party, to be revenged on Romulus and Remus (for so the twins were called), on the festival of Lupercalia, surprized Remus, and carried him before Numitor, to be punished according to his deserts. But Numitor feeling himself touched in the prisoner's favour, asked him where he was born, and who were his parents. His answer immediately struck Numitor with a lively remembrance of his two grandsons; their age, which was about 18 years, agreed with the time when the two infants were exposed upon the Tiber; and there needed no more to change his anger into tenderness.

In the mean time Romulus, eager to rescue his brother, and pursue those who had carried him off, was preparing to be revenged on them; but Faustulus dissuaded him from it; and on that occasion, disclosing to him his birth, awakened in his breast sentiments worthy of his extraction. He resolved, at all adventures, to attempt the delivering of his mother and grandfather from oppression. With this view he assembled the country people, over whom he had assumed a kind of sovereignty, and engaged them to come to the city on an appointed day, and enter it by different gates, provided with arms, which they were to conceal. While Romulus was thus disposing every thing for the execution of his design, Numitor made the same discovery to Remus concerning his parents, and the oppressions they groaned under; which so fired him, that he was ready to embark in any enterprise. But Numitor took care to moderate the transports of his grandson, and only desired him to acquaint his brother with what he had heard from him, and to send him to his house. Romulus soon came, and was followed by Faustulus, who took with him the trough or skiff in which the twins had been exposed, to shew it to Numitor; but, as the shepherd betrayed an air of concern and earnestness in his looks, he was stopped at the gate of the city, led before Amulius, and examined concerning his burden. It was easily known by its make and inscription, which was still legible; and therefore Faustulus owned what it was, and confessed that the twins were living; but, in order to gain time, pretended that they were feeding flocks in a remote desert. In the mean time, the usurper's death being resolved on, Remus undertook to raise the city, and Romulus to invest the king's palace. The country people came at the time appointed, and formed themselves into companies each consisting of 100 men. They had no other ensigns but bundles of hay hanging upon long poles, which the Latins at that time called manipuli; and hence came the name of manipulares, originally given to troops raised in the country. With this tumultuous army Romulus beset the avenues of the palace, forced the guard, and having killed the tyrant, after he had reigned 42 years, restored his grandfather Numitor to the throne.

Affairs being thus settled at Alba, the two brothers, by the advice of Numitor, undertook the founding of a new colony. The king bestowed on them those lands found near the Tiber where they had been brought up, supplied them with all manner of instruments for breaking up ground, with slaves, and beasts of burden, and granted full liberty to his subjects to join them. Hereupon most of the Trojans, of whom there still remained 50 families in Augustus's time, chose to follow the fortune of Romulus and Remus, as did also the inhabitants of Pallantium and Saturnia, two small towns. For the more speedy carrying on of the work, it was thought proper to divide those who were to be employed in the building of the city into two companies, one under the command of Romulus, the other of Remus; but this division, which was designed purely with a view to the public welfare, and that the two parties might work by way of emulation, gave birth to two factions, and produced a jealousy between the two brothers, which broke out when they came to choose a place for the building of their new city; for Remus was for the Aventine, and Romulus for the Palatine mount. Upon which, the matter being referred to their grandfather, he advised the contending parties to have recourse to the gods, and to put an end to the dispute by augury, to which he was himself greatly addicted. The day appointed for the ceremony being come, the brothers posted themselves each upon his hill; and it was agreed, that whoever should see the first flight, or the greatest number, of vultures, should gain his cause. After the two rivals had waited some time for the appearance of a favourable omen, Romulus, before any had appeared, sent to acquaint his brother that he had seen some vultures; but Remus, having actually seen six, while his brother's messengers messengers were yet on their way, hastened, on their arrival, to Mount Palatine, to examine the truth of what they had told him. He had no sooner got thither, than by an unexpected good fortune twelve vultures appeared to Romulus. These he immediately showed to his brother; and, transported with joy, desired him to judge himself of the truth of what his messengers had told him. However, Remus discovered the deceit; and, being told that Romulus had not seen the twelve vultures till after he had seen six, he insisted on the time of his seeing them, and the other on the number of birds he had seen. This widened the breach between the two brothers; and, their parties being divided, while each man espoused the cause of his leader, the dispute grew so warm, that, from words they came at length to blows. The shepherd Faustulus, who was equally dear to both the brothers, endeavouring to part the combatants, was, by an unknown hand, laid dead on the spot. Some writers tell us, that Remus likewise lost his life in the fray; but the greater number place his death later, and say that he was killed by one Fabius, for having, in derision, leaped over the wall of the new city: but Livy says, the more common report was, that Remus fell by the hand of his brother.

Romulus, being now head of the colony, by having got the better of his brother's party in the late engagement, applied his thoughts wholly to the building of the city, which he proposed to call after his own name. He chose Mount Palatine for its situation, and performed all those ceremonies which the superstition of the Etruscans had introduced. He first offered sacrifices to the gods, and ordered all the people to do the same: and from that time decreed, that eagles should be the auspices of his new colony. After this, great fires were kindled before their tents, and all the people leaped through the flames to purify themselves. When this ceremony was over, they dug a trench round the spot where the assemblies of the people were afterwards held, and threw into it the first-fruits of whatever they were allowed to make use of for food: every man of the colony was ordered to cast into the same trench a handful of earth, brought either from his own or some neighbouring country. The trench they called Mundus, that is, the world, and made it the centre round which the city was to be built. Then Romulus, yoking an ox and a cow to a plough, the coulter whereof was brafs marked out, by a deep furrow, the whole compass of the city. These two animals, the symbols of marriage, by which cities are peopled, were afterwards slain upon the altar. All the people followed the plough, throwing inwards the clods of earth which the plough-share sometimes turned outwards. Wherever a gate was to be made, the plough was lifted up, and carried; and hence came the Latin word porta, "a gate," derived from the verb portare, "to carry." As Mount Palatine stood by itself, the whole was inclosed within the line made by the plough, which formed almost the figure of a square; whence, by Dionysius Halicarnassensis, it is called Roma Quadrata.

As to the exact year of the foundation of Rome, there is a great disagreement among historians and chronologers. Fabius Pictor, the most ancient of all the Roman writers, places it in the end of the seventh Olympiad; that is, according to the computation of Uther, in the year of the world 3256, of the flood 1600, and 748 before the Christian era. The Romans, if we may so call them, began to build, as Plutarch and others inform us, on the 21st of April; which day was then consecrated to Pales, goddess of the shepherds; whence the festival of Pales, and that of the foundation of the city, were afterwards jointly celebrated at Rome.

When Rome had received the utmost perfection which its poor and rude founder could give it, it consisted of a poor village about 1000 houses, or rather huts; and was, properly speaking, a beggarly village, whereof the principal inhabitants followed the plough, being obliged to cultivate with their own hands the ungrateful soil of a barren country which they had shared among themselves. Even the walls of Romulus's palace were made of rushes, and covered with thatch. As every one had chosen his ground to build upon, without any regard to the regularity and beauty of the whole, the streets, if we may so call them, were both crooked and narrow. In short, Rome, till it was rebuilt after the burning of it by the Gauls, was rather a disorderly heap of huts, than a city built with any regularity or order.

As soon as the building of the city was finished, Romulus assembled the people, and desired them to choose what kind of government they would obey. At that time monarchy was the unanimous voice of the Romans, and Romulus was elected king. Before he ascended the throne, however, he consulted the will of the gods by augury; and having received a favourable answer, it thence became an established custom to have recourse to augury before raising any one to the dignity of king, priest, or any public employment. After this he applied himself to the establishment of good order and subordination among his subjects. He put on a habit of distinction for himself, appointed 12 lictors to attend him as guards, divided his subjects, who at this time consisted only of 33,000 men, into curiae, decuriae, patricians, plebeians, patrons, clients, &c. for an account of which, see these articles as they occur in the order of the alphabet. After this he formed a senate consisting of 100 persons, chosen from among the patricians; and a guard of 300 young men called celeres, who attended the king, and fought either on foot or on horseback as occasion required. The king's office at home was to take care of religious affairs, to be the guardian of laws and customs; to decide the weightier causes between man and man, referring those of smaller moment to the senate; to call together the senators, and assemble the people, first delivering his own opinion concerning the affair he proposed, and then ratifying by his consent what was agreed on by the majority. Abroad, and in the time of war, he was to command the army with absolute authority, and to take care of the public money. The senate were not only to be judges in matters of small importance, but to debate and resolve upon such public affairs as the king proposed, and to determine them by a plurality of voices. The people were allowed to create magistrates, enact laws, and resolve upon any war which the king proposed; but in all these things the consent of the senate was necessary.

Romulus next proceeded to settle the religious affairs of his people. Many of the Trojan and Phrygian deities were added to those whom the Aborigines or Italian natives already worshipped. He chose priests, instituted festivals, and laid the foundation of a regular system. Rome. system of religion; after which, as his colony was still thinly peopled, he opened an asylum for fugitive slaves, homicides, outlaws, and debtors. These, however, he did not at first receive within the walls, but appointed for their habitation the hill Saturnius, called afterwards Capitolinus, on which he erected a temple to a divinity of his own invention, whom he named the Aylean god, under whose protection all criminals were to live securely. But afterwards, when the city was enlarged, the asylum was inclosed within the walls, and those who dwelt in it included among the citizens of Rome.

When Romulus had thus settled every thing relating to his new colony, it was found that a supply of women was wanting to perpetuate its duration. This occasioned some difficulty; for the neighbouring nations refused to give their daughters in marriage to such a crew of vagabonds as had settled in Rome; wherefore Romulus at last resolved on the following expedient. By the advice of his grandfather Numitor, and with the consent of the senate, he proclaimed a solemn feast and public games in honour of the Equestrian Neptune called Consus. This occasioned a great concourse of people, who flocked from the adjacent parts to behold these pompous shows, together with the new city. But, in the midst of the solemnity, the Romans, rushing in with their swords drawn, seized all the young women, to the number of 683, for whom Romulus chose husbands. Among all those who were thus seized, only one married woman, named Herfilia, was found; and Romulus is said to have kept her for himself.

This violence soon brought on a war with the neighbouring nations. Acron, king of Cænina, a city on the confines of Latium, having entered into a league with the inhabitants of Crustuminum and Antemnae, invaded the Roman territories. Romulus marched against them without delay, defeated the confederate army, killed their king in single combat, decreed himself a triumph, and consecrated the spoils of Acron to Jupiter Feretrius, under the name of Opima Spolia. The city of Cænina was razed to the ground, and the inhabitants transplanted to Rome, where they were admitted to the privileges of citizens. The king then marched with one legion (consisting at this time of 3000 foot and 300 horse) against the Crustumini and Antemnates, both of whom he defeated in battle, and transplanted the inhabitants to Rome; which being incapable of holding such a number, Romulus took in the hill Saturnius above mentioned, on the top of which he built a citadel, committing the care of it to a noble Roman named Tarpeius. The citadel was surrounded on all sides with ramparts and towers, which equally commanded the city and country. From the foot of the hill Saturnius a wall was carried on quite to the Tiber, and a gate opened in it named Cornutalis, from Carmenta the mother of Evander, who either lived there, or had some chapel or altar erected to her.

Romulus had now become so formidable to his neighbours, and had so well established his reputation for clemency, that several cities of Hetruria voluntarily submitted to him. Coelius, an Hetrurian general, led the troops under his command to Rome, and settled on a hill near the city, which from him took the name of Mount Coelius. The Sabines, however, not in the least dismayed at this increase of the Roman forces, sent a deputation to Romulus, demanding restitution of the young women who had been carried off; and, upon his refusal, marched to Rome with an army of 25,000 foot and 1000 horse, under the command of their king Titus Tatus. Romulus, having received supplies from Numitor and from Hetruria, likewise took the field, with 20,000 foot and 800 horse, with whom he seized an advantageous post, and fortified himself so strongly, that he could not be attacked. The Sabine monarch, perceiving the military skill of Romulus, began to be apprehensive of the event; but was extricated out of his difficulties by the treachery of Tarpeia daughter to the governor of the citadel, who agreed to betray that important fortress to the enemy, on condition of being rewarded with the bracelets which the Sabines wore on their left arms. But when once they became masters of this important place, they are said to have crushed Tarpeia under the weight of their bucklers, pretending that thus they discharged their promise, as they wore their bucklers also on their left arms. The possession of the citadel enabled the Sabines to carry on the war with more success; but, at last, in a general engagement, they had the misfortune to be driven back into the citadel, whither they were pursued by the Romans, who expected to have retaken that important post; but the enemy, rolling down great stones from the top of the hill, wounded Romulus on the head, so that he was carried insensible out of the field of battle, while, in the mean time, his troops were repulsed, and pursued to the very gates of Rome. However, the king soon recovering himself, encouraged his routed troops, and drove the enemy back into the citadel. But while the two nations were thus fiercely contending, the women, for whose cause the war had been commenced, undertook the office of mediators; and having obtained leave from the senate, marched in a body to the camp of the Sabines, where they pleaded the cause of their husbands so effectually, that a treaty of union between the two nations was set on foot, and a peace was at last concluded, on the following terms. 1. That the two kings should reside and reign jointly at Rome. 2. That the cluded, and city should fall, from Romulus, be called Rome; but the two nations united, Sabines. 3. That the two nations should become one; and that the Sabines should be made free in Rome, and enjoy all the privileges of Roman citizens. As Rome was chiefly indebted for this increase of her power and splendour to the Sabine women, honourable privileges and marks of distinction were allowed them. Every one was commanded to give way to them; in capital cases they were exempted from the jurisdiction of the ordinary judges; and their children were allowed to wear a golden ball hanging from their necks, and a particular kind of robe called pretexta, to distinguish them from the vulgar.

The two kings reigned with great harmony for the space of five years; during which time the only military exploit they accomplished was the reduction of the city of Cameria, at a small distance from Rome. Four thousand of the Camerini were transplanted to Rome, and a Roman colony sent to repeople Cameria; soon after which the Sabine king was murdered by the Lavinians, on account of his granting protection to some of his friends who had ravaged their territories. The Lavinians, fearing the resentment of Romulus, delivered up the assassins into his hands; but he sent them back unpunished, punished, which gave occasion to suspect that he was not displeased with the death of his colleague.

Soon after the death of Tatius, Rome was afflicted with famine and pestilence, which encouraged the Camerini to revolt; but Romulus marching against them suddenly, defeated them with the loss of 6000 men. After which he attacked the Fidenates, whose city stood about five miles from Rome, took their capital, and made it a Roman colony. This drew upon him the resentment of the Veientes, a powerful nation in the neighbourhood, who claimed Fidenae as within their jurisdiction; but their forces being defeated in two engagements, and a great number of them taken prisoners they were obliged to sue for peace. Romulus granted them a truce for 100 years, on condition that they delivered to him seven small towns on the Tiber, together with some salt-pits near the mouth of that river, and sent 50 of their chief citizens as hostages to Rome. The prisoners taken in this war were all sold for slaves.

The remaining part of the life of Romulus was spent in making laws for the good of his people; but towards the latter end of his reign, being elated with success, he began to enlarge the bounds formerly set to his prerogative, and to behave in an arbitrary manner. He paid no longer any regard to the voice of the senate, but assembled them only for form's sake to ratify his commands. The senate therefore conspired to destroy him, and accomplished their purpose while he was reviewing his troops. A violent storm of hail and thunder dispersed the army; and the senators taking this opportunity, when they were left alone with the king, instantly killed him, and conveyed his body out of sight. Some writers tell us, that, the better to conceal the fact, they cut his body in pieces, each of them carrying away a part under his robe; after which they told the multitude, that their king was on a sudden surrounded by flame, and snatched up into heaven. This stratagem, however, did not satisfy the soldiery, and violent disturbances were about to ensue, when Julius Proculus, a senator of great distinction, having assembled the curia, told them that Romulus had appeared to him, and enjoined him to acquaint the people, that their king was returned to the gods from whom he originally came, but that he would continue to be propitious to them under the name of Quirinus; and to the truth of this story Julius swore.

Romulus reigned, according to the common computation, 37 years: but some historians reduce the length of his reign to little more than 17; it being very unlikely, as they observe, that a prince of such an active disposition should perform nothing worthy of record during a period of 20 years. Be this as it will, however, followed by the death of Romulus was followed by an interregnum, during which the senators, to prevent anarchy and confusion, took the government into their own hands. Tatius added another hundred to that body; and these 200 senators divided themselves into decuries or tens. These decuries drew lots which should govern first; and the decury to whose lot it fell enjoyed the supreme authority for five days; yet in such a manner, that one person only of the governing decury had the ensigns of sovereignty at a time. To these another decury succeeded, each of them sitting on the throne in his turn, &c. But the people soon growing weary of such frequent change of masters, obliged the senate to resolve on the election of a king. The senate referred the election to the people, and the people to the senate, who at last undertook the task. Some difficulties, however, occurred: the Romans did not choose to be subject to a Sabine; and the Sabines, as they had been subject to Romulus after the death of Tatius, insisted that the king should be chosen out of their nation. At last it was agreed, that the king should be a Sabine, but that the Romans should make the choice.

In consequence of this determination, the Romans elected Numa Pompilius, an austere philosopher, who Pompilius had married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius the second king. After the death of his wife, he gave himself entirely up to philosophy and superstition, wandering from solitude to solitude, in search of sacred woods and fountains, which gave the people a great opinion of his sanctity. The philosopher at first rejected the offer of the kingdom; but being at last prevailed upon, he set out for Rome, where he was received with loud acclamations, and had his election unanimously confirmed by the senate.

The reign of Numa is by no means memorable for battles or conquests. He was averse to war; and made it his study to soften the manners of the Romans, rather than to exalt them to superiority over their neighbours. He dismissed the celers, encouraged agriculture, and divided the citizens into distinct bodies of tradesmen. This last measure he took on purpose to abolish the distinction between Romans and Sabines, which had hitherto rent the city into two factions; and this effectually answered his end: for now all of each particular profession, whether Romans or Sabines, were obliged to associate together, and had each their respective courts and privileges. In this division the musicians held the first rank, because they were employed in the offices of religion. The goldsmiths, carpenters, curriers, dyers, tailors, &c., formed also distinct communities; and were allowed to make byelaws among themselves, to have their own festivals, particular sacrifices, &c.

Though Numa himself is said by Plutarch to have had pretty just notions of the Supreme Being, he nevertheless added innumerable superstitions to those he found in Rome. He divided the ministers of religion into eight classes, appointing to each their office with the greatest precision; he erected a temple to Janus, the symbol of prudence, which was to remain open in time of war, and to be shut in time of peace. Another temple was erected to Bona Fides; and he invented a new kind of deities called Dii Termini, or boundaries, which he caused to be placed on the borders of the Roman state, and of each man's particular lands.—The last reformation which Numa undertook, was that of the calendar. Romulus had divided his year into ten months, which, according to Plutarch, had no certain or equal number of days; some consisting of 20, some of 35, &c. However, by other historians, we are informed that he allotted to March, May, Quintillis, and October, 31 days; to April, June, Sextillis, November, and December 30; making in all 304 days. But Numa being better acquainted with the celestial motions, added to these the two months of January and February. To compose these two months he added 50 days to the 304; and thus made the year answer to the course of the moon. He then took six more from the months that had even days; and added one day merely out of superstition, that the year might prove fortunate; for the pagans looked upon even numbers as unlucky, but imagined odd numbers to be fortunate. However, he could make out no more than 28 for February, and therefore that month was always reckoned unlucky among the Romans. Besides this, he observed the difference between the solar and lunar year to be 11 days; and to remedy the inequality, he added an intercalary month named Mercedinus or Mercedonius, of 22 days every two years; but as he knew also that the solar year consisted of 365 days 6 hours, he ordered that every fourth year the month Mercedinus should consist of 23 days. The care of these intercalations was left to the priests, who left out or put in the intercalary day or month as they imagined it to be lucky or unlucky; and by that means created such confusion, that the festivals came in process of time to be kept at a season quite opposite to what they had been formerly.

These are all the remarkable transactions of the reign of Numa, which is said to have continued 43 years; though some think that its duration could not be above 15 or 16. His death was followed by a short interregnum; after which Tullus Hostilius, the son or grandson of the famous Herfilia, was unanimously chosen king. Being of a bold and fiery temper, he did not long continue to imitate his peaceful predecessor. The Albanians, indeed, soon gave him an opportunity of exercising his martial disposition. Cælius, or, as he is called by Livy, Cluilius, who was at the head of the Alban republic, jealous of the growing greatness of Rome, privately commissioned some of the most indigent of his subjects to waste the Roman territory; in consequence of which, a Roman army entered the territories of Alba, engaged the robbers, killed many, and took a great number prisoners. A war soon commenced, in consequence of this, between the two nations; but when the armies came in sight of each other, their ardour cooled, neither of them seeming inclined to come to an engagement. This inaction raised a great discontent in the Alban army against Cluilius; insomuch that he came to a resolution of giving battle to the Romans next morning, or of storming their trenches if they should decline it. Next morning, however, he was found dead in his bed; after which the Albanians chose in his stead one Mettus Fufetius, a man remarkable for his hatred to the Roman name, as Cluilius had been before him. Fufetius, however, continued in the same state of inactivity as his predecessor, until he received certain intelligence that the Veientes and Fidenates had resolved to destroy both Romans and Albanians when they should be weakened by a battle. Fufetius then resolved to come to an accommodation with the Romans; and, having obtained a conference with Tullus, both seemed equally desirous of avoiding the calamities of war. But, in order to establish the peace on the most perfect foundation, Tullus proposed that all, or at least the chief families in Alba, should remove to Rome; or, in case they were unwilling to leave their native city, that one common council should be established to govern both cities, under the direction of one of the two sovereigns. Fufetius took aside those who attended him, to consult with them about this proposal; but they, though willing to come to an accommodation with Rome, absolutely refused to leave Alba. The only difficulty remaining, then, was Rome, to settle which city should have the superiority; and, as this could not be determined by argument, Tullus proposed to determine it by single combat betwixt himself and Fufetius. This proposal, however, the Alban general thought proper to decline; and it was at last agreed, that three champions should be chosen out of each camp to decide the difference. This produced the famous combat between the Horatii and Curiatii, by which the sovereignty was decided in favour of Rome.

See Horatii.

Tullus now resolved to call the Fidenates to an account for their treacherous behaviour during the war with Alba, and therefore cited them to appear before the senate; but they, conscious of their guilt, refused to appear, and took up arms in conjunction with the Veientes. Fufetius, in obedience to the orders of Tullus, joined him with the Alban troops; but the day before the battle, he acquainted the principal officers with his design, which was to stand neuter till fortune had declared for one side, and then to join with the conqueror. This design being approved, Fufetius, during the engagement retired with his forces to a neighbouring eminence. Tullus perceived his treachery; but dissembling his uneasiness, told his men that Fufetius had possessed himself of that hill by his order, and that he was from thence to rush down upon the enemy. The Veientes, in the mean time, who had expected that Fufetius was to join them, were dismayed, and the Romans obtained the victory. After the battle, Tullus returned privately to Rome in the night; and having consulted with the senate about the treachery of Fufetius, returned to the camp by break of day. He then detached Horatius, who had conquered the three Curiatii, with a chosen body of horse and foot, to demolish Alba, as had been concerted at Rome. In the mean time, he commanded both the Roman and Alban troops to attend him unarmed, but gave private orders to the Romans to bring their swords concealed under their garments. When they were assembled, he laid open the treachery of Fufetius, and ordered him to be torn in pieces by horses. His accomplices were all put to the sword; and the inhabitants of Alba carried to Rome, where they were admitted to the privileges of citizens, and some of them even admitted to the senate.

Tullus now turned his arms against Fidene, which he again reduced under the Roman yoke; and took Medulia, a strong city of the Latins; after which he waged a successful war with the Sabines, whose union with the Romans seems to have ceased with the time of Numa. This was the last of his martial exploits; after which we hear no more of him, but that he became extremely superstitious in his advanced years, giving ear to many foolish stories, as that it rained stones, that miraculous voices were heard from heaven, &c., and for this he appointed nine days expiatory sacrifices; whence it became a custom to appoint nine days to appease the wrath of the gods as often as men were alarmed with prodigies. As to the manner of his death authors are not agreed. Some tell us that he was killed by lightning, together with his wife, children, and Tullus, his whole family; while others are of opinion that he who is said to have been murdered with his wife and children by Ancus Martius who succeeded him. He died after a reign of 33 years. 3 years, leaving the city greatly increased, but the dominions much the same as they had been in the time of Romulus.

After a short interregnum, Ancus Martius, the grandson of Numa by his daughter Pomphila and Marcus his relation, was unanimously chosen by the people and senate. Though naturally inclined to war, he began his reign with attempting to restore the ceremonies of Numa, which had been neglected under Tullus Hostilius. He endeavoured also to draw the attention of his people to husbandry and the peaceful arts; advising them to lay aside all sorts of violence, and to return to their former employments. This gained him the affections of his subjects, but brought upon him the contempt of the neighbouring nations. The Latins pretending that their treaty with Rome was expired, made incursions into the Roman territories. Ancus, after using the ceremonies directed by Numa, took the field with an army consisting entirely of new-levied troops, and reduced the cities of Politorium, Tillena, and Ficana, transplanting the inhabitants to Rome. A new colony of Latins repeopled Politorium; but Ancus retook the place next year, and entirely demolished it. He then laid siege to Medulia; which, though it had been ruined by Tullus Hostilius, was now stronger than ever. It submitted after a siege of four years, when Ancus found himself obliged to undertake a second expedition against Ficana, which he had before reduced, as we have already related; and it was not without the utmost difficulty that he reduced it a second time. After this he defeated the Latins in a pitched battle; vanquished the Fidenates, Veientes, and Sabines; and having taken in the hill Janiculum to be included within the walls, and built the port of Ostia, he died in the 24th year of his reign.

Ancus Martius left two sons behind him, one an infant, and the other about 15 years of age. Both of these he put under the tuition of Tarquin, the son of a rich merchant in Corinth, who had fled from that city to secure his wealth from Cypselus tyrant of the place. He settled in Tarquinii, one of the principal cities in Etruria; but finding that he could not there attain to any of the principal posts in the city on account of his foreign extraction, he removed to Rome, where he had been gradually raised to the rank of patrician and senator. The death of Ancus Martius gave him an opportunity of assuming the regal dignity, and setting aside his pupils; and in the beginning of his reign he took care to strengthen his party in the senate by adding another hundred to that body. These were called senatores minorum gentium, because they were chosen out of the plebeians; however, they had the same authority in the senate as the others, and their children were called patricians.

Tarquin was not inferior to any of his predecessors either in his inclination or abilities to carry on a war. As soon as he ascended the throne, he recommenced hostilities with the Latins; from whom he took the cities of Apiolae, Crustuminum, Nomentum, and Collatia. The inhabitants of Apiolae were sold for slaves; but those of Crustuminum and Nomentum, who had submitted after their revolt, were treated with great clemency. The inhabitants of Collatia were disarmed and obliged to pay a large sum of money; the sovereignty of it, in the mean time, being given to Egerius the son of Arunx, Tarquin's brother; from whence he took the name of Collatinus, which he transmitted to his posterity. Corniculum, another city of Latium, was taken by storm, and reduced to ashes. This progress having greatly alarmed the Latins, several of them joined their forces in order to oppose such a formidable enemy; but being defeated in a bloody battle near Fidenae, they were obliged to enter into an alliance with Rome; upon which the Latins having held a national conference, entered into a league with the Hetrurians, and again took the field with a very numerous army. But Tarquin, having defeated the confederate armies in two very bloody battles, obliged the Latin cities to submit to a kind of dependence on Rome; and, having entered the city in triumph, built the circus maximus with the spoils which he had taken from the enemy.

The war with the Latins was scarcely ended, when another commenced with Hetruria. This was accounted the most powerful nation in Italy, and was at that time divided into 12 tribes or lucumonies. These appointed a national assembly, in which was decreed that the whole force of Hetruria should be employed against Tarquin; and if any city presumed only to stand neuter, it should be for ever cut off from the national alliance. Thus a great army was raised, with which they ravaged the Roman territory, and took Fidenae by the treachery of some of its inhabitants. Tarquin, not being in a condition to oppose them at first, was obliged to submit to the loss occasioned by their ravages for a whole year; after which he took the field with all the forces he could raise. The Roman army was divided into two bodies, one under the king himself, the other commanded by his nephew Collatinus. The latter, having divided his forces in order to plunder the country, was defeated; but Tarquin, in two engagements vanquished the army which opposed him. He then marched against Fidenae, where he gained a third battle; after which he took the city. Such of the citizens as were suspected to have been concerned in betraying it to the enemy were whipped to death; the rest were sent into banishment, and their lands divided by lot among the Roman soldiers. Tarquin now hastened to oppose the new army of the Hetrurians before their forces could be properly collected; and having come up with them at Eretum, a place about 10 miles from Rome, defeated them with great slaughter, for which victory he was decreed a triumph by the senate; while the enemy, disheartened by so many misfortunes, were glad to sue for peace; which Tarquin readily granted, upon the sole condition of their owning his superiority over them. In compliance with this, the Hetrurians sent him all the royalty sent ensigns of royalty which were in use among them, viz., him by the crown of gold, a throne of ivory, a sceptre with Hetrurians, an eagle on the top of it, a tunic embroidered with gold, and adorned with figures of palm branches, together with a purple robe enriched with flowers of several colours. Tarquin, however, would not wear these magnificent ornaments till such time as the senate and people had consented to it by an express law. He then applied the regalia to the decoration of his triumph, and never afterwards laid them aside. In this triumph he appeared in a gilt chariot, drawn by four horses, clothed in a purple robe, and a tunic embroidered with gold, a crown on his head, and a sceptre in his hand, attended by 12 lictors with their axes and fasces.

Tarquin, having now obtained some respite from war, applied himself to the beautifying and ornamenting the city. He built the walls of Rome with hewn stone, and erected those famous common sewers which have deservedly been accounted one of the wonders of the world. Rome at this time contained four hills within its compass, viz. the Palatinus, Tarpeius, Quirinalis, and Cælius. In the valleys between these hills, the rain-water and springs uniting, formed great pools which laid under water the streets and public places. The mud likewise made the way impassable, infected the air, and rendered the city unhealthy. Tarquin undertook to free the city from this nuisance, by conveying off these waters by subterraneous channels into the Tiber. In doing this, it was necessary to cut through hills and rocks a channel large enough for a navigable stream, and covered with arches strong enough to bear the weight of houses, which were frequently built upon them, and stood as firm as on the most solid foundations. All these arches were made of hard stone, and neither trouble nor expense were spared to make the work durable. Their height and breadth were so considerable, that a cart loaded with hay could easily pass through them underground. The expense of constructing these sewers was never so thoroughly understood as when it became necessary to repair them; for then the censors gave no less than 1000 talents to the person appointed for this purpose.

Besides these great works, Tarquin adorned the forum, surrounding it with galleries in which were shops for tradesmen, and building temples in it for the youth of both sexes, and halls for the administration of public justice. He next engaged in a war with the Sabines, on pretence that they had assisted the Etruscans. Both armies took the field, and came to an engagement on the confines of Sabinia, without any considerable advantage on either side; neither was anything of consequence done during the whole campaign. Tarquin then, considering with himself that the Roman forces were very deficient in cavalry, resolved to add some new bodies of knights to those already instituted by Romulus. But this project met with great opposition from the superstitious augurs, as the original division of horse into three bodies had been determined by augurs; and Aelius Naevius, the chief of the diviners at that time, violently opposed the king's will. On this Tarquin, desirous to expose the deceit of these people, summoned Naevius before an assembly of the people, and desired him to show a specimen of his art, by telling the king if what he thought of at that time could be done or not. The augur replied, after consulting his birds, that the thing was very possible. On which Tarquin told him, that he had been thinking whether it was possible to cut a flint with a razor, pulling at the same time a razor and flint from below his robe. This set the people a-laughing; but Naevius gravely desiring the king to try it, he was surprised to find that the flint yielded to the razor; and that with so much ease as to draw blood from his hand. The people testified their surprise by loud acclamations, and Tarquin himself continued to have a great veneration for augurs ever after. A statue of brons was erected to the memory of Naevius, which continued till the time of Augustus; the razor and flint were buried near Rome, it, under an altar, at which witnesses were afterwards sworn in civil causes.

This adventure, whatever was the truth of it, caused Tarquin to abandon his design of increasing the number of bodies of horse, and content himself with augmenting the number in each body. He then renewed the war with the Sabines, ravaged their country, defeated them in three pitched battles, obliging them at last to submit to him and put him in possession of their country. In the decline of life he employed himself in further decorating the city, building temples, &c. He was assassinated in his palace, in the 80th year of his age, by the sons of Ancus Martius, whom he had originally deprived of the kingdom.

After the death of Tarquin I., his wife Tanaquil preferred the kingdom to her son-in-law Servius Tullius, by artfully giving out that the king was only stunned, and would soon recover; upon which the sons of Ancus went voluntarily into banishment. The second day after his decease, Servius Tullius heard causes from the throne in the royal robes and attended by the lictors; but as he pretended only to supply the king's place till he should recover, and thought it incumbent on him to revenge the wicked attempt upon his life, he summoned the sons of Ancus to appear before his tribunal; and on their non-appearance, caused them to be declared infamous, and their estates to be confiscated. After he had thus managed matters for some time in such a manner as to engage the affections of the people, Tullius found newly happened, and Servius Tullius assumed the ensigns of royalty, having none to dispute the honour with him.

The new king showed himself every way worthy of the throne. No sooner were the Etruscans informed of Tarquin's death, than they shook off the yoke; but Servius quickly reduced them to obedience, depriving them of their lands, which he shared among the poor Roman citizens who had none. For this he was decreed a triumph by the people, in spite of the opposition of the senate, who could never be brought to approve of his election to the kingdom, though he was soon after legally chosen by the tribes.

After Servius had obtained the sanction of the popular voice, he marched a second time against the revolted Etruscans; and having again vanquished them, was decreed another triumph. He then applied himself to the enlarging and adorning the city. To the city, hills Palatinus, Tarpeius, Quirinalis, Cælius, and Aventinus, he added the Esquilinus and Viminalis, fixing to those his own palace on the Esquilinus, in order to draw in-ready inhabitants thither. He likewise added a fourth tribe, tuted which he called Tribus Esquilinae, to those instituted by Romulus. He divided also the whole Roman territory into distinct tribes, commanding that there should be at least one place of refuge in each tribe, situated on a rising ground, and strong enough to secure the effects of the peasants in case of a sudden alarm. These strongholds he called pagi, that is, "villages;" and commanded that each of them should have their peculiar temple, tutelary god, and magistrates. Each of them had likewise their peculiar festival, called pagenalia; when every person was to pay into the hands of those who presided at the sacrifices a piece of money, the men of one kind, the women of another, and the children of a third. By this means an exact computation was made of the men, women, and children, in each tribe.

In the mean time, his two wards, Lucius Tarquinius and Arunx, the grandchildren of Tarquin, being grown up, in order to secure their fidelity, he married them to his two daughters. And though the elder of these daughters, who was of a mild and tractable disposition, resembled in character the younger of his pupils, as the elder of his pupils did the younger of his daughters, who was of a violent and vicious temper, yet he thought it advisable to give his elder daughter to Tarquin, and the younger to Arunx; for by that means he matched them according to their ages, and at the same time hoped that the elder Tullia's sweet disposition would temper Tarquin's impetuosity, and the younger Tullia's vivacity rouse the indolence of Arunx.

During the public rejoicing for this double marriage, the twelve lucumonies of Hetururia, uniting their forces, attempted to shake off the Roman yoke; but were in several battles defeated by Servius, and obliged to submit to him on the same conditions on which they had submitted to his predecessor. For this success Servius was honoured with a third triumph.

The king being thus disengaged from a troublesome war, returned to the pursuit of his political schemes; and put in execution that masterpiece of policy which Rome made use of ever after, and which established a perpetual order and regularity in all the members of the state, with respect to wars, to the public revenues, and the suffrages of the comitia. The public supplies had hitherto been raised upon the people at so much a head, without any distinction of rich and poor: whence it likewise followed, that when levies were made for the war, the rich and poor were equally obliged to take the field according to the order of their tribe; and as they all served at their own expense, the poorer sort could hardly bear the charges of a campaign. Besides, as the most indigent of the people saw themselves burdened with the same taxes as the rich, they pretended to an equal authority in the comitia: so that the election of kings and magistrates, the making of peace or war, and the judging of criminals, were given up into the hands of a populace who were easily corrupted, and had nothing to lose. Servius formed a project to remedy these evils, and put it in execution, by enacting a law, enjoining all the Roman citizens to bring in an account in writing of their own names and ages, and of those of their fathers, wives, and children. By the same law, all heads of families were commanded to deliver in upon oath a just estimate of their effects, and to add to it the places of their abode, whether in town or country. Whoever did not bring in an account of his effects, was to be deprived of his estate, to be beat with rods, and publicly sold for a slave. Servius, from these particular accounts, which might be pretty well relied on, undertook to ease the poor by burdening the rich, and at the same time to please the latter by increasing their power.

To this end he divided the Roman people into five classes: the first class consisted of those whose estates and effects amounted to the value of 10,000 drachmae, or 100,000 asses of brass; the first way of computing being used by the Greeks, and the latter by the Latins. This class was subdivided into 80 centuries, or companies of foot. To these Servius joined 18 centuries of Roman knights, who fought on horseback; and appointed this considerable body of horsemen to be at the head of the first class, because the estates of these knights, without all doubt, exceeded the sum necessary to be admitted into it. However, the public supplied them with horses; for which a tax was laid upon widows, who were exempt from all other tributes. This first class, including infantry and cavalry, consisted of 98 centuries. The second class comprehended those whose estates were valued at 7500 drachmae, or 75,000 asses of brass. It was subdivided into 20 centuries, all foot. To these were added two centuries of carpenters, smiths, and other artificers. In the third class were those who were assessed worth 2500 drachmae, or 25,000 asses. This class was subdivided into 20 centuries. The fourth class was of those whose effects were rated at the value of 2500 drachmae, or 25,000 asses, and was divided into 20 centuries; to which were added two other centuries of trumpets and blowers of the horn, who supplied the whole army with this martial music. The fifth class included those only whose whole substance did not amount to more than 1250 drachmae, or 12,500 asses; and this class was divided into 30 centuries. The sixth class comprehended all those who were not worth so much as those of the fifth class: they exceeded in number any other class, but nevertheless were reckoned but as one century.

The king drew from these regulations all the advantages he had expected. Levies for the army were no longer raised by tribes, nor were taxes laid at so much a-head as formerly, but all was levied by centuries. When, for instance, an army of 20,000 men, or a large supply of money, was wanted for the war, each century furnished its quota both of men and money: so that the first class, which contained more centuries, though fewer men, than all the others together, furnished more men and more money for the public service than the whole Roman state besides. And by this means the Roman armies consisted for the most part of the rich citizens of Rome; who, as they had lands and effects to defend, fought with more resolution, while their riches enabled them to bear the expense of a campaign. As it was but just the king should make the first class amends for the weight laid on it, he gave it almost the whole authority in public affairs; changing the comitia by curiae, in which every man gave his vote, into comitia by centuries, in which the majority was not reckoned by single persons, but by centuries, how fewsoever there might be in a century. Hence the first class, which contained more centuries than the other five taken together, had everything at its disposal. The votes of this class were first taken; and if the 98 centuries happened to agree, or only 97 of them, the affair was determined; because these made the majority of the 193 centuries which composed the six classes. If they disagreed, then the second, the third, and the other classes in their order, were called to vote, though there was very seldom any occasion to go so low as the fourth class for a majority of votes; so that by this good order Servius brought the affairs of the state to be determined by the judgment of the most considerate. considerable citizens, who understood the public interest much better than the blind multitude, liable to be imposed upon, and easily corrupted.

And now the people being thus divided into several orders, according to the census or valuation of their estates, Servius resolved to solemnize this prudent regulation by some public act of religion, that it might be the more respected and the more lasting. Accordingly, all the citizens were commanded to appear, on a day appointed, in the Campus Martius, which was a large plain, lying between the city and the Tiber, formerly consecrated by Romulus to the god Mars. Here the centuries being drawn up in battalia, a solemn lustration or expiatory sacrifice was performed in the name of all the people. The sacrifice consisted of a sow, a sheep, and a bull, whence it took the name of suovetaurilia. The whole ceremony was called lustrum, à lustro; that is, from paying, expiating, clearing, or perhaps from the goddess Lua, who presided over expiations, and to whom Servius had dedicated a temple. This wise king considering, that in the space of five years there might be such alterations in the fortunes of private persons as to entitle some to be raised to a higher class, and reduce others to a lower, enjoined that the census should be renewed every five years. As the census was usually closed by the lustrum, the Romans henceforth began to compute time by lustrums, each lustrum containing the space of five years. However, the lustrums were not always regularly observed, but often put off, though the census had been made in the fifth year. Some writers are of opinion, that Servius at this time coined the first money that had ever appeared at Rome; and add, that the circumstances of the lustrum probably led him to stamp the figures of the animals there slain on pieces of brass of a certain weight.

The government of the city being thus established in so regular a manner, Servius, touched with compassion for those whom the misfortunes of an unsuccessful war had reduced to slavery, thought that such of them as had by long and faithful services deserved and obtained their freedom, were much more worthy of being made Roman citizens, than untractable vagabonds from foreign countries, who were admitted without distinction. He therefore gave the freedmen their choice, either to return to their own country, or continue at Rome. Those who chose to continue there, he divided into four tribes, and settled them within the city; and though they were distinguished from the plebeians by their old name of liberti, or freedmen, yet they enjoyed all the privileges of free citizens. The senate took offence at the regard which the king showed to such mean people, who had but lately shaken off their fetters; but Servius, by a most humane and judicious discourse, entirely appeased the fathers, who passed his institution into a law, which subsisted ever after.

The wise king, having thus established order among the people, undertook at last to reform the royal power itself; his equity, which was the main spring of all his resolutions, leading him to act contrary to his own interest, and to sacrifice one half of the royal authority to the public good. His predecessors had reserved to themselves the cognizance of all causes both public and private; but Servius, finding the duties of his office too much for one man to discharge well, committed the cognizance of ordinary suits to the senate, and reserved that only of state-crimes to himself.

All things being now regulated at home, both in the city and country, Servius turned his thoughts abroad, to attach and form a scheme for attaching the Sabines and Latins to the Romans, by such social ties as should be strengthened by religion. He summoned the Latin and Sabine cities to send their deputies to Rome, to consult about an affair of great importance. When they were come, he proposed to them the building of a temple in honour of Diana, where the Latins and Sabines should meet once a year, and join with the Romans in offering sacrifices to that goddess: that this festival would be followed by a council, in which all disputes between the cities should be amicably determined; that there proper measures should be taken to purify their common interest; and, lastly, in order to draw the common people together, a fair should be kept, at which every one might furnish himself with what he wanted. The king's design met with no opposition: the deputies only added to it, that the temple should be an inviolable asylum for the united nations; and that all the cities should contribute towards the expense of building it. It being left to the king to choose a proper place for it, he pitched upon the Aventine hill, where the temple was built, and assemblies annually held in it. The laws which were to be observed in these general meetings, were engraved on a pillar of brass, and were to be seen in Augustus's time, in the Latin tongue, but in Greek characters.

But now Servius was grown old; and the ambition of Wicked Tarquin his son-in-law revived in proportion as the king truces advanced in years. His wife used her utmost endeavours to check the rashness and fury of her husband, and to divert him from all criminal enterprises; while her younger sister was ever instigating Arunx, who placed all his happiness in a private life, to the most villainous attempts. She was continually lamenting her fate in being tied to such an indolent husband, and wishing she had either continued unmarried, or were become a widow. Similitude of temper and manners, formed, by degrees, a great intimacy between her and Tarquin. At length she proposed nothing less to him than the murdering of her father, sister, and husband, that they two might meet and ascend the throne together. Soon after, they paved their way to an incestuous marriage, he by poisoning his wife, and she her husband; and then had the assurance to ask the king's and queen's consent to their marriage. Servius and Tarquinia, though they did not give it, were silent, through too much indulgence to a daughter in whom now was their only hope of posterity. But these criminal nuptials were only the first step towards a yet greater iniquity. The wicked ambition of the new-married couple first showed itself against the king: for they publicly declared, that the crown belonged to them; that Servius was an usurper, who, being appointed tutor to Tarquin's grandchildren, had deprived his pupils of their inheritance; that it was high time for an old man, who was but little able to support the weight of public affairs, to give place to a prince who was of a mature age, &c.

The patricians, whom Servius had taken great pleasure in humbling during the whole time of his reign, were easily gained over to Tarquin's party; and, by the help help of money, many of the poorer citizens were also brought over to his interest. The king, being informed of their treasonable practices, endeavoured to dissuade his daughter and son-in-law from such proceedings, which might end in their ruin; and exhorted them to wait for the kingdom till his death. But they, despising his counsels and paternal admonitions, resolved to lay their claim before the senate; which Servius was obliged to summon: so that the affair came to a formal process. Tarquin reproached his father-in-law with having ascended the throne without a previous interregnum; and with having bought the votes of the people, and despised the suffrages of the senate. He then urged his own right of inheritance to the crown, and injustice of Servius, who, being only his guardian, had kept possession of it, when he himself was of an age to govern. Servius answered, that he had been lawfully elected by the people; and that, if there could be a hereditary right to the kingdom, the sons of Ancus had a much better one than the grandsons of the late king, who must himself have been an usurper. He then referred the whole to an assembly of the people; which being immediately proclaimed all over the city, the forum was soon filled; and Servius harangued the multitude in such a manner as gained all their affections. They all cried out with one voice, *Let Servius reign; let him continue to make the Romans happy.* Amidst their confused clamours, these words were likewise heard: *Let Tarquin perish; let him die; let us kill him.* This language frightened him so, that he retired to his house in great haste; while the king was conducted back to his palace with the acclamations of the people.

The ill success of this attempt cooled Tarquin's ardent desire of reigning; but his ambition made him act a new part. He undertook to regain the favour of his father-in-law by caresses, submissions, and protestations of a sincere regard and affection for him; insomuch that the king, who judged of the policy of others from his own, was sincerely reconciled to him, and tranquillity re-established in the royal family. But it was not long ere Tarquin, roused by the continual reproaches of his wife, began to renew his intrigues among the senators; of whom he had no sooner gained a considerable party, than he clothed himself in the royal robes, and caused the fasces to be carried before him by some of his domestics, crossed the Roman forum, entered the temple where the senate used to meet, and seated himself on the throne. Such of the senators as were in the faction he found already in their places (for he had given them private notice to be there early); and the rest, being summoned to assemble in Tarquin's name, made what haste they could to the appointed place, thinking that Servius was dead, since Tarquin assumed the title and functions of king. When they were all assembled, Tarquin made a long speech, reviling his father-in-law, and repeating the invectives against him, which he had so often uttered, calling him a slave, an usurper, a favourite of the populace, and an enemy to the senate and patricians. When he was yet speaking, Servius arrived; and, rashly giving way to the motions of his courage, without considering his strength, drew near the throne, to pull Tarquin down from it. This raised a great noise in the assembly, which drew the people into the temple; but nobody ventured to part the two rivals. Tarquin, therefore, being more strong and vigorous, seized the old man by the waist, and hurrying him through the temple, threw him down from the top of the steps into the forum. The king, who was grievously wounded, raised himself up with some difficulty: but all his friends had abandoned him; only two or three of the people, touched with compassion, lent him their arms to conduct him to his palace.

As they were leading him on slowly, the cruel Tullia appeared in the forum, whither she had hastened in her chariot on the first report of what had passed in the senate. She found her husband on the top of the steps of the temple; and, transported with joy, was the first who saluted him king. The example was immediately followed by the senators of Tarquin's party. Nor was this enough for the unnatural daughter: she took aside her husband, and suggested to him, that he would never be safe so long as the usurper of his crown was alive. Hereupon Tarquin instantly dispatched some of his domestics to take away the remains of the unfortunate king's life. The orders for the wicked parricide were no sooner given than Tullia mounted her chariot again, with an air of triumph, to return home. The way to her house was through a narrow street, called vicus cyprinus, or the good street. There the assassins had left the king's body, which was still panting. At this sight, the charioteer, struck with horror, checked his horses, and made a stop: but Tullia forced him to go on; and the blood of the father is said to have dyed the wheels of the chariot, and even the clothes of the inhuman daughter, whence the street was called ever after vicus fæcularius.

The new king proved a most despotic and cruel tyrant; receiving, in the very beginning of his reign, a cruel tyranny of proud, on account of his capricious humour and haughty behaviour. All controversies whatever were decided by himself and his friends; and he banished, fined, and even executed, whom he pleased. The census and lustrum, the division of citizens into classes and centuries, were abolished; and all kinds of assemblies, even those for amusement and recreation, were prohibited, both in town and country. Nay, to such a height did Tarquin carry his insolence and tyranny, that the most virtuous of the senators went into voluntary banishment; while many of those who remained were cut off on various pretexts, that the king might enjoy their estates.

Tarquin could not but be sensible of the extreme danger in which he stood by losing the affections of his people in such a manner. He therefore provided a sufficient number of soldiers, by way of guard, to prevent attempts upon his person; and gave his daughter to Octavius Mamilius, one of the most considerate men among the Latins, in order to strengthen his interest by this foreign alliance, in case of a revolt among his subjects. Mamilius accordingly procured many friends to his father-in-law, but he had like to have lost them again by his haughty behaviour. He had desired the Latins to call a national council at Ferentinum, where he would meet them on a day appointed by himself. The Latins accordingly met; but after waiting for several hours, Tarquin did not appear. On this, one Turnus Herdonius, an enterprising and eloquent man, who hated Tarquin, and was jealous of Mamilius, made a speech, in which he inveighed against the haughty behaviour of Tarquin, set forth the contempt which he had had put upon the Latins, and concluded with desiring the council to break up and return home without taking any further notice of him. Mamilius, however, prevailed upon them to return the day following; when Tarquin made his appearance, and told the assembly that his design in calling them together was to claim his right of commanding the Latin armies, which he said was derived from his grandfather, but which he desired to be confirmed to him by them. These words were scarce out of his mouth, when Herdonius, rising up, entered into a detail of Tarquin's tyranny and arbitrary behaviour at Rome, which, he said, the Latins would soon feel in an equal degree, if they complied with Tarquin's demand. To this speech the king made no reply at that time, but promised to answer him next day. In the mean time, however, he bribed the domestics of Herdonius to admit among his baggage a large quantity of arms; and then, telling the Latins that Herdonius's opposition proceeded only from Tarquin's having refused him his daughter in marriage, accused him of having laid a plot to cut off all the deputies there present, and to usurp a jurisdiction over the Latin cities; as a proof of which he appealed to the arms hid among the baggage of Herdonius. The accused, conscious of his innocence, desired that his baggage might be searched; which being accordingly done, and the arms found, he was hurried away without being allowed to make any defence, and thrown into a basin at the head of the spring of Ferentinum, where a hurdle being laid upon him, and stones laid upon the hurdle, he was pressed down into the water and drowned.

In consequence of this monstrous treachery, Tarquin was looked upon by the Latins as their deliverer, and declared general of the Latin armies; soon after which, the Hernici and two tribes of the Volsci entered into an alliance with him on the same terms. In order to keep these confederates together, Tarquin, with their consent, erected a temple to Jupiter Latiaris on a hill near the ruins of Alba, where he appointed certain feasts called Feriae Latinae to be held on the 27th of April, where the several nations were to sacrifice together, and on no account to commit any hostilities against each other during their continuance. The king then proceeded to make war on the rest of the Volsci who had refused to enter into an alliance with him. Some depredations which they had committed in the territories of the Latins served for a pretence to begin the war; but as Tarquin had no confidence in the Romans, his army was composed only of a small body of them who were incorporated among the Latin auxiliaries. However, he defeated the enemy, took one of their cities by storm, and gave the booty to his soldiers. He next turned his arms against the Sabines, whom he entirely defeated in two engagements, and made the whole nation tributary; for which exploits he decreed himself two triumphs, and on his return to Rome he employed the populace in finishing the sewers and circus which had been begun by his grandfather Tarquin I.

In the mean time, the persecutions of Tarquin against his own subjects daily drove some of the most considerable into banishment. A great number of patricians took refuge in Gabii, a city of Latium about 13 miles from Rome; where the inhabitants, touched with compassion for their misfortunes, not only received them with kindness, but began a war with Tarquin on their account. The Gabini seem to have been the most formidable enemies whom the Romans had hitherto met with; since Tarquin was obliged to raise a prodigious bulwark to cover the city on the side of Gabii. The war lasted seven years; during which time, by the mutual devastations committed by the two armies, a great scarcity of provisions took place in Rome. The people soon grew clamorous; and Tarquin being unable either to quiet them, or to reduce the Gabini, fell upon the following dishonourable and treacherous expedient. His son Sextus Tarquinius pretended to be on very bad terms with his father, and openly inveighed against him as a tyrant; on which he was proclaimed a rebel, and publicly beaten in the forum. This being reported at Gabii, by persons sent thither on purpose, the inhabitants became very desirous of having Sextus among them; and accordingly he soon went thither, having previously obtained a solemn promise from the inhabitants never to deliver him up to his father. Here he made frequent inroads into the Roman territories, and always came back laden with spoil, his father sending against him only such weak parties as must infallibly be worsted. By this means he soon came to have such a high degree of credit among the Gabini, that he was chosen general of their army, and was as much master at Gabii as Tarquin was at Rome. Finding then that his authority was sufficiently established, he dispatched a slave to his father for instructions; but the king, unwilling to return an explicit answer, only took the messenger into the garden, where he struck off the heads of the tallest poppies. Sextus understood that by this hint the king desired him to put to death the leading men in the city of Gabii, which he immediately put in execution; and while the city was in confusion on account of this massacre, he opened the gates to his father, who took possession of the city with all the pride of a conqueror. The inhabitants dreaded every thing from the haughty tyranny of the Roman monarch; however, on this occasion he consulted his policy rather than his revenge; granted them their life, liberty, and estates, and even entered into a treaty of alliance with them. The articles were written on the hide of an ox, which was still to be seen in the time of Augustus, in the temple of Jupiter Fidius. After this, however, he made his son Sextus king of Gabii; sending off also his other two sons, Titus and Aruns, the one to build a city at Signia, the other at Circeum, a promontory of the Tyrrhenian sea, and both these to keep the Volsci in awe.

For some time Tarquin now enjoyed a profound peace; the Romans, being accustomed to oppression and the yoke of an imperious master, making no opposition to his will. During this interval Tarquin met with the celebrated adventure of the Sibyl; whose books were ever afterwards held in high estimation at Rome, and Tarquin appointed two persons of distinction to take care of them. These were called Duumviri; but their number was afterwards increased to ten, when they were called Decemviri; and then to fifteen, when they were termed Quindecimviri. At this time also the written civil law had its origin among the Romans; all the statutes enacted by the kings being collected into one body; which, from Papirius the name of of the collector, was called the Papirian law. The temple of the Capitol was also finished; for which purpose the most skilful architects and workmen were brought from Etruria, the populace being obliged to serve them in the most laborious parts.

We now come to the important revolution which put an end to the regal power at Rome, and introduced a new form of government, to which this city is allowed to owe the greatest part of her grandeur. Tarquin, as we have already seen, had left himself no friends among the rich citizens, by reason of the oppression under which he made them labour; and the populace were equally disaffected on account of their being obliged to labour in his public works. Among the many persons of distinction who had been sacrificed to the avarice or suspicions of Tarquin, was one M. Junius, who had married the daughter of Tarquin I. This nobleman had a son named L. Junius Brutus, who escaped the cruelty of the tyrant by pretending to be an idiot, which part he had ever since continued to act. Soon after the finishing of the works above mentioned, a violent plague happened to break out at Rome, Tarquin sent his sons Titus and Arunx to consult the oracle of Delphi; and the princes took Brutus along with them, to divert themselves with his pretended folly by the way. Brutus chose for his offering to the Delphic Apollo a stick of elder, which occasioned much laughter. However, he had the precaution to inclose a rod of gold within the stick; and to this probably it was owing, that the priests gave the princes the following riddle, that he who should first kiss his mother should succeed Tarquin in the government of Rome. This answer had been given to their inquiries concerning the succession; upon which the two brothers either drew lots which of them should kiss their mother at their return, or agreed to do it at once, that both might reign jointly: but Brutus, imagining the oracle had another meaning, fell down and kissed the earth, the common mother of all living. This, in all probability, the priests had meant; and had given the answer on purpose to have another proof of Brutus's ingenuity, which had already discovered itself, by his offering the elder stick.

On the return of the princes to Rome, they found their father engaged in a war with the Rutuli. The treasury being exhausted by the sums which Tarquin had expended in his public works, he had marched to Ardea, the capital of that nation, which lay about 20 miles from Rome, in hopes of taking it without opposition. Contrary to his expectation, however, he was obliged to besiege it in form; and this constrained him to lay a heavy tax upon his subjects, which increased the number of malcontents, and disposed every thing for a revolt. As the siege was carried on very slowly, the general officers frequently made entertainments for one another in their quarters. One day, when Sextus Tarquinius was entertaining his brothers, the conversation happened to turn upon their wives: every one extolled the good qualities of his own; but Collatinus bestowed such extravagant praises on his Lucretia, that the dispute ended in a kind of quarrel. It was then resolved that they should mount their horses and surprise their wives by their unexpected return. The king's daughters-in-law were employed in feasting and diversion, and seemed much disconcerted by the appearance of their husbands; but Lucretia, though the night was far advanced, was found, with her maids about her, spinning and working in wool. She was not at all discomposed by the company whom her husband brought with him, and they were all pleased with the reception she gave them. As Lucretia was very beautiful, Sextus Tarquinius conceived a passion for her, which resolving to satisfy at all events, he soon returned to Collatia in the absence of Lucretia's husband, and was entertained by her with great civility ravished by respect. In the night time he entered Lucretia's apartment, and threatened her with immediate death if she did not yield to his desires. But finding her not self to be intimidated with this menace, he told her, that if she still persisted in her refusal, he would kill one of her male slaves, and lay him naked by her when she was dead, and then declare to all the world that he had only revenged the injury of Collatinus. On this the virtuous Lucretia (who, it seems, dreaded prostitution less than the infamy attending it) submitted to the desires of Sextus; but resolved not to outlive the violence which had been offered her. She dressed herself in mourning, and took a poniard under her robe, having previously written to her husband to meet her at her father Lucretius's house, where she refused to discover the cause of her grief except in a full assembly of her friends and relations. Here, addressing herself to her husband Collatinus, she acquainted him with the whole affair; exhorted him to revenge the injury; and protested that she would not outlive the loss of her honour. Every one present gave her a solemn promise that they would revenge her quarrel; but while they endeavoured to comfort her, she suddenly stabbed herself to the heart with the dagger which she had concealed under her robe.

See Chastity.

This extravagant action inflamed beyond measure the minds of all present. Brutus, laying aside his pretended folly, drew the bloody dagger out of Lucretia's body; and, showing it to the assembly, swore by the blood upon it that he would pursue Tarquin and his family with fire and sword: nor would he ever suffer that any other family to reign in Rome. The same oath was taken by all the company, who were so much surprised at the apparent transition of Brutus from folly to wisdom, that they did whatever he desired them. By his advice the gates of the city were shut, that nobody might go out of it to inform Tarquin of what was going forward; which, as Lucretia had been left governor of the city by Tarquin, was put in execution without difficulty. The corpse of Lucretia was then exposed to public view: and Brutus having made a speech to the people, in which he explained the mystery of his conduct in counterfeiting folly for many years past, proceeded to tell them that the patricians were come to a resolution of deposing the tyrant, and exhorted them to concur in the same design. The people testified their approbation, and called out for arms; but deposed Brutus did not think proper to trust them with arms till he had first obtained a decree of the senate in favour of the design. This was easily procured: the senate enacted that Tarquin had forfeited all the prerogatives belonging to the regal authority, condemned him and all his posterity to perpetual banishment, and devoted to the gods of hell every Roman who should hereafter, by word or deed, endeavour his restoration:

Vol. XVIII. Part I. and this decree was unanimously confirmed by the curia.

Tarquin being thus deposed, the form of government became the next object. Lucretius was for the present declared Interrex; but Brutus being again consulted, declared, that though it was by no means proper for the state to be without supreme magistrates, yet it was equally necessary that the power should not be centered in one man, and that it should not be perpetual. For this reason, he proposed, that two magistrates, called consuls, should be elected annually; that the state should thenceforth have the name of republic; that the ensigns of royalty should be abolished; and that the only ensigns of consular dignity should be an ivory chair, a white robe, and 12 lictors for their attendants. However, that he might not utterly abolish the name of king, he proposed that this title should be given to him who had the superintendency of religious matters, who should thenceforth be called rex sacrorum, or king of sacred things.

The scheme of Brutus being approved of, Brutus and Collatinus were proposed by Lucretius as the two first consuls, and unanimously accepted by the people, who thought it was impossible to find more implacable enemies to the Tarquins. They entered on their office in the year 508 B.C.; and Tullia, perceiving that now all was lost, thought proper to leave the city, and retire to her husband at Ardea. She was suffered to depart without molestation, though the populace hooted at her, and cursed her as she went along. Tarquin, in the mean time, being informed by some who had got out of Rome before the gates were shut, that Brutus was raising commotions to his prejudice, returned in haste to the city, attended only by his sons and a few friends; but, finding the gates shut, and the people in arms on the walls, he returned again to the camp: but here again, to his surprize, he found that the consuls had taken the opportunity of gaining over the army to their interest; so that, being refused admittance into the camp also, he was forced to fly for refuge, at the age of 76, with his wife and three sons, to Gabii, where Sextus had been made king. Here he continued for some time; but not finding the Latins very forward to revenge his cause, he retired into Etruria; where, being the country of his mother's family, he hoped to find more friends, and a readier affiance for attempting the recovery of his throne.

The Romans now congratulated themselves on their happy deliverance from tyranny. However, as Tarquin had by his policy procured himself many friends abroad, these now became enemies to the Roman name; and, by the defection of their allies, the Roman dominions were left in much the same state as they had been in the time of Romulus. The territory of Rome had always been confined to a very narrow compass. Though almost constantly victorious in war for 243 years, they had not yet gained land enough to supply their city with provisions. The main strength of the state lay in the number of the citizens of Rome; which the custom of transplanting the inhabitants of the conquered cities thither had so prodigiously increased; that it put the Romans in a condition of usurping the authority over other nations, the most inconsiderable of which had an extent of territory far exceeding theirs. By frequent depredations and incursions they so harassed the petty states of Latium and Etruria, that many of them were constrained to enter into treaties with Rome, by which they obliged themselves to furnish her with auxiliaries whenever she should be pleased to invade and pillage the lands of her other neighbours. Submissions of this kind the Romans called making alliances with them; and these useful alliances supplied the want of a larger territory; but now, upon the change of her government, all the allies of Rome forsook her at once, and either stood neutral, or espoused the cause of the banished king; so that she was now obliged to maintain her liberties as she best might.

The new consuls in the mean time took the most effectual methods they could for securing the liberties of the republic. The army which had been employed in the siege of Ardea marched home under the conduct of Herminius and Horatius, who concluded a truce with the Ardeates for 15 years. The consuls then again assembled the people by centuries, and had the decree of Tarquin's banishment confirmed; a rex sacrorum was elected to preside at the sacrifices, and many of the laws of Servius Tullius were revived, to the great joy of the people, who were thus restored to their ancient right of voting in all important affairs. Tarquin, however, resolved not to part with his kingdom on such easy terms. Having wandered from city to city in order to move compassion, he at length made Tarquinii the seat of his residence; where he engaged the inhabitants to send an embassy to Rome, with a modest, submissive letter from himself, directed to the Roman people. The ambassadors represented in such strong terms Tarquin to the senate how reasonable it was to let the king be tried before he was condemned, and the danger which the Roman threatened the state from the neighbouring powers if people that common justice were refused, that the consuls inclined to bring these agents before the people, and to leave the decision thereof to the curia; but Valerius, who had been very active in the revolution, strenuously opposed this, and by his influence in the senate got it prevented. As that illustrious body had been greatly thinned by the murders committed by Tarquin, new members were elected from among the knights, and the ancient number of 300 again completed. The old senators had been called patres, or "fathers;" and as the names of the new ones were now written on the same roll, the whole body received the name of patres conscripti.

The old king was not to be foiled by a single attempt. He prevailed on the inhabitants of Tarquinii to send a second embassy to Rome, under pretence of demanding the estates of the exiles, but with private instructions to get the consuls affianced. The restoration of the estates of the exiles was opposed by Brutus, but Collatinus was for complying with it; whereupon Brutus accused his colleague of treachery, and of a design to bring back the tyrant. The matter was then referred to the people, where it was carried by one vote in favour of the Tarquins. But whilst the people were employed in loading carriages with the effects of race formed the exiles, and in felling what could not be carried off, in his turn the ambassadors found means to draw some of the nearest relations of the consuls into a plot with them. There were three young noblemen of the Aquilian family (the sons of Collatinus's sister), and two of the Vitelli (whose sister Brutus had married); and these last engaged gaged Titus and Tiberius, the two sons of Brutus, in the same conspiracy. They all bound themselves by solemn oaths, with the dreadful ceremony of drinking the blood of a murdered man and touching his entrails. They met at the house of the Aquilli, where they wrote letters to Tarquin and gave them to the ambassadors. But though they used all imaginable precaution, their proceedings were overheard by one Vindicius a slave, who immediately communicated the whole to Valerius; upon which all the criminals were apprehended. Brutus stood judge over his own sons; and, notwithstanding the intercession of the whole assembly, and the tears and lamentations of his children, commanded them to be beheaded; nor would he depart till he saw the execution of the sentence. Having performed this piece of heroic barbarity, he quitted the tribunal and left Collatinus to perform the rest. Collatinus, however, being inclined to spare his nephews, allowed them a day to clear themselves; and caused Vindicius, the only witness against them, to be delivered up to his masters. This roused the indignation of the people in general, especially of Valerius, who had promised to protect the witness, and therefore he refused to deliver him up to the lictors. The multitude called aloud for Brutus to return; which when he had done, he told them that he had executed his two sons in consequence of his own paternal authority over them, but that it belonged to the people to determine the fate of the rest. Accordingly, by a decree of the curia, all the delinquents suffered as traitors except the ambassadors, who were spared out of respect to their character. The slave Vindicius had his liberty granted him; and was presented with 25,000 asses of brass, in value about 80l. 14s. 7d. of our money. The decree for restoring the estates of the exiled Tarquins was annulled, their palaces were destroyed, and their lands divided among the indigent people. The public only retained a piece of ground, near the Campus Martius, which the king had usurped. This they consecrated to Mars, and it afterwards became a common field where the Roman youth exercised themselves in running and wrestling. But after this consecration, the superstitious Romans scrupled to use the corn which they found there ready reaped to their hands; so that, with some trees, it was thrown into the Tiber; and the water being low, it stopped in the middle of the river, and began to form a fine island named afterwards Insula Sacra.

The behaviour of Brutus towards his two sons struck such a terror into the Romans, that scarce any person durst oppose him; and therefore, as he hated Collatinus, he openly accused him before the people, and without ceremony deposed him from the consulship, banishing him at the same time from Rome. The multitude acquiesced in every thing he said, and refused to hear Collatinus speak in his own defence; so that the consul was on the point of being driven out with ignominy and disgrace, when Lucretius interfered, and prevailed upon Brutus to allow his colleague quietly to resign the offices, and retire of his own accord from the city. Brutus then, to remove all suspicions of personal enmity, procured him a present of 20 talents out of the public treasury, to which he added five of his own. Collatinus then retired to Lavinium, where he lived in peace, and at last died of old age.

After the abdication of Collatinus, Valerius was chosen in his room; and as his temper agreed much better with Brutus than that of Collatinus, the two consuls lived in great harmony. Nothing, however, could make the dethroned king forego the hope of recovering his kingdom by force. He first engaged the Volsci and the Tarquinienses to join their forces in order to support his rights. The consuls marched out without delay to meet them. Brutus commanded the horde and Valerius the favour of foot, drawn up in a square battalion. The two armies Tarquinius being in sight of each other, Brutus advanced with his cavalry, at the same time that Arunx, one of Tarquin's sons, was coming forward with the enemy's horde, the king himself following with the legions. Arunx no sooner discovered Brutus, than he made towards him with all the fury of an enraged enemy. Brutus advanced towards him with no less speed; and as both were actuated only by motives of hatred, without thoughts of self-preservation, both of them were pierced through with their lances. The death of the two generals served as a prelude to the battle, which continued with the utmost fury till night, when it could not be known which side had got the victory, or which had lost the greatest number of men. A report was spread, however, that a voice had been heard out of a neighbouring wood, declaring the Romans conquerors; and this, probably a stratagem of Valerius, operated so powerfully on the superstitious minds of the Volsci, that they left their camp in confusion, and returned to their own country. It is said that Valerius, having caused the dead to be numbered, found that the Volsci had lost 11,300 men, and the Romans only one short of that number.

Valerius being left without a colleague in the consulship, and having for some reasons delayed to choose one, began to be suspected by the people of aspiring at the sovereignty; and these suspicions were in some measure countenanced by his building a fine house on the steep part of the hill Palatinus, which overlooked the forum, and was by them considered as a citadel. But of this Valerius was no sooner informed, than he caused this house to be pulled down, and immediately called an assembly of the people for the election of a consul, in which he left them entirely free. They chose Lucretius; and, being ashamed of having suspected Valerius, they complimented him with a large ground-plot in an agreeable place, where they built him a house. The new consul died a few days after his promotion, so that Valerius was once more left sole governor. In the interval between the death of Lucretius and the choice of another consul, Valerius gave the people so many striking proofs of his attachment to their interest, that they bestowed upon him the surname of Poplicola, or "popular;" nor was he ever called by another name afterwards.

When Poplicola's year of consulship expired, the Romans thought fit, in consequence of the critical situation of affairs, to elect him a second time, and joined with him T. Lucretius, the brother of the famous Lucretia. They began with restoring the census and lustrum; and found the number of Roman citizens, at or above the age of puberty, to amount to 130,000. As they apprehended an attack from the Latins on account of Tarquin, they were at great pains to fortify Sinquirinum or Singiluria, an important post on that side. Rome. Contrary to their expectations, however, the Latins remained quiet; but a haughty embassy was received from Porfena king of Clusium in Etruria, commanding them either to take back the Tarquins to Rome, or to restore them their estates. To the first of these demands the consuls returned an absolute refusal; and, as to the second, they answered, that it was impracticable; a part of those estates having been consecrated to Mars, and the rest divided among indigent people, from whom they could not be recovered. The imminent danger which now threatened the city, procured Valerius the honour of a third consulship; and with him was joined Horatius Pulvillus, who had enjoyed the dignity for a few months before in the interval betwixt the death of Lucretius and the expiration of the first consulate.

While the Romans were making the most vigorous preparations for defence, Porfena, attended by his son Arunx and the exiles, marched towards the city at the head of a formidable army, which was quickly joined by a considerable body of Latins under Mamilius, the son-in-law of Tarquin. The consuls and the senate took all imaginable care to supply the common people with provisions, lest famine should induce them to open the gates to Tarquin; and they desired the country people to lodge their effects in the fort Janiculum, which overlooked the city, and which was the only fortified place possessed by the Romans on that side the Tiber. Porfena, however, soon drove the Romans out of this fort; upon which the consuls made all their troops pass the river, and drew them up in order of battle to defend the bridge, while Porfena advanced to engage them. The victory was a long time doubtful; but at last the Romans fled. Horatius Cocles, nephew to the consul, with Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius, who had commanded the right wing, posted themselves at the entrance of the bridge, and for a long time bravely defended it; but at last, the defensive arms of Lartius and Herminius being broken, they retired; and then Horatius desiring them to advise the consuls from him to cut the bridge at the other end, he for a while sustained the attack of the enemy alone. At last, being wounded in the thigh, and the signal given that the bridge was almost broken down, he leaped into the river, and swam across it through a shower of darts. The Romans, in token of gratitude for this eminent service, erected a statue to him in the temple of Vulcan, gave him as much land as he himself with one yoke of oxen could plough in one day; and each of the inhabitants, to the number of 300,000, gave him the value of as much food as each consumed in a day. But notwithstanding all this, as he had lost one eye, and from his wounds continued lame throughout the remainder of his life, these defects prevented his ever being raised to the consulship, or invested with any military command.

The city was not yet fully invested; but as it was very difficult to find provisions for such a multitude, the inhabitants soon began to be in want. Porfena being informed of their difficulties, told them that he would supply them with provisions if they would take back their old masters; but to this they replied, that hunger was a less evil than slavery and oppression. The constancy of the Romans, however, was on the point of failing, when a young patrician, named Mutius Cor-

dux, with the consent of the senate and consuls, undertook to assassinate Porfena. He got access to the Etrurian camp, disguised like a peasant, and made his way to the king's tent. It happened to be the day on which the troops were all reviewed and paid; and Porfena's secretary, magnificently dressed, was sitting on the same tribunal with the king. Mutius, mistaking him for Porfena, instantly leaped upon the tribunal and killed him. He then attempted to make his escape; but being seized and brought back, he owned his design; and with a countenance expressive of desperate rage and disappointment, thrust his hand which had missed the blow into a pan of burning coals which stood by, and there held it for a considerable time. On this, Porfena, changing his resentment into admiration, granted him his life and liberty, and even restored him the dagger with which he intended to have stabbed himself. Mutius took it with his left hand, having lost the use of the other; and from this time had the name of Scrofa, or "left-handed." He then, in order to induce Porfena to break up the siege, invented a story that 300 young Romans, all of them as resolute as himself, had sworn to take away the life of the king of Etruria, or to perish in the attempt. This had the desired effect; Porfena sent deputies to Rome, whose only demands were, that the Romans should restore the estates of the Tarquins, or give them an equivalent, and give back the seven small towns which had been formerly taken from the Veientes. The latter of these demands was cheerfully complied with; but the former was still refused, until Porfena should hear the strong reasons they had to urge against it. A truce being agreed on, deputies were sent to the Etrurian camp to plead the Roman cause against the Tarquins, and with them ten young men, and as many virgins, by way of hostages for performing the other article.

The reception which Porfena gave the deputies raised the jealousy of the Tarquins; who, still retaining their ancient pride, refused to admit Porfena for a judge between them and the Romans. But the king, without any regard to their opposition, resolved to satisfy himself, by an exact inquiry, whether the protection he had given the Tarquins was just. But while the cause was ready to be opened before the Roman deputies, news were brought that the young women whom the Romans had sent as hostages had ventured to swim across the Tiber, and were returned to Rome. They had gone to adventure bathe in the river, and Cælia happening to turn her eyes towards her native city, that sight raised in her a desire of returning to it. She therefore ventured to swim across the river; and having encouraged her companions to follow her, they all, got safe to the opposite shore, and returned to their fathers' houses. The return of the hostages gave the consul Poplicola great uneasiness; he was afraid lest this rash action might be imputed to want of fidelity in the Romans. To remove therefore all suspicions, he sent a deputation to the Etrurian camp, assuring the king that Rome had no share in the foolish attempt of the young women; and promising to send them immediately back to the camp from whence they had fled. Porfena was easily appeased; but the treachery news of the speedy return of the hostages being known of the Tarquins, without any regard to the quins, truce, or respect to the king their protector, lay in ambush on the road to surprise them. Poplicola having put Rome put himself at the head of the Roman troops who escorted them, sustained the attack of the Tarquins, though sudden and unexpected; till his daughter Valeria rode full speed to the Etrurian camp, and gave notice of the danger her father and companions were in; and then Aruns, the king's son, flying with a great body of cavalry to their relief, put the aggressors to the rout.

This notorious piece of treachery in the Tarquins gave Porfena strong suspicions of the badness of their cause. He therefore assembled the chief commanders of the Etrurians; and having heard in their presence the complaints of the Romans, and the justification of their proceedings against the Tarquins, he was so struck with horror at the recital of the crimes the Tarquins were charged with, that he immediately ordered them to leave his camp; declaring that he renounced his alliance with them, and would no longer continue the hospitality he had shown them. He then commanded the ten young virgins to be brought before him, and inquired who was the first author and chief manager of the enterprise. They all kept silence, till Cladia herself, with an air of intrepidity, confessed that she alone was guilty, and that she had encouraged the others by her advice. Upon this the king, extolling her resolution above the bravery of Horatius and the intrepidity of Mutius, made her a present of a fine horse, with sumptuous furniture. After this he concluded a peace with the Romans, and restored to them all their hostages; declaring, that their bare word was to him a sufficient security for the performance of the articles.

And now Porfena being about to return to Clusium, gave, before his departure, a further testimony of his respect and friendship for the Romans. He knew that Rome was greatly distressed for want of provisions; but being afraid to offend the inhabitants by relieving them in a direct manner, he ordered his soldiers to leave behind them their tents and provisions, and to carry nothing with them but their arms. As his camp abounded with all sorts of provisions, Rome was hereby much relieved in her wants. The moveables and corn of the Etrurians were sold by auction to private persons; and on this occasion the Romans took up the custom of making a proclamation by a herald, whenever any effects belonging to the public were to be sold, in the following words, These are Porfena's goods. The design of this was to preserve the memory of that prince's kindness. The senate, not satisfied with this, erected a statue of the king near the comitium, and sent an embassy to him with a present of a throne adorned with ivory, a sceptre, a crown of gold, and a triumphal robe.

Thus the Romans escaped the greatest danger they had hitherto been in. However, they did not yet enjoy tranquillity. The Sabines revolted, and continued the war for some time with great obstinacy; but being defeated in several engagements, they were at last obliged to submit; and scarce was this war ended, when another began with the Latins, who now declared for King Tarquin. Before they began this war, however, an embassy was sent to Rome, the purport of which was, that the Romans should raise the siege of Fidenae which had revolted, and receive the Tarquins; who, on their part, should grant a general amnesty. The ambassadors were to allow the Romans a whole year to consider of these overtures; and to threaten them with a war in case they refused to comply with them. The chief view of Tarquin and his partisans in promoting this embassy was, to lay hold of that opportunity to raise a sedition in the city. To the ambassadors therefore, of the Latins, he joined some of his own emissaries, who, on their arrival in the city, found two sorts of people disposed to enter into their measures; to wit, the slaves, and the meaner citizens.

The slaves had formed a conspiracy the year before to seize the Capitol, and set fire to the city in several quarters at the same time. But the plot being discovered, those who were concerned in it had been all crucified, and this execution had highly provoked the whole body of slaves. As to the meaner citizens, who were for the most part overwhelmed with debt, and cruelly used by their creditors, they were well apprised that there could happen no change in the government but to their advantage. These were the conspirators pitched upon, and to them were given the following parts to act: the citizens were to make themselves masters of the ramparts and gates of the city, at an appointed hour of the night; and then to raise a great shout as a signal to the slaves, who had engaged to massacre their masters at the same instant; the gates of the city were then to be opened to the Tarquins, who were to enter Rome while it was yet reeking with the blood of the senators. The conspiracy was ripe for execution, when Tarquin's principal agents, Publius and Marcus, both of his own name and family, being terrified with frightful dreams, had not courage enough to proceed in their design till they had consulted a diviner. However, they did not discover to him the conspiracy; but only asked him in general terms, what success they might expect in a project they had formed? The soothsayer, without the least hesitation, returned the following answer: Your project will end in your ruin; deliver how difficult yourselves of so heavy a load. Hereupon the Tarquins, fearing lest some of the other conspirators should be beforehand with them in informing, went immediately to S. Sulpitius, the only confidant then at Rome, and discovered the whole matter to him. The confidant greatly commended them, and detained them in his house, till, by private inquiries, he was assured of the truth of their depositions. Then he assembled the senate, and gave the Latin ambassadors their audience of leave, with an answer to their proposals; which was, that the Romans would neither receive the Tarquins, nor raise the siege of Fidenae, being all to a man ready to sacrifice their lives in defence of their liberties, and willing to undergo any dangers rather than submit to the government of a tyrant.

The ambassadors being dismissed with this answer, and conducted out of the city, Sulpitius laid open to the fathers the dreadful conspiracy. It struck them with horror; but they were all at a loss in what manner they should apprehend and punish the guilty; since, by the law of Poplicola, there was an appeal to the people in all capital cases; and the two witnesses, who were strangers, might be excepted against by Roman citizens. In this perplexity they left the whole conduct of this critical affair to Sulpitius; who took a method which he thought would equally serve to prove the guilt and punish the guilty. He engaged the two informers to assemble the conspirators, and to appoint a rendezvous at midnight in the forum, as if they designed to take the last measures for the execution of the enterprise. In the mean time he used all proper means to secure the city, and ordered the Roman knights to hold themselves ready, in the houses adjoining to the forum, to execute the orders they should receive. The conspirators met at the time and place appointed by the two Tarquins; and the knights, upon a signal agreed on beforehand, invested the forum, and blocked up all the avenues to it so closely, that it was impossible for any of the conspirators to make their escape. As soon as it was light, the two consuls appeared with a strong guard on the tribunal; for Sublittius had sent to his colleague Manius, who was besieging Fidenae, deferring him to hasten to the city with a chosen body of troops. The people were convened by curiae, and acquainted with the conspiracy which had been formed against the common liberty. The accused were allowed to make their defence, if they had any thing to offer against the evidence; but not one of them denying the fact, the consuls repaired to the senate, where sentence of death was pronounced against the conspirators, in case the people approved it.

This decree of the senate being read to and approved by the assembly, the people were ordered to retire, and the conspirators were delivered up to the soldiers, who put them all to the sword. The peace of Rome was thought sufficiently secured by this stroke of severity; and therefore, though all the conspirators were not punished with death, it was judged proper not to make any further inquiries. The two informers were rewarded with all the privileges of Roman citizens, 100,000 asses, and 20 acres of land. Three festival-days were appointed for expiations, sacrifices, and public games, by way of thanksgiving to the gods. But the general joy was disturbed by a melancholy accident; as the people were conducting Manius Tullius the consul from the circus to his house, he fell from his chariot, and died three days after.

The city of Fidenae was not yet reduced: it held out during the following consulship of T. Æbutius and P. Veturius; but was taken the next year by T. Lar- tius, who, together with Q. Clodius, was raised to the consular dignity. The Latins, enraged at the loss of this town, began to complain of their leading men; which opportunity Tarquin and Mamilius improved so far, as to make all the Latin cities, 24 in number, enter into an alliance against Rome, and to bind themselves by oath never to violate their engagements. The Latins made vast preparations, as did likewise the Romans; but the latter could procure no affluence from their neighbours. As the Latin nation was much superior to them in strength, they sent deputies to solicit succours from the several states with which they were surrounded: but their negociations proved every where unsuccessful; and, what was worse than all, the republic had rebellious sons in her own bosom, who refused to lend their aid in defence of their country. The poorer sort of people and the debtors, refused to take the military oaths, or to serve; alleging their poverty, and the fruitless hazards they ran in fighting for the defence of a city, where they were oppressed and enslaved by their creditors. This spirit of mutiny spread among the inferior classes, most of them refusing to lift themselves, unless their debts were all remitted by a decree of the senate; nay, they began to talk of leaving the city, and settling elsewhere.

The senate, apprehending a general insurrection, as Rome fumbled to deliberate on the means of quieting those domestic troubles. Some were for a free remission of all debts, as the safest expedient at that juncture; others urged the dangerous consequences of such a concession, advising them to lift such only as were willing to serve, not doubting but those who refused their affiance would offer it of their own accord when it was no longer desired. Several other expedients were proposed: but at length this prevailed; to wit, that all actions for debts should be suspended till the conclusion of the war with the Latins. But this the indigent debtors thought only a suspension of their misery; and therefore it had not the intended effect on the minds of the unruly multitude. The senate might indeed have prosecuted the ringleaders of the sedition; but the law of Poplicola, called the Valerian law, which allowed appeals to the assembly of the people, was a protection for the seditionists, who were sure of being acquitted by the accomplices of their rebellion. The senate, therefore, to elude the effect of a privilege that put such a restraint upon their power, resolved to create one supreme magistrate, who, with the title of dictator, should have an absolute power for a time: but as this could not be done without striking at the law of Poplicola, and transferring the power of the people in criminal cases to a magistrate superior to all laws, it was necessary to use artifice, in order to obtain the consent of the curiae. They therefore represented to them in a public assembly, that, in so difficult a conjuncture, when they had their domestic quarrels to decide, and at the same time a powerful enemy to repulse, it would be expedient to put the commonwealth under a single governor, who, superior to the consuls themselves, should create, be the arbiter of the laws, and as it were the father of his country; that his power should have no limits: but, however, lest he should abuse it, they ought not to trust him with it above six months.

The people, not foreseeing the consequences of this change, agreed to it; but the greatest difficulty was to find a man duly qualified in all respects for so great a trust. T. Lartius, one of the consuls, seemed to be of all men the most unexceptionable; but the senate, fearing to offend his colleague by an injurious preference, gave the consuls the power of choosing a dictator, and obliged them to name one of themselves, no doubting but Clodius would yield to the superior talents of his colleague: nor were they disappointed in their expectations. But Lartius, with the same readiness, named Clodius; and the only contest was, which of the two should raise the other to the supreme authority. Each persisted obstinately in remitting the dignity to his colleague, till Clodius, starting up on a sudden, abdicated the consulship, and, after the manner of an interrex, proclaimed Titus Lartius dictator, who thereupon was obliged to take upon him the government of the republic.

Lartius indeed took as much state upon him, after he chose had entered upon his office, as he had shown modesty in a general refusing it. He began by creating, without the participation either of the senate or people, a general of the Roman horse; an office which lasted only during the dictatorship, and which all subsequent dictators revived immediately after their election. Sp. Cassius, formerly consul, and honoured with a triumph, was the person he advanced ced to this second station in the republic. Lartius, having by this means secured the Roman knights, resolved, in the next place, to make the people respect and fear him. With this view he never appeared in public, without being attended by 24 lictors, to whose fasces he again added the axes which Poplicola had caused to be taken from them. The novelty of this fight was alone sufficient to awe the feditious, and, without executions, to spread consternation throughout Rome. The murmurs of the inferior classes being by this means silenced, the dictator commanded a census to be taken, according to the institution of King Servius. Every one, without exception, brought in his name, age, the particulars of his estate, &c., and there appeared to be in Rome 150,700 men who were past the age of puberty. Out of these the dictator formed four armies: the first he commanded himself; the second he gave to Clodius his late colleague; the third to Sp. Caecilius his general of the horse; and the fourth he left in Rome, under the command of his brother Sp. Lartius, who was to guard the city. The Latins not being so forward in their preparations as was expected, all their hostilities against Rome this campaign amounted to no more than the sending a detachment into the Roman territory to lay it waste. The dictator gained some advantage over that party; and the great humanity with which he treated the prisoners and wounded, disposed the Latins to listen the more readily to the overtures which he at the same time made them for a suspension of hostilities. At length a truce was agreed on for a year; and then Lartius, seeing the republic restored to its former tranquillity, resigned the dictatorship, though the time appointed for its duration was not yet expired.

The following consulship of Sempronius Atratinus and Minutius Angurinus, produced nothing memorable. But the next year the truce expired, when Aulus Posthumius and T. Virginius took possession of the consulship. Both Romans and Latins were busied in making the necessary preparations for war. The nobility of Latium, who were for the most part in the interest of the Tarquins, having found means to exclude the citizens from the Latin diets, carried all before them in those assemblies: whereupon many of the citizens removed with their families to Rome, where they were well received. The Latins being bent upon war, the senate, notwithstanding the perfect harmony that reigned between them and the people, thought it expedient to create a dictator. The two consuls were therefore empowered to name one of themselves to that dignity; whereupon Virginius readily yielded it to his colleague Posthumius, as the more able commander. The new dictator, having created Æbutius Elva his general of the horse, and divided his army into four bodies, left one of them, under the command of Sempronius, to guard the city; and with the other three, commanded by himself, Virginius, and Æbutius, marched out against the Latins, who, with an army of 40,000 foot and 3000 horse, under the command of Sextus Tarquinius, Titus Tarquinius, and Mamilius, had already made themselves masters of Corbio, a strong-hold belonging to the republic, and put the garrison to the sword. Posthumius encamped in the night on a steep hill near the lake Regillus, and Virginius on another hill over-against him. Æbutius was ordered to march silently in the night, with the cavalry and light-armed infantry, to take possession of a third hill upon the road by which provisions must be brought to the Latins.

Before Æbutius had fortified his new camp, he was vigorously attacked by Lucius Tarquinius, whom he repulsed three times with great loss, the dictator having sent him a timely reinforcement. After this, Æbutius intercepted two couriers sent by the Volsci to the Latin generals, and, by letters found upon them, discovered, that a considerable army of the Volsci and Hernici were to join the Latin forces in three days. Upon this intelligence, Posthumius drew his three bodies of troops together, which amounted in all to no more than 24,000 foot and 1000 horse, with a design to engage the enemy before the arrival of the succours they expected. Accordingly he encouraged his men, and, with his army in battle-array, advanced to the place where the enemy was encamped. The Latins, who were much superior to the Romans in numbers, and besides began to want provisions, did not decline the engagement. Titus Tarquinius, at the head of the Roman exiles and deserters, was in the centre, Mamilius in the right wing, and Sextus Tarquinius in the left. In the Roman army the dictator commanded in the centre, Æbutius in the left wing, and Virginius in the right.

The first body which advanced was that of the dictator; and, as soon as it began to march, T. Tarquinius, flinging out the dictator, ran full speed against him. The dictator did not decline the encounter, but, flying at his adversary, wounded him with a javelin in the right side. Upon this, the first line of the Latins advanced to cover their general; but he being carried out of the field, they made but a faint resistance when charged by the troops of the dictator. They were destitute of a leader; and therefore began to retire, when Sextus Tarquinius, taking the place of his brother, brought them back to the charge, and renewed the fight with such vigour, that the victory in the centre was still doubtful. On the side of Mamilius and Æbutius, both parties, encouraged by the example of their leaders, fought with incredible bravery and resolution. After a long and bloody contest, the two generals agreed to determine the doubtful victory by a single combat. Accordingly the champions pushed on their horses against each other. Æbutius with his lance wounded Mamilius in the breast; and Mamilius with his sword Æbutius in the right arm. Neither of the wounds were mortal; but, both generals falling from their horses, put an end to the combat. Marcus Valerius, the brother of Poplicola, supplying the place of Æbutius, endeavoured, at the head of the Roman horse, to break the enemy's battalions; but was repulsed by the cavalry of the Roman royalists. At the same time Mamilius appeared again in the van, with a considerable body of horse and light-armed infantry. Valerius, with the assistance of his two nephews, the sons of Poplicola, and a chosen troop of volunteers, attempted to break through the Latin battalions, in order to engage Mamilius; but being surrounded by the Roman exiles, he received a mortal wound in his side, fell from his horse, and died. The dead body was carried off by the two sons of Poplicola, in spite of the utmost efforts of the exiles, and delivered to Valerius's servants, who conveyed it to the Roman camp; but but the young heroes being afterwards invested on all sides, and overpowered by numbers, were both killed on the spot. Upon their death, the left wing of the Romans began to give ground, but were soon brought back by Pothumius; who, with a body of Roman knights, flying to their assistance, charged the royalists with such fury, that they were, after an obstinate resistance, obliged to give way, and retire in the utmost confusion. In the mean time Titus Horminius, one of the dictator's lieutenants, having rallied those who had fled, fell upon some close battalions of the enemy's let wing, which still kept their ground under the command of Mamilius, killed him with his own hand, and put that body to flight. But while he was busy in stripping the body of his enemy, he received himself a wound, of which he died soon after.

Sextus Tarquinius in the mean time maintained the fight with great bravery, at the head of the left wing, against the consul Virginius; and had even broken through the right wing of the Roman army, when the dictator attacked him unexpectedly with his victorious squadrons. Then Sextus, having lost at once all hopes of victory, threw himself, like one in despair, into the midst of the Roman knights, and there sunk under a multitude of wounds, after he had distinguished himself in a most eminent manner. The death of the three generals was followed by the entire defeat of the Latin army. Their camp was taken and plundered, and most of their troops cut in pieces; for, of the 43,000 men who came into the field, scarce 15,000 returned home. The next morning the Volsci and Hernici came, according to their agreement, to assist the Latins; but finding, upon their arrival, how matters had gone, some of them were for falling upon the Romans before they could recover from the fatigue of the preceding day; but others thought it more safe to send ambassadors to the dictator, to congratulate him on his victory, and assure him that they had left their own country with no other design than to assist Rome in so dangerous a war. Pothumius, by producing their couriers and letters, gave them to understand that he was well apprised of their designs and treacherous proceedings. However, out of a regard to the law of nations, he sent them back unhurt, with a challenge to their generals to fight the next day; but the Volsci, and their confederates, not caring to engage a victorious army, decamped in the night, and returned to their respective countries before break of day.

The Latins having now no remedy but an entire submission sent ambassadors to solicit a peace at Rome, yielding themselves absolutely to the judgment of the senate. As Rome had long since made it a maxim to spare the nations that submitted, the motion of Titus Lartius, the late dictator, prevailed; and the ancient treaties with the Latins were renewed, on condition, however, that they should restore the prisoners they had taken, deliver up the deserters, and drive the Roman exiles out of Latium. Thus ended the last war which the Romans waged with their neighbours on account of their banished king; who, being now abandoned by the Latins, Etrurians, and Sabines, retired into Campania, to Aristodemus tyrant of Cumae, and there died, in the 95th year of his age and 14th of his exile.

The Romans were no sooner freed from these dangerous wars, than they began to oppress one another; and those domestic feuds took place which continued more or less during the whole time of the republic. The first disturbances were occasioned by the oppression of the plebeians who were debtors to the patricians. The senate, who were at the head of the patricians, chose to the consular one Appius Claudius, who violently opposed the pretensions of the plebeians; but gave him for his colleague one P. Servilius, who was of a quite contrary opinion and disposition. The consequence of this was, that the consuls disagreed; the senate did not know what to determine, and the people were ready to revolt. In the midst of these disturbances, an army of the Volsci advanced towards Rome; the people refused to serve; and had not Servilius procured some troops who served out of a personal affection to himself, the city would have been in great danger.

But though the Volsci were for this time driven back, they had no intention of dropping their designs; they engaged in an alliance with them the Hernici and Sabines. In the mean time, the disputes at Rome continued with as much violence as ever. Nay, though they were expressly told that the Velician army was on its way to besiege the city, the plebeians absolutely refused to march against them; saying, that it was the same thing whether they were chained by their own countrymen or by the enemy. In this extremity Servilius promised, that when the enemy were repulsed the senate would remit all the debts of the plebeians. This having engaged them to serve, the consul marched out at their head, defeated the enemy in a pitched battle, and took their capital, giving it up to be plundered by his soldiers, without reserving any part for the public treasury.

Whatever might have been the reasons of Servilius for this step, it furnished Appius with a pretence for refusing him a triumph, as a man of a seditious disposition, who aimed at popularity by an excessive indulgence and profusion to his soldiers. Servilius, incensed at this injustice, and encouraged by the acclamations of the people, decreed himself a triumph in spite of Appius and the senate. After this he marched against the Aurunci, who had entered Latium; and, in conjunction with Pothumius Regillens, he utterly defeated them, and obliged them to retire into their own country. But neither the services of the general nor his soldiers could mollify the senate and patrician party. Appius even doubled the severity of his judgments, and imprisoned all those who had been set at liberty during the war. The prisoners cried for relief to Servilius; but he could not obtain the accomplishment of those promises which the senate never had meant to perform; neither did he choose to quarrel openly with the whole patrician body; so that, striving to preserve the friendship of both parties, he incurred the hatred of the one and the contempt of the other. Perceiving therefore that he had lost all his interest with the plebeians, he joined with the patricians against them; but the plebeians rushing tumultuously into the forum, made such a noise, that no sentence pronounced by the judges could be heard, and the utmost confusion prevailed through the whole city. Several proposals were made to accommodate matters; but through the obduracy of Appius and the majority of the senators, they all all came to nothing. In the mean time it was necessary to raise an army against the Sabines, who had invaded the territories of the republic; but the people refused to serve. Manius Valerius, however, brother to the celebrated Poplicola, once more prevailed upon them to march out against the common enemy; having previously obtained assurances from the senate that their grievances should be redressed. But no sooner had victory declared in favour of the Romans, than the senate, apprehending that the soldiers at their return would challenge Valerius, who had been nominated dictator, for the performance of their promises, desired him and the two consuls to detain them still in the field, under pretence that the war was not quite finished. The consuls obeyed; but the dictator, whose authority did not depend on the senate, disbanded his army, and declared his soldiers free from the oath which they had taken; and as a further proof of his attachment to the plebeians, he chose out of that order 400, whom he invested with the dignity of knights. After this he claimed the accomplishment of the promises made by the senate; but, instead of performing them, he had the mortification to hear himself loaded with reproaches; on which he resigned his office as dictator, and acquainted the people with his inability to fulfill his engagements to them. No sooner were these transactions known in the army, than the soldiers, to a man, deserted the consuls and other officers, and retired to a hill called afterwards Mons Sacer, three miles from Rome, where they continued to observe an exact discipline, offering no sort of violence whatever. The senate, after taking proper measures for the defence of the city, sent a deputation to the malcontents; but it was answered with contempt. In short, all things tended to a civil war, when at last matters were compromised by the institution of tribunes of the people, who had power to prevent the passing of any law that might be prejudicial to the people, and whose persons were declared sacred, insomuch that whoever offered the least violence to the person of a tribune was declared accursed, his effects were to be consecrated to Ceres, and he himself might be killed with impunity; and all the Romans were to engage themselves, in their own name and that of their posterity, never to repeal this law. The people, after these regulations, erected an altar to Jupiter the Terrible, on the top of the hill where their camp had stood; and when they had offered sacrifices to the god, and consecrated the place of their retreat, they returned to Rome, led by their new magistrates and the deputies of the senate.

Thus the Roman constitution, which had originally been monarchic, and from thence had palled into an aristocracy, began now to verge towards a democracy. The tribunes immediately after their election obtained permission from the senate to elect two persons as their ministers or assistants, who should ease them a little in the great multiplicity of their affairs. They were called plebeian ediles; and afterwards came to have the inspection of the public baths, aqueducts, with many other offices originally belonging to the consuls, after which they were called simply ediles.

All opposition to the making of regular levies being now at an end, the consul Cominius led an army against the Volsci. He defeated them in battle, and took from them Longula and Polusca; after which he besieged Corioli, a city strongly fortified, and which might be called their capital. He carried this place, and gained a victory over the Antiates, the same day; but Caius Marcius, an eminent patrician, had all the glory of both actions. The troops detached by the consuls to scale the walls of Corioli being repulsed in their first assault, Marcius rallied the runaways, led them on afresh to the charge, drove back the enemy within their walls, and, entering the city with them, made himself master of it. This exploit achieved, he with all expedition put himself in the foremost ranks of the consul's main army, that was just going to engage with the Antiates, who were come to the relief of the place; and there he behaved with equal bravery, and had equal success.

The next day, the consul, having erected his tribunal before his tent, called the soldiers together. His whole speech to them was little more than a panegyric upon Marcius. He put a crown upon his head; assigned him a tenth part of all the spoil; and, in the name of the republic, made him a present of a fine horse with stately furniture, giving him leave at the same time to choose out any ten of the prisoners for himself; and lastly, he allotted him as much money as he could carry away. Of all these offers Marcius accepted only the horse, and one captive of the ten, an old friend of his family, that he might give him his liberty. To add to the glory of the brave warrior, the consul bestowed on him the surname of Coriolanus, transferring thereby from himself to Marcius all the honour of the conquest of Corioli. Cominius, at his return to Rome, disbanded his army; and war was succeeded by works of religion, public games, and treaties of peace. A census and a lustrum closed the events of this memorable consulship. There appeared to be in Rome at this time more than 110,000 men fit to bear arms; a number by many thousands less than at the last enrollment. Doubtless great numbers had run away to avoid being slaves to their creditors.

Under the following administration of T. Geganius and P. Minucius, Rome was terribly afflicted by a famine, occasioned chiefly by the neglect of ploughing and sowing during the late troubles; for the sedition had happened after the autumnal equinox, about sowing-time, and the accommodation was not made till just before the winter solstice. The senate dispatched a famine agents into Hetruria, Campania, the country of the Volsci, and even into Sicily, to buy corn. Those who embarked for Sicily met with a tempest which retarded their arrival at Syracuse; where they were constrained to pass the winter. At Cumae, the tyrant Aristaenetus seized the money brought by the commissaries; and they themselves with difficulty saved their lives by flight. The Volsci, far from being disposed to succour the Romans, would have marched against them, if a sudden and most destructive pestilence had not defeated their purpose. In Hetruria alone the Roman commissaries met with success. They sent a considerable quantity of grain from thence to Rome in barks; but this was in a short time consumed, and the misery became excessive; the people were reduced to eat anything they could get; and nature in so great extremity loathed nothing.

During this distress a deputation came from Velitrae, a colony of the Romans, who had formerly planted a Volscian city, where the Romans had formerly planted a colony. ed a colony, representing that nine parts in ten of its inhabitants had been swept away by a plague, and praying the Romans to send a new colony to re-people it. The conscript fathers without much hesitation granted the request, pressed the departure of the colony, and without delay named three leaders to conduct it.

The people at first were very well pleased with the proposal, as it gave them a prospect of relief in their hunger; but when they reflected on the terrible havoc the plague had made among the old inhabitants of Velitrae, they began to fear that the place might be still infected; and this apprehension became so universal, that not one of them would consent to go thither. Nevertheless the senate at length published a decree that all the citizens should draw lots; and that those who whose lot it fell to be of the colony should instantly march for Velitrae, or suffer the severest punishments for their disobedience: fear and hunger made the people comply; and the fathers, a few days after, sent away a second colony to Norba, a considerable city of Latium. But the patricians were disappointed as to the benefit they expected from these measures. The plebeians who remained in Rome being more and more pressed by hunger and want, grew daily more angry with the senate. At first they assembled in small companies to vent their wrath in abusive complaints; and at length, in one great body, rushed all together into the forum, calling out upon their tribunes for succour.

The tribunes made it their business to heighten the general discontent. Having convened the people, Spurius Icilius, chief of the college of tribunes, inveighed most bitterly against the senate; and when he had ended his harangue, exhorted others to speak freely their thoughts; particularly, and by name, calling upon Brutus and Sicinius, the ringleaders of the former sedition, and now ediles. These men, far from attempting to extinguish the fire, added fresh fuel to it: And the more to inflame the spirits of the multitude, they enumerated all the past insults which the people had suffered from the nobles. Brutus concluded his harangue with loudly threatening, that if the plebeians would follow his advice, he would soon oblige those men who had caused the present calamity to find a remedy for it; after which the assembly was dismissed.

The next day, the consuls, greatly alarmed at this commotion, and apprehending from the menaces of Brutus some very mischievous event, thought it advisable to convene the senators, that they might consider of the best means to avert the impending evil. The fathers could not agree in opinion. Some were for employing soft words and fair promises to quiet and gain over the most turbulent. But Appius's advice prevailed: which was, that the consuls should call the people together, assure them that the patricians had not brought upon them the miseries they suffered, and promise, on the part of the senate, all possible care to provide for their necessities; but at the same time should reprove the disturbers of the public peace, and threaten them with the severest punishments if they did not amend their behaviour.

When the consuls, towards the close of the day, having assembled the people, would have signified to them the disposition and intention of the senate, they were interrupted by the tribunes. A dispute ensued, in which no order or decency was observed on either side. Several speaking at the same time, and with great vociferation, no one could be well understood by the audience. The consuls judged, that being the superior magistrates, their authority extended to all assemblies of the citizens. On the other side, it was pretended, that the assemblies of the people were the province of the tribunes, as the senate was that of the consuls.

The dispute grew warm, and both parties were ready to come to blows; when Brutus having put some questions to the consuls, ended it for that time. Next day the power he proposed a law which was carried, that no person of whatever should interrupt a tribune when speaking in an assembly of the people: by which means the influence and power of the popular party was considerably increased, and the tribunes became formidable opponents to the consuls and patricians. An opportunity soon offered for both parties to try their strength. A great fleet of ships laden with corn from Sicily, a great part of which was a present from Gelo the king of that country to the Romans, and the rest purchased by the senate with the public money, raised their spirits once more.

But Coriolanus incurred their resentment, by insisting that it should not be distributed till the grievances of the senate were removed. For this, the tribunes summoned him to a trial before the people, under pretence that he aspired at the sovereignty.

When the appointed day was come, all persons were filled with the greatest expectations, and a vast concourse came from the adjacent country assembled and filled up the forum. Coriolanus, upon this, presented himself before the people with a degree of intrepidity that merited better fortune. His graceful person, his persuasive eloquence, the cries of those whom he had saved from the enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. But being confounded with a new charge which he did not expect, of having embezzled the plunder of Antium, the tribunes immediately took the votes, and Coriolanus was condemned to perpetual exile.

This sentence against their bravest defender struck the whole body of the senate with sorrow, consternation, and regret. Coriolanus alone, in the midst of the tumult seemed an unconcerned spectator. He returned home, followed by the lamentations of hundreds of the most respectable senators and citizens of Rome, to take a lasting leave of his wife, his children, and his mother Veturia. Thus recommending his little children to their care, he left the city, without followers or fortune, to take refuge with Tullus Attius, a man of great power among the Volscians, who took him under his protection, and espoused his quarrel.

The first thing to be done, was to induce the Volsci to break the league which had been made with Rome; the city and for this purpose Tullus sent many of his citizens theretogether, in order to see some games at that time celebrating; but at the same time gave the senate private information, that the strangers had dangerous intentions of burning the city. This had the desired effect; the senate issued an order that all strangers, whoever they were, should depart from Rome before sunset. This order Tullus represented to his countrymen as an infraction of the treaty, and procured an embassy to Rome, complaining of the breach, and demanding back all the territories. territories belonging to the Volscians, of which they had been violently dispossessed; declaring war in case of a refusal: but this message was treated by the senate with contempt.

War being thus declared on both sides, Coriolanus and Tullus were made generals of the Volscians: and accordingly invaded the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste all such lands as belonged to the plebeians, but letting those of the senators remain untouched. In the mean time, the levies went on very slowly at Rome; the two consuls, who were re-elected by the people, seemed but little skilled in war, and even feared to encounter a general whom they knew to be their superior in the field. The allies also showed their fears, and slowly brought in their succours; so that Coriolanus continued to take their towns one after the other. Fortune followed him in every expedition; and he was now so famous for his victories, that the Volsci left their towns defenceless to follow him into the field. The very soldiers of his colleague's army came over to him, and would acknowledge no other general. Thus finding himself unopposed in the field, and at the head of a numerous army, he at length invested the city of Rome itself, fully resolved to besiege it. It was then that the senate and the people unanimously agreed to send deputies to him, with proposals of restoration, in case he should draw off his army. Coriolanus received their proposals at the head of his principal officers, and, with the sternness of a general that was to give the law, refused their offers.

Another embassy was now sent forth, conjuring him not to exact from his native city aught but what became Romans to grant. Coriolanus, however, still persisted in his former demands, and granted them but three days in which to finish their deliberations. In this exigence, all that was left was another deputation still more solemn than either of the former, composed of the pontiffs, the priests, and the augurs. These, clothed in their habits of ceremony, and with a grave and mournful deportment, issued from the city, and entered the camp of the conqueror: but all in vain, they found him severe and inflexible as before.

When the people saw them return ineffectually, they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. Their temples were filled with old men, with women and children, who, prostrate at their altars, put up their ardent prayers for the preservation of their country. Nothing was to be heard but anguish and lamentation, nothing to be seen but scenes of affright and distress. At length it was suggested to them, that what could not be effected by the intercession of the senate or the adjuration of the priests, might be brought about by the tears of his wife, or the commands of his mother. This deputation seemed to be relished by all; and even the senate itself gave it the sanction of their authority. Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, at first made some hesitation to undertake so pious a work; however, she at last undertook the embassy, and set forward from the city, accompanied by many of the principal matrons of Rome, with Volumnia his wife, and his two children. Coriolanus, who at a distance, discovered this mournful train of females, was resolved to give them a denial, and called his officers round him to be witnesses of his resolution; but, when told that his mother and his wife were among the number, he instantly came down from his tribunal to meet and embrace them. At first, the women's tears and embraces took away the power of words; and the rough soldier himself, hard as he was, could not refrain from sharing in their distresses. Coriolanus now seemed much agitated by contending passions; while his mother, who saw him moved, seconded her words by the most persuasive eloquence, her tears: his wife and children hung round him, entreating for protection and pity; while the fair train, her companions, added their lamentations, and deplored their own and their country's distress. Coriolanus for a moment was silent, feeling the strong conflict between honour and inclination: at length, as if roused from his dream, he flew to take up his mother, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, "O my mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son." He accordingly gave orders to draw off the army, pretending to the officers that the city was too strong to be taken. Tullus, who had long envied his glory, was not remiss in aggravating the lenity of his conduct to his countrymen. Upon their return, Coriolanus was slain in an insurrection of the people, and afterwards honourably buried, with late and ineffectual repentance.

The year following, the two consuls of the former year, Manlius and Fabius, were cited by the tribunes to appear before the people. The Agrarian law, which had been proposed some time before, for equally dividing the lands of the commonwealth among the people, was the object invariably pursued, and they were accused of having made unjustifiable delays in putting it off.

It seems the Agrarian law was a grant the senate could not think of giving up to the people. The consuls, therefore, made many delays and excuses, till at length they were once more obliged to have recourse to a dictator; and they fixed upon Quintus Cincinnatus, a man who had for some time given up all views of ambition, and retired to his little farm, where the deputies of the senate found him holding the plough, and dressed in the mean attire of a labouring husbandman. He appeared but little elevated with the addresses of ceremony and the pompous habits they brought him; and, upon declaring to him the senate's pleasure, he testified rather a concern that his aid should be wanted. However, he departed for the city, where both parties were strongly inflamed against each other: but he was resolved to side with neither; only, by a strict attention to the interests of his country, instead of gaining the confidence of faction, to obtain the esteem of all. Thus, by threats and well-timed submission, he prevailed upon the tribunes to put off their law for a time, and carried himself so as to be a terror to the multitude whenever they refused to enlist; and their greatest encourager whenever their submission deserved it. Thus, Quelled by having restored that tranquillity to the people which he so much loved himself, he again gave up the indulgences of ambition, to enjoy it with a greater relish in his little farm.

Cincinnatus was not long retired from his office when a fresh exigence of the state once more required his assistance. The Æquii and the Volsci, who, though still worsted, still were for renewing the war, made new inroads into the territories of Rome. Minutius, one of the consuls who succeeded Cincinnatus, was sent to oppose them; but being naturally timid, and rather more afraid afraid of being conquered than desirous of victory, his army was driven into a defile between two mountains, from which, except through the enemy, there was no egress. This, however, the Æqui had the precaution to fortify; by which the Roman army was so hemmed in on every side, that nothing remained but submission to the enemy, famine, or immediate death. Some knights, who found means of getting away privately through the enemy's camp, were the first that brought the account of this disaster to Rome. Nothing could exceed the consternation of all ranks of people when informed of it. The senate at first thought of the other consul; but not having sufficient experience of his abilities, they unanimously turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, and resolved to make him dictator. Cincinnatus, the only person on whom Rome could now place her whole dependence, was found, as before, by the messengers of the senate, labouring in his little field with cheerful industry. He was at first astonished at the ensigns of unbounded power with which the deputies came to invest him; but still more at the approach of the principal of the senate, who came out to meet him.

A dignity so unlooked for, however, had no effect upon the simplicity or the integrity of his manners; and being now possessed of absolute power, and called upon to nominate his master of the horse, he chose a poor man named Tarquinius, one who, like himself, despised riches when they led to dishonour. Upon entering the city, the dictator put on a serene look, and intreated all those who were able to bear arms to repair before sunset to the Campus Martius, (the place where the levies were made) with necessary arms, and provisions for five days. He put himself at the head of these; and marching all night with great expedition, he arrived before day within sight of the enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered his soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprize the consul's army of the relief that was at hand. The Æqui were not a little amazed when they saw themselves between two enemies; but still more when they perceived Cincinnatus making the strongest entrenchments beyond them, to prevent their escape, and inclosing them as they had inclosed the consul. To prevent this, a furious combat ensued; but the Æqui, being attacked on both sides, and unable to resist or fly, begged a cessation of arms. They offered the dictator his own terms; he gave them their lives; but obliged them, in token of servitude, to pass under the yoke, which was two spears set upright, and another across, in the form of a gallows, beneath which the vanquished were to march. Their captains and generals he made prisoners of war, being referred to adorn his triumph. As for the plunder of the enemy's camp, that he gave entirely up to his own soldiers, without reserving any part for himself, or permitting those of the delivered army to have a share. Thus, having rescued a Roman army from inevitable destruction, having defeated a powerful enemy, having taken and fortified their city, and, still more, having refused any part of the spoil, he resigned his dictatorship, after having enjoyed it but 14 days. The senate would have enriched him; but he declined their offers, choosing to retire once more to his farm and his cottage, content with temperance and fame.

But this repose from foreign invasion did not lessen the tumults of the city within. The clamours for the Agrarian law still continued, and still more fiercely, when Sicinius Dentatus, a plebeian, advanced in years, but of an admirable person and military deportment, came forward, to enumerate his hardships and his merits. This old soldier made no scruple of extolling the Dentatus, various merits of his youth; but indeed his achievements supported ostentation. He had served his country in the wars 40 years; he had been an officer 30, first a centurion, and then a tribune: he had fought 120 battles, in which, by the force of his single arm, he had saved a multitude of lives: he had gained 14 civic, three mural, and eight golden crowns, besides 83 chains, 60 bracelets, 18 gilt spears, and 23 horse-trappings, whereof nine were for killing the enemy in single combat: moreover, he had received 45 wounds, all before, and none behind. These were his honours: yet, notwithstanding all this, he had never received any share of those lands which were won from the enemy, but continued to drag on a life of poverty and contempt; while others were possessed of those very territories which his valour had won, without any merit to deserve them, or ever having contributed to the conquest. A case of so much hardship had a strong effect violent upon the multitude; they unanimously demanded that disturbances, the law might be passed, and that such merit should not go unrewarded. It was in vain that some of the senators rose up to speak against it; their voices were drowned by the cries of the people. When reason, therefore, could no longer be heard, passion, as usual, succeeded; and the young patricians, running furiously into the throng, broke the balloting urns, and dispersed the multitude that offered to oppose them. For this they were some time after fined by the tribunes; but their resolution, nevertheless, for the present, put off the Agrarian law.

The commonwealth of Rome had now for near 60 years been fluctuating between the contending orders that composed it, till at length, each side, as if weary, were willing to respire a while from the mutual exertions of their claims. The citizens, now, therefore, of every rank, began to complain of the arbitrary decisions of their magistrates, and wished to be guided by a written body of laws, which being known might prevent wrongs as well as punish them. In this both Ambasadors, the senate and the people concurred, as hoping that darts sent to such laws would put an end to the commissions that for so long had harassed the state. It was thereupon agreed, that ambassadors should be sent to the Greek cities in thence, Italy, and to Athens, to bring home such laws from thence as by experience had been found most equitable and useful. For this purpose, three senators, Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, were fixed upon, and galleys assigned to convey them, agreeable to the majesty of the Roman people. While they were upon this commission abroad, a dreadful plague depopulated the city at home, and supplied the interval of their absence with other anxiety than that of wishes for their return. In about a year the plague ceased, and the ambassadors returned, bringing home a body of laws, collected from the most civilized states of Greece and Italy, which being afterwards formed into ten tables, and two more being added, made that celebrated code called the Laws of the Twelve Tables, many fragments of which remain to this day.

The ambassadors were no sooner returned, than the Decemviri tribunes elected. tribunes required that a body of men should be chosen to digest their new laws into proper form, and to give weight to the execution of them. After long debates whether this choice should not be partly made from the people as well as the patricians, it was at last agreed that ten of the principal senators should be elected, whose power, continuing for a year, should be equal to that of kings and consuls, and that without any appeal. The persons chosen were Appius and Genuilius, who had been elected consuls for the ensuing year; Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, the three ambassadors; Sextus and Romulus, former consuls; with Julius Veturius, and Horatius, senators of the first consideration.

The decemviri being now invested with absolute power, agreed to take the reins of government by turns, and that each should dispense justice for a day.

These magistrates for the first year, wrought with extreme application; and their work being finished, it was expected that they would be contented to give up their offices; but having known the charms of power, they were now unwilling to resign it: they therefore pretended that some laws were yet wanting to complete their design, and intreated the senate for a continuance of their offices; to which that body assented.

But they soon threw off the mask of moderation; and, regardless either of the approbation of the senate or the people, resolved to continue themselves, against all order, in the decemvirate. A conduct so notorious produced discontent; and these were as sure to produce fresh acts of tyranny. The city was become almost a desert, with respect to all who had any thing to lose; and the decemvirs rapacity was then only discontinued, when they wanted fresh objects to exercise it upon. In this state of slavery, proscription, and mutual distrust, not one citizen was found to strike for his country's freedom; these tyrants continued to rule without control, being constantly guarded, not with their lictors alone, but a numerous crowd of dependents, clients, and even patricians, whom their vices had confederated round them.

In this gloomy situation of the state, the Æquii and Volsci, those constant enemies of the Romans, undertook their incursions, resolved to profit by the intestine divisions of the people, and advanced within about ten miles of Rome.

But the decemviri, being put in possession of all the military as well as of the civil power, divided their army into three parts; whereof one continued with Appius in the city, to keep it in awe; the other two were commanded by his colleagues, and were led, one against the Æquii, and the other against the Sabines. The Roman soldiers had now got into a method of punishing the generals whom they disliked, by suffering themselves to be vanquished in the field. They put it in practice upon this occasion, and shamefully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the enemy. Never was the news of a victory more joyfully received at Rome than the tidings of this defeat: the generals, as is always the case, were blamed for the treachery of their men; some demanded that they should be deposed; others cried out for a dictator to lead the troops to conquest: but among the rest, old Sicinius Dentatus the tribune spoke his sentiments with his usual openness; and treating the generals with contempt, showed all the faults of their discipline in the camp, and of their conduct in the field. Appius, in the mean time, was not remiss in observing the disposition of the people. Dentatus, in particular, was marked out for vengeance, and, under pretence of doing him particular honour, he was appointed legate, and put at the head of the supplies which were sent from Rome to reinforce the army. The office of legate was held sacred among the Romans, as in it were united the authority of a general, with the reverence due to the priesthood. Dentatus, no way suspecting his design, went to the camp with alacrity, where he Sicinius was received with all the external marks of respect. But the generals soon found means of indulging their desire of revenge. He was appointed at the head of one hundred men to go and examine a more commodious place for encampment, as he had very candidly assured the commanders that their present situation was wrong. The soldiers, however, who were given as his attendants, were assassins; wretches who had long been ministers of the vengeance of the decemviri, and who now engaged to murder him, though with all those apprehensions which his reputation, as he was called the Roman Achilles, might be supposed to inspire. With these designs, they led him from the way into the hollow bosom of a retired mountain, where they began to set upon him from behind. Dentatus, now too late, perceived the treachery of the decemviri, and was resolved to sell his life as dearly as he could; he therefore put his back to a rock, and defended himself against those who pressed most closely. Though now grown old, he had still the remains of his former valour, and killed no less than fifteen of the assailants, and wounded thirty. The assassins now therefore, terrified at his amazing bravery, flourished in their javelins upon him at a distance; all which he received in his shield with undaunted resolution. The combat, though so unequal in numbers, was managed for some time with doubtful success, till at length his assailants betook themselves of ascending the rock against which he stood, and thus poured down stones upon him from above. This succeeded; the old soldier fell beneath their united efforts, after having shown by his death that he owed it to his fortitude, and not his fortune, that he had come off so many times victorious. The decemviri pretended to join in the general sorrow for so brave a man, and decreed him a funeral, with the first military honours: but the greatness of their apparent distress, compared with their known hatred, only rendered them still more detestable to the people.

But a transaction still more atrocious than the former Tragedy served to inspire the citizens with a resolution to break all measures of obedience, and at last to restore freedom. Appius, who still remained at Rome, sitting one day on his tribunal to dispense justice, saw a maiden of exquisite beauty, and aged about fifteen, passing to one of the public schools, attended by a matron her nurse. Conceiving a violent passion for her, he resolved to obtain the gratification of his desire, whatever should be the consequence, and found means to inform himself of her name and family. Her name was Virginia, the daughter of Virginius a centurion, then with the army in the field; and she had been contracted to Icilius, formerly a tribune of the people, who had agreed to marry her at the end of the present campaign. Appius, at first, resolved to break this match, and to espouse her himself; but the laws of the Twelve Tables had forbidden the patricians to intermarry with the plebeians; and he could not infringe these, as he was the enactor of them. Nothing therefore remained but a criminal enjoyment; which, as he was long used to the indulgence of his passions, he resolved to obtain. After having vainly tried to corrupt the fidelity of her nurse, he had recourse to another expedient, still more guilty. He pitched upon one Claudius, who had long been the minister of his pleasures, to affect the beautiful maid was his slave, and to refer the cause to his tribunal for decision. Claudius behaved exactly according to his instructions; for entering into the school, where Virginia was playing among her female companions, he seized upon her as his property, and was going to drag her away by force, but was prevented by the people drawn together by her cries. At length, after the first heat of opposition was over, he led the weeping virgin to the tribunal of Appius, and there plausibly exposed his pretensions. He asserted, that she was born in his house, of a female slave, who sold her to the wife of Virginius, who had been barren. That he had several credible evidences to prove the truth of what he said; but that, until they could come together, it was but reasonable the slave should be delivered into his custody, being her proper master. Appius seemed to be struck with the justice of his claims. He observed, that if the reputed father himself were present, he might indeed be willing to delay the delivery of the maiden for some time; but that it was not lawful for him, in the present case, to detain her from her master. He therefore adjudged her to Claudius, as his slave, to be kept by him till Virginius should be able to prove his paternity. This sentence was received with loud clamours and reproaches by the multitude: the women, in particular, came round Virginia, as if willing to protect her from the judge's fury; while Icilius, her lover, boldly opposed the decree, and obliged Claudius to take refuge under the tribunal of the decemvir. All things now threatened an open insurrection; when Appius, fearing the event, thought proper to suspend his judgment till the arrival of Virginius, who was then about 11 miles from Rome, with the army. The day following was fixed for the trial; and, in the mean time, Appius sent letters to the generals to confine Virginius, as his arrival in town might only serve to kindle sedition among the people. These letters, however, were intercepted by the centurion's friends, who sent him down a full relation of the design laid against the liberty and the honour of his only daughter. Virginius, upon this, pretending the death of a near relation, got permission to leave the camp, and flew to Rome, inflamed with indignation and revenge. Accordingly, the next day he appeared before the tribunal, to the astonishment of Appius, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, both habited in the deepest mourning. Claudius, the accuser, was also there, and began by making his demand. Virginius next spoke in turn; he represented that his wife had many children; that she had been seen pregnant by numbers; that, if he had intentions of adopting a supposititious child, he would have fixed upon a boy rather than a girl; that it was notorious to all, that his wife had herself suckled her own child; and that it was surprising such a claim should be now revived after a 15 years discontinuance.

While the father spoke this with a stern air, Virginia stood trembling by, and, with looks of persuasive innocence, added weight to all his remonstrances. The people seemed entirely satisfied of the hardship of his case, till Appius, fearing what he said might have dangerous effects upon the multitude, interrupted him, under a pretence of being sufficiently instructed in the merits of the cause, and finally adjudged her to Claudius, ordering the lictors to carry her off. The lictors, in obedience to his command, soon drove off the throng that pressed round the tribunal; and now they seized upon Virginia, and were delivering her up into the hands of Claudius, when Virginius, who found that all was over, seemed to acquiesce in the sentence. He therefore mildly intreated Appius to be permitted to take a last farewell of one whom he had long considered as his child; and so satisfied, he would return to his duty with fresh alacrity. With this the decemvir complied, but upon condition that their endearments should pass in his presence. Virginius, with the most poignant anguish, took his almost expiring daughter in his arms, for a while supported her head upon his breast, and wiped away the tears that rolled down her lovely visage: and happening to be near the shops that surrounded the forum, he snatched up a knife that lay on the flambles, and buried the weapon in her breast; then holding it up, reeking with the blood of his daughter, "Appius (he cried) by this blood of innocence, I devote thy head to the infernal gods." Thus saying, with the bloody knife in his hand, and threatening destruction to whomsoever should oppose him, he ran through the city, wildly calling upon the people to strike for freedom, and from thence went to the camp, in order to spread a like flame through the army.

He no sooner arrived at the camp, followed by a number of his friends, but he informed the army of all that was done, still holding the bloody knife in his hand. He asked their pardon, and the pardon of the gods, for having committed so rash an action, but ascribed it all to the dreadful necessity of the times. The army, already predisposed, immediately with shouts echoed their approbation; and decamping, left their generals behind, to take their station once more upon Mount Aventine, whither they had retired about 40 years before. The other army, which had been to oppose the Sabines, seemed to feel a like resentment, and came over in large parties to join them.

Appius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell the disturbances in the city; but finding the tumult invincible of control, and perceiving that his mortal enemies, Valerius and Horatius, were the most active in opposition, at first attempted to find safety by flight; nevertheless, being encouraged by Oppius, who was one of his colleagues, he ventured to assemble the senate, and urged the punishment of all deserters. The senate, however, were far from giving him the relief he sought for; they foretold the dangers and miseries that threatened the state, in case of opposing the incensed army; they therefore dispatched messengers to them, offering to restore their former mode of government. To this proposal all the people joyfully assented, and the army gladly obeyed. Appius, and Oppius one of his colleagues, both died by their own hands in prison. The other other eight decemvirs went into voluntary exile; and Claudius, the pretended master of Virginia, was driven out after them.

The tribunes now grew more turbulent: they proposed two laws; one to permit plebeians to intermarry with patricians; and the other, to permit them to be admitted to the consulship also. The senators received these proposals with indignation, and seemed resolved to undergo the utmost extremities rather than submit to enact them. However, finding their resistance only increased the commotions of the state, they at last consented to pass the law concerning intermarriages, hoping that this concession would satisfy the people. But they were to be appeased but for a very short time: for, returning to their old custom of refusing to enlist upon the approach of an enemy, the consuls were forced to hold a private conference with the chief of the senate; where, after many debates, Claudius proposed an expedient as the most probable means of satisfying the people in the present conjuncture. This was, to create five or eight governors in the room of consuls, whereof one half at least should be patricians. This project was eagerly embraced by the people; yet, so fickle were the multitude, that though many of the plebeians stood, the choice wholly fell upon the patricians who offered themselves as candidates. These new magistrates were called military tribunes; they were at first but three, afterwards they were increased to four, and at length to five. They had the power and ensigns of consuls; yet that power being divided among a number, each singly was of less authority. The first that were chosen only continued in office about three months, the augurs having found something amiss in the ceremonies of their election.

The military tribunes being deposed, the consuls once more came into office; and, in order to lighten the weight of business which they were obliged to sustain, a new office was erected, namely, that of censors, to be chosen every fifth year. Their business was to take an estimate of the number and estates of the people, and to distribute them into their proper classes; to inspect into the lives and manners of their fellow-citizens; to degrade senators for misconduct; to dismount knights; and to turn down plebeians from their tribes into an inferior, in case of misdemeanor. The two first censors were Papirius and Sempronius, both patricians; and from this order they continued to be elected for near 100 years.

This new creation served to restore peace for some time among the orders; and the triumph gained over the Volscians, by Geganius the consul, added to the universal satisfaction that reigned among the people.

This calm, however, was but of short continuance: for, some time after, a famine pressing hard upon the poor, the usual complaints against the rich were renewed; and these, as before, proving ineffectual, produced new seditions. The consuls were accused of neglect in not having laid in proper quantities of corn: they, however, disregarded the murmurs of the populace, content with exerting all their care in attempts to supply the pressing necessities. But though they did all that could be expected from active magistrates, in providing and distributing provisions to the poor; yet Spurius Maelius, a rich knight, who had bought up all the corn of Tuscany, by far outshone them in liberality. This demagogue, inflamed with a secret desire of becoming powerful by the contentions in the state, distributed corn in great quantities among the poorer sort each day, till his house became an asylum of all such as wished to exchange a life of labour for one of lazy dependence. When he had thus gained a sufficient number of partisans, he procured large quantities of arms to be brought into his house by night, and formed a conspiracy, by which he was to obtain the command, while some of the tribunes, whom he had found means to corrupt, were to act under him, in seizing upon the liberties of his country. Minucius soon discovered the plot; and informing the senate thereof, they immediately formed the resolution of creating a dictator, who should have the power of quelling the conspiracy without appealing to the people. Cincinnatus, who was now 80 years old, was chosen once more to rescue his country from impending danger. He began by summoning Maelius to appear; who refused to obey. He next sent Ahala, his master of the horse, to force him; who, meeting him in the forum, and pressing Maelius to follow him to kill the dictator's tribunal, upon his refusal Ahala killed him upon the spot. The dictator applauded the resolution of his officer, and commanded the conspirator's goods to be sold, and his house to be demolished, distributing his stores among the people.

The tribunes of the people were much enraged at the death of Maelius; and, in order to punish the senate, at the next election, instead of consuls, inflicted upon restoring their military tribunes. With this the senate were obliged to comply. The next year, however, the government returned to its ancient channel, and consuls were chosen.

The Veientes had long been the rivals of Rome; they had ever taken the opportunity of its internal dissensions to ravage its territories, and had even threatened Veii. They had sent ambassadors, sent to complain of these injuries, with outrage. In war they had been extremely formidable, and had cut off almost all the Fabian family; who, to the number of 306 persons, had voluntarily undertaken to defend the frontiers against their incursions. It seemed now therefore determined, that the city of Veii, whatever it should cost, was to fall; and the Romans accordingly sat regularly down before it, prepared for a long and painful resistance. The strength of the place, or the unskilfulness of the besiegers, may be inferred from the continuance of the siege, which lasted for 10 years; during which time the army continued encamped round it, lying in winter under tents made of the skins of beasts, and in summer driving on the operations of the attack. Various was the success, and many were the commanders that directed the siege: sometimes all the besiegers' works were destroyed, and many of their men cut off by fallies from the town; sometimes they were annoyed by an army of Veians, who attempted to bring assistance from without. A siege so bloody seemed to threaten depopulation to Rome itself, by draining its forces continually away; so that a law was obliged to be made for all the bachelors to marry the widows of the soldiers who were slain. In order to carry it on with greater vigour, Furius Camillus was created dictator, and to him was intrusted the sole power of managing the long protracted war. Camillus, who, without intrigue or any solicitation had raised himself to the first eminence. Rome. eminence in the state, had been made one of the censors some time before, and was considered as the head of that office; he was afterwards made a military tribune, and had in this post gained several advantages over the enemy. It was his great courage and abilities in the above offices that made him thought most worthy to serve his country on this pressing occasion. Upon his appointment, numbers of the people flocked to his standard, confident of success under so experienced a commander. Conscious, however, that he was unable to take the city by storm, he secretly wrought a mine into it with vast labour, which opened into the midst of the citadel. Certain thus of success, and finding the city incapable of relief, he sent to the senate, desiring that all who chose to share in the plunder of Veii should immediately repair to the army. Then giving his men directions how to enter at the breach, the city was instantly filled with his legions, to the amazement and consternation of the besieged, who but a moment before, had reft in perfect security. Thus, like a second Troy, was the city of Veii taken, after a ten years siege, and with its spoils enriched the conquerors; while Camillus himself, transported with the honour of having subdued the rival of his native city, triumphed after the manner of the kings of Rome, having his chariot drawn by four milk-white horses; a distinction which did not fail to disgust the majority of the spectators, as they considered those as sacred, and more proper for doing honour to their gods than their generals.

His usual good fortune attended Camillus in another expedition against the Falisci; he routed their army, and besieged their capital city Falerii, which threatened a long and vigorous resistance. Here a schoolmaster, who had the care of the children belonging to the principal men of the city, having found means to decoy them into the Roman camp, offered to put them into the hands of Camillus, as the surest means of inducing the citizens to a speedy surrender. The general was struck with the treachery of a wretch whose duty it was to protect innocence, and not to betray it; and immediately ordered him to be stripped, his hands tied behind him, and in that ignominious manner to be whipped into the town by his own scholars. This generous behaviour in Camillus effected more than his arms could do: the magistrates of the town immediately submitted to the senate, leaving to Camillus the conditions of their surrender; who only fined them in a sum of money to satisfy his army, and received them under the protection and into the alliance of Rome.

Notwithstanding the veneration which the virtues of Camillus had excited abroad, they seemed but little adapted to bring over the respect of the turbulent tribunes at home, as they raised some fresh accusation against him every day. To their other charges they added that of his having concealed a part of the plunder of Veii, particularly two brazen gates, for his own use; and appointed him a day on which to appear before the people. Camillus, finding the multitude exasperated against him upon many accounts, detesting their ingratitude, resolved not to wait the ignominy of a trial; but, embracing his wife and children, prepared to depart from Rome. He had already passed as far as one of the gates, unattended on his way, and unlaunted. There he could suppress his indignation no longer; but, turning his face to the capitol, and Rome lifting up his hands to heaven, intreated all the gods that his country might one day be sensible of their injustice and ingratitude; and so saying, he passed forward to take refuge at Ardea, where he afterwards exile learned that he had been fined 1500 asses by the tribunes at home.

The Romans indeed soon had reason to repent their usage of Camillus; for now a more formidable enemy than ever they had met with threatened the republic: an inundation of Gauls, leaving their native woods, under the command of one Brennus, waited everything with fire and sword. It is said that one Cordius, a man of the lowest rank, pretended to have heard a miraculous voice, which pronounced distinctly these words: "Go to the magistrates, and tell them that the Gauls draw near." The means of the man made his warning despised; though, when the event showed the truth of his prediction, Camillus erected a temple to the unknown Deity, and the Romans invented for him the name of Aius Locutius. Messenger after messenger arrived with the news of the progress and devastations of the Gauls; but the Romans behaved with as much security as if it had been impossible for them to have felt the effects of their depredations. At last envoys arrived at Rome, imploring the assistance of the republic against an army of Gauls, which had made an irruption into Italy, and now besieged their city. The occasion of the irruption and siege was this: Arunx, one of the chief men of Clusium in Etruria, had been guardian to a young lucumo, or lord of a lucumony, and had educated him in his house from his infancy. The lucumo, as soon as he was of an age to feel the force of passion, fell in love with his guardian's wife; and, upon the first discovery of their intrigue, conveyed her away. Arunx endeavoured to obtain reparation for the injury he had received; but the lucumo, by his interest and money, gained over the magistrates: so that the injured guardian, finding no protectors in Etruria, resolved to make his application to the Gauls. The people among all the Celtic nations, to whom he chose to address himself, were the Senones; and, in order to engage them in his quarrel, he acquainted them with the great plenty of Italy, and made them taste of some Italian wines. Upon this the Senones resolved to follow him; and a numerous army was immediately formed, which passing the Alps, under the conduct of their Etrurian guide, and leaving the Celts in Italy unmolested, fell upon Umbria, and possessed themselves of all the country from Ravenna to Picenum. They were about six years in settling themselves in their new acquisitions, while the Romans were carrying on the siege of Veii. At length Arunx brought the Senones before Clusium, in order to besiege that place, his wife and her lover having shut themselves up there.

The senate, being unwilling to engage in an open war with a nation which had never offended them, sent messengers with an embassy of three young patricians, all brothers, and an embassy of the Fabian family, to bring about an accommodation between the two nations. These ambassadors, being arrived at the camp of the Gauls, and conducted into the council, offered the mediation of Rome; and demanded of Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, What injury the Clusini had done him; or what pretensions any people from a remote country could have upon Etruria? Brennus Brennus answered proudly, that his right lay in his sword, and that all things belonged to the brave; but that, without having recourse to this primitive law of nature, he had a just complaint against the Clusians, who, having more lands than they could cultivate, had refused to yield to him those they left untillied: And what other motives had you yourselves, Romans (said he), to conquer so many neighbouring nations? You have deprived the Sabines, the Albans, the Fidenates, the Æquii, and the Volsci, of the best part of their territories. Not that we accuse you of injustice; but it is evident, that you thought this to be the prime and most ancient of all laws, to make the weak give way to the strong. Forbear therefore to interest yourselves for the Clusini, or allow us to take the part of the people you have subdued."

The Fabii were highly provoked at so haughty an answer; but, dissembling their resentment, desired leave to go into the town, under pretence of conferring with the magistrates. But they were no sooner there, than they began to stir up the inhabitants to a vigorous defense; nay, forgetting their character, they put themselves at the head of the besieged in a folly, in which Q. Fabius, the chief of the ambassadors, flew with his own hand one of the principal officers of the Gauls. Hereupon Brennus, calling the gods to witness the perfidiousness of the Romans, and their violating the law of nations, immediately broke up the siege of Clusium, and marched leisurely to Rome, having sent a herald before him to demand that those ambassadors, who had so manifestly violated the law of nations, should be delivered up to him. The Roman senate was greatly perplexed between their regard for the law of nations and their affection for the Fabii. The wisest of the senate thought the demand of the Gauls to be but just and reasonable; however, as it concerned persons of great consequence and credit, the conscript fathers referred the affair to the people assembled by curiae. As the Fabian family was very popular, the curiae were so far from condemning the three brothers, that, at the next election of military tribunes, they were chosen the first. Brennus, looking upon the promotion of the Fabii as a high affront on his nation, hastened his march to Rome.

As his army was very numerous, the inhabitants of the towns and villages through which he passed left their habitations at his approach; but he stopped nowhere, declaring that his design was only to be revenged on the Romans. The five military tribunes, to wit, Q. Fabius, Cato Fabius, Caius Fabius, Q. Sulpitius, Q. Servilius, and Sextus Cornelius, marched out of Rome at the head of 45,000 men, without either sacrificing to the gods or consulting the auspices; essential ceremonies among a people that drew their courage and confidence from the propitious signs which the augurs declared to them. As most of the military tribunes were young, and men of more valour than experience, they advanced boldly against the Gauls, whose army was 70,000 strong. The two armies met near the river Allia, about 60 furlongs from Rome. The Romans, that they might not be surrounded by the enemy, extended their wings so far as to make their centre very thin. Their best troops, to the number of 24,000 men, they posted between the river and the adjoining hills; the rest they placed on the hills. The Gauls first attacked the latter, who being soon put into confusion, the forces in the plain were struck with such terror, that they fled without drawing their swords. In this general disorder, most of the soldiers, instead of returning to Rome, fled to Veii: some were drowned as they endeavoured to swim across the Tiber; many fell in the pursuit by the sword of the conquerors; and some got to Rome, which they filled with terror and consternation, it being believed there that all the rest were cut off. The day after the battle, Brennus marched his troops into the neighbourhood of Rome, and encamped on the banks of the Anio. Thither his scouts brought him word, that the gates of the city lay open, and that not one Roman was to be seen on the ramparts. This made him apprehensive of some ambuscade, it being unreasonable to suppose that the Romans would abandon their city to be plundered and sacked without making any resistance. On this consideration he advanced slowly, which gave the Romans an opportunity to throw into the Capitol all the men who were fit to bear arms. They carried into it all the provisions they could get; they retire and, that they might last the longer, admitted none into the Capitol but such as were capable of defending it.

As for the city, they had not sufficient forces to defend it; and therefore the old men, women, and children, seeing themselves abandoned, fled to the neighbouring towns. The Vestals, before they left Rome, took care to hide everything appropriated to the gods which they could not carry off. The two palladiums, and the sacred fire, they took with them. When they came to the Janiculum, one Albinius, a plebeian, who was conveying his wife and children in a carriage to a place of safety, seeing the sacred virgins bending under their load, and their feet bloody, made his family alight, put the priestesses and their gods into the carriage, and conducted them to Caere, a city of Etruria, where they met with a favourable reception. The Vestals remained at Caere, and there continued to perform the usual rites of religion; and hence those rites were called ceremonies. But while the rest of the citizens of Rome were providing for their safety, about 80 the word of the most illustrious and venerable old men, rather than fly from their native city, chose to devote themselves to death by a vow, which Fabius the high pontiff pronounced in their names. The Romans believed, that, by these voluntary devotions to the infernal gods, disorder and confusion was brought among the enemy. Of these brave old men some were pontifices, others had been consuls, and others generals of armies, who had been honoured with triumphs. To complete their sacrifice with a solemnity and pomp becoming the magnanimity and constancy of the Romans, they dressed themselves in their pontifical, consular, and triumphal robes; and repairing to the forum, seated themselves there in their curule chairs, expecting the enemy and death with the greatest constancy.

At length Brennus, having spent three days in useless precautions, entered the city the fourth day after the battle. He found the gates open, the walls without defence, and the houses without inhabitants. Rome appeared to him like a mere desert; and this solitude increased his anxiety. He could not believe, either that all the Romans were lodged in the Capitol, or that so numerous a people should abandon the place of their nativity. On the other hand, he could nowhere see any armed men but on the walls of the citadel. However, having first secured all the avenues to the Capitol with strong bodies of guards, he gave the rest of his soldiers leave to disperse themselves all over the city and plunder it. Brennus himself advanced into the forum with the troops under his command, in good order; and there he was struck with admiration at the unexpected sight of the venerable old men who had devoted themselves to death. Their magnificent habits, the majesty of their countenances, the silence they kept, their modesty and constancy at the approach of his troops, made him take them for so many deities: for they continued as motionless as statues, and saw the enemy advance without showing the least concern. The Gauls kept a great while at an awful distance from them, being afraid to come near them. But at length one soldier bolder than the rest, having out of curiosity touched the beard of M. Papirius, the venerable old man, not being used to such familiarity, gave him a blow on the head with his ivory staff. The soldier in revenge immediately killed him; and the rest of the Gauls following his example, slaughtered all those venerable old men without mercy.

After this the enemy set no bounds to their rage and fury. They plundered all places, dragging such of the Romans as had shut themselves up in their houses into the streets, and there putting them to the sword without distinction of age or sex. Brennus then invested the Capitol; but being repulsed with great loss, he resolved to lay the city in ashes. Accordingly, by his command, the soldiers set fire to the houses, demolished the temples and public edifices, and raised the walls to the ground. Thus was the famous city of Rome entirely destroyed; nothing was to be seen in the place where it stood but a few little hills covered with ruins, and a wide waste, in which the Gauls who invested the Capitol were encamped. Brennus, finding he should never be able to take a place which nature had so well fortified otherwise than by famine, turned the siege into a blockade. But in the mean time, his army being distressed for want of provisions, he sent out parties to pillage the fields, and raise contributions in the neighbouring cities. One of these parties appeared before Ardea, where the great Camillus had now spent two years in a private life. Notwithstanding the affront he had received at Rome, the love he bore his country was not in the least diminished. The senate of Ardea being met to deliberate on the measures to be taken with relation to the Gauls, Camillus, more afflicted at the calamities of his country than at his own banishment, desired to be admitted into the council, where, with his eloquence, he prevailed upon the Ardeates to arm their youth in their own defence, and refuse the Gauls admittance into their city.

Hereupon the Gauls encamped before the city; and as they despised the Ardeates after they had made themselves masters of Rome, they preferred neither order nor discipline in the camp, but spent whole days in drinking. Hereupon Camillus, having easily persuaded the youth of the city to follow him, marched out of Ardea in a very dark night, surprized the Gauls drowned in wine, and made a dreadful slaughter of them. Those who made their escape under the shelter of the night fell next day into the hands of the peasants, by whom they were massacred without mercy. This defeat of the enemy revived the courage of the Romans scattered about the country, especially of those who had retired to Veii after the unfortunate battle of Allia. There was not one of them who did not condemn himself for the exile of Camillus, as if he had been the author of it; and looking upon that great man as their last resource, they resolved to choose him for their leader. Accordingly, they sent without delay ambassadors to him, beseeching him to take into his protection the fugitive Romans, and the wrecks of the defeat at Allia. But Camillus would not accept of the command of the troops till the people assembled by curiae had legally conferred it upon him. He thought the public authority was lodged in the hands of those who were shut up in the citadel, and therefore would undertake nothing at the head of the Roman troops till a commission was brought him from thence.

To do this was very difficult, the place being invested on all sides by the enemy. However, one Pontius Cominius, a man of mean birth, but bold, and very ambitious of glory, undertook it. He put on a light habit, and, providing himself with cork to keep the longer above water, threw himself into the Tiber above Rome in the beginning of the night, and suffered himself to be carried down with the stream. At length he came to the foot of the Capitol, and landed at a steep place where the Gauls had not thought it necessary to post any sentinels. There he mounted with great difficulty to the rampart of the citadel; and having made himself known to the guards, he was admitted into the place, and conducted to the magistrates. The senate being immediately assembled, Pontius gave them an account of Camillus's victory; and in the name of all the Romans at Veii demanded that great captain for their general. There was not much time spent in debates: the curiae being called together, the act of condemnation which had been passed on Camillus was abrogated, and he named dictator with one voice. Pontius was immediately dispatched with the decree; and the same good fortune which had attended him to the Capitol accompanied him in his return. Thus was Camillus, from the state of banishment, raised at once to be sovereign magistrate of his country. His promotion to the command was no sooner known, but soldiers flocked from all parts to his camp; insomuch that he soon saw himself at the head of above 40,000 men, partly Romans and partly allies, who all thought themselves invincible under so great a general.

While he was taking proper measures to raise the blockade of the citadel, some Gauls rambling round the endeavour place, perceived on the side of the hill the print of Pontius's hands and feet. They observed likewise, that the the Capitols on the rocks was in several places torn up. From these marks they concluded, that somebody had lately gone up to and returned from the Capitol. The Gauls immediately made their report to Brennus of what they had observed; and that experienced commander laid a design, which he imparted to nobody, of surprizing the place by the same way that the Roman had ascended. With this view he chose out of the army such soldiers as had dwelt in mountainous countries, and been accustomed from their youth to climb precipices. These he ordered, after he had well examined the nature of the place, to ascend in the night the same way that was marked. marked out for them; climbing two abreast, that one might support the other in getting up the steep parts of the precipice. By this means they advanced with much difficulty from rock to rock, till they arrived at the foot of the wall. They proceeded with such silence, that they were not discovered or heard, either by the sentinels who were upon guard in the citadel, or even by the dogs, that are usually awaked and alarmed at the least noise. But though they eluded the sagacity of the dogs, they could not escape the vigilance of the geese. A flock of these birds was kept in a court of the Capitol in honour of Juno, and near her temple. Notwithstanding the want of provisions in the garrison, they had been spared out of religion; and these creatures are naturally quick of hearing; they were alarmed at the first approach of the Gauls; so that running up and down, with their cackling and beating of their wings, they awakened Manlius, a gallant soldier, who some years before had been consul. He sounded an alarm, and was the first man who mounted the rampart, where he found two Gauls already upon the wall.

But are dif- One of these offered to discharge a blow at him with his battle-axe; but Manlius cut off his right hand at one blow, and gave the other such a push with his buckler, that he threw him headlong from the top of the rock to the bottom. He, in his fall, drew many others with him; and, in the meantime, the Romans crowding to the place, pressed upon the Gauls, and tumbled them one over another. As the nature of the ground would not suffer them to make a regular retreat, or even to fly, most of them, to avoid the swords of the enemy, threw themselves down the precipice, so that very few got safe back to their camp.

As it was the custom of the Romans at that time not to suffer any commendable action to go unrewarded, the tribune Sulpitius assembled his troops the next morning, in order to bestow the military rewards on those who, the night before, had deserved them. Among these Manlius was first named; and, in acknowledgment of the important service he had just rendered the state, every soldier gave him part of the corn which he received sparingly from the public stock, and a little measure of wine out of his scanty allowance; an inconsiderable present indeed in itself, but very acceptable at that time to the person on whom it was bestowed. The tribune's next care was to punish the negligent: accordingly the captain of the guard, who ought to have had an eye over the sentinels, was condemned to die, and, pursuant to his sentence, thrown down from the top of the Capitol. The Romans extended their punishments and rewards even to the animals. Geese were ever after held in honour at Rome, and a flock of them always kept at the expense of the public. A golden image of a goose was erected in memory of them, and a goose every year carried in triumph upon a soft litter finely adorned; whilst dogs were held in abhorrence by the Romans, who every year impaled one of them on a branch of elder.

The blockade of the Capitol had already lasted seven months; so that the famine began to be very sensibly felt both by the besieged and besiegers. Camillus, since his nomination to the dictatorship, being master of the country, had posted strong guards on all the roads; so that the Gauls dared not stir out for fear of being cut to pieces. Thus Brennus, who besieged the Capitol, was besieged himself, and suffered the same inconveniences which he made the Romans undergo. Besides, a plague raged in his camp, which was placed in the midst of the ruins of the demolished city, his men lying confusedly among the dead carcases of the Romans, whom they had slain, and not buried. So great a number of them died in one quarter of the city, that it was afterwards called Bifilo Gallica, or the place where the dead bodies of the Gauls were burnt. But, in the mean time, the Romans in the Capitol were more pinched with want than the Gauls. They were reduced to the last extremity, and at the same time ignorant both of the lamentable condition to which the enemy's army was brought, and of the steps Camillus was taking to relieve them. That great general only waited for a favourable opportunity to fall upon the enemy; but, in the mean time, suffered them to pine away in their infected camp, not knowing the extreme want the Romans endured in the Capitol, where they were so destitute of all sorts of provisions, that they could no longer subsist. Matters being brought to this sad pass on both sides, the sentinels of the Capitol, and those of the enemy's army, began to talk to one another of an accommodation. Their differences came at length to the ears of their leaders, who were not averse to the detest.

The senate, not knowing what was become of Camillus, and finding themselves hard pinched by hunger, resolved to enter upon a negotiation, and empowered Sulpitius, one of the military tribunes, to treat with the Gauls; who made no great difficulty in coming to terms, they being no less desirous than the Romans to put an end to the war. In a conference, therefore, between Brennus and Sulpitius, an agreement was made, and sworn to. The Romans were to pay to the Gauls 135,000 pounds weight of gold, that is, 45,000l. sterling; and the latter were to raise the siege of the Capitol, to pay 1000 pounds of gold for their ransom, and quit all the Roman territories. On the day appointed, Sulpitius brought the sum agreed on, and Brennus the scales and weights; for there were no gold or silver coins at that time, metals passing only by weight. We are told, that the weights of the Gauls were false, and their scales untrue; which Sulpitius complaining of, Brennus, instead of redressing the injustice, threw his sword and belt into the scale, where the weights were; and when the tribune asked him the meaning of so extraordinary a behaviour, the only answer he gave was Ve Viatis! "Wo to the conquered!" Sulpitius was so stung with this haughty answer, that he was for carrying the gold back into the Capitol, and sustaining the siege to the last extremity; but others thought it advisable to put up the affront, since they had submitted to a far greater one, which was to pay anything at all.

During these disputes of the Roman deputies among themselves and with the Gauls, Camillus advanced with his army to the very gates of the city; and being there informed of what was doing, he commanded the main body to follow him slowly and in good order, while he, with the choicest of his men, hastened to the place of the parley. The Romans, overjoyed at his unexpected arrival, opened to make room for him as the supreme magistrate of the republic, gave him an account of the treaty they had made with the Gauls, and complained of the wrong Brennus did them in the execution of it. They had scarce done speaking, when Camillus cried out, "Carry back this gold into the Capitol; and you, Gauls, retire with your scales and weights. Rome must not be redeemed with gold, but with steel." Brennus replied, That he contravened a treaty which was concluded and confirmed with mutual oaths. "Be it so (answered Camillus); yet it is of no force, having been made by an inferior magistrate, without the privi¬ ty or consent of the dictator. I, who am invested with the supreme authority over the Romans, declare the contract void." At these words Brennus flew into a rage; and both sides drawing their swords, a confused scuffle ensued among the ruins of the houses, and in the narrow lanes. The Gauls, after an inconsiderable loss, thought fit to retire within their camp; which they abandoned in the night, not caring to engage Camillus's whole army, and, having marched eight miles, encamped on the Gabinian way. Camillus pursued them as soon as it was day, and, coming up with them, gave them a total overthrow. The Gauls, according to Livy, made but a faint resistance, being disheartened at the loss they had sustained the day before. It was not, says that author, so much a battle as a slaughter. Many of the Gauls were slain in the action, more in the pursuit; but the greater number were cut off, as they wandered up and down in the fields, by the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages. In short, there was not one single Gaul left to carry to his countrymen the news of this fatal catastrophe. The camp of the barbarians was plundered; and Camillus, loaded with spoils, returned in triumph to the city, the soldiers in their songs styling him Romulus, Father of his country, and Second founder of Rome.

As the houses of Rome were all demolished, and the walls razed, the tribunes of the people renewed, with more warmth than ever, an old project which had occasioned great disputes. They had formerly proposed a law for dividing the senate and government between the cities of Veii and Rome. Now this law was revised; nay, most of the tribunes were for entirely abandoning their old ruined city, and making Veii the sole seat of the empire. The people were inclined to favour the project, Veii offering them a place fortified by art and nature, good houses ready built, a wholesome air, and a fruitful territory. On the other hand, they had no materials for rebuilding a whole city, were quite exhausted by misfortunes, and even their strength was greatly diminished. This gave them a reluctance to so great an undertaking, and emboldened the tribunes to utter seditious harangues against Camillus, as a man too ambitious of being the restorer of Rome. They even intimated that the name of Romulus, which had been given him, threatened the republic with a new king. But the senate took the part of Camillus, and, being desirous to see Rome rebuilt, continued him, contrary to custom, a full year in the office of dictator; during which time he made it his whole business to suppress the strong inclination of the people to remove to Veii. Having assembled the curiae, he expostulated with them upon the matter; and, by arguments drawn from prudence, religion, and glory, prevailed upon them to lay aside all thoughts of leaving Rome. As it was necessary to have the resolution of the people confirmed by the senate, the dictator reported it to the coopted fathers, leaving every one at full liberty to vote as he pleased. While L. Lucretius, who was to give his opinion the first, was beginning to speak, it happened that a centurion, who with his company had been upon guard, and was then marching by the senate-house, cried out aloud, "Plant your colours, ensign; this is the best place to stay in." These words were considered as dictated by the gods themselves; and Lucretius, taking occasion from them to urge the necessity of staying in Rome, "An happy omen (cried he); I adore the gods who gave it." The whole senate applauded his words; and a decree was passed without opposition for rebuilding the city.

Though the tribunes of the people were defeated by Camillus in this point, they resolved to exercise their authority against another patrician, who had indeed deserved punishment. This was Q. Fabius, who had violated the laws of nations, and thereby provoked the Gauls, and occasioned the burning of Rome. His crime being notorious, he was summoned by C. Mar¬ tius Rutilus before the assembly of the people, to answer for his conduct in his embassy. The criminal had reason to fear the severest punishment; but his relations gave out that he died suddenly; which generally happened when the accused person had courage enough to prevent his condemnation, and the shame of a public punishment. On the other hand, the public gave Marcus a house situated on the Capitol to M. Manlius, as a Manlius monument of his valour, and of the gratitude of his rewarded fellow-citizens. Camillus closed this year by laying down his dictatorship: whereupon an interregnum ensued, during which he governed the state alternately with P. Cornelius Scipio; and it fell to his lot to preside at the election of new magistrates, when L. Valerius Poplicola, L. Virinius Triarius, P. Cornelius Cossus, A. Manlius Capitolinus, L. Æmilius Mamercinus, and L. Pofithumius Albinus, were chosen. The first care of these new magistrates was to collect all the ancient monuments of the religion and civil laws of Rome which could be found among the ruins of the demolished city. The laws of the twelve tables, and some of the laws of the kings, had been written on brafs, and fixed up in the forum; and the treaties made with several nations had been engraved on pillars erected in the temples. Pains were therefore taken to gather up the ruins of these precious monuments; and what could not be found was supplied by memory. The ponti¬ fices, on their part, took care to re-establish the religious ceremonies, and made also a list of lucky and unlucky days.

And now the governors of the republic applied themselves wholly to rebuild the city. Plutarch tells us, that as the workmen were digging among the ruins of the temple of Mars, they found Romulus's augural staff untouched by the flames; and that this was looked upon as a prodigy, from whence the Romans inferred that their city would continue for ever. The expense of building private houses was partly defrayed out of the public treasure. The ædiles had the direction of the works; but they had so little taste for order or beauty, that the city, when rebuilt, was even less regular than in the time of Romulus. And though in Augustus's time, when Rome became the capital of the known world, the temples, palaces, and private houses, were built in a more magnificent manner than before; yet even then these new decorations did not rectify the faults of the plan. Rome was scarce restored, when her citizens were alarmed by the news that all her neighbours were combining against her destruction. The Æquii, the Volsci, the Hetrurians, and even her old friends the Latins and the Hernici, entered into an alliance against her, in hopes of oppressing her before she had recovered her strength. The republic, under this terror, nominated Camillus dictator a third time. This great commander, having appointed Servilius to be his general of horse, summoned the citizens to take arms, without excepting even the old men. He divided the new levies into three bodies. The first, under the command of A. Manlius, he ordered to encamp under the walls of Rome; the second he sent into the neighbourhood of Veii; and marched himself at the head of the third, to relieve the tribunes, who were closely besieged in their camp by the united forces of the Volsci and Latins. Finding the enemy encamped near Lanuvium, on the declivity of the hill Marcius, he posted himself behind it, and by lighting fires, gave the distressed Romans notice of his arrival. The Volsci and Latins, when they understood that Camillus was at the head of an army newly arrived, were so terrified, that they shut themselves up in their camp, which they fortified with great trees cut down in haste. The dictator, observing that this barrier was of green wood, and that every morning there arose a great wind, which blew full upon the enemy's camp, formed the design of taking it by fire. With this view he ordered one part of his army to go by break of day with fire-brands to the windward side of the camp, and the other to make a brisk attack on the opposite side. By this means the enemy were entirely defeated, and their camp taken. Camillus then commanded his men to extinguish the flames, in order to save the booty, with which he rewarded his army. He then left his son in the camp to guard the prisoners; and, entering the country of the Æquii, made himself master of their capital city Bola. From thence he marched against the Volsci; whom he entirely reduced, after they had waged war with the Romans for the space of 107 years. Having subdued this untractable people, he penetrated into Hetruria, in order to relieve Sutrium, a town in that country in alliance with Rome, and besieged by a numerous army of Hetrurians. But, notwithstanding all the expedition Camillus could use, he did not reach the place before it had capitulated. The Sutrinii, being greatly distressed for want of provisions, and exhausted with labour, had surrendered to the Hetrurians, who had granted them nothing but their lives, and the clothes on their backs. In this destitute condition they had left their own country, and were going in search of new habitations, when they met Camillus leading an army to their relief.

The unfortunate multitude no sooner saw the Romans, but they threw themselves at the dictator's feet, who, moved at this melancholy sight, desired them to take a little rest, and refresh themselves, adding, that he would soon dry up their tears, and transfer their sorrows from them to their enemies. He imagined, that the Hetrurians would be wholly taken up in plundering the city, without being upon their guard, or observing any discipline. And herein he was not mistaken. The Hetrurians did not dream that the dictator could come so speedily from such a distance to surprise them; and therefore were wholly employed in plundering the houses and carrying off the booty, or feasting on the provisions they had found in them. Many of them were put to the sword, and an incredible number made prisoners; and the city was restored to its ancient inhabitants, who had not waited in vain for the performance of the dictator's promise. And now, after these glorious exploits, which were finished in so short a time, the great Camillus entered Rome in triumph a third time.

Camillus having resigned his dictatorship, the republic chose six new military tribunes, Q. Quinctius, Q. Servius, L. Julius, L. Aquilius, L. Lucretius, and Ser. Sulpicius. During their administration the country of the Æquii was laid waste, in order to put it out of their power to revolt anew; and the two cities of Cortuosa and Contenebra, in the lucumony of the Tarquinianes, were taken from the Hetrurians, and entirely demolished. At this time it was thought proper to repair the Capitol, and add new works to that part of the hill where the Gauls had endeavoured to scale the citadel. These works were esteemed very beautiful, as Livy informs us, even in the time of Augustus, after the city was embellished with most magnificent decorations.

And now Rome being reinfated in her former flourishing condition, the tribunes of the people, who had been for some time quiet, began to renew their seditious harangues, and revive the old quarrel about the division of the conquered land. The patricians had appropriated to themselves the Pomptin territory lately taken from the Volsci, and the tribunes laid hold of this opportunity to raise new disturbances. But the citizens being so drained of their money that they had not enough left to cultivate new farms and stock them with cattle, the declamations of the tribunes made no impression upon their minds; so that the project vanished. As for the military tribunes, they owned that their election had been defective; and, lest the irregularities of the former comitia should be continued in the succeeding ones, they voluntarily laid down their office. So that, after a short interregnum, during which M. Manlius, Ser. Sulpicius, and L. Valerius Potitus, governed the republic, six new military tribunes L. Papirius, C. Sergius, L. Æmilius, L. Menenius, L. Valerius, and C. Cornelius, were chosen for the ensuing year, which was spent in works of peace. A temple, which had been vowed to Mars during the war with the Gauls, was built, and consecrated by T. Quinctius, who presided over the affairs of religion. As there had hitherto been but few Roman tribes beyond the Tiber which had a right of suffrage in the comitia, four new ones were added, under the name of the Stellatina, Tramontina, Sabaina, and Arniensis; so that the tribes were now in all 25, which enjoyed the same rights and privileges.

The expectation of an approaching war induced the Unbounded centuries to choose Camillus one of the military tribunes power conferred for the next year. His colleagues were Ser. Cornelius, Q. Servilius, L. Quinctius, L. Horatius, and P. Valerius. As all these were men of moderation, they agreed to invest Camillus with the sole management of affairs in time of war; and accordingly in full senate transferred all their power into his hands; so that he became in effect dictator. It had been already determined mined in the senate to turn the arms of the republic against the Hetrurians; but, upon advice that the Antiates had entered the Pomptin territory, and obliged the Romans who had taken possession of it to retire, it was thought necessary to humble them before the republic engaged in any other enterprise. The Antiates had joined the Latins and Hernici near Satricum; so that the Romans, being terrified at their prodigious numbers, shewed themselves very backward to engage; which Camillus perceiving, he instantly mounted his horse, and riding through all the ranks of the army, encouraged them by a proper speech; after which he dismounted, took the next standard-bearer by the hand, led him towards the enemy, and cried out, Soldiers, advance. The soldiery were allainet not to follow a general who exposed himself to the first attack; and therefore, having made a great shout, they fell upon the enemy with incredible fury. Camillus, in order to increase their eagerness still more, commanded a standard to be thrown into the middle of the enemy's battalions; which made the soldiery, who were fighting in the first ranks, exert all the resolution they could to recover it. The Antiates, not being able any longer to make head against the Romans, gave way, and were entirely defeated. The Latins and Hernici separated from the Volsci, and returned home. The Volsci, seeing themselves thus abandoned by their allies, took refuge in the neighbouring city of Satricum; which Camillus immediately invested, and took by assault. The Volsci threw down their arms, and surrendered at discretion. He then left his army under the command of Valerius; and returned to Rome to solicit the consent of the senate, and to make the necessary preparations for undertaking the siege of Antium.

But, while he was proposing this affair to the senate, deputies arrived from Nepet and Sutrium, two cities in alliance with Rome in the neighbourhood of Hetruria, demanding succours against the Hetrurians, who threatened to besiege these two cities, which were the keys of Hetruria. Hereupon the expedition against Antium was laid aside, and Camillus commanded to hasten to the relief of the allied cities, with the troops which Servilius had kept in readiness at Rome in case of an emergency. Camillus immediately set out for the new war; and, upon his arrival before Sutrium, found that important place not only besiegèd, but almost taken, the Hetrurians having made themselves masters of some of the gates, and gained possession of all the avenues leading to the city. However, the inhabitants no sooner heard that Camillus was come to their relief, but they recovered their courage, and, by barricades made in the streets, prevented the enemy from making themselves masters of the whole city. Camillus in the meantime having divided his army into two bodies, ordered Valerius to march round the walls, as if he designed to scale them, while he with the other undertook to charge the Hetrurians in the rear, force his way into the city, and shut up the enemy between the besieged and his troops. The Romans no sooner appeared but the Hetrurians betook themselves to a disorderly flight through a gate which was not invested. Camillus's troops made a dreadful slaughter of them within the city, while Valerius put great numbers of them to the sword without the walls. From reconquering Sutrium, Camillus hastened to the relief of Nepet. But that city being better affected to the Hetrurians than to the Romans, had voluntarily submitted to the former. Wherefore Camillus, having invested it with his whole army, took it by assault, put all the Hetrurian soldiery without distinction to the sword, and condemned the authors of the revolt to die by the axes of the lictors. Thus ended Camillus's military tribunship, in which he acquired no less reputation than he had done in the most glorious of his dictatorships.

In the following magistracy of six military tribunes, Ambition a dangerous sedition is laid to have taken place through M. Manlius, the ambition of Marcus Manlius, who had saved the flus, Capitol from the Gauls in the manner already related. Though this man had pride enough to despise all the other great men in Rome, yet he envied Camillus, and took every opportunity of magnifying his own exploits beyond those of the dictator. But not finding such a favourable reception from the nobility as he desired, he concerted measures with the tribunes of the people, and strove to gain the affections of the multitude. Not content with renewing the proposal for the distribution of conquered lands, he also made himself an advocate for insolvent debtors, of whom there was now a great number, as most of the lower class had been obliged to borrow money in order to rebuild their houses. The senate alarmed at this opposition, created A. Cornelius Cossius dictator, for which the war with the Volsci afforded them a fair pretence. Manlius, however, still continued to inflame the people against the patricians. Besides the most unbounded personal generosity, he held assemblies at his own house (in the citadel), where he confidently gave out that the senators, not content with being the possessors of those lands which ought to have been equally divided among all the citizens, had concealed, with an intent to appropriate it to their own use, all the gold which was to have been paid to the Gauls, and which would alone be sufficient to discharge the debts of all the poor plebeians; and he moreover promised to show in due time where this treasure was concealed. For this assertion he was brought before the dictator; who commanded him to discover where the pretended treasure was, or to confess openly before the whole assembly that he had flattered the senate.—Manlius replied, that the dictator himself, and the principal persons in the senate, could only give the proper intelligence of this treasure, as they had been the most active in securing it. Upon this he was committed to prison; but the people made such disturbance, that the senate were soon after fain to release him. By this he was emboldened to continue his former practices; till at last the senate gave an order to the military tribunes to take care that the commonwealth suffered no detriment from the pernicious projects of Marcus Manlius, and even gave them authority to assassinate him, if they found it necessary so to do. At last, however, he was publicly accused of aspiring to be king; however, the people, it is said, were so struck with gratitude, on account of his having delivered the Capitol from the Gauls, that they could not refuse to condemn him. But the military tribunes, who, it seems, were bent on his destruction, having appointed the assembly to be held without the city, there obtained their wish. Manlius, who was thrown headlong from the Capitol itself: it was deemed henceforth decreed that no patrician should dwell in and execute the Capitol or citadel; and the Manlian family resolved to that no member of it should ever afterwards bear the praenomen of Marcus. No sooner was Manlius dead, however, than the people lamented his fate; and because a plague broke out soon after, they imputed it to the anger of the gods on account of the destruction of the hero who had saved the state (A).

The Romans, having now triumphed over the Sabines, the Etrurians, the Latins, the Hernici, the Aequi, and the Volscians, began to look for greater conquests. They accordingly turned their arms against the Samnites, a people about 100 miles east from the city, descended from the Sabines, and inhabiting a large tract of southern Italy, which at this day makes a considerable part of the kingdom of Naples. Valerius Corvus and Cornelius were the two consuls, to whose care it first fell to manage this dreadful contention between the rival states.

Valerius was one of the greatest commanders of his time; he was furred named Corvus, from a strange circumstance of being assisted by a crow in a single combat, in which he fought and killed a Gaul of a gigantic stature. To his colleague's care it was configned to lead an army to Samnium, the enemy's capital; while Corvus was sent to relieve Capua, the capital of the Campanians. The Samnites were the bravest men the Romans had ever yet encountered, and the contention between the two nations was managed on both sides with the most determined resolution. But the fortune of Rome prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not able to withstand the fierce looks and the fire-darting eyes of the Romans. The other consul, however, was not at first so fortunate; for having unwarily led his army into a defile, he was in danger of being cut off, had not Decius, a tribune of the army, possessed himself of a hill which commanded the enemy: So that the Samnites, being attacked on either side, were defeated with great slaughter, no less than 30,000 of them being left dead upon the field of battle.

Some time after this victory, the soldiers who were stationed at Capua mutinying, forced Quintius, an old and eminent soldier, who was then residing in the country, to be their leader; and, conducted by their rage more than their general, came within eight miles of the city. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates, not a little alarmed the senate; who immediately created Valerius Corvus dictator, and sent him forth with another army to oppose them. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, while fathers and sons beheld themselves preparing to engage in opposite causes; but Corvus knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of going forward to meet the mutineers in an hostile manner, went with the most cordial friendship to embrace and expostulate with his old acquaintances. His conduct had the desired effect. Quintius, as their speaker, only desired to have their defection from their duty forgiven; and as for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he had no reason to solicit pardon for his offences.

A war between the Romans and the Latins followed soon after; but as their habits, arms, and language, were the same, the most exact discipline was necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement. Orders, therefore, were issued by Manlius the consul, that no soldier should leave his ranks upon whatever provocation; and that he should be certainly put to death who should offer to do otherwise. With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out in array, and ready to begin; when Metius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in the Roman army to single combat. For some time there was a general pause; no soldier offering to disobey his orders, till Titus Manlius the consul's own son, burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly fell out against his adversary. The soldiers on both sides for a while suspended the general engagement to be spectators of this fierce encounter. Manlius killed his adversary; and then disarming him of his armour, returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he was preparing and giving orders relative to the engagement. However he might have been applauded by his fellow-soldiers, being as yet doubtful of the reception he should find from his father, he came, with hesitation, to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet, and with a modest air intimated, that what he did was entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. But he was soon dreadfully made sensible of his error, when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth before the army, and there to have his head struck off on account of his disobeying orders. The whole army was struck with horror at this unnatural mandate: fear for a while kept them in suspense; but when they saw their young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execrations and their groans. His dead body was carried forth without the camp, and being adorned with the spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military dirges.

In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual fury; and as the two armies had often fought under battle with the same leaders, they combated with all the animosity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on their bodily strength; the Romans, on their invincible courage and conduct. Forces so nearly matched seemed only to require the protection of their deities to turn the scale of victory; and, in fact, the augurs had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman army should be defeated, the commander of that part should devote himself for his country, and die as a sacrifice to the immortal gods. Manlius commanded the right wing, and Decius led on the left. Both sides fought for some time with doubtful success, as their courage was equal; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to give

(A) The above accounts are exactly conformable to what is to be found in the best Latin histories; nevertheless they are far from being reckoned universally authentic. Mr Hooke, in his annotations on the death of M. Manlius, has given very strong reasons against believing either that Camillus rescued the gold from the Gauls, or that Manlius was condemned. See Hooke's Roman History, vol. ii. p. 326, et seq. It was then that Decius, who commanded there, resolved to devote himself for his country, and to offer his own life as an atonement to save his army. Thus determined, he called out to Manlius with a loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and the form of the words he should use. By his directions, therefore, being clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted himself to the celestial and infernal gods for the safety of Rome. Then arming himself, and mounting on horseback, he drove furiously into the midst of the enemy, carrying terror and consternation wherever he came, till he fell covered with wounds. In the mean time, the Roman army considered his devoting himself in this manner as an assurance of success; nor was the superstition of the Latins less powerfully influenced by his resolution; a total rout began to ensue: the Romans pressed them on every side; and so great was the carnage, that scarce a fourth part of the enemy survived the defeat. This was the last battle of any consequence that the Latins had with the Romans: they were forced to beg a peace upon hard conditions; and two years after, their strongest city, Paenum, being taken, they were brought under an entire submission to the Roman power.

A signal disgrace which the Romans sustained about this time in their contest with the Samnites, made a pause in their usual good fortune, and turned the scale for a while in the enemy's favour. The senate having denied the Samnites peace, Pontius their general was resolved to gain by stratagem what he had frequently lost by force. Accordingly, leading his army into a defile called Claudium, and taking possession of all its outlets, he sent 10 of his soldiers, habited like shepherds, with directions to throw themselves in the way the Romans were to march. The Roman consul met them, and taking them for what they appeared, demanded the route the Samnite army had taken; they, with seeming indifference, replied, that they were gone to Luceria, a town in Apulia, and were then actually besieging it. The Roman general, not suspecting the stratagem that was laid against him, marched directly by the shortest road, which lay through the defiles, to relieve the city; and was not undeceived till he saw his army surrounded, and blocked up on every side. Pontius thus having the Romans entirely in his power, first obliged the army to pass under the yoke, having been previously stripped of all but their garments; he then stipulated that they should wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, and that they should continue to live upon terms of former confederacy. The Romans were constrained to submit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Capua disarmed and half naked. When the army arrived at Rome, the whole city was most surprisingly afflicted at their shameful return; nothing but grief and resentment was to be seen, and the whole city was put into mourning.

But this was a transitory calamity; the war was carried on as usual for many years: the power of the Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans continually increased. Under the conduct of Papirius Cursor, who was at different times consul and dictator, repeated triumphs were gained. Fabius Maximus also had his share in the glory of conquering them; and Decius, the son of that Decius whom we saw devoting himself for his country about 40 years before, followed the example of his father, and rushed into the midst of the enemy, imagining that he could save the lives of his countrymen with the loss of his own.

The success of the Romans against the Samnites alarmed all Italy. The Tarentines in particular, who king of had long plotted underhand against the republic, now openly declared themselves; and invited into Italy the Pyrrhus king of Epirus, in hopes of being able by his means to subdue the Romans. The offer was readily accepted by that ambitious monarch, who had nothing less in view than the conquest of all Italy. Their ambassadors carried magnificent presents for the king, with instructions to acquaint him, that they only wanted a general of fame and experience; and that, as for troops, they could themselves furnish a numerous army of 20,000 horse and 350,000 foot, made up of Lucanians, Messapians, Samnites, and Tarentines. As soon as the news of this deputation were brought to the Roman camp, Æmilius, who had hitherto made war on the Tarentines but gently, in hopes of adjusting matters by way of negotiation, took other measures, and began to commit all sorts of hostilities. He took cities, stormed castles, and laid the whole country waste, burning and destroying all before him. The Tarentines brought their army into the field; but Æmilius soon obliged them to take refuge within their walls. However, to induce them to lay aside the design of receiving Pyrrhus, he used the prisoners he had taken with great moderation, and even sent them back without ransom. These highly extolled the generosity of the consul, inasmuch that many of the inhabitants were brought over to the Roman party, and they all began to repent of their having rejected a peace and sent for Pyrrhus.

But, in the mean time, the Tarentine ambassadors arriving in Epirus, pursuant to the powers they had received, made an absolute treaty with the king; who immediately sent before him the famous Cynæas, with 3000 men, to take possession of the citadel of Tarentum. This eloquent minister soon found means to depose Agis, whom the Tarentines had chosen to be their general and the governor of the city, though a sincere friend to the Romans. He likewise prevailed upon the Tarentines to deliver up the citadel into his hands; which he no sooner got possession of, than he dispatched messengers to Pyrrhus, soliciting him to hasten his departure for Italy. In the mean time, the consul Æmilius, finding that he could not attempt anything with success against the Tarentines this campaign, resolved to put his troops into winter-quarters in Apulia, which was not far from the territory of Tarentum, that was soon to become the seat of the war. As he was obliged to pass through certain defiles, with the sea on one side and high hills on the other, he was there attacked by the Tarentines and Epirots from great numbers of barks fraught with ballistæ (that is, engines for throwing stones of a vast weight), and from the hills, on which were posted a great many archers and slingers. Hereupon Æmilius placed the Tarentine prisoners between him and the enemy; which the Tarentines perceiving, soon left off molesting the Romans, out of compassion to their own countrymen; so that the Romans arrived safe in Apulia, and there took up their winter-quarters. The next year Aemilius was continued in the command of his own troops, with the title of proconsul; and was ordered to make war upon the Salentines, who had declared for the Tarentines. The present exigence of affairs obliged the Romans to enlist the proletarii, who were the meanest of the people, and therefore by way of contempt called proletarii, as being thought incapable of doing the state any other service than that of peopling the city, and stocking the republic with subjects. Hitherto they had never been suffered to bear arms; but were now, to their great satisfaction, enrolled as well as others. In the mean time Pyrrhus arrived at Tarentum, having narrowly escaped shipwreck; and being conducted into the city by his faithful Cyneas, was received there with loud acclamations.

The Tarentines, who were entirely devoted to their pleasures, expected that he should take all the fatigues of the war on himself, and expose only his Epirots to danger. And indeed Pyrrhus for some days dissembled his design, and suffered the Tarentines to indulge without restraint in their usual diversions. But his ships, which had been dispersed all over the Ionian sea, arriving one after another, and with them the troops which he had put on board at Epirus, he began to reform the disorders that prevailed in the city. The theatre was the place to which the idle Tarentines resorted daily in great numbers, and where the incendiaries stirred up the people to sedition with their harangues: he therefore caused it to be shut up, as he did likewise the public gardens, porticoes, and places of exercise, where the inhabitants used to entertain themselves with news, and speak with great freedom of their governors, censuring their conduct, and setting the government according to their different humours, which occasioned great divisions, and rent the city into various factions. As they were a very voluptuous and indolent people, they spent whole days and nights in feasts, masquerades, plays, &c. These, therefore, Pyrrhus absolutely prohibited, as no less dangerous than the assemblies of prating politicians. They were utter strangers to military exercises, and the art of handling arms; but Pyrrhus having caused an exact register to be made of all the young men who were fit for war, picked out the strongest amongst them, and incorporated them among his own troops, saying, that he would take it upon himself to give them courage. He exercised them daily for several hours; and on that occasion behaved with an inexorable severity, inflicting exemplary punishment on such as did not attend or failed in their duty. By these wise measures he prevented seditions among the citizens, and inured their youth to military discipline; and because many, who had not been accustomed to such severity and rigour, withdrew from their native country, Pyrrhus, by a public proclamation, declared all those capitally guilty who should attempt to abandon their country, or absent themselves from the common matters.

The Tarentines, being now sensible that Pyrrhus was determined to be their master, began loudly to complain of his conduct; but he, being informed of whatever passed among them by his spies, who insinuated themselves into all companies, privately dispatched the most factious, and sent those whom he suspected, under various pretences, to his son's court in Epirus.

In the mean time, P. Valerius Laevinus, the Roman consul, entering the country of the Lucanians, who were in alliance with the Tarentines, committed great ravages there; and having taken and fortified one of their castles, waited in that neighbourhood for Pyrrhus. The king, though he had not yet received any succours from the Samnites, Messapians, and other allies of the Tarentines, thought it highly dishonourable to continue shut up in a city, while the Romans were ravaging the country of his friends. He therefore took the field with the troops he had brought with him from Epirus, some recruits of Tarentum, and a small number of Italians. But before he began hostilities, he wrote a letter to Laevinus, commanding him to disband his army; and on his refusal, immediately marched towards those parts where Laevinus was waiting for him. The Romans were encamped on the hither side of the river Siris; and Pyrrhus appearing on the opposite bank, made it his first business to reconnoitre the enemy's camp in person, and see what appearance they made. With this view he crossed the river, attended by Megacles, one of his officers and chief favourites; and having observed the consul's intrenchments, the manner in which he had posted his advanced guards, and the good order of his camp, he was greatly surprized; and addressing Megacles, "These people (said he) are not such barbarians as we take them to be: let us try them before we condemn them." On his return, he changed his resolution of attacking them; and, shutting himself up in his intrenchments, waited for the arrival of the confederate troops. In the mean time, he posted strong guards along the river, to prevent the enemy from passing it, and continually sent out scouts to discover the designs, and watch the motions of the consul. Some of these being taken by the advanced guards of the Romans, the consul himself led them through his camp, and having shewed them his army, sent them back to the king, telling them, that he had many other troops to show them in due time.

Laevinus being determined to draw the enemy to a battle before Pyrrhus received the reinforcements he expected, having harangued his troops, marched to the banks of the Siris; and there drawing up his infantry in battalia, ordered the cavalry to file off, and march a great way about, in order to find a passage at some place not defended by the enemy. Accordingly, they passed the river without being observed; and falling upon the guards which Pyrrhus had posted on the banks over against the consular army, gave the infantry an opportunity of crossing the river on bridges which Laevinus had prepared for that purpose. But before they got over, Pyrrhus, hastening from his camp, which was at some distance from the river, hoped to cut the Roman army in pieces while they were disordered with the difficulties of passing the river, and climbing up the steep banks; but the cavalry covering the infantry, and standing between them and the Epirots, gave them time to form themselves on the banks of the river. On the other hand, Pyrrhus drew up his men as fast as they came from the camp, and performed such deeds of valour, that the Romans thought him worthy of the great reputation he had acquired.

As the cavalry alone had hitherto engaged, Pyrrhus, who confided most in his infantry, hastened back to the camp, in order to bring them to the charge; but took two precautions before he began the attack: the first was, to ride through the ranks, and show himself to the whole army; for his horse having been killed under him in the first onset, a report had been spread that he was slain? Rome. slain; the second was, to change his habit and helmet with Megacles; for having been known in the engagement of the horse by the richness of his attire and armour, many of the Romans had aimed at him in particular, so that he was with the utmost difficulty taken and saved, after his horse had been killed under him. Thus disguised, he led his phalanx against the Roman legions, and attacked them with incredible fury. Laevinus sustained the shock with great resolution, so that the victory was for many hours warmly disputed. The Romans gave several times way to the Epirots, and the Epirots to the Romans; but both parties rallied again, and were brought back to the charge by their commanders. Megacles, in the attire and helmet of Pyrrhus, was in all places, and well supported the character he had assumed. But his disguise at last proved fatal to him: for a Roman knight, by name Dexter, taking him for the king, followed him wherever he went; and having found an opportunity of discharging a blow at him, struck him dead on the spot, stripped him of his helmet and armour, and carried them in triumph to the consul, who, by showing to the Epirots the spoils of their king, so terrified them, that they began to give ground. But Pyrrhus, appearing bare-headed in the first files of his phalanx, and riding through all the lines, undeceived his men, and inspired them with new courage.

The advantage seemed to be pretty equal on both sides, when Laevinus ordered his cavalry to advance; which Pyrrhus observing, drew up 20 elephants in the front of his army, with towers on their backs full of bowmen. The very sight of those dreadful animals chilled the bravery of the Romans, who had never before seen any. However, they still advanced, till their horses, not being able to bear the smell of them, and frightened at the strange noise they made, either threw their riders, or carried them on full speed in spite of their utmost efforts. In the mean time, the archers, discharging showers of darts from the towers, wounded several of the Romans in that confusion, while others were trod to death by the elephants. Notwithstanding the disorder of the cavalry, the legionaries still kept their ranks, and could not be broken, till Pyrrhus attacked them in person at the head of the Thessalian horse. The onset was so furious, that they were forced to yield, and retire in disorder. The king of Epirus refrained the ardour of his troops, and would not suffer them to pursue the enemy: an elephant, which had been wounded by a Roman soldier named Minucius, having caused a great disorder in his army, this accident favoured the retreat of the Romans, and gave them time to repass the river, and take refuge in Apulia. The Epirot remained master of the field, and had the pleasure to see the Romans fly before him: but the victory cost him dear, a great number of his best officers and soldiers having been slain in the battle; whence he was heard to say after the action, that he was both conqueror and conquered, and that if he gained such another victory, he should be obliged to return to Epirus alone.

His first care after the action was to bury the dead, with which the plain was covered; and herein he made no distinction between the Romans and his own Epirots. In viewing the bodies of the former, he observed, that none of them had received dishonourable wounds; that they had all fallen in the posts assigned them, still held their swords in their hands, and showed, even after death, a certain martial air and fierceness in their faces; and on this occasion it was that he uttered those famous words: "O that Pyrrhus had the Romans for his soldiery, or the Romans Pyrrhus for their leader! together, we should subdue the whole world."

The king of Epirus understood the art of war too well not to reap what advantage he could from his victory. He broke into the countries in alliance with the Romans, plundered the lands of the republic, and made incursions even into the neighbourhood of Rome. Many cities opened their gates to him, and in a short time he made himself master of the greatest part of Campania. While he was in that fruitful province, subsisting his troops there at the expense of the Romans, he was joined by the Samnites, Lucanians, and Mezzapians, whom he had so long expected. After having reproached them for their delay, he gave them a good share of the spoils he had taken from the enemy; and having by this means gained their affections, he marched without loss of time to lay siege to Capua: but Laevinus, having already received a reinforcement of two legions, threw some troops into the city; which obliged Pyrrhus to drop his design, and, leaving Capua, to march straight to Naples. Laevinus followed him, harassing his troops on their march; and at length, by keeping his army in the neighbourhood, forced him to give over all thoughts of making himself master of that important city. The king then, all on a sudden, took his route towards Rome by the Latin way, surprized Fregellae, and, marching through the country of the Hernici, sat down before Praeneste. There, from the top of a hill, he had the pleasure of seeing Rome; and is said to have advanced so near the walls, that he drove a cloud of dust into the city. But he was soon forced to retire by the other consul T. Coruncanius, who, having reduced Hetururia, was just then returned with his victorious army to Rome. The king of Epirus, therefore, having no hopes of bringing the Heturians into his interest, and seeing two consular armies ready to fall upon him, raised the siege of Praeneste, and hastened back into Campania; where, to his great surprise, he found Laevinus with a more numerous army than that which he had defeated on the banks of the Siris. The consul went to meet him, with a design to try the fate of another battle; which Pyrrhus being unwilling to decline, drew up his army, and, to strike terror into the Roman legions, ordered his men to beat their bucklers with their lances, and the leaders of the elephants to force them to make a hideous noise. But the noise was returned with such an universal shout by the Romans, that Pyrrhus, thinking so much alacrity on the part of the vanquished too sure a prognostic of victory, altered his mind; and, pretending that the auguries were not favourable, retired to Tarentum, and put an end to the campaign.

While Pyrrhus continued quiet at Tarentum, he had time to reflect on the valour and conduct of the Romans; which made him conclude, that the war in which he was engaged must end in his ruin and disgrace, if not terminated by an advantageous peace. He was therefore overjoyed when he heard that the senate had determined to send an honourable embassy to him, not doubting but their errand was to propose terms terms of peace. The ambassadors were three men of distinguished merit; to wit, Cornelius Dolabella, who was famous for the signal victory he had gained over the Senones, Fabricius, and Aemilius Pappus, who had been his colleague in the confultate two years before. When they were admitted to an audience, the only thing they demanded was a surrender of the prisoners, either by the way of exchange, or at such a ransom as should be agreed on; for Pyrrhus, in the late battle, had made 1800 prisoners, most of them Roman knights and men of distinction in the republic. They had fought with great bravery, till their horses, frightened with the roaring of the king's elephants, had either thrown them, or obliged them to dismount; by which unforeseen accident they had fallen into the enemy's hands. The senate, therefore, pitying the condition of those brave men, had determined, contrary to their custom, to redeem them. Pyrrhus was greatly surprized and disappointed when he found that they had no other proposals to make; but, concealing his thoughts, he only answered, that he would consider of it, and let them know his resolution. Accordingly, he assembled his council: but his chief favourites were divided in their opinions. Milo, who commanded in the citadel of Tarentum, was for coming to no composition with the Romans; but Cynæas, who knew his master's inclination, proposed not only sending back the prisoners without ransom, but dispatching an embassy to Rome to treat with the senate of a lasting peace. His advice was approved, and he himself appointed to go on that embassy. After these resolutions, the king acquainted the ambassadors, that he intended to release the prisoners without ransom, since he had already riches enough, and desired nothing of the republic but her friendship. Afterwards he had several conferences with Fabricius, whose virtue he had tried with mighty offers of riches and grandeur; but finding him proof against all temptations, he resolved to try whether his intrepidity and courage were equal to his virtue. With this view, he caused an elephant to be placed behind a curtain in the hall where he received the Roman ambassador. As Fabricius had never seen one of those beasts, the king, taking a turn or two in the hall with him, brought him within the elephant's reach, and then caused the curtain to be drawn all on a sudden, and that monstrous animal to make his usual noise, and even lay his trunk on Fabricius's head. But the intrepid Roman, without betraying the least fear or concern, "Does the great king (said he, with surprizing calmness), who could not flatter me with his offers, think to frighten me with the braying of a beast?" Pyrrhus, astonished at his immovable constancy, invited him to dine with him; and on this occasion it was, that the conversation turning upon the Epicurean philosophy, Fabricius made that celebrated exclamation, "O that Pyrrhus, both for Rome's sake and his own, had placed his happiness in the boasted indolence of Epicurus."

Everything Pyrrhus heard or saw of the Romans increased his earnestness for peace. He sent for the three ambassadors, released 200 of the prisoners without ransom, and suffered the rest, on their parole, to return to Rome to celebrate the Saturnalia, or feasts of Saturn, in their own families. Having by this obliging behaviour gained the good-will of the Roman ambassadors, he sent Cynæas to Rome, almost at the same time that they left Tarentum. The instructions he gave this faithful minister, were, to bring the Romans to grant these three articles: 1. That the Tarentines should be included in the treaty made with the king of Epirus. 2. That the Greek cities in Italy should be suffered to enjoy their laws and liberties. 3. That the republic should restore to the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians, all the places she had taken from them. Upon these conditions, Pyrrhus declared himself ready to forbear all further hostilities, and conclude a lasting peace. With these instructions Cynæas set out for Rome; where, partly by his eloquence, partly by rich presents to the senators and their wives, he soon gained a good number of voices. When he was admitted into the senate, he made a harangue worthy of a disciple of the great Demosthenes; after which, he read the condition Pyrrhus proposed, and, with a great deal of eloquence, endeavouring to show the reasonableness and moderation of his master's demands, asked leave for Pyrrhus to come to Rome to conclude and sign the treaty. The senators were generally inclined to agree to Pyrrhus's terms; but nevertheless, as several senators were absent, the determination of the affair was postponed to the next day; when Appius Claudius, the greatest orator and most learned civilian in Rome, old and blind as he was, caused himself to be carried to the senate, where he had not appeared for many years; and there, partly by his eloquence, partly by his authority, so prepossessed the minds of the senators against the king of Epirus, and the conditions he offered, that, when he had done speaking, the conscript fathers unanimously passed a decree, the substance of which was, That the war with Pyrrhus should be continued; that his ambassador should be sent back that very day; that the king of Epirus should not be permitted to come to Rome; and that they should acquaint his ambassador, that Rome would enter into no treaty of peace with his master till he had left Italy.

Cynæas, surprized at the answer given him, left Rome the same day, and returned to Tarentum, to acquaint the king with the final resolution of the senate. Pyrrhus would have willingly concluded a peace with them upon honourable terms; but, as the conditions they offered were not by any means consistent with the reputation of his arms, he began, without loss of time, to make all due preparations for the next campaign. On the other hand, the Romans having raised to the confultate P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Decius Mus, dispatched them both into Apulia, where they found Pyrrhus encamped near a little town called Aculanum. There the confuls, joining their armies, fortified themselves at the foot of the Apennines, having between them and the enemy a large deep stream which divided the plain. Both armies continued a great while on the opposite banks, before either ventured to pass over to attack the other. The Epirots allowed the Romans to cross the stream, and draw up on the plain. On the other hand, Pyrrhus placed his men likewise in order of battle in the same plain; and all the ancients do him the justice to say, that no commander ever understood better the art of drawing up an army and directing its motions. In another battle, in his left the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Salentines; and his phalanx in the centre. The centre of the Roman army consisted of four legions, which were to en- gage the enemy's phalanx; on their wings were posted the light-armed auxiliaries and the Roman horse. The consuls, in order to guard their troops against the fury of the elephants, had prepared chariots, armed with long points of iron in the shape of forks, and filled with soldiers carrying firebrands, which they were directed to throw at the elephants, and by that means frighten them, and set their wooden towers on fire. These chariots were posted over-against the king's elephants, and ordered not to stir till they entered upon action. To this precaution the Roman generals added another, which was, to direct a body of Apulians to attack Pyrrhus's camp in the heat of the engagement, in order to force it, or at least to draw off part of the enemy's troops to defend it. At length the attack began, both parties being pretty equal in number; for each of them consisted of about 40,000 men. The phalanx sustained, for a long time, the furious onset of the legions with incredible bravery; but at length being forced to give way, Pyrrhus commanded his elephants to advance, but not on the side where the Romans had posted their chariots; they marched round, and, falling upon the Roman horse, soon put them into confusion. Then the phalanx, returning with fresh courage to the charge, made the Roman legions in their turn give ground. On this occasion Decius was killed, so that one consul only was left to command the two Roman armies. But while all things seemed to favour Pyrrhus, the body of Apulians which we have mentioned above, falling unexpectedly on the camp of the Epirots, obliged the king to dispatch a strong detachment to defend his intrenchments. Upon the departure of these troops, some of the Epirots, imagining that the camp was taken, began to lose courage, and retire; those who were next to them followed their example, and in a short time the whole army gave way. Pyrrhus having attempted several times in vain to rally his forces, returned to the charge with a small number of his friends and the most courageous of his officers. With these he frustrated the fury of the victorious legions, and covered the retreat of his own men. But being, after a most gallant behaviour, dangerously wounded, he retired at last with his small band in good order, leaving the Romans masters of the field. As the sun was near setting, the Romans, being extremely fatigued, and a great number of them wounded, the consul Sulpicius, not thinking it advisable to pursue the enemy, founded a retreat, repassed the stream, and brought his troops back to the camp. Sulpicius appeared in the field of battle the next day, with a design to bring the Epirots to a second engagement; but finding they had withdrawn in the night to Tarentum, he likewise retired, and put his troops into winter-quarters in Apulia.

Both armies continued quiet in their quarters during winter; but early in the spring took the field anew.—The Romans were commanded this year by two men of great fame, whom they had raised to the consulate the second time: these were the celebrated C. Fabricius and Q. Aemilius Pappus; who no sooner arrived in Apulia, than they led their troops into the territory of Tarentum. Pyrrhus, who had received considerable reinforcements from Epirus, met them near the frontiers, and encamped at a small distance from the Roman army. While the consuls were waiting here for a favourable opportunity to give battle, a messenger from Nicias, the king's physician, delivered a letter to Fabricius; whereupon the traitor offered to take off his master by poison, provided the consul would promise him a reward proportionate to the greatness of the service. The virtuous Roman, being filled with horror at the bare proposal of such a crime, immediately communicated the affair to poison him, his colleague; who readily joined with him in writing a letter to Pyrrhus, wherein they warned him, without discovering the criminal, to take care of himself, and be upon his guard against the treacherous designs of those about him. Pyrrhus, out of a deep sense of gratitude for so great a benefit, released immediately, without ransom, all the prisoners he had taken. But the Romans, disdaining to accept either a favour from an enemy, or a recompense for not committing the blackest treachery, declared, that they would not receive their prisoners but by way of exchange; and accordingly sent to Pyrrhus an equal number of Samnite and Tarentine prisoners.

As the king of Epirus grew every day more weary of a war which he feared would end in his disgrace, he sent Cyanas a second time to Rome, to try whether he could, with his artful harangues, prevail upon the conscript fathers to hearken to an accommodation, upon such terms as were consistent with his honour. But the ambassador found the senators steady in their former resolution, and determined not to enter into a treaty with his master till he had left Italy, and withdrawn from thence all his forces. This gave the king great uneasiness; for he had already lost most of his veteran troops and best officers, and was sensible that he should lose the rest if he ventured another engagement. While Pyrrhus was revolving these melancholy thoughts in his mind, messengers arrived at his camp from the Syracusans, Sicily, Agrigentines, and Leontines, imploring the assistance of his arms to drive out the Carthaginians, and put an end to the troubles which threatened their respective states with utter destruction. Pyrrhus, who wanted only some honourable pretence to leave Italy, laid hold of this; and appointing Milo governor of Tarentum, with a strong garrison to keep the inhabitants in awe during his absence, he set sail for Sicily with 30,000 foot and 2500 horse, on board a fleet of 200 ships. Here he was at first attended with great success; but the Sicilians, disgusted at the resolution he had taken of passing over into Africa, and much more at the enormous actions and extortions of his ministers and courtiers, had submitted partly to the Carthaginians and partly to the Mamertines. When Carthage heard of this change, new troops were raised all over Africa, and a numerous army sent into Sicily to recover the cities which Pyrrhus had taken. As the Sicilians daily deserted from him in crowds, he was no way in a condition, with his Epirots alone, to withstand so powerful an enemy; and therefore, when deputies came to him from the Tarentines, Samnites, Bruttians, and Lucanians, representing to him the losses they had suffered since his departure, and remonstrating, that, without his assistance, they must fall a sacrifice to the Romans, he laid hold of that opportunity to abandon the island, and return to Italy. His fleet was attacked by that of Carthage; and his army, after their landing, by the Mamertines. But Pyrrhus having, by his heroic bravery, escaped all danger, marched along the sea-shore, in order to reach Tarentum that way. As he passed through the country of the Locrians, who had not long before massacred the troops he had left there, he not only exercised all sorts of cruelty on the inhabitants, but plundered the temple of Proserpine to supply the wants of his army. The immense riches which he found there, were, by his order, sent to Tarentum by sea; but the ships that carried them being dashed against the rocks by a tempest, and the mariners all lost, this proud prince was convinced, says Livy, that the gods were not imaginary beings, and caused all the treasure, which the sea had thrown upon the shore, to be carefully gathered up, and replaced in the temple: nay, to appease the wrath of the angry goddefs, he put all those to death who had advised him to plunder her temple. However, superstition made the ancients ascribe to this act of impiety all the misfortunes which afterwards befell that unhappy prince.

Pyrrhus at length arrived at Tarentum; but of the army he had carried into Sicily, he brought back into Italy only 2000 horse, and not quite 20,000 foot. He therefore reinforced them with the best troops he could raise in the countries of the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians; and hearing that the two new consuls, Curius Dentatus and Cornelius Lentulus, had divided their forces, the one invading Lucania and the other Samnium, he likewise divided his army into two bodies, marching with the choice of his Epirots against Dentatus, in hopes of surprising him in his camp near Beneventum. But the consul having notice of his approach, went out of his intrenchments with a strong detachment of legionaries to meet him; repulsed his vanguard, put many of the Epirots to the sword, and took some of their elephants. Curius encouraged with this success, marched his army into the Tauranian fields, and drew it up in a plain which was wide enough for his troops, but too narrow for the Epirot phalanx, the phalangites being so crowded that they could not handle their arms without difficulty. But the king's eagerness to try his strength and skill with so renowned a commander, made him engage at that great disadvantage. Upon the first signal the action began; and one of the king's wings giving way, the victory seemed to incline to the Romans. But that wing where the king fought in person repulsed the enemy, and drove them back quite to their intrenchments. This advantage was in great part owing to the elephants; which Curius perceiving, commanded a corps de reserve, which he had posted near the camp, to advance and fall upon the elephants. These carrying burning torches in one hand, and their swords in the other, threw the former at the elephants, and with the latter defended themselves against their guides; by which means they were both forced to give way. The elephants being put to flight broke into the phalanx, close as it was, and there caused a general disorder; which was increased by a remarkable accident: for it is said, that a young elephant being wounded, and therupon making a dreadful noise, the mother quitting her rank, and hastening to the assistance of her young one, put those who still kept their ranks into the utmost confusion. But, however that be, it is certain that the Romans obtained at last a complete victory. Orofus and Entropius tell us that Pyrrhus's army consisted of 80,000 foot and 6000 horse, including his Epirots and allies; whereas the consular army was scarcely 20,000 strong. Those who exaggerate the king's loss say, that the number of the slain on his side amounted to 30,000 men; but others reduce it to 20,000. All writers agree, that Curius took 1200 prisoners and eight elephants. This victory, which was the most decisive Rome had ever gained, brought all Italy under subjection, and paved the way for those vast conquests which afterwards made the Romans masters of the whole known world.

Pyrrhus being no way in a condition, after the great losses he had sustained, to keep the field, retired to Taranto, attended only by a small body of horse, leaving the Romans in full possession of his camp; which they so much admired, that they made it over after a model to form theirs by. And now the king of Epirus resolved to leave Italy as soon as possible; but concealed his design, and endeavoured to keep up the drooping spirits of his allies, by giving them hopes of speedy succours from Greece. Accordingly he dispatched ambassadors into Aetolia, Illyricum, and Macedon, demanding supplies of men and money. But the answers from those courts not proving favourable, he forged such as might please those whom he was willing to deceive; and by this means supported the courage of his friends, and kept his enemy in play. When he could conceal his departure no longer, he pretended to be on a sudden in a great passion at the dilatoriness of his friends in sending him succours; and acquainted the Tarentines, that he must go and bring them over himself. However, he left behind him a strong garrison in the citadel of Tarentum, under the command of the same Milo who had kept it for him during his stay in Sicily. In order to keep this governor in his duty, he is said to have made him a very strange present, viz. a chair covered with the skin of Nicias, the treacherous physician, who had offered Fabricius to poison his master. After all these disguises and precautions, Pyrrhus at last set sail for Epirus, and arrived safe at Acroceramium with 8000 foot and 500 horse; after having spent no purpose six years in Italy and Sicily.

Though, from the manner in which Pyrrhus took his leave, his Italian allies had little reason to expect any further assistance from him, yet they continued to amuse themselves with vain hopes, till certain accounts arrived of his being killed at the siege of Argos, as has been related under the article Epirus. This threw who are the Samnites into despair; so that they put all to the sword, the issue of a general battle; in which they were defeated and the Romans beheld such dreadful slaughter, that the nation is said to come near have been almost exterminated. This overthrow was soon followed by the submission of the Lucanians, Brut-Italyans, Tarentines, Sarcinates, Picentes, and Salentines; so that Rome now became mistress of all the nations from the remotest parts of Hetruria to the Ionian sea, and from the Tyrrhenian sea to the Adriatic. All these nations, however, did not enjoy the same privileges. Some were entirely subject to the republic, and had no laws but what they received from thence; others retained their old laws and customs, but in subjection to the republic: some were tributary; and others allies, who were obliged to furnish troops at their own expense when the Romans required. Some had the privilege of Roman citizenship, their soldiers being incorporated in the legions; while others had a right of suffrage in the elections made by the centuries. These different degrees of honour, privileges, and liberty, were founded on the different terms granted to the conquered nations. nations when they surrendered, and were afterwards increased according to their fidelity and the services they did the republic.

The Romans now became respected by foreign nations, and received ambassadors from Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt, and from Apollonia a city of Macedon. Sensible of their own importance, they now granted protection to whatever nation requested it of them; but this not with a view of serving one party, but that they might have an opportunity of subjecting both. In this manner they afflicted the Mamertines against Hiero king of Syracuse, which brought on the wars with the Carthaginians, which terminated in the total destruction of that ancient republic, as has been related under the article Cartilage. The interval between the first and second Punic wars was by the Romans employed in reducing the Boii and Ligurians, who had revolted. These were Gaulish nations, who had always been very formidable to the Romans, and now gave one of their consuls a notable defeat. However, he soon after sufficiently revenged himself, and defeated the enemy with great slaughter; though it was not till some time after, and with a good deal of difficulty, that they were totally subdued. During this interval also, the Romans seized on the islands of Sardinia, Corsica, and Malta; and in the year 219 B.C. the two former were reduced to the form of a province. Papirius, who had subdued Corsica, demanded a triumph; but not having interest enough to obtain it, he took a method entirely new to do himself justice. He put himself at the head of his victorious army, and marched to the temple of Jupiter Latialis, on the hill of Alba, with all the pomp that attended triumphant victors at Rome. He made no other alteration in the ceremony, but that of wearing a crown of myrtle instead of a crown of laurel, and this on account of his having defeated the Corsicans in a place where there was a grove of myrtles. The example of Papirius was afterwards followed by a great many generals to whom the senate refused triumphs.

The next year, when M. Æmilius Barbula and M. Junius Pera were consuls, a new war sprung up in a kingdom out of Italy. Illyricum, properly so called, which bordered upon Macedon and Epirus, was at this time governed by a woman named Teuta, the widow of King Agron, and guardian to her son Pinxeus, who was under age. The success of her late husband against the Ætolians had flattered her to such a degree, that instead of settling the affairs of her ward in peace, she commanded her subjects to cruise along the coast, seize all the ships they met, take what places they could, and spare no nation. Her pirates had, pursuant to her orders, taken and plundered many ships belonging to the Roman merchants; and her troops were then besieging the island of Issa in the Adriatic, though the inhabitants had put themselves under the protection of the republic. Upon the complaints, therefore, of the Italian merchants, and to protect the people of Issa, the senate sent two ambassadors to the Illyrian queen, Lucius and Caius Coruncanus, to demand of her that she would restrain her subjects from infesting the sea with pirates. She answered them haughtily, that she could only promise that her subjects should not for the future attack the Romans in her name, and by public authority: "but as for anything more, it is not customary with us (said she) to lay restraints on our subjects, nor will we forbid them to reap those advantages from the sea which it offers them." "Your customs then (replied the youngest of the ambassadors) are very different from ours. At Rome we make public examples of those subjects who injure others, whether at home or abroad. Teuta, we can, by our arms, force you to reform the abuses of your bad government?" These unseasonable threatenings provoked Teuta, who was naturally a proud and imperious woman, to such a degree, that, without regard to the right of nations, she caused the ambassadors to be murdered on their return home.

When so notorious an infraction of the law of nations was known at Rome, the people demanded vengeance; and the senate having first honoured the names of the ambassadors, by erecting, as was usual in such cases, statues three feet high to their memory, ordered a fleet to be equipped, and troops raised, with all possible expedition. But now Teuta, reflecting on the enormity of her proceedings, sent an embassy to Rome, assuring the senate that she had no hand in the murder of the ambassadors, and offering to deliver up to the republic those who had committed that barbarous affrontation. The Romans being at that time threatened with a war from the Gauls, were ready to accept this satisfaction; but in the mean time the Illyrian fleet having gained some advantage over that of the Achaeans, and taken the island of Coreyra near Epirus, this success made Teuta believe herself invincible, and forget the promise she had made to the Romans; nay, she sent her fleet to seize on the island of Issa, which the Romans had taken under their protection.

Hereupon the consuls for the new year, P. Posthumius Albinus and Cn. Fulvius Centulus, embarked for Illyricum; Fulvius having the command of the fleet, which consisted of 100 galleys; and Posthumius of the land forces, which amounted to 20,000 foot, besides a small body of horse. Fulvius appeared with his fleet before Coreyra in the Adriatic, and was put in possession both of the island and city by Demetrius of Pharos, governor of the place for Queen Teuta. Nor was this all; Demetrius found means to make the inhabitants of Apollonia drive out the Illyrian garrison, and admit into their city the Roman troops. As Apollonia was one of the keys of Illyricum on the side of Macedon, the consuls, who had hitherto acted jointly, no sooner saw themselves in possession of it than they separated, the fleet cruising along the coast, and the army penetrating into the heart of the queen's dominions. The Androcans, Parthini, and Antianes, voluntarily submitted to Posthumius, being induced by the persuasions of Demetrius to shake off the Illyrian yoke. The consul being now in possession of most of the inland towns, returned to the coast, where, with the assistance of the fleet, he took many strongholds, among which was Nutria, a place of great strength, and defended by a numerous garrison; so that it made a vigorous defence, the Romans having lost before it a great many private men, several legionary tribunes, and one quaestor. However, this loss was repaired by the taking of 40 Illyrian vessels, which were returning home laden with booty. At length the Roman fleet appeared before Issa, which, by Teuta's order, was still closely besieged, notwithstanding the losses she had sustained. However, upon the approach of the Roman fleet, the Illyrians Illyrians dispersed; but the Pharans, who served among them, followed the example of their countryman Demetrius, and joined the Romans, to whom the Illyrians readily submitted.

In the mean time Sp. Cervilius and Q. Fabius Maximus being raised to the consulate a second time, Posthumius was recalled from Illyricum, and refused a triumph for having been too prodigal of the Roman blood at the siege of Nutria. His colleague Fulvius was appointed to command the land forces in his room, in quality of proconsul. Hereupon Teuta, who had founded great hopes on the change of the consuls, retired to one of her strongholds called Rhizon, and from thence early in the spring sent an embassy to Rome. The senate refused to treat with her; but granted the young king a peace upon the following conditions: 1. That he should pay an annual tribute to the republic. 2. That he should surrender part of his dominions to the Romans. 3. That he should never suffer above three of his ships of war at a time to sail beyond Lyfius, a town on the confines of Macedon and Illyricum. The places he yielded to the Romans in virtue of this treaty, were the islands of Corcyra, Issa, and Pharos, the city of Dyrrachium, and the country of the Atintanes. Soon after Teuta, either out of shame, or compelled by a secret article of the treaty, abdicated the regency, and Demetrius succeeded her.

Before this war was ended, the Romans were alarmed by new motions of the Gauls, and the great progress which the Carthaginians made in Spain. At this time also the fears of the people were excited by a prophecy said to be taken out of the Sibylline books, that the Gauls and Greeks should one day be in possession of Rome. This prophecy, however, the senate found means to elude, as they pretended, by burying two Gauls and two Greeks alive, and then telling the multitude that the Gauls and Greeks were now in the possession of Rome. The difficulties which superstition had raised being thus surmounted, the Romans made vast preparations against the Gauls, whom they seem to have dreaded above all other nations. Some say that the number of forces raised by the Romans on this occasion amounted to no fewer than 800,000 men. Of this incredible multitude 248,000 foot and 26,000 horse were Romans or Campanians; nevertheless, the Gauls, with only 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse, forced a passage through Etruria, and took the road towards Rome. Here they had the good fortune at first to defeat one of the Roman armies; but being soon after met by two others, they were utterly defeated, with the loss of more than 50,000 of their number. The Romans then entered their country; which they cruelly ravaged; but a plague breaking out in their army, obliged them to return home. This was followed by a new war, in which those Gauls who inhabited Insubria and Liguria, were totally subdued, and their country reduced to a Roman province. These conquests were followed by that of Istria; Dimalum, a city of importance in Illyricum; and Pharos, an island in the Adriatic sea.

The second Punic war for some time retarded the conquests of the Romans, and even threatened their state with entire destruction; but Hannibal being at last recalled from Italy, and entirely defeated at Zama, they made peace upon such advantageous terms as gave them an entire superiority over that republic, which they not long after entirely subverted, as has been related in the history of Carthage.

The successful issue of the second Punic war had greatly increased the extent of the Roman empire. They were now masters of all Sicily, the Mediterranean islands, and great part of Spain; and, through its full extent, the possessions of the Asiatic states with the king of Egypt. Macedon, a pretence was now found for carrying their arms into these parts. The Gauls in the mean time, however, continued their incursions, but now ceased to be formidable; while the kings of Macedon, through misconduct, were first obliged to submit to a disadvantageous peace, and at last totally subdued (see Macedon). The reduction of Macedon was soon followed by that of all Greece, either by the name of allies or otherwise; while Antiochus the Great, to whom Hannibal fled for protection, by an unsuccessful war first gave the Romans a footing in Asia (see Syria). The Spaniards and Gauls continued to be the most obstinate enemies. The former, particularly, were rather exterminated than reduced; and even this required the utmost care and vigilance of Scipio Æmilianus, the conqueror of Carthage, to execute. See Spain and Numantia.

Thus the Romans attained to a height of power superior to any other nation in the world; but now a sedition broke out, which we may say was never terminated but with the overthrow of the republic. This had its origin from Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, descended from a family which, though plebeian, was as illustrious as any in the commonwealth. His father had been twice raised to the consulship, was a great general, and had been honoured with two triumphs. But he was still more renowned for his domestic virtues and probity, than for his birth or valour. He married the daughter of the first Africanus, said to be the pattern of her sex, and the prodigy of her age; and had by her several children, of whom three only arrived at maturity of age, Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, and a daughter named Sempronia, who was married to the second Africanus. Tiberius, the eldest, was deemed the most accomplished youth in Rome, with respect to the qualities both of body and mind. His extraordinary talents were heightened by a noble air, an engaging countenance, and all those winning graces of nature which recommend merit. He made his first campaigns under his brother-in-law, and distinguished himself on all occasions by his courage, and by the prudence of his conduct. When he returned to Rome, he applied himself to the study of eloquence; and at 30 years old was accounted the best orator of his age. He married the daughter of Appius Claudius, who had been formerly consul and censor, and was then prince of the senate. He continued for some time in the sentiments both of his own and his wife's family, and supported the interests of the patricians; but without openly attacking the popular faction. He was the chief author and negociator of that shameful necessary peace with the Numantines; which the senate, with the utmost injustice, disannulled, and condemned the consul, the quaestor, and all the officers who had signed it, to be delivered up to the Numantines (see Numantia). The people, indeed, out of esteem for Gracchus, would not suffer him to be sacrificed; but, however, he had just reason to complain, both of the senate and people, for... for passing so scandalous a decree against his general and himself, and breaking a treaty whereby the lives of so many citizens had been saved. But as the senate had chiefly promoted such base and iniquitous proceedings, he resolved in due time to show his resentment against the party which had contributed most to his disgrace.

In order to this, he stood for the tribuneship of the people; which he no sooner obtained, than he resolved to attack the nobility in the most tender part. They had usurped lands unjustly; cultivated them by slaves, to the great detriment of the public; and had lived for about 250 years in open defiance to the Licinian law, by which it was enacted that no citizen should possess more than 500 acres. This law Tib. Gracchus resolved to revive, and by that means revenge himself on the patricians. But it was not revenge alone which prompted him to embark in so dangerous an attempt. It is pretended, that his mother Cornelia animated him to undertake something worthy both of his and her family. The reproaches of his mother, the authority of some great men, namely of his father-in-law Appius Claudius, of P. Craufus the pontifex maximus, and of Mutius Scævola, the most learned civilian in Rome, and his natural thirst after glory, joined with an eager desire of revenge, conspired to draw him into this most unfortunate scheme.

The law, as he first drew it up, was very mild: for proposed by it only enacted, that those who possessed more than 500 acres of land should part with the surplus; and that the full value of the said lands should be paid them out of the public treasury. The lands thus purchased by the public were to be divided among the poor citizens; and cultivated either by themselves or by freemen, who were upon the spot. Tiberius allowed every child of a family to hold 250 acres in his own name, over and above what was allowed to the father. Nothing could be more mild than this new law; since by the Licinian he might have absolutely deprived the rich of the lands they unjustly possessed, and made them accountable for the profits they had received from them during their long possession. But the rich patricians could not so much as bear the name of the Licinian law, though thus qualified. Those chiefly of the senatorial and equestrian order exclaimed against it, and were continually mounting the rostra one after another, in order to dissuade the people from accepting a law, which, they said, would raise disturbances, that might prove more dangerous than the evils which Tiberius pretended to redress by the promulgation of it. Thus the zealous tribune was obliged day after day to enter the lists with fresh adversaries; but he ever got the better of them both in point of eloquence and argument.

The people were charmed to hear him maintain the cause of the unfortunate with so much success, and bestowed on him the highest commendations. The rich therefore had recourse to violence and calumny, in order to destroy, or at least to discredit, the tribune. It is said they hired assassins to dispatch him; but they could not put their wicked design in execution, Gracchus being always attended to and from the rostra by a guard of about 4000 men. His adversaries therefore endeavoured to ruin his reputation by the blackest calumnies. They gave out that he aimed at monarchy; and published pretended plots laid for crowning him king. But the people, without giving ear to such groundless reports, made it their whole business to encourage their tribune, who was hazarding both his life and reputation for their sakes.

When the day came on which this law was to be accepted or rejected by the people assembled in the comitium, Gracchus began with haranguing the mighty crowd which an affair of such importance had brought together both from the city and country. In his speech he showed the justice of the law with so much eloquence, made so moving a description of the miseries of the meaner sort of people, and at the same time set forth in such odious colours the usurpation of the public lands, and the immense riches which the avarice and rapaciousness of the great had raked together, that the people, transported with fury, demanded with loud cries the billets, that they might give their suffrages. Then Gracchus, finding the minds of the citizens in that warmth and emotion which was necessary for the success of his design, ordered the law to be read.

But unluckily one of the tribunes, by name Marcus opposed by Octavius Cæcina, who had always professed a great the tribune friendship for Gracchus, having been gained over by Octavius the patricians, declared against the proceedings of his friend and colleague; and pronounced the word which had been always awful in the mouth of a tribune of the people, Veto, "I forbid it." As Octavius was a man of an unblameable character, and had hitherto been very zealous for the publication of the law, Gracchus was greatly surprized at this unexpected opposition from his friend. However, he kept his temper, and only desired the people to assemble again the next day to hear their two tribunes, one in defence of, the other in opposition to, the law proposed. The people met at the time appointed; when Gracchus addressing himself to his colleague, conjured him by the mutual duties of their function, and by the bonds of their ancient friendship, not to oppose the good of the people, whom they were bound in honour to protect against the usurpation of the great: nay, taking his colleague aside, he addressed him thus, "Perhaps you are personally concerned to oppose this law; if so, I mean, if you have more than the five hundred acres, I myself, poor as I am, engage to pay you in money what you will lose in land." But Octavius, either out of shame, or from a principle of honour, continued immovable in the party he had embraced.

Gracchus therefore had recourse to another expedient; which was to suspend all the magistrates in Rome from the execution of their offices. It was lawful for any tribune to take this step, when the passing of the law which he proposed was prevented by mere chicaneery. After this, he assembled the people anew, and made a second attempt to succeed in his design. When all things were got ready for collecting the suffrages, the rich privately conveyed away the urns in which the tablets were kept. This kindled the tribune's indignation, and the rage of the people. The comitium was like to become a field of battle, when two venerable senators, Manlius and Fulvius, very seasonably interposed; and throwing themselves at the tribune's feet, prevailed upon him to submit his law to the judgment of the conscript fathers. This was making the senators judges in their own cause: but Gracchus thought the law to undeniably deniably just, that he could not persuade himself that they would reject it; and if they did, he knew that the incensed multitude would no longer keep any measures with them.

The senate, who wanted nothing but to gain time, affected delays, and came to no resolution. There were indeed some among them, who, out of a principle of equity, were for paying some regard to the complaints of the tribune, and for sacrificing their own interest to the relief of the distressed. But the far greater part would not hear of any composition whatsoever. Hereupon Gracchus brought the affair anew before the people, and earnestly intreated his colleague Octavius to drop his opposition, in compassion to the many unfortunate people for whom he interceded. He put him in mind of their ancient friendship, took him by the hand, and affectionately embraced him. But still Octavius was inflexible. Hereupon Gracchus resolved to deprive Octavius of his tribuneship, since he alone obstinately withstood the desires of the whole body of so great a people. Having therefore assembled the people, he told them, that since his colleague and he were divided in opinion, and the republic suffered by their division, it was the province of the tribes assembled in comitia to re-establish concord among their tribunes. "If the cause I maintain (said he) be, in your opinion, unjust, I am ready to give up my seat in the college. On the contrary, if you judge me worthy of being continued in your service in this station, deprive him of the tribuneship who alone obstructs my wishes. As soon as you shall have nominated one to succeed him, the law will pass without opposition." Having thus spoken, he dismissed the assembly, after having summoned them to meet again the next day.

And now Gracchus, being foiled with the opposition he had met with from the rich, and from his obstinate colleague, and being well apprised that the law would pass in any form in which he should think fit to propose it, resolved to revive it as it was at first passed, without abating anything of its severity. There was no exception in favour of the children in families; or reimbursement promised to those who should part with the lands they possessed above 500 acres. The next day the people being assembled in vast crowds on this extraordinary occasion, Gracchus made fresh applications to Octavius, but to no purpose; he obstinately persisted in his opposition. Then Gracchus turning to the people, "Judge you," (said he), "which of us deserves to be deprived of his office." At these words the first tribe voted, and declared for the deposition of Octavius. Upon which Gracchus, suspending the ardour of the tribes, made another effort to bring over his opponent by gentle methods. But all his endeavours proving ineffectual, the other tribes went on to vote in their turns, and followed the example of the first. Of 35 tribes, 17 had already declared against Octavius, and the 18th was just going to determine the affair, when Gracchus, being willing to try once more whether he could reclaim his colleague, suspended the collecting of the suffrages; and addressing Octavius in the most pressing terms, conjured him not to expose himself, by his obstinacy, to so great a disgrace, nor to give him the grief of having cast a blemish upon his colleague and friend, which neither time nor merit would ever wipe off. Octavius, however, continuing obstinate, was deposed, and the law passed as Gracchus had proposed it the last time. The deposed tribune was dragged from the rostra by the incensed multitude, who would have inflicted him further, had not the senators and his friends facilitated his escape.

The Licinian law being thus revived with one consent both by the city and country tribes, Gracchus caused the people to appoint triumvirs, or three commissioners, to hasten its execution. In this commission the people gave Gracchus the first place; and he had interest enough to get his father-in-law Appius Claudius, and his brother Caius Gracchus, appointed his colleagues. These three spent the whole summer in travelling through all the Italian provinces, to examine what lands were held by any person above 500 acres, in order to divide them among the poor citizens. When Gracchus returned from his progress, he found, by the death of his chief agent, that his absence had not abated either the hatred of the rich, or the love of the poor, toward him. As it plainly appeared that the deceased had been poisoned, the tribune took this occasion to apply himself again to his protectors, and implore their assistance against the violence and treachery of his enemies. The populace, more attached after this accident to their hero than ever, declared they would stand by him to the last drop of their blood; and thus their zeal encouraged him to add a new clause to the law, viz., that the commissioners should likewise inquire what lands had been usurped from the republic. This was touching the senators in a most tender point; for most of them had appropriated to themselves lands belonging to the republic. After all, the tribune, upon a strict inquiry, found that the lands taken from the rich would not be enough to content all the poor citizens. But the following accident eased him of this difficulty, and enabled him to stop the murmurs of the malcontents among the people.

Attalus Philometer, king of Pergamus, having bequeathed his dominions and effects to the Romans, Eumenes of Attalus the Pergamean brought his treasures to Rome. At this time; and Gracchus immediately got a new law passed, enabling, that this money should be divided among the poor citizens who could not have lands; Gracchus and that the disposal of the revenues of Pergamus should not be in the senate, but in the comitia. By these steps Gracchus most effectually humbled the senate; who, in order to discredit him among the people, gave out that Eudemus, who had brought the king's will to Rome, had left with Gracchus the royal diadem and mantle of Attalus, which the law-making tribune was to use when he should be proclaimed king of Rome. But these reports only served to put Gracchus more upon his guard, and to inspire the people with an implacable hatred against the rich who were the authors of them. Gracchus being now, by his power over the minds of the multitude, absolute master of their suffrages, formed a design of raising his father-in-law Appius Claudius to the consulship next year, of promoting his brother Caius to the tribuneship, and getting himself continued in the same office. The last was what most nearly concerned him; his person, as long as he was in office, being sacred and inviolable. As the senate was very active in endeavouring to get such only elected into the college of tribunes as were enemies to Gracchus and his faction, the tribune left no stone unturned. Rome, unturned to secure his election. He told the people, that the rich had relented to affiancement him as soon as he was out of his office; he appeared in mourning, as was the custom in the greatest calamities; and bringing his children, yet young, into the forum, recommended them to the people in such terms, as showed that he despised of his own preservation. At this sight the populace returned no answer, but by outcries and menaces against the rich.

When the day appointed for the election of new tribunes came, the people were ordered to assemble in the capitol in the great court before the temple of Jupiter. The tribes being met, Gracchus produced his petition, intreating the people to continue him one year longer in the office of tribune, in consideration of the great danger to which he was exposed, the rich having vowed his destruction as soon as his person should be no more sacred. This was indeed an unusual request, it having been long customary not to continue any tribune in his office above a year. However, the tribes began to vote, and the two first declared for Gracchus. Hereupon the rich made great clamours; which terrified Rubrius Varro, who presided in the college of tribunes that day, to such a degree, that he resigned his place to Q. Mummius, who offered to preside in his room. But this raised a tumult among the tribunes themselves; so that Gracchus wisely dismissed the assembly, and ordered them to meet again the next day.

In the mean time the people, being sensible of what importance it was to them to preserve the life of so powerful a protector, not only conducted him home, but watched by turns all night at his door. Next morning by break of day, Gracchus having assembled his friends, led them from his house, and posted one half of them in the comitium, while he went up himself with the other to the capital. As soon as he appeared, the people saluted him with loud acclamations of joy. But scarcely was he placed in his tribunal, when Fulvius Flaccus a senator, and friend to Gracchus, breaking through the crowd, came up to him, and gave him notice, that the senators, who were assembled in the temple of Faith, which almost touched that of Jupiter Capitolinus, had conspired against his life, and were resolved to attack him openly on his very tribunal. Hereupon Gracchus tucked up his robe, as it were, to prepare for a battle; and, after his example, some of his party seizing the slaves of the apparitors, prepared to defend themselves, and to repel force by force. These preparations terrified the other tribunes; who immediately abandoned their places in a cowardly manner, and mixed with the crowd; while the priests ran to shut the gates of the temple, for fear of its being profaned. On the other hand, the friends of Gracchus, who were dispersed by parties in different places, cried out, We are ready: What must we do? Gracchus, whose voice could not be heard by all his adherents on account of the tumult, the clamours, and the confused cries of the different parties, put his hand to his head; which was the signal agreed on to prepare for battle. But some of his enemies, putting a malicious construction upon that gesture, immediately flew to the senate, and told the fathers, that the seditionist tribune had called for the crown to be put upon his head. Hereupon the senators, fancying they already saw the king of Perga-

mus's diadem on the tribune's head, and the royal mantle on his shoulders, resolved to give the consul leave to arm his legions, treat the friends of Gracchus as enemies, and turn the comitium into a field of battle.

But the consul Mutius Scævola, who was a prudent and moderate man, refused to be the instrument of their rash revenge, and to dishonour his consulate with the massacre of a disarmed people. As Calpurnius Piso, the other consul, was then in Sicily, the most turbulent among the senators cried out, "Since one of our consuls is absent, and the other betrays the republic, let us do ourselves justice; let us immediately go and demolish with our own hands this idol of the people." Scipio Nasica, who had been all along for violent measures, inveighed bitterly against the consul for refusing to succour the republic in her greatest distress. Scipio Nasica was the great-grandson of Cnæus Scipio, the uncle of the first Africanus, and consequently cousin to the Gracchi by their mother Cornelia. But nevertheless not one of the senators betrayed a more irreconcilable hatred against the tribune than he. When the prudent consul refused to arm his legions, and put the adherents of Gracchus to death contrary to the usual forms of justice, he set no bounds to his fury, but, rising up from his place, cried out like a madman, "Since our consul betrays us, let those who love the republic follow me." Having uttered these words, he immediately walked out of the temple, attended by a great number of senators.

Nasica threw his robe over his shoulders, and having covered his head with it, advanced with his followers into the crowd, where he was joined by a company of which the clients and friends of the patricians, armed with slaves and clubs. These, falling indifferently upon all who stood in their way, dispersed the crowd. Many of Gracchus's party took to their heels; and in that tumult all the seats being overturned and broken, Nasica, armed with the leg of a broken bench, knocked down all who opposed him, and at length reached Gracchus. One of his party seized the tribune by the lappet of his robe; but he, quitting his gown, fled in his tunic; and as he was in that confusion, which is inseparable from fear, leaping over the broken benches, he had the misfortune to slip and fall. As he was getting up again, he received a blow on the head, which stunned him; then his adversaries rushing in upon him, with repeated blows put an end to his life.

Rome was by his death delivered, according to Cicero, from a domestic enemy, who was more formidable to her than even that Numantia, which had first kindled his resentments. Perhaps no man was ever born with greater talents, or more capable of aggrandizing himself, and doing honour to his country. But his great mind, his manly courage, his lively, easy, and powerful eloquence, were, says Cicero, like a sword in the hands of a madman. Gracchus abused them, not in supporting an unjust cause, but in conducting a good one with too much violence. He went so far as to make some believe that he had really something in view besides the interest of the people whom he pretended to relieve; and therefore some historians have represented him as a tyrant. But the most judicious writers clear him from this imputation, and ascribe his first design of reviving the Licinian law to an eager desire of being re- venged on the senators for the affront they had very unjustly put upon him, and the consul Mancinus, as we have hinted above. The law he attempted to revive had an air of justice, which gave a sanction to his revenge, without casting any blemish on his reputation.

The death of Gracchus did not put an end to the tumult. Above 300 of the tribune's friends lost their lives in the affray; and their bodies were thrown, with that of Gracchus, into the Tiber. Nay, the senate carried their revenge beyond the fatal day which had stained the Capitol with Roman blood. They fought for all the friends of the late tribune, and without any form of law assassinated some, and forced others into banishment. Caius Billius, one of the most zealous defenders of the people, was seized by his enemies, and shut up in a cask with snakes and vipers, where he miserably perished. Though the laws prohibited any citizen to take away the life of another before he had been legally condemned, Naevia and his followers were acquitted by the senate, who enacted a decree, justifying all the cruelties committed against Gracchus and his adherents.

These disturbances were for a short time interrupted by a revolt of the slaves in Sicily, occasioned by the cruelty of their masters; but they being soon reduced, the contests about the Sempronian law, as it was called, again took place. Both parties were determined not to yield; and therefore the most fatal effects ensued. The first thing of consequence was the death of Scipio Africanus the Second, who was privately strangled in his bed by some of the partisans of the plebeian party, about 129 B.C. Caius Gracchus, brother to him who had been formerly killed, not only undertook the revival of the Sempronian law, but proposed a new one, granting the rights of Roman citizens to all the Italian allies, who could receive no share of the lands divided in consequence of the Sempronian law. The consequences of this were much worse than the former; the flame spread through all Italy; and the nations who had made war with the republic in its infancy again commenced enemies more formidable than before. Fregellae, a city of the Volsci, revolted; but being suddenly attacked, was obliged to submit, and was rased to the ground; which quieted matters for the present. Gracchus, however, still continued his attempts to humble the senate and the rest of the patrician body: the ultimate consequence of which was, that a price was set on his head, and that of Fulvius his condestrate, no less than their weight in gold, to any one who should bring them to Opimius the chief of the patrician party. Thus the custom of proscription was begun by the patricians, of which they themselves soon had enough. Gracchus and Fulvius were sacrificed, but the disorders of the republic were not so easily cured.

The inundation of the Cimbri and Teutones put a stop to the civil discords for some time longer; but they being defeated, as related under the article Cimbri and Teutones, nothing prevented the troubles from being revived with greater fury than before, except the war with the Sicilian slaves, which had again commenced with more dangerous circumstances than ever. But this war being totally ended about 99 B.C., no farther obstacle remained. Marius, the conqueror of Jugurtha* and the Cimbri, undertook the cause of the plebeians against the senate and patricians. Having associated himself with Apuleius and Glaucia, two factious men, they carried their proceedings to such a length, that an open rebellion commenced, and Marius himself was obliged to act against his allies. Peace, however, was for the present restored by the massacre of Apuleius and Glaucia, with a great number of their followers; upon which Marius thought proper to leave the city.

While factious men thus endeavoured to tear the republic in pieces, the attempts of well-meaning people to heal those divisions served only to involve the state in calamities still more grievous. The consuls observed, that many individuals of the Italian allies lived at Rome, and falsely pretended to be Roman citizens. By means of them, it was likewise perceived, that the plebeian party had acquired a great deal of its power; as the votes of these pretended citizens were always at the service of the tribunes. The consuls therefore got a law passed, commanding all those pretended citizens to return home. This was so much resented by the Italian states, that an universal detestation took place. A scheme was then formed by M. Livius Drusus, a tribune of the people, to reconcile all orders of men; but this only made matters worse, and procured his own assassination. His death seemed a signal for war. The Marici, Peligni, Samnites, Campanians, and Lucanians, and in short all the provinces from the river Liris to the Adriatic, revolted at once, and formed themselves into a republic, in opposition to that of Rome. The haughty Romans were now made thoroughly sensible that they were not invincible: they were defeated in almost every engagement; and must soon have yielded, had they not fallen upon a method of dividing their enemies. A law was passed, enacting, that all the nations in Italy, whose alliance with Rome was indissoluble, should enjoy the right of Roman citizens. This drew off several nations from the alliance; and at the same time, Sylla taking upon him the command of the Roman armies, fortune soon declared in favour of the latter.

The success of Rome against the allies served only to bring greater miseries upon herself. Marius and Sylla became rivals; the former adhering to the people, and the latter to the patricians. Marius associated with one of the tribunes named Sulpitius; in conjunction with whom he raised such disturbances, that Sylla was forced to retire from the city. Having thus driven off his rival, Marius got himself appointed general against Mithridates* king of Pontus; but the soldiers refused* See Pontus to obey any other than Sylla. A civil war immediately ensued, in which Marius was driven out in his turn, and a price set upon his head and that of Sulpitius, with many of their adherents. Sulpitius was soon seized and killed; but Marius made his escape. In the mean time, however, the cruelties of Sylla rendered him obnoxious both to the senate and people; and Cinna, a furious partisan of the Marian faction, being chosen consul, cited him to give an account of his conduct. Upon this Sylla thought proper to set out for Asia; Marius was recalled from Africa, whither he had fled; and immediately on his landing in Italy, was joined by a great number of shepherds, slaves, and men of desperate fortunes; so that he soon saw himself at the head of a considerable army.

Cinna, in the mean time, whom the senators had deprived posed and driven out of Rome, solicited and obtained a powerful army from the allies; and being joined by Sertorius, a most able and experienced general, the two, in conjunction with Marius, advanced towards the capital; and as their forces daily increased, a fourth army was formed under the command of Papirius Carbo. The senate raised some forces to defend the city; but the troops being vastly inferior in number, and likewise inclined to the contrary side, they were obliged to open their gates to the confederates. Marius entered at the head of a numerous guard, composed of slaves, whom he called his Bardicains, and whom he designed to employ in revenging himself on his enemies. The first order he gave these afflains was, to murder all who came to salute him, and were not answered with the like civility. As every one was forward to pay his compliments to the new tyrant, this order proved the destruction of vast numbers. At last these Bardicains abandoned themselves to such excesses in every kind of vice, that Cinna and Sertorius ordered their troops to fall upon them; which being instantly put in execution, they were all cut off to a man.

By the destruction of his guards, Marius was reduced to the necessity of taking a method of gratifying his revenge somewhat more tedious, though equally effectual. A conference was held between the four chiefs, in which Marius seemed quite frantic with rage. Sertorius endeavoured to moderate his fury; but, being overruled by Cinna and Carbo, a resolution was taken to murder without mercy all the senators who had opposed the popular faction. This was immediately put in execution. A general slaughter commenced, which lasted five days, and during which the greatest part of the obnoxious senators were cut off, their heads stuck upon poles over-against the rostra, and their bodies dragged with hooks into the forum, where they were left to be devoured by dogs. Sylla's house was demolished, his goods confiscated, and he himself declared an enemy to his country: however, his wife and children had the good fortune to make their escape.—This massacre was not confined to the city of Rome. The soldiers, like as many blood-hounds, were dispersed over the country in search of those who fled. The neighbouring towns, villages, and all the highways, swarmed with afflains; and on this occasion Plutarch observes with great concern, that the most sacred ties of friendship and hospitality are not proof against treachery, in the day of adversity, for there were but very few who did not discover their friends who had fled to them for shelter.

This slaughter being over, Cinna named himself and Marius consuls for the ensuing year; and these tyrants seemed resolved to begin the new year as they had ended the old one: but, while they were preparing to renew their cruelties, Sylla, having proved victorious in the east, sent a long letter to the senate, giving an account of his many victories, and his resolution of returning to Rome, not to restore peace to his country, but to revenge himself of his enemies, i.e., to destroy those whom Marius had spared. This letter occasioned an universal terror. Marius, dreading to enter the lists with such a renowned warrior, gave himself up to excessive drinking, and died. His son was associated with Cinna in the government, though not in the consulship, and proved a tyrant no less cruel than his father. The senate declared one Valerius Flaccus, general of the forces in the east, and appointed him a considerable army; but the troops all to a man deserted him, and joined Sylla. Soon after, Cinna declared himself consul a third time, and took for his colleague Papirius Carbo; but the citizens dreading the tyranny of these inhuman monsters, fled in crowds to Sylla, who was now in Greece. To him the senate sent deputies, begging that he would have compassion on his country, and not carry his resentment to such a length as to begin a civil war: but he replied that he was coming to Rome full of rage and revenge; and that all his enemies, if the Roman people consented to it, should perish either by the sword or the axes of the executioners. Upon this several very numerous armies were formed against him, but, through the misconduct of the generals who commanded them, these armies were everywhere defeated, or went over to the enemy. Pompey, afterwards styled the Great, signalized himself in this war, and embraced the party of Sylla. The Italian nations took some one side and some another, as their different inclinations led them. Cinna, in the mean time, was killed in a tumult, and young Marius and Carbo succeeded him; but the former having ventured an engagement with Sylla, was by him defeated, and forced to fly to Praeneste, where he was closely besieged.

Thus was Rome reduced to the lowest degree of misery, when one Pontius Telephus, a Samnite of great experience in war, projected the total ruin of the city. He had joined, or pretended to join, the generals of the Marian faction with an army of 40,000 men; and therefore marched towards Praeneste, as if he designed to relieve Marius. By this means he drew Sylla and Pompey away from the capital; and then, decamping in the night, overreached these two generals, and by break of day was within 10 furlongs of the Collatine gate. He then pulled off the mask; and declaring himself as much an enemy to Marius as to Sylla, told his troops, that it was not his design to assist one Roman against another, but to destroy the whole race. "Let fire and sword (said he) destroy all; let no quarter be given; mankind can never be free as long as one Roman is left alive."—Never had this proud metropolis been in greater danger; nor ever had any city a more narrow escape. The Roman youth marched out to oppose him, but were driven back with great slaughter. Sylla himself was defeated, and forced to fly to his camp. Telephus advanced with more fury than ever; but, in the mean time, the other wing of his army having been defeated by M. Craffus, the victorious general attacked the body where Telephus commanded, and by putting them to flight, saved his country from the most imminent danger.

Sylla, having now no enemy to fear, marched first to Aternae, and thence to Rome. From the former city he carried 8000 prisoners to Rome, and caused Sylla to be massacred at once in the circus. His cruelty next fell upon the Praenestines, 12,000 of whom were massacred without mercy. Young Marius had killed himself, in order to avoid falling into the hands of such a cruel enemy. Soon after, the inhabitants of Norba, a city of Campania, finding themselves unable to resist the forces of the tyrant, set fire to their houses, and all perished in the flames. The taking of these cities put an end to the civil war, but not to the cruelties. ties of Sylla. Having assembled the people in the co- mitium, he told them, that he was resolved not to spare a single person who had borne arms against him. This cruel resolution he put into execution with the most un- relenting rigour; and having at last cut off all those whom he thought capable of opposing him, Sylla caused himself to be declared perpetual dictator, or, in other words, king and absolute sovereign of Rome.

This revolution happened about 80 B.C. and from this time we may date the loss of the Roman liberty. Sylla indeed resigned his power in two years; but the citizens of Rome having once submitted, were ever after more inclined to submit to a master. Though individuals retained the same enthusiastic notions of li- berty as before, yet the minds of the generality seem from this time to have inclined towards monarchy. New masters were indeed already prepared for the republic. Caesar and Pompey had eminently distinguished them- selves by their martial exploits, and were already rivals. They were, however, for some time prevented from raising any disturbances by being kept at a distance from each other. Sertorius, one of the generals of the Ma- rian faction, and the only one of them possessed either of honour or probity, had retired into Spain, where he erected a republic independent of Rome. Pompey and Metellus, two of the best reputed generals in Rome, were sent against him; but instead of conquering, they were on all occasions conquered by him, and obliged to abandon their enterprise with disgrace. At last Serto- rius was treacherously murdered; and the traitors, who after his death usurped the command, being totally de- stitute of his abilities, were easily defeated by Pompey: and thus that general reaped an undeserved honour from concluding the war with success.

The Spanish war was scarce ended, when a very dangerous one was excited by Spartacus, a Thracian gladiator. For some time this rebel proved very suc- cessful; but at last was totally defeated and killed by Crassus. The fugitives, however, rallied again, to the number of 5000; but, being totally defeated by Pom- pey, the latter took occasion from thence to claim the glory which was justly due to Crassus. Being thus become extremely popular, and setting no bounds to his ambition, he was chosen consul along with Crassus. Both generals were at the head of powerful armies; and a contest between them immediately began about who should first lay down their arms. With difficulty they were in appearance reconciled, and immediately began to oppose one another in a new way. Pompey courted the favour of the people, by reinstating the tri- bunes in their ancient power, which had been greatly abridged by Sylla. Crassus, though naturally covetous, entertained the populace with surprising profusion at 10,000 tables, and at the same time distributed corn sufficient to maintain their families for three months.— These prodigious expenses will seem less surprising, when we consider that Crassus was the richest man in Rome, and that his estate amounted to upwards of 7000 talents, i.e. £356,250 sterling. Notwithstanding his utmost efforts, however, Pompey still had the superiori- ty; and was therefore proposed as a proper person to be employed for clearing the seas of pirates. In this new station a most extensive power was to be granted to him. He was to have an absolute authority for three years over all the seas within the straits or Pillars of Hercules, and over all the countries for the space of 400 furlongs from the sea. He was empowered to raise as many soldiers and mariners as he thought proper; to take what sums of money he pleased out of the public treasury without being accountable for them; and to choose out of the senate fifteen senators to be his lieu- tenants, and to execute his orders when he himself could not be present. The sensible part of the people were against investing one man with so much power; but the unthinking multitude rendered all opposition fruitless. The tribune Roctius attempted to speak against it, but was prevented by the clamours of the people. He then held up two of his fingers, to show that he was for di- viding that extensive commission between two persons: but on this the assembly burst out into such hideous out- cries, that a crow flying accidentally over the comitium, was stunned with the noise, and fell down among the rabble. This law being agreed to, Pompey executed his commission so much to the public satisfaction, that on his return a new law was proposed in his favour. By this he was to be appointed general of all the forces in Asia; and as he was still to retain the sovereignty of the seas, he was now in fact made sovereign of all the Roman empire.—This law was supported by Cicero and Caesar, the former aspiring at the consulship, and the lat- ter pleased to see the Romans so readily appointing them- selves a master. Pompey, however, executed his com- mission with the utmost fidelity and success, comple- ting the conquest of Pontus, Albania, Iberia, &c., which had been successfully begun by Sylla and Lu- cullus.

But while Pompey was thus aggrandising himself, Conspira- the republic was on the point of being subverted by a conspiracy formed by Lucius Sergius Catiline. He was descended from an illustrious family; but having quite ruined his estate, and rendered himself infamous by a series of the most detestable crimes, he associated with a number of others in circumstances similar to his own, in order to repair their broken fortunes by ruining their country. Their scheme was to murder the consuls to- gether with the greatest part of the senators, set fire to the city in different places, and then seize the govern- ment. This wicked design miscarried twice; but was not on that account dropped by the conspirators. Their party increased every day; and both Caesar and Crassus, who since the departure of Pompey had studied to gain the affections of the people as far as possible, were thought to have been privy to the conspiracy. At last, however, the matter was discovered by means of a young knight, who had indiscreetly revealed the secret to his paramour. Catiline then openly took the field, and soon raised a considerable army; but was utterly defeated and killed about 62 B.C.; and thus the republic was freed from the present danger.

In the mean time, Caesar continued to advance in po- pularity and in power. Soon after the defeat of Cati- line, he was created pontifex maximus; and after that was sent into Spain, where he subdued several nations that had never before been subject to Rome.—While he was thus employed, his rival Pompey returned from the east, and was received with the highest honours; but though still as ambitious as ever, he now affected ex- traordinary modesty, and declined accepting of the ap- plause which was offered him. His aim was to assume a sovereign authority without seeming to desire it; but he was soon convinced, that, if he desired to reign over his fellow-citizens, it must be by force of arms. He therefore renewed his intrigues, and spared no pains, however mean and scandalous, to increase his popularity. Caesar, on his return from Spain, found the sovereignty divided between Crassus and Pompey, each of whom was ineffectually struggling to get the better of the other. Caesar, no less ambitious than the other two, proposed that they should put an end to their differences, and take him for a partner in their power. In short, he projected a triumvirate, or association of three persons, (Pompey, Crassus, and himself), in which should be lodged the whole power of the senate and people; and, in order to make their confederacy more lasting, they bound themselves by mutual oaths and promises to stand by each other, and suffer nothing to be undertaken or carried into execution without the unanimous consent of all the three.

Thus was the liberty of the Romans taken away a second time, nor did they ever afterwards recover it; though at present none perceived that this was the case, except Cato. The association of the triumvirs was for a long time kept secret; and nothing appeared to the people except the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus, for which the state reckoned itself indebted to Caesar. The first consequence of the triumvirate was the consulship of Julius Caesar. But though this was obtained by the favour of Pompey and Crassus, he found himself disappointed in the colleague he wanted to associate with him in that office. He had pitched upon one whom he knew he could manage as he pleased, and distributed large sums among the people in order to engage them to vote for him. The senate, however, and even Cato himself, refused to defeat the triumvir at his own weapons; and having therefore set up another candidate, distributed such immense sums on the opposite side, that Caesar, notwithstanding the vast riches he had acquired, was forced to yield. This defeat proved of small consequence. Caesar set himself to engage the affections of the people; and this he did, by an agrarian law, so effectually, that he was in a manner idolized. The law was in itself very reasonable and just; nevertheless, the senate, perceiving the design with which it was proposed, thought themselves bound to oppose it. Their opposition, however, proved fruitless: the consul Bibulus, who shewed himself most active in his endeavours against it, was driven out of the assembly with the greatest indignity, and from that day became of no consideration; so that Caesar was reckoned the sole consul.

The next step taken by Caesar was to secure the knights, as he had already done the people; and for this purpose he abated a third of the rents which they annually paid into the treasury; after which he governed Rome with an absolute sway during the time of his consulship. The reign of this triumvir, however, was ended by his expedition into Gaul, where his military exploits acquired him the highest reputation.—Pompey and Crassus in the mean time became consuls, and governed as despotically as Caesar himself had done. On the expiration of their first consulship, the republic fell into a kind of anarchy, entirely owing to the disorders occasioned by the two late consuls. At last, however, this confusion was ended by raising Crassus and Pompey to the consulate a second time. This was no sooner done, than a new partition of the empire was proposed. Crassus was to have Syria and all the eastern provinces, Pompey was to govern Africa and Spain, and Caesar to be continued in Gaul, and all this for the space of five years. This law was passed by a great majority; upon which Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians, whom he imagined he should easily overcome, and then enrich himself with their spoils; Caesar applied with great assiduity to the completing of the conquest of Gaul; and Pompey having nothing to do in his province, staid at Rome to govern the republic alone.

The affairs of the Romans were now hastening to a crisis. Crassus, having oppressed all the provinces of the east, was totally defeated and killed by the Parthians*; after which the two great rivals Caesar and Pompey were left alone, without any third person who could hold the balance between them, or prevent the deadly quarrels which were about to ensue. Matters, however, continued pretty quiet till Gaul was reduced and Pompey to a Roman province†. The question then was, whether Caesar or Pompey should first resign the command‡ of their armies, and return to the rank of private persons. As both parties saw, that whoever first laid down his arms must of course submit to the other, both refused to disarm themselves. As Caesar, however, had amassed immense riches in Gaul, he was now in a condition not only to maintain an army capable of waging with Pompey, but even to buy over the leading men in Rome to his interest. One of the consuls, named Emilius Paulus, cost him no less than 1500 talents, or 310,625l. sterling; but the other, named Marcellus, could not be gained at any price. Pompey had put at the head of the tribunes one Scribonius Curio, a young patrician of great abilities, but so exceedingly debauched and extravagant, that he owed upwards of four millions and a half of our money. Caesar, by enabling him to satisfy his creditors, and supplying him with money to pursue his debaucheries, secured him in his interest; and Curio, without seeming to be in Caesar's interest, found means to do him the most essential service. He proposed that both generals should be recalled; being well assured that Pompey would never consent to part with his army, or lay down the government of Spain with which he had been invested, so that Caesar might draw from Pompey's refusal a pretence for continuing himself in his province at the head of his troops. This proposal threw the opposite party into great embarrassments; and while both professed their pacific intentions, both continued in readiness for the most obstinate and bloody war. Cicero took upon himself the office of mediator; but Pompey would hearken to no terms of accommodation. The orator, surprized to find him so obstinate, at the same time that he neglected to strengthen his army, asked him with what forces he designed to make head against Caesar? To which the other answered, that he needed but stamp with his foot, and an army would start up out of the ground. This confidence he assumed because he persuaded himself that Caesar's men would abandon him if matters came to extremities. Caesar, however, though he affected great moderation, yet kept himself in readiness for the worst; and therefore, when the senate passed the fatal decree for a civil war, he was not in the least alarmed. This decree was issued in the year 49 B.C. and was expressed in the following words: "Let the consuls for the year, the proconsul Pompey, war." the praetors, and all those in or near Rome who have been consuls, provide for the public safety by the most proper means." This decree was no sooner passed than the consul Marcellus went, with his colleague Lentulus, to an house at a small distance from the town, where Pompey then was; and presenting him with a sword, "We require you (said he) to take upon you with this the defence of the republic, and the command of her troops." Pompey obeyed; and Caesar was by the same decree divested of his office, and one Lucius Domitius appointed to succeed him, the new governor being empowered to raise 4000 men in order to take possession of his province.

War being thus resolved on, the senate and Pompey began to make the necessary preparations for opposing Caesar. The attempt of the latter to withstand their authority they termed a tumult; from which contemptible epithet it appeared that they either did not know, or did not dread, the enemy whom they were bringing upon themselves. However, they ordered 30,000 Roman forces to be assembled, together with as many foreign troops as Pompey should think proper; the expense of which armament was defrayed from the public treasury. The governments of provinces, and all public honours, were bestowed upon such as were remarkable for their attachment to Pompey and their enmity to Caesar. The latter, however, was by no means wanting in what concerned his own interest. Three of the tribunes who had been his friends were driven out of Rome, and arrived in his camp disguised like slaves. Caesar showed them to his army in this ignominious habit; and, setting forth the iniquity of the senate and patriots, exhorted his men to stand by their general under whom they had served so long with success; and finding by their acclamations that he could depend on them, he resolved to begin hostilities immediately.

The first design of Caesar was to make himself master of Ariminum, a city bordering upon Cisalpine Gaul, and consequently a part of his province; but as this would be looked upon as a declaration of war, he resolved to keep his design as private as possible. At that time he himself was at Ravenna, from whence he sent a detachment towards the Rubicon, desiring the officer who commanded it to wait for him on the banks of that river. The next day he affixed at a show of gladiators, and made a great entertainment. Towards the close of the day he rose from table, desiring his guests to stay till he came back, which he said would be very soon; but, instead of returning to the company, he immediately set out for the Rubicon, having left orders to some of his most intimate friends to follow him through different roads, to avoid being observed. Having arrived at the Rubicon, which parted Cisalpine Gaul from Italy, the succeeding misfortunes of the empire occurred to his mind, and made him hesitate. Turning then to Afinius Pollio, "If I don't cross the river (said he), I am undone; and if I do cross it, how many calamities shall I by this means bring upon Rome!" Having thus spoken, he mused a few minutes; and then crying out, "The die is cast," he threw himself into the river, and crossing it, marched with all possible speed to Ariminum, which he reached and surprized before day-break. From thence, as he had but one legion with him, he dispatched orders to the formidable army he had left in Gaul to cross the mountains and join him.

The activity of Caesar struck the opposite party with the greatest terror; and indeed not without reason, for they had been extremely negligent in making preparations against such a formidable opponent. Pompey himself, no less alarmed than the rest, left Rome with a design to retire to Capua, where he had two legions whom he had formerly drafted out of Caesar's army. He communicated his intended flight to the senate; but at the same time acquainted them, that if any magistrate or senator refused to follow him, he should be treated as a friend to Caesar and an enemy to his country. In the mean time Caesar, having raised new troops in Cisalpine Gaul, sent Marc Antony with a detachment to seize Areutium, and some other officers to secure Pifanum and Fanum, while he himself marched at the head of the thirteenth legion to Auximum, which opened its gates to him. From Auximum he advanced into Pi-Takes (cenum, where he was joined by the twelfth legion from Transalpine Gaul. As Picenum readily submitted to him, he led his forces against Corfinium, the capital of the Peligni, which Domitius Ahenobarbus defended with thirty cohorts. But Caesar no sooner invested it, than the garrison betrayed their commander; and delivered him up with many senators, who had taken refuge in the place, to Caesar, who granted them their lives and liberty. Domitius, fearing the resentment of the conqueror, had ordered one of his slaves, whom he used as a physician, to give him a dose of poison. When he came to experience the humanity of the conqueror, he lamented his misfortune, and blamed the hardness of his own resolution. But his physician, who had only given him a sleeping draught, comforted him, and received his liberty as a reward for his affection.

Pompey, thinking himself no longer safe at Capua, after the reduction of Corfinium retired to Brundusium, with a design to carry the war into the east, where all the governors were his creatures. Caesar followed him close; and arriving with his army before Brundusium, invested the place on the land-side, and undertook to shut up the port by a staccato of his own invention. But, before the work was completed, the fleet which had conveyed the two consuls with thirty cohorts to Dyrrachium being returned, Pompey resolved to make his escape, which he conducted with all the experience and dexterity of a great officer. He kept his departure very secret; but, at the same time, made all necessary preparations for the facilitating of it. In the first place, he walled up the gates, then dug deep and wide ditches across all the streets, except only those two that led to the port; in the ditches he planted sharp-pointed stakes, covering them with hurdles and earth. After these precautions, he gave express orders that all the citizens should keep within doors, lest they should betray his design to the enemy; and then, in the space of three days, embarked all his troops, except the light-armed infantry, whom he had placed on the walls; and there likewise, on a signal given, abandoning their posts, repaired with great expedition to the ships. Caesar, perceiving the walls unguarded, ordered his men to scale them, and make what haste they could after the enemy. In the heat of the pursuit, they would have fallen into the ditches which Pompey had prepared for them, had not the Brundusians warned them of the danger, and, by many windings and turnings, led them to the haven; where they found all the fleet under sail, except except two vessels, which had run aground in going out of the harbour. These Caesar took, made the soldiers on board prisoners, and brought them ashore.

Caesar, foreseeing himself, by the flight of his rival, master of all Italy from the Alps to the sea, was desirous to follow and attack him before he was joined by the supplies which he expected from Asia. But being destitute of shipping, he resolved to go first to Rome, and settle some sort of government there; and then pass into Spain, to drive from thence Pompey's troops, who had taken possession of that great continent, under the command of Afranius and Petreius. Before he left Brundusium, he sent Scribonius Curio with three legions into Sicily, and ordered Q. Valerius, one of his lieutenants, to get together what ships he could, and cross over with one legion into Sardinia. Cato, who commanded in Sicily, upon the first news of Curio's landing there, abandoned the island, and retired to the camp of the consuls at Dyrrachium; and Q. Valerius no sooner appeared with his small fleet off Sardinia, than the Caralitini, now the inhabitants of Cagliari, drove out Aurelius Cotta, who commanded there for the senate, and put Caesar's lieutenant in possession both of their city and island.

In the mean time the general himself advanced towards Rome; and on his march wrote to all the senators then in Italy, desiring them to repair to the capital, and assist him with their counsel. Above all, he was desirous to see Cicero; but could not prevail upon him to return to Rome. As Caesar drew near the capital, he quartered his troops in the neighbouring municipia; and then advancing to the city, out of a pretended respect to the ancient customs, he took up his quarters in the suburbs, whither the whole city crowded to see the famous conqueror of Gaul, who had been absent near ten years. And now such of the tribunes of the people as had fled to him for refuge reassumed their functions, mounted the rostra, and endeavoured by their speeches to reconcile the people to the head of their party. Marc Antony particularly, and Cassius Longinus, two of Caesar's most zealous partisans, moved that the senate should meet in the suburbs, that the general might give them an account of his conduct. Accordingly, such of the senators as were at Rome assembled; when Caesar made a speech in justification of all his proceedings, and concluded his harangue with proposing a deputation to Pompey, with offers of an accommodation in an amicable manner. He even desired the conscript fathers, to whom in appearance he paid great deference, to nominate some of their venerable body to carry proposals of peace to the consuls, and the general of the consular army; but none of the senators would take upon him that commission. He then began to think of providing himself with the necessary sums for carrying on the war, and had recourse to the public treasury. But Metellus, one of the tribunes, opposed him; alleging a law forbidding any one to open the treasury, but in the presence and with the consent of the consuls. Caesar, however, without regarding the tribune, went directly to the temple of Saturn, where the public money was kept. But the keys of the treasury having been carried away by the consul Lentulus, he ordered the doors to be broken open. This Metellus opposed; but Caesar, in a passion, laying his hand on his sword, threatened to kill him if he gave him any farther disturbance; which so terrified Metellus, that he withdrew. Caesar took out of the treasury, which was ever after at his command, an immense sum; some say, 300,000 pounds weight of gold. With this supply himself of money he raised troops all over Italy, and sent governors into all the provinces subject to the republic.

Caesar now made Marc Antony commander in chief of the armies in Italy, sent his brother C. Antonius to govern Illyricum, assigned Cisalpine Gaul to Licinius Crassus, appointed M. Emilius Lepidus governor of the capital; and having got together some ships to cruise in the Adriatic and Mediterranean seas, he gave the command of one of his fleets to P. Cornelius Dolabella, and of the other to young Hortensius, the son of the famous orator. As Pompey had sent governors into the same provinces, by this means a general war was kindled in almost all the parts of the known world. However, Caesar would not trust any of his lieutenants with the conduct of the war in Spain, which was Pompey's favourite province, but took it upon himself; and having settled his affairs in great haste at Rome, returned to Ariminum, assembled his legions there, and passing the Alps, entered Transalpine Gaul. There he was informed that the inhabitants of Marcellae had resolved to refuse him entrance into their city; and that L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom he had generously pardoned and set at liberty after the reduction of Corinthum, had set sail for Marcellae with seven galleys, having on board a great number of his clients and slaves, with a design to raise the city in favour of Pompey. Caesar, thinking it dangerous to let the enemy take possession of such an important place, sent for the chief magistrates of the city, and advised them not to begin a war with him, but rather follow the example of Italy, and submit. The magistrates returned to the city, and soon after informed him that they were to stand neuter; but in the mean time Domitius arriving with his small squadron, was received into the city, and declared general of all their forces. Hereupon Caesar immediately invested the town with three legions, and ordered twelve galleys to be built at Arcas, now Arles, in order to block up the port. But as the siege was like to detain him too long, he left C. Trebonius to carry it on, and D. Brutus to command the fleet, while he continued his march into Spain, where he began the war with all the valour, ability, and success of a great general. Pompey had three generals in this continent, which was divided into two Roman provinces. Varro commanded in Farther Spain; and Petreius and Afranius, with equal power, and two considerable armies, in Hither Spain. Caesar, while he was yet at Marcellae, sent Q. Fabius, one of his lieutenants, with three legions, to take possession of the passes of the Pyrenees, which Afranius had seized. Fabius executed his commission with great bravery, entered Spain, and left the way open for Caesar, who quickly followed him. As soon as he had crossed the mountains, he sent out scouts to observe the situation of the enemy; by whom he was informed, that Afranius and Petreius having joined their forces, consisting of five legions, 20 cohorts of the natives, and 5000 horse, were advantageously posted on an hill of an easy ascent in the neighbourhood of Ilerda, now Lerida, in Catalonia. Upon this advice Caesar advanced within sight of the enemy, and encamped in a plain between the Sicoris and Cinga, now the Segro and Cinca. Between between the eminence on which Afranius had posted himself, and the city of Ilerda, was a small plain, and in the middle of it a rising ground, which Caesar attempted to seize, in order to cut off by that means the communication between the enemy's camp and the city, from whence they had all their provisions. This occasioned a sharp dispute between three of Caesar's legions and an equal number of the enemy, which lasted five hours with equal success, both parties claiming the victory. But after all, Afranius's men, who had first seized the post, maintained themselves in possession of it in spite of Caesar's utmost efforts. Two days after this battle, continual rains, with the melting of the snow on the mountains, so swelled the two rivers between which Caesar was encamped, that they overflowed, broke down his bridges, and laid under water the neighbouring country to a great distance. This cut off the communication between his camp and the cities that had declared for him; and reduced him to such straits, that his army was ready to die for famine, wheat being sold in his camp at 50 Roman denarii per bushel, that is, £1. 12s. 1½d. sterling. He tried to rebuild his bridges, but in vain; the violence of the stream rendering all his endeavours fruitless.

Upon the news of Caesar's distress, Pompey's party at Rome began to take courage. Several persons of distinction went to congratulate Afranius's wife on the success of her husband's arms in Spain. Many of the senators who had hitherto stood neuter, hastened to Pompey's camp, taking it for granted that Caesar was reduced to the last extremity, and all hopes of his party lost. Of this number was Cicero; who, without any regard to the remonstrances of Atticus, or the letters Caesar himself wrote to him, deeming him to join neither party, left Italy, and landed at Dyrrhachium, where Pompey received him with great marks of joy and friendship. But the joy of Pompey's party was not long-lived. For Caesar, after having attempted several times in vain to rebuild his bridges, caused boats to be made with all possible expedition; and while the enemy were diverted by endeavouring to intercept the succours that were sent him from Gaul, he laid hold of that opportunity to convey his boats in the night on carriages 22 miles from his camp; where with wonderful quickness a great detachment passed the Sicoris, and encamping on the opposite bank unknown to the enemy, built a bridge in two days, opened a communication with the neighbouring country, received the supplies from Gaul, and relieved the wants of his soldiers. Caesar being thus delivered from danger, pursued the armies of Afranius and Petreius with such superior address and conduct, that he forced them to submit without coming to a battle, and by that means became master of all Hither Spain. The two generals disbanded their troops, sent them out of the province, and returned to Italy, after having solemnly promised never to assemble forces again, or make war upon Caesar.

Upon the news of the reduction of Hither Spain, the Spaniards in Farther Spain, and one Roman legion, deserted from Varro, Pompey's governor in that province, which obliged him to surrender his other legion and all his money.

Caesar having thus reduced all Spain in a few months, appointed Caius Longinus to govern the two provinces with four legions, and then returned to Marcellus; which city was just upon the point of surrendering after a most vigorous resistance. Though the inhabitants had by their late treachery deserved a severe punishment, yet he granted them their lives and liberty; but stripped their arsenals of arms, and obliged them to deliver up all their ships. From Marcellus Caesar marched into Cisalpine Gaul; and from thence hastened to Rome, where he laid the foundation of his future grandeur. He found the city in a very different state from that in which he had left it. Most of the senators and magistrates were fled to Pompey at Dyrrhachium. However, there were still praetors there; and among them created M. Emilius Lepidus, who was afterwards one of the triumvirs with Octavius and Marc Antony. The praetor, to ingratiate himself with Caesar, nominated him dictator of his own authority, and against the inclination of the senate. Caesar accepted the new dignity; but neither abused his power, as Sylla had done, nor retained it so long. During the 11 days of his dictatorship, he governed with great moderation, and gained the affections both of the people and the patricians. He recalled the exiles, granted the rights and privileges of Roman citizens to all the Gauls beyond the Po, and, as pontifex maximus, filled up the vacancies of the sacerdotal colleges with his own friends. Though it was expected that he would have absolutely cancelled all debts contracted since the beginning of the troubles, he only reduced the interest to one-fourth. But the chief use he made of his dictatorship was to preside at the election of consuls for the next year, when he got himself, and Servilius Isauricus, one of his most zealous partisans, promoted to that dignity.

And now being resolved to follow Pompey, and carry the war into the east, he set out for Brundusium, where he had ordered 12 legions to repair with all possible expedition. But on his arrival he found only five there. The rest, being afraid of the dangers of the sea, and unwilling to engage in a new war, had marched leisurely, complaining of their general for allowing them no respite, but hurrying them continually from one country to another. However, Caesar did not wait for them, but let fall with only five legions and 600 horse in the beginning of January. While the rest were waiting at Brundusium for ships to transport them over into Epirus, Caesar arrived safe with his five legions in Chaonia, the northern part of Epirus, near the Ceranian mountains. There he landed his troops, and sent the ships back to Brundusium to bring over the legions that were left behind. The war he was now entering upon was the most difficult he had yet undertaken. Pompey had for a whole year been assembling troops from all the eastern countries. When he left Italy, he had only five legions; but since his arrival at Dyrrhachium he had been reinforced with one from Sicily, another from Crete, and two from Syria. Three thousand archers, six cohorts of slingers, and seven thousand horse, had been sent him by princes in alliance with Rome. All the free cities of Asia had reinforced his army with their best troops; nay, if we give credit to an historical poet, succours were brought him from the Indus and the Ganges to the east, and from Arabia and Ethiopia to the south; at least it is certain, that Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and all the nations from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, took up arms in his favour. He had almost all the Roman knights, that is, the flower of the young nobility, in his squadrons, and his legions consisted mostly of veterans insured to dangers and the toils of war. Pompey himself was a general of great experience and address; and had under him some of the best commanders of the republic, who had formerly conducted armies themselves. As for his navy, he had above 500 ships of war, besides a far greater number of small vessels, which were continually cruising on the coasts, and intercepted such ships as carried arms or provisions to the enemy. He had likewise with him above 200 senators, who formed a more numerous senate than that at Rome. Cornelius Lentulus and Claudius Marcellus, the last year's consuls, presided in it; but under the direction of Pompey their protector, who ordered them to assemble at Thessalonica, where he built a stately hall for that purpose. There, in one of their assemblies, at the motion of Cato, it was decreed, that no Roman citizen should be put to death but in battle, and that no city subject to the republic should be sacked. At the same time the conscript fathers assembled at Thessalonica decreed, that they alone represented the Roman senate, and that those who resided at Rome were encouragers of tyranny, and friends to the tyrant. And indeed, as the flower of the nobility was with Pompey, and the most virtuous men in the republic had taken refuge in his camp, he was generally looked upon as the only hope and support of the public liberty. Hence many persons of eminent probity, who had hitherto stood neutral, flocked to him from all parts. Among these were young Brutus, who afterwards confederated against Caesar, Tidius Sextius, and Labienus. Brutus, whose father had been put to death in Galatia by Pompey's order, had never spoken to him, or so much as saluted him since that time; but as he now looked upon him as the defender of the public liberty, he joined him, sacrificing therein his private resentment to the interest of the public. Pompey received him with great joy, and was willing to confer upon him some command; but he declined the offer. Tidius Sextius, though extremely old and lame, yet left Rome, and went as far as Macedonia to join Pompey there. Labienus likewise forsook his old benefactor, under whom he had served during the whole course of the Gaulish war, and went over to his rival, though Caesar had appointed him commander in chief of all the forces on the other side of the Alps. In short, Pompey's party grew into such reputation, that his cause was generally called the good cause, while Caesar's adherents were looked upon as enemies to their country, and abettors of tyranny.

As soon as Caesar landed, he marched directly to Oricum, the nearest city in Epirus, which was taken without opposition. The like success attended him at Apollonia, which was in no condition to stand a siege; and these two conquests opened a way to Dyrrachium, where Pompey had his magazines of arms and provisions. This success, however, was interrupted by the news that the fleet which he had sent back to Brundusium to transport the rest of his troops had been attacked by Bibulus, one of Pompey's admirals, who had taken 30, and inhumanly burnt them with the seamen on board. This gave Caesar great uneasiness, especially as he heard that Bibulus, with 110 ships of war, had taken possession of all the harbours between Saloniun and Oricum; so that the legions at Brundusium could not venture to cross the sea without great danger of falling into the enemy's hands. By this Caesar was so much embarrassed, that he made proposals of accommodation upon very moderate terms; being no other than that both Pompey and he should disband their armies within three days, renew their former friendship with solemn oaths, and return together to Italy. These proposals were sent by Vibullius Rufus, an intimate friend of Pompey, whom Caesar had twice taken prisoner. Pompey, however, probably elated with his late good fortune, answered that he would not hearken to any terms, lest it should be said that he owed his life and return to Italy to Caesar's favour. However, the latter again sent one Vatinius to confer with Pompey about a treaty of peace. Labienus was appointed to receive the proposals; but while they were conferring together, a party of Pompey's men coming up to them, discharged their darts at Vatinius and those who attended him. Some of the guards were wounded, and Vatinius narrowly escaped with his life.

In the mean time Caesar advanced towards Dyrrachium, in hopes of surprising that important place; but Pompey unexpectedly appearing, he halted on the other side of the river Apius, where he entrenched himself, as having but a small number of troops in comparison of the formidable army which attended Pompey. The latter, however, notwithstanding his superiority, durst not cross the river in Caesar's flight; so that the two armies continued for some time quiet in their respective camps. Caesar wrote letter after letter to Marc Antony, who commanded the legions he had left in Italy, to come to his assistance; but receiving no answer, Caesar disguised himself in the habit of a slave, and with all imaginable secrecy went on board a fisherman's bark, with a design to go over to Brundusium, though the enemy's fleet was cruising on the coasts both of Greece and Italy. This design, however, miscarried, by reason of the boat being put back by contrary winds; and thus Caesar was restored to his soldiers, who had been very uneasy at his absence. He was no sooner landed than he dispatched Potheimus, one of his lieutenants, with most pressing orders to Marc Antony, Gabinius, and Calenus, to bring the troops to him at all adventures. Gabinius, unwilling to expose all the hopes of his general to the hazards of the sea, thought it safer to march a great way about Illyricum, and therefore engaged all the legionaries he could follow him by land. But the Illyrians, who had, unknown to him, declared for Pompey, fell unexpectedly upon him and killed him and his men, not one escaping. Marc Antony and Calenus, who went by sea, were in the greatest danger from one of Pompey's admirals; but had the good luck to bring their troops safe to shore at Nyphaeum, in the neighbourhood of Apollonia. As soon as it was known that Antony was landed, Pompey marched to prevent his joining Caesar. On the other hand, Caesar instantly decamped, and hastening to the relief of his lieutenant, joined him before Pompey came up. Then Pompey, not caring to engage them when united, retired to an advantageous post in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium, known by the name of Asparagium, and there encamped. Caesar having thus at length got all his troops together, resolved to finish the war by one general action, and determine the fate of the world, either by his own death or by that of his rival. To this end he offered fered Pompey battle, and kept his army a great while drawn up in fight of the enemy. But Pompey declining an engagement, he decamped, and turned towards Dyrrhachium, as if he designed to surprise it, hoping by this means to draw Pompey into the plain. But Pompey, looking upon the taking of Dyrrhachium as a chimera project, followed Caesar at some distance, and letting him draw near to the city, encamped on a hill called Petra, which commanded the sea, whence he could be supplied with provisions from Greece and Asia, while Caesar was forced to bring corn by land from Epirus, at a vast expense, and through many dangers.

This inconvenience put Caesar upon a new design, which was to surround an army far more numerous than his own, and, by flinging them up within a narrow tract of ground, distress them as much for want of forage as his troops were distressed for want of corn. Pursuant to this design, he drew a line of circumvallation from the sea quite round Pompey's camp, and kept him so closely blocked up, that though his men were plentifully supplied with provisions by sea, yet the horses of his army began soon to die in great numbers for want of forage. Caesar's men, though in the utmost distress for want of corn, yet bore all with incredible cheerfulness; professing that they would rather live upon the bark of trees than suffer Pompey to escape, now they had him in their power. Caesar tells us, that in this extremity such of the army as had been in Sardinia found out the way of making bread of a certain herb called clara, which they steeped in milk, and that when the enemy insulted them on account of the starving condition which they were in, they threw several of these loaves among them, to put them out of all hopes of subduing them by famine. "So long as the earth produces such roots (said they), we will not let Pompey escape." At length Pompey, alarmed at the distempers which began to prevail in his army, made several attempts to break through the barriers that inclosed him, but was always repulsed with loss. At length, being reduced to the utmost extremity for want of forage, he resolved at all events to force the enemy's lines and escape. With the assistance, therefore, and by the advice of two deserters, he embarked his archers, slingers, and light-armed infantry, and marching himself by land at the head of 60 cohorts, went to attack that part of Caesar's lines which was next to the sea, and not yet quite finished. He set out from his camp in the dead of the night, and arriving at the post he designed to force by break of day, he began the attack by sea and land at the same time. The ninth legion, which defended that part of the lines, made for some time a vigorous resistance; but being attacked in the rear by Pompey's men, who came by sea, and landed between Caesar's two lines, they fled with such precipitation, that the succours Marcellinus sent them from a neighbouring post could not stop them. The ensign who carried the cagle at the head of the routed legion was mortally wounded; but nevertheless, before he died, had presence of mind enough to convey the eagle to the cavalry of the party, desiring them to deliver it to Caesar. Pompey's men pursued the fugitives, and made such a slaughter of them, that all the centurions of the first cohort were cut off except one. And now Pompey's army broke in like a torrent upon the posts Caesar had fortified, and were advancing to attack Marcellinus, who guarded a neighbouring fort; but Marc Antony coming very seasonably to his relief with 12 cohorts, they thought it advisable to retire.

Soon after Caesar himself arrived with a strong reinforcement, and posted himself on the shore, in order to prevent such attempts for the future. From this post in great danger he observed an old camp which he had made within the place where Pompey was inclosed, but afterwards abandoned. Upon his quitting it, Pompey had taken possession of it, and left a legion to guard it. This post Caesar resolved to reduce, hoping to repair the loss he had sustained on this unfortunate day, by taking the legion which Pompey had posted there. Accordingly, he advanced secretly at the head of 33 cohorts in two lines; and arriving at the old camp before Pompey could have notice of his march, attacked it with great vigour, forced the first intrenchment, notwithstanding the brave resistance of Titus Pulcio, and penetrated to the second, whither the legion had retired. But here his fortune changed on a sudden. His right wing, in looking for an entrance into the camp, marched along the outside of a trench which Caesar had formerly carried on from the left angle of his camp, about 400 paces, to a neighbouring river. This trench they mistook for the rampart of the camp; and being led away by that mistake from their left wing, they were soon after prevented from rejoining it by the arrival of Pompey, who came up at the head of a legion and a large body of horse. Then the legion which Caesar had attacked taking courage, made a brisk fall, drove his men back to the first intrenchment which they had seized, and there put them in great disorder while they were attempting to pass the ditch. Pompey, in the mean time, falling upon them with his cavalry in flank, completed their defeat; and then flying to the enemy's right wing, which had passed the trench mentioned above, and was shut up between that and the ramparts of the old camp, made a most dreadful slaughter of them. The trench was filled with dead bodies, many falling into it in that disorder, and others passing over them and pressing them to death.

In this distress, Caesar did all he could to stop the flight of his legionaries, but to no purpose: the standard-bearers themselves threw down the Roman eagles when Caesar endeavoured to stop them, and left them in the hands of the enemy, who on this occasion took 32 standards; a disgrace which Caesar had never suffered before. He was himself in no small danger of falling by the hand of one of his own men, whom he took hold of when flying, bidding him stand and face about; but the man, apprehensive of the danger he was in, drew his sword, and would have killed him, had not one of his guards prevented the blow by cutting off his arm. Caesar lost on this occasion 960 of his foot, 400 of his horse, 5 tribunes, and 32 centurions.

This loss and disgrace greatly mortified Caesar, but did not discourage him. After he had by his lenity his affairs, and eloquent speeches recovered the spirit of his troops, he decamped, and retired in good order to Apollonia, where he paid the army, and left his sick and wounded. From thence he marched into Macedon, where Scipio Metellus, Pompey's father-in-law, was encamped. He hoped either to draw his rival into some plain, or to overpower Scipio if not assisted. He met with great difficulties on his march, the countries through which Rome. he passed refusing to supply his army with provisions; to such a degree was his reputation sunk since his last defeat! On his entering Thessaly he was met by Domitius, one of his lieutenants, whom he had sent with three legions to reduce Epirus. Having now got all his force together, he marched directly to Gomphi, the first town of Thessaly, which had been formerly in his interest, but now declared against him. Whereupon he attacked it with so much vigour, that though the garrison was very numerous, and the walls were of an uncommon height, he made himself master of it in a few hours. From hence he marched to Metropolis, another considerable town of Thessaly, which immediately surrendered; as did all the other cities of the country, except Larissa, of which Scipio had made himself master.

On the other hand, Pompey being continually importuned by the senators and officers of his army, left his camp at Dyrrachium, and followed Caesar, firmly resolved not to give him battle, but rather to distress him by keeping close at his heels, straitening his quarters, and cutting off his convoys. As he had frequent opportunities of coming to an engagement, but always declined it, his friends and subalterns began to put ill constructions on his dilatoriness to his face.

These, together with the complaints of his soldiers, made him at length resolve to venture a general action. With this design he marched into a large plain near the cities of Pharallia and Thebes; which latter was also called Philippus, from Philip king of Macedon, and the father of Perseus, who, having reduced the Thebans, placed a colony of Macedonians in their city. This plain was watered by the Enipeus, and surrounded on all sides by high mountains; and Pompey, who was still averse from venturing an engagement, pitched his camp on the declivity of a steep mountain, in a place altogether inaccessible. There he was joined by Scipio his father-in-law, at the head of the legions which he had brought with him from Syria and Cilicia. But notwithstanding this reinforcement, he continued irresolute, and unwilling to put all to the issue of a single action; being still convinced of the wisdom of his maxim, that it was better to destroy the enemy by fatigues and want, than to engage an army of brave veterans, who were in a manner reduced to despair. As he put off from day to day, under various pretences, defending into the plain where Caesar was encamped, his officers forced him to call a council of war, when all to a man were for venturing a general action the very next day. Thus was Pompey obliged to sacrifice his own judgment to the blind ardour of the multitude; and the necessary measures were taken for a general engagement.

The event of this battle was in the highest degree fortunate for Caesar; who resolved to pursue his advantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country he should retire. Hearing, therefore, of his being at Amphipolis, he sent off his troops before him, and then embarked on board a little frigate in order to cross the Hellespont; but in the middle of the strait, he fell in with one of Pompey's commanders, at the head of ten ships of war. Caesar, noway terrified at the superiority of his force, bore up to him, and commanded him to submit. The other instantly obeyed, awed by the terror of Caesar's name, and surrendered himself and his fleet at discretion.

From thence he continued his voyage to Ephesus, then to Rhodes; and being informed that Pompey had been there before him, he made no doubt but that he was fled to Egypt; wherefore, losing no time, he set sail for that kingdom, and arrived at Alexandria with about 4500 men; a very inconsiderable force to keep such a powerful kingdom under subjection. But he was now grown so secure in his good fortune, that he expected to find obedience everywhere. Upon his landing, the first accounts he received were of Pompey's miserable end, who had been assassinated by orders of the treacherous king as soon as he went on shore; and soon after one of the murderers came with his head and ring as a most grateful present to the conqueror. But Caesar turned away from it with horror, and shortly after ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to his memory on the spot where he was murdered; and a temple near the place, to Nemesis, who was the goddess that punished those that were cruel to men in adversity.

It should seem that the Egyptians by this time had some hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Romans; which they considered, as in fact it was, but a specious subjection. They first began to take offence at Caesar's carrying the ensigns of Roman power before him as he entered the city. Photinus, the eunuch, also treated him with disrespect, and even attempted his life. Caesar, however, concealed his resentment till he had a force sufficient to punish his treachery; and sending privately for the legions which had been formerly enrolled for Pompey's service, as being the nearest to Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to repose an entire confidence in the king's minister. However, he soon changed his manner when he found himself in no danger from his attempts; and declared, that, as being a Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the succession to the Egyptian crown.

There were at that time two pretenders to the crown of Egypt: Ptolemy, the acknowledged king; and the celebrated Cleopatra his sister; who, by the custom of the country, was also his wife, and, by their father's will, shared jointly in the succession. However, not being contended with a bare participation of power, she aimed at governing alone; but being opposed in her views by the Roman senate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, she was banished into Syria with Arsinoe her younger sister.

Caesar, however, gave her new hopes of obtaining the kingdom, and sent both for her and her brother to plead their cause before him. Photinus, the young king's guardian, who had long borne the most inveterate hatred as well to Caesar as to Cleopatra, disdained this proposal, and backed his refusal by sending an army of 20,000 men to besiege him in Alexandria. Caesar bravely repulsed the enemy for some time; but finding him in the city of too great extent to be defended by so small an army as he then had with him, he retired to the palace, which commanded the harbour, where he purposed to make a stand. Achillas, who commanded the Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour, and still aimed at making himself master of the fleet that lay before the palace. Caesar, however, too well knew the importance importance of those ships in the hands of an enemy; and therefore burnt them all in spite of every effort to prevent it. He next possessed himself of the island of Pharos, which was the key to the Alexandrian port, by which he was enabled to receive the supplies sent him from all sides; and in this situation he determined to withstand the united force of all the Egyptians.

In the mean time, Cleopatra having heard of the present turn in her favour, resolved to depend rather on Cæsar's favour for gaining the government than her own forces. She had, in fact, assembled an army in Syria to support her claims; but now judged it the wisest way to rely entirely on the decision of her self-elected judge. But no arts, as she justly conceived, were so likely to influence Cæsar, as the charms of her person. The difficulty was how to get at Cæsar, as her enemies were in possession of all the avenues that led to the palace. For this purpose, she went on board a small vessel, and in the evening landed near the palace; where, being wrapped up in a coverlet, she was carried by one Apollodorus into the very chamber of Cæsar. Her addresses at first pleased him; but her cares, which were carried beyond the bounds of innocence, entirely brought him over to second her claims.

While Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding her own views, her sister Arsinoe was also strenuously engaged in the camp in pursuing a separate interest. She had found means, by the assistance of one Ganymede her confidant, to make a large division in the Egyptian army in her favour; and soon after caused Achillas to be murdered, and Ganymede to take the command in his stead, and to carry on the siege with greater vigour than before. Ganymede's principal effort was by letting in the sea upon those canals which supplied the palace with fresh water; but this inconvenience Cæsar remedied by digging a great number of wells. His next endeavour was to prevent the junction of Cæsar's 24th legion, which he twice attempted in vain. He soon after made himself master of a bridge which joined the island of Pharos to the continent, from which post Cæsar was resolved to dislodge them. In the heat of action, some mariners came and joined the combatants; but being seized with a panic, instantly fled, and spread a general terror through the army. All Cæsar's endeavours to rally his forces were in vain, the confusion was past remedy, and numbers were drowned or put to the sword in attempting to escape; on which, seeing the irremediable disorder of his troops, he retired to a ship in order to get to the palace that was just opposite. However, he was no sooner on board than great crowds entered at the same time with him; upon which, apprehensive of the ship's sinking, he jumped into the sea, and swam 200 paces to the fleet that lay before the palace.

The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the palace ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get their king out of Cæsar's power, as he had seized upon his person in the beginning of their disputes. For this purpose they made use of their customary arts of dissimulation, professing the utmost desire of peace, and only wanting the presence of their lawful prince to give a sanction to the treaty. Cæsar, who was sensible of their perfidy, nevertheless concealed his suspicions, and gave them their king, as he was under no apprehensions from the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, however, the instant he was set at liberty, instead of promoting peace, made every effort to give vigour to hostilities.

In this manner Cæsar was hemmed in for some time; but he was at last relieved from this mortifying situation by Mithridates Pergamenes, one of his most faithful partizans; who, collecting a numerous army in Syria, marched into Egypt, took the city of Pelusium, repulsed the Egyptian army with loss, and at last, joining with Cæsar, attacked their camp, and made a great slaughter of the Egyptians. Ptolemy himself, attempting to escape on board a vessel that was sailing down the river, was drowned by the ship's sinking; and Cæsar thus became master of all Egypt without any further opposition. He therefore appointed, that Cleopatra, with her younger brother, who was then but an infant, should jointly govern, according to the intent of their father's will; and drove out Arsinoe with Ganymede into banishment.

Cæsar now for a while seemed to relax from the usual activity of his conduct, captivated with the charms of Cleopatra. Instead of quitting Egypt to go and quell the remains of Pompey's party, he abandoned himself to his pleasures, passing whole nights in feasts with the young queen. He even resolved to attend her up the Nile into Ethiopia; but the brave veterans, who had long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended his conduct, and refused to be partners in so infamous an expedition. Thus, at length, roused from his lethargy, he left Cleopatra, by whom he had a son who was afterwards named Caesarion, in order to oppose Pharnaces the king of Pontus, who had now made some inroads upon the dominions of Rome. Here he was attended with the greatest success, as we have related under the article Pontus; and having settled affairs in this part of the empire, as well as time would permit, he embarked for Italy, where he arrived sooner than his enemies could expect, but not before his affairs there absolutely required his presence. He had been, during his absence, created consul for five years, dictator for one year, and into tribune of the people for life. But Antony, who in the meantime governed in Rome for him, had filled the city with riot and debauchery, and many commissions ensued, which nothing but the arrival of Cæsar could appease. However, by his moderation and humanity, he soon restored tranquillity to the city, scarce making any distinction between those of his own and the opposite party. Thus having, by gentle means, restored his authority at home, he prepared to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time to rally under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba king of Mauritania. But the vigour of his proceedings had like to have been retarded by a mutiny in his own army. Those veteran legions, who had hitherto conquered all that came before them, began to murmur for not having received the rewards which they had expected for their past services, and now insisted upon their discharge. However, Cæsar found means to quell the mutiny; and then, according to his usual diligence, landed with a small party in Africa, the rest of the army following soon after. After many movements and skirmishes, he resolved at last to come to a decisive battle. For this purpose he invested the city of Thaofus, supposing that Scipio would attempt its relief, which turned out according to his expectations. Scipio, joining with the young king of Mauritania, advanced with his army, and encamping near near Caesar, they soon came to a general battle. Caesar's success was as usual; the enemy received a complete and final overthrow, with little loss on his side. Juba and Petreius his general, killed each other in despair; Scipio, attempting to escape by sea into Spain, fell in among the enemy, and was slain; so that, of all the generals of that undone party, Cato was now alone remaining.

This extraordinary man, having retired into Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, had led the wretched remains of that defeat through burning deserts and tracts infested with serpents of various malignity, and was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left to defend. Still, however, in love with even the show of Roman government, he had formed the principal citizens into a senate, and conceived a resolution of holding out the town. He accordingly assembled his senators upon this occasion, and exhorted them to stand a siege; but finding his admonitions ineffectual, he stabbed himself with his sword*. Upon his death, the war in Africa being completed, Caesar returned in triumph to Rome; and, as if he had abridged all his former triumphs only to increase the splendour of this, the citizens were astonished at the magnificence of the procession, and the number of the countries he had subdued. It lasted four days: the first was for Gaul, the second for Egypt, the third for his victories in Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. To every one of his soldiers he gave a sum equivalent to about 150l. of our money, double that sum to the centurions, and four times as much to the superior officers. The citizens also shared his bounty; to every one of whom he distributed 10 bushels of corn, 10 pounds of oil, and a sum of money equal to about two pounds sterling of ours. He, after this, entertained the people at about 20,000 tables, treated them with the combat of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse of spectators from every part of Italy.

The people now seemed eager only to find out new modes of homage and unusual methods of adulation for their great enslaver. He was created, by a new title, Magister Morum, or Master of the Morals of the People; he received the title of Emperor, Father of his country; his person was declared sacred; and, in short, upon him alone were devolved for life all the great dignities of the state. It must be owned, however, that no sovereign could make better use of his power. He immediately began his empire by repressing vice and encouraging virtue. He communicated the power of judicature to the senators and the knights alone, and by many sumptuary laws restrained the scandalous luxuries of the rich. He proposed rewards to all such as had many children; and took the most prudent methods of repeopling the city, that had been exhausted in the late commotions; and besides his other works, he greatly reformed the calendar.

Having thus restored prosperity once more to Rome, he again found himself under a necessity of going into Spain, to oppose an army which had been raised there under the two sons of Pompey, and Labienus his former general. He proceeded in this expedition with his usual celerity, and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought him yet departed from Rome. Cnecius and Sextus, Pompey's sons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, resolved as much as possible to protract the war; so that the first operations of the two armies were spent in sieges and fruitless attempts to surprise each other. At length Caesar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursuing young Pompey with unwearied perseverance, compelled him to come to a battle upon the plains of Munda.

After a most obstinate engagement, Caesar gained a complete victory (see Munda); and having now subjugated all his enemies, he returned to Rome for the last whole time to receive new dignities and honours, and to enjoy his empire by an accumulation of all the great offices of the state, at Munda. Still, however, he pretended to a moderation in the enjoyment of his powers; he left the consuls to be named by the people; but as he possessed all the authority of the office, it from this time began to sink into contempt. He enlarged the number of senators also; but as he had previously destroyed their power, their new honours were but empty titles. He took care to pardon all who had been in arms against him, but not till he had deprived them of the power of resistance. He even set up once more the statues of Pompey; which, however, as Cicero observed, he only did to secure his own. The rest of this extraordinary man's life was employed for the advantage of the state. He adorned the city with magnificent buildings; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending colonies to both cities; he undertook to level several mountains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marshes near Rome, and designed to cut through the Isthmus of Peloponnesus. Thus he formed mighty projects and designs beyond the limits of the longest life; but the greatest effect of all was his intended expedition against the Parthians, by which he designed to revenge the death of Crassus; then to pass through Hyrcania, and enter Scythia along the banks of the Caspian sea; from thence to open himself a way through the immeasurable forests of Germany into Gaul, and to return to Rome. These were the aims of ambition; but the jealousy of a few individuals put an end to them all.

The senate, with an adulation which marked the degeneracy of the times, continued to load Caesar with fresh honours, and he continued with equal vanity to receive them. They called one of the months of the year after his name; they stamped money with his image; they ordered his statue to be set up in all the cities of the empire; they instituted public sacrifices on his birthday; and talked, even his life-time, of enrolling him in the number of their gods. Antony, at one of their public festivals, foolishly ventured to offer him a diadem; but he put it back again, refusing it several times, and receiving at every refusal loud acclamations from the people. One day, when the senate ordered him some particular honours, he neglected to rise from his seat; and from that moment is said to have been marked for destruction. It began to be rumoured that he intended to make himself king; for though in fact he already was so, the people, who had an utter aversion to the name, could not bear his assuming the title. Whether he really designed to assume that empty honour must now for ever remain a secret; but certain it is, that the unsuspicious openness of his conduct marked something like a confidence in the innocence of his intentions. When informed by those about him of the jealousies of many persons who envied his power, he was heard to say, That he had rather die once by treason, than to live continually in the apprehension of it; and to convince vince the world how little he had to apprehend from his enemies, he disbanded his company of Spanish guards, which facilitated the enterprise against his life.

A deep-laid conspiracy was formed against him, composed of no less than 60 senators. At the head of this conspiracy was Brutus, whose life Caesar had spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who had been pardoned soon after, both praetors for the present year. Brutus made it his chief glory to have been descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to Rome; and from a desire of following his example, broke all the ties of private friendship, and entered into a conspiracy which was to destroy his benefactor. Cassius, on the other hand, was impetuous and proud, and hated Caesar's person still more than his cause. He had often sought an opportunity of gratifying his revenge by assassination, which took rise rather from private than public motives.

The conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their proceedings, remitted the execution of this design to the ides of March, the day on which it was reported that Caesar was to be offered the crown. The augurs had foretold that this day would be fatal to him; and the night preceding, he heard his wife Calphurnia lamenting in her sleep, and being awakened, confessed to him that she dreamed of his being assassinated in her arms. These omens, in some measure, began to change his intentions of going to the senate, as he had resolved, that day; but one of the conspirators coming in, prevailed upon him to keep his resolution, telling him of the reproach which would attend his staying at home till his wife had lucky dreams, and of the preparations that were made for his appearance. As he went along to the senate, a slave, who hastened to him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to come near him, but could not for the crowd. Artemidorus, a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, delivered to him a memorial, containing the heads of his information; but Caesar gave it, with other papers, to one of his secretaries without reading, as was usual in things of this nature. As soon as he had taken his place in the senate, the conspirators came near him, under a pretence of saluting him; and Cimber, who was one of them, approached in a suppliant posture, pretending to sue for his brother's pardon, who was banished by his order. All the conspirators seconded him with great tenderness; and Cimber, seeming to sue with still greater submission, took hold of the bottom of his robe, holding him so as to prevent his rising. This was the signal agreed on. Casca, who was behind, stabbed him, though slightly, in the shoulder. Caesar instantly turned round, and with the style of his tablet wounded him in the arm. However, all the conspirators were now alarmed; and inclosing him round, he received a second stab from an unknown hand in the breast, while Cassius wounded him in the face. He still defended himself with great vigour, rushing among them, and throwing down such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus among the conspirators, who, coming up, struck his dagger in his thigh. From that moment Caesar thought no more of defending himself, but looking upon this conspirator, cried out, "And you too, Brutus!" Then covering his head, and spreading his robe before him in order to fall with greater decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's statue, after receiving three-and-twenty wounds, in the 56th year of his age, and 4th of his reign.

As soon as the conspirators had dispatched Caesar, they began to address themselves to the senate, in order to vindicate the motives of their enterprise, and to excite them to join in procuring their country's freedom; but all the senators who were not accomplices fled with such precipitation, that the lives of some of them were endangered in the throng. The people also being now alarmed, left their usual occupations, and ran tumultuously through the city; some actuated by their fears, and still more by a desire of plunder. In this state of confusion, the conspirators all retired to the capitol, and guarded its access by a body of gladiators which Brutus had in pay. It was in vain they alleged they only struck for freedom, and that they killed a tyrant who usurped the rights of mankind: the people, accustomed to luxury and ease, little regarded their professions, dreading more the dangers of poverty than of subjection.

The friends of the late dictator now began to find that this was the time for coming into greater power than before, and for satisfying their ambition under the veil of promoting justice. Of this number was Antony, whom we have already seen acting as a lieutenant under Caesar. He was a man of moderate abilities and excessive vices; ambitious of power, but skilled in war, to which he had been trained from his youth. He was consul for this year; and resolved, with Lepidus, who was fond of commotions like himself, to seize this opportunity of assuming the sovereign power. Lepidus, therefore, took possession of the forum with a band of soldiers at his devotion; and Antony, being consul, was permitted to command them. Their first step was to possess themselves of all Caesar's papers and money; and the next to convene the senate, in order to determine whether Caesar had been a legal magistrate or a tyrannical usurper, and whether those who killed him merited rewards or punishments. There were many of these who had received their promotions from Caesar, and had acquired large fortunes in consequence of his appointments: to vote him an usurper, therefore, would be to endanger their property; and yet to vote him innocent, might endanger the state. In this dilemma they seemed willing to reconcile extremes; wherefore they approved all the acts of Caesar, and yet granted a general pardon to all the conspirators.

This decree was very far from giving Antony satisfaction, as it granted security to a number of men who were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would be foremost in opposing his schemes of restoring absolute power. As therefore the senate had ratified all Caesar's acts without distinction, he formed a scheme upon this of making him rule when dead as imperiously as he had done when living. Being, as was said, possessed of Caesar's books of accounts, he so far gained upon his secretary as to make him infer whatever he thought proper. By these means, great sums of money, which Caesar never would have bestowed, were here distributed among the people; and every man who was adverse to republican principles was here sure of finding a gratuity. He then demanded that Caesar's funeral obsequies should be performed; which the senate now could not decently forbid, as they had never declared him a tyrant. Accordingly, the body was brought forth. forth into the forum with the utmost solemnity; and Antony began his operations upon the passions of the people, by the prevailing motives of private interest. He first read Caesar's will, in which he had left Octavius, his father's grandson, his heir, permitting him to take the name of Caesar; and three parts of his private fortune Brutus was to inherit in case of his death. The Roman people were left the gardens which he had on the other side the Tiber; and every citizen, in particular, was to receive 300 sesterces. This last bequest not a little contributed to increase the people's affection for their late dictator; they now began to consider Caesar as a father, who, not satisfied with doing them the greatest good while living, thought of benefiting them even after his death. As Antony continued reading, the multitude began to be moved, and sighs and lamentations were heard from every quarter. Antony, seeing the audience favourable to his designs, now began to address the assembly in a more pathetic strain: he presented before them Caesar's bloody robe, and, as he unfolded it, took care they should observe the number of stabs in it: he then displayed an image, which to them appeared the body of Caesar, all covered with wounds. The people could now no longer contain their indignation; they unanimously cried out for revenge; all the old soldiers who had fought under him, burnt, with his body, their coronets, and other marks of conquest with which he had honoured him. A great number of the first matrons in the city threw in their ornaments also; till at length, rage succeeding to sorrow, the multitude ran with flaming brands from the pile to set fire to the conspirators' houses. In this rage of resentment, meeting with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of the same name who was in the conspiracy, they tore him in pieces. The conspirators themselves, however, being well guarded, repulsed the multitude with no great trouble; but perceiving the rage of the people, they thought it safest to retire from the city. Divine honours were then granted him; and an altar was erected on the place where his body was burnt, where afterwards was erected a column inscribed, To the father of his country.

In the mean time Antony, who had excited this flame, resolved to make the best of the occasion. Having gained the people by his zeal in Caesar's cause, he next endeavoured to bring over the senate, by a seeming concern for the freedom of the state. He therefore proposed to recall Sextus, Pompey's only remaining son, who had concealed himself in Spain since the death of his father; and to grant him the command of all the fleets of the empire. His next step to their confidence, was the quelling a sedition of the people, who rose to revenge the death of Caesar, and putting their leader Amatus to death, who pretended to be the son of Marius. He after this pretended to dread the resentment of the multitude, and demanded a guard for the security of his person. The senate granted his request; and, under this pretext, he drew round him a body of 6000 resolute men, attached to his interest, and ready to execute his commands. Thus he continued every day making rapid strides to absolute power; all the authority of government was lodged in his hands and those of his two brothers alone, who shared among them the consular, tribunitian, and praetorian power. His vows to revenge Caesar's death seemed either postponed, or totally forgotten; and his only aim seemed to be to confirm himself in that power which he had thus artfully acquired. But an obstacle to his ambition seemed to arise from a quarter on which he least expected it. This was from Octavius or Octavianus, Caesar, afterwards called Augustus, who was by Octavius, the grand-nephew and adopted son of Caesar, and was at anus, Apollonia when his kinsman was slain. He was then about 18 years old, and had been sent to that city to improve himself in the study of Grecian literature. Upon the news of Caesar's death, notwithstanding the earnest dissuasions of all his friends, he resolved to return to Rome, to claim the inheritance, and revenge the death of his uncle. From the former professions of Antony, he expected to find him a warm assistant to his aims; and he doubted not, by his concurrence, to take signal vengeance on all who had a hand in the conspiracy. However, he was greatly disappointed. Antony, whose projects were all to aggrandize himself, gave him but a very cold reception, and, instead of granting him the fortune left him by the will, delayed the payment of it upon various pretences, hoping to check his ambition by limiting his circumstances. But Octavianus, instead of abating his claims, even held his own patrimonial estate, to pay such legacies as Caesar had left, and particularly that to the people. By these means he gained a degree of popularity, which his enemies vainly laboured to diminish, and which in fact he had many other methods to procure. His conversation was elegant and insinuating, his face comely and graceful, and his affection to the late dictator so sincere, that every person was charmed either with his piety or his address. But what added still more to his interest was the name of Caesar, which he had assumed, and, in consequence of which, the former followers of his uncle now flocked in great numbers to him. All these he managed with such art, that Antony now began to conceive a violent jealousy for the talents of his young opponent, and secretly laboured to counteract all his designs. In fact, he did not want reason; for the army near Rome, that had long wished to see the conspirators punished, began to turn from him to his rival, whom they saw more sincerely bent on gratifying their desires. Antony having procured also the government of Cisalpine Gaul from the people, two of his legions that he had brought home from his former government of Macedonia, went over to Octavianus, notwithstanding all his remonstrances to detain them. This produced, as usual, interviews, complaints, recriminations, and pretended reconciliations, which only tended to widen the difference; so that, at length, both sides prepared for war. Thus the state was divided into three distinct factions; that of Octavianus, who aimed at procuring Caesar's inheritance, and revenging his death; that of Antony, whose sole view was to obtain absolute power; and that of the conspirators, who endeavoured to restore the senate to its former authority.

Antony being raised by the people to his new government of Cisalpine Gaul, contrary to the inclinations of the senate, resolved to enter upon his province immediately, and oppose Brutus, who commanded a small body of troops there, while his army was yet entire. He accordingly left Rome, and marching thither, commanded Brutus to depart. Brutus, being unable unable to oppose him, retired with his forces; but being pursued by Antony, he was at last besieged in the city of Mutina, of which he sent word to the senate.

In the mean while, Octavianus, who by this time had raised a body of 10,000 men, returned to Rome; and being resolved, before he attempted to take vengeance on the conspirators, if possible to diminish the power of Antony, began by bringing over the senate to second his designs. In this he succeeded by the credit of Cicero, who had long hated Antony because he thought him the enemy of the state. Accordingly, by means of his eloquence, a decree was passed, ordering Antony to raise the siege of Mutina, to evacuate Cisalpine Gaul, and to await the further orders of the senate upon the banks of the Rubicon. Antony treated the order with contempt; and instead of obeying, began to show his displeasure at being hitherto so submissive. Nothing now therefore remained for the senate but to declare him an enemy to the state, and to send Octavianus, with the army he had raised, to curb his insolence. The latter was very ready to offer his army for this expedition, in order to revenge his own private injuries, before he undertook those of the public. The two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, joined all their forces; and thus combined, they marched at the head of a numerous army, against Antony, into Cisalpine Gaul. After one or two ineffectual conflicts, both armies came to a general engagement; in which Antony was defeated, and compelled to fly to Lepidus, who commanded a body of forces in Further Gaul. This victory, however, which promised the senate so much success, produced effects very different from their expectations. The two consuls were mortally wounded; but Pansa, previous to his death, called Octavianus to his bed-side, and advised him to join with Antony, telling him, that the senate only desired to depress both, by opposing them to each other. The advice of the dying consul sunk deep on his spirits; so that from that time he only fought a pretext to break with them. Their giving the command of a party of his army to Decimus Brutus, and their denying him a triumph soon after, served to alienate his mind entirely from the senate, and made him resolve to join Antony and Lepidus. He was willing, however, to try the senate thoroughly, before he came to an open rupture; wherefore he sent to demand the confulship, which was refused him. He then thought himself obliged to keep no measures with that assembly, but privately sent to find the inclinations of Antony and Lepidus, concerning a junction of forces, and found them as eager to assist as the senate was to oppose him. Antony was, in fact, the general of both armies, and Lepidus was only nominally so, for his soldiers refused to obey him upon the approach of the former. But being assured of the assistance of Octavianus upon their arrival in Italy, they soon crossed the Alps with an army of 17 legions, breathing revenge against all who had opposed their designs.

The senate now began, too late, to perceive their error in disobliging Octavianus; and therefore gave him the confulship which they had so lately refused, and, to prevent his joining with Antony, flattered him with new honours, giving him a power superior to all law. The first use Octavianus made of his new authority was to procure a law for the condemnation of Brutus and Cassius; after which, he joined his forces with those of Antony and Lepidus.

The meeting of these three usurpers of their country's freedom was near Mutina, upon a little island of reconciled, the river Panarus. Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their meeting in this place. Lepidus first entered, and, finding all things safe, made the signal for the other two to approach. Octavianus began the conference, by thanking Antony for his zeal in putting Decimus Brutus to death; who, being abandoned by his army, was taken as he was designing to escape into Macedonia, and beheaded by Antony's command. Their conference lasted for three days; and the result of it was, that the supreme authority should be lodged in their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for the space of five years; that Antony should have Gaul; Lepidus, Spain; and Octavianus, Africa, and the Mediterranean islands. As for Italy, and the eastern provinces, they were to remain in common, until their general enemy was entirely subdued. But the last article of their union was a dreadful one. It was agreed that all their enemies should be destroyed; of which each presented a list. In these were comprised not only the enemies, but the friends of the triumvirate, since the partisans of the one were often found among the opposers of the others. Thus Lepidus gave up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his colleague; Antony permitted the procription of his uncle Lucius; and Octavianus delivered up the great Cicero. The most sacred rights of nature were violated; 300 senators, and above 2000 knights, were included in this terrible procription; their fortunes were confiscated, and their murderers enriched with the spoil. Rome soon felt the effects of this infernal union, and the horrid cruelties of Marius and Sylla were renewed. As many as could escape the cruelty of the triumvirs, fled thither into Macedonia to Brutus, or found refuge with young Pompey, who was now in Sicily, and covered the Mediterranean with his numerous navy. Their cruelties were not aimed at the men alone; but the softer sex were in danger of being marked as objects either of avarice or resentment. They made out a list of 1400 women of the best quality, and the richest in the city, who were ordered to give in an account of their fortunes, to be taxed in proportion. But this seemed so unpopular a measure, and was so firmly opposed by Hortensia, who spoke against it, that, instead of 1400 women, they were content to tax only 400. However, they made up the deficiency, by extending the tax upon men; near 100,000, as well citizens as strangers, were compelled to furnish supplies to the subversion of their country's freedom. At last, both the avarice and vengeance of the triumviri seemed fully satisfied, and they went into the senate to declare that the procription was at an end; and thus having deluged the city with blood, Octavianus and Antony, leaving Lepidus to defend Rome in their absence, marched with their army to oppose the conspirators, who were now at the head of a formidable army in Asia.

Brutus and Cassius, the principal of these, upon the death of Caesar, being compelled to quit Rome, went to Greece, where they persuaded the Roman students Brutus and Cassius at Athens to declare in the cause of freedom; then... parting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia and the adjacent countries, while the latter went into Syria, where he soon became master of 12 legions, and reduced his opponent Dolabella to such straits as to kill himself. Both armies soon after joining at Smyrna, the sight of such a formidable force began to revive the declining spirits of the party, and to re-unite the two generals still more closely, between whom there had been some time before a slight misunderstanding. In short, having quitted Italy like distressed exiles, without having one single folder or one town that owned their command, they now found themselves at the head of a flourishing army, furnished with all the necessaries for carrying on the war, and in a condition to support a contest where the empire of the world depended on the event. This success in raising levies was entirely owing to the justice, moderation, and great humanity of Brutus, who in every instance seemed studious of the happiness of his country.

It was in this flourishing state of their affairs that the conspirators had formed a resolution of going against Cleopatra, who, on her side, had made great preparations to assist their opponents. However, they were diverted from this purpose by an information that Octavianus and Antony were now upon their march, with 40 legions to oppose them. Brutus now, therefore, moved to have their army pass over into Greece and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy; but Cassius so far prevailed as to have the Rhodians and Lycians first reduced, who had refused their usual contribution. This expedition was immediately put in execution, and extraordinary contributions were raised by that means, the Rhodians having scarce anything left but their lives*. The Lycians suffered still more severely; for having shut themselves up in the city of Xanthus, they defended the place against Brutus with such fury, that neither his art nor intreacies could prevail upon them to surrender. At length, the town being set on fire, by their attempting to burn the works of the Romans, Brutus, instead of laying hold on this opportunity to storm the place, made every effort to preserve it, inciting his soldiers to try all means of extinguishing the fire: but the desperate frenzy of the citizens was not to be mollified. Far from thinking themselves obliged to their generous enemy for the efforts which were made to save them, they resolved to perish in the flames. Wherefore, instead of extinguishing, they did all in their power to augment the fire, by throwing in wood, dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. Nothing could exceed the distress of Brutus upon seeing the townsmen thus resolutely bent on destroying themselves: he rode about the fortifications, stretching out his hands to the Xanthians, and conjuring them to have pity on themselves and their city; but, insensible to his expostulations, they rushed into the flames with desperate obstinacy, and the whole soon became a heap of indistinguishable ruin. At this horrid spectacle, Brutus offered a reward to every folder who would bring him a Lycian alive. The number of those whom it was possible to save from their own fury amounted to no more than 150.

Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis, where, after the usual ceremonies were passed between them, they resolved to have a private conference together, when, after much altercation, they were at last perfectly reconciled. After which, night coming on, Caius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertainment. Upon retiring home it was, that Brutus, as Plutarch tells the story, saw a spectre in his tent. It was in Brutus' sleep the dead of the night, when the whole camp was perfectly quiet, that Brutus was employed in reading by a lamp that was just expiring. On a sudden he thought he heard a noise as if somebody entered; and looking towards the door, he perceived it open. A gigantic figure, with a frightful aspect, stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with silent severity. At last Brutus had courage to speak to it: "Art thou a daemon or a mortal man? and why conceal thou to me?" "Brutus," replied the phantom, "I am thy evil genius, whom shalt see me again at Philippi." "Well then," answered Brutus, without being discomposed, "we shall meet again." Upon which the phantom vanished; and Brutus calling to his servants, asked if they had seen any thing; to which, replying in the negative, he again resumed his studies. But as he was struck with so strange an occurrence, he mentioned it the next day to Caius, who, being an Epicurean, ascribed it to the effect of imagination too much exercised by vigilance and anxiety. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solution of his late terrors; and, as Antony and Octavianus were now advanced into Macedonia, they soon after passed over into Thrace, and advanced to the city of Philippi, near which the forces of the triumvirs were posted.

A battle soon ensued; which the republicans were defeated, and Caius killed, as is related in the article PHILIPPI.

The first care of Brutus, when he became the sole general, was to assemble the dispersed troops of Caius, and animate them with fresh hopes of victory. As defeated, they had lost all they possessed by the plundering of their camp, he promised them 2000 denarii each man to make up their losses. This once more inspired them with new ardour; they admired the liberality of their general, and with loud shouts proclaimed his former intrepidity. Still, however, he had not confidence sufficient to face the adversary, who offered him battle the ensuing day. His aim was to starve his enemies, who were in extreme want of provisions, their fleet having been lately defeated. But his single opinion was overruled by the rest of his army, who now grew every day more confident of their strength, and more arrogant to their new general. He was, therefore, at last, after a reprieve of 20 days, obliged to comply with their solicitations to try the fate of the battle. Both armies being drawn out, they remained a long while opposite to each other without offering to engage. It is said that he himself had lost much of his natural ardour by having again seen the spectre the night preceding: however, he encouraged his men as much as possible, and gave the signal of battle within three hours of sunset. Fortune again declared against him; and they are the two triumviri expressly ordered by no means to suffer the general to escape, for fear he should renew the war. Thus the whole body of the enemy seemed chiefly intent on Brutus alone, and his capture seemed inevitable. In this deplorable exigence, Lucilius his friend resolved, by his own death, to effect the general's delivery. Upon perceiving a body of Thracian horse closely closely pursuing Brutus, and just upon the point of taking him, he boldly threw himself in their way, telling them that he was Brutus. The Thracians, overjoyed with so great a prize, immediately dispatched some of their companions, with the news of their success, to the army. Upon which the ardour of the pursuit now abating, Antony marched out to meet his prisoner; some filently deploring the fate of so virtuous a man; others reproaching that mean desire of life for which he consented to undergo captivity. Antony now seeing the Thracians approach, began to prepare himself for the interview; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful air, owned the deceit that he had put upon him: on which the triumvir, struck with so much fidelity, pardoned him upon the spot; and from that time forward loaded him with benefits, and honoured him with his friendship.

In the mean time Brutus, with a small number of friends, passed over a rivulet, and, night coming on, sat down under a rock which concealed him from the pursuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a little time, he lent out one Statilius to give him some information of those that remained; but he never returned, being killed by a party of the enemy's horse. Brutus judging very rightly of his fate, now resolved to die likewise, and spoke to those who stood round him to lend him their last sad affluence. None of them, however, would render him so melancholy a piece of service. At last one Strato, averting his head, presented the sword's point to Brutus; who threw himself upon it, and immediately expired.

From the moment of Brutus's death the triumviri began to act as sovereigns, and to divide the Roman dominions between them, as theirs by right of conquest. However, though there were apparently three who thus participated all the power, yet, in fact, only two were actually possessed of it; since Lepidus was at first admitted merely to curb the mutual jealousy of Antony and Octavianus, and was possessed neither of interest in the army nor authority among the people. Their first care was to punish those whom they had formerly marked for vengeance. The head of Brutus was sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Caesar's statue. His ashes, however, were sent to his wife Portia, Cato's daughter, who afterwards killed herself by swallowing burning coals. It is observed, that of all those who had a hand in the death of Caesar, not one died a natural death.

The power of the triumviri being thus established upon the ruins of the commonwealth, Antony went into Greece, and spent some time at Athens, conversing among the philosophers, and assailing at their disputes in person. From thence he passed over into Asia, where all the monarchs of the east, who acknowledged the Roman power, came to pay him their obedience. In this manner he proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, attended by a crowd of sovereigns, exacting contributions, distributing favours, and giving away crowns with capricious influence. He presented the kingdom of Cappadocia to Syene, in prejudice of Ariarathes, only because he found pleasure in the beauty of Glaphyra, the mother of the former. He settled Herod in the kingdom of Judaea, and supported him against every opponent. But among all the sovereigns of the east who shared his favour, none had so large a part as Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of Egypt.

It happened that Serapion, her governor in the island of Cyprus, had formerly furnished some succours to the conspirators; and it was thought proper that she should answer for his conduct on that occasion. Accordingly, having received orders from Antony to come and clear herself of this imputation of infidelity, she readily complied, equally conscious of the goodness of her cause and the power of her beauty. She had already experienced the force of her charms upon Caesar and Pompey's eldest son; and the addition of a few years since that time had not impaired their lustre. Antony was now in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, when Cleopatra resolved to attend his court in person. She sailed down the river Cydnus, at the mouth of which the city stood, with the most sumptuous pageantry. Her galley was covered with gold; the sails were of purple, large, and floating in the wind. The oars of silver kept time to the sound of flutes and cymbals. She herself lay reclined on a couch spangled with stars of gold, and with such ornaments as poets and painters had usually ascribed to Venus. On each side were boys like cupids, who fanned her by turns; while the most beautiful nymphs, dressed like Nereids and Graces, were placed at proper distances around her. Upon the banks of the river were kept burning the most exquisite perfumes, while an infinite number of people gazed upon the sight. Antony was captivated with her beauty; and, leaving all his business to satisfy his passion, shortly after followed her into Egypt.

While he thus remained idle, Octavianus, who took upon him to lead back the veteran troops and settle them in Italy, was industriously employed in providing for their subsistence. He had promised them lands at home, as a recompense for their past services; but they could not receive new grants, without turning out the former inhabitants. In consequence of this, multitudes of women, with children in their arms, whose tender years and innocence excited universal compassion, daily filled the temples and the streets with their distresses. Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came to depreciate the conqueror's intention, or to obtain an habitation in some other part of the world. Amongst this number was Virgil the poet, who in an humble manner begged permission to retain his patrimonial farm: Virgil obtained his request; but the rest of his countrymen, of Mantua and Cremona, were turned out without mercy.

Italy and Rome now felt the most extreme miseries; the insolent soldiers plundered at will; while Sextus sustained Pompey, being master of the sea, cut off all foreign communication, and prevented the people's receiving their usual supplies of corn. To these mischiefs were added the commencement of another civil war. Fulvia, the wife of Antony, who had been left behind him at Rome, had felt for some time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try every method of bringing back her husband from the arms of Cleopatra. She considered a breach with Octavianus as the only probable means of rousing him from his lethargy; and accordingly, with the affluence of Lucius her brother-in-law, who was then consul, and entirely devoted to her interest, she began to sow the seeds of dissension. The pretext was, that Antony should have a share in the distribution of lands. lands as well as Octavianus. This produced some negotiations between them; Octavianus offered to make the veterans themselves umpires in the dispute. Lucius refused to acquiesce; and being at the head of more than six legions, mostly composed of such as had been dispossessed of their lands, he resolved to compel Octavianus to accept of whatever terms he should offer. Thus a new war was excited between Octavianus and Antony; or, at least, the generals of the latter assumed the sanction of his name. Octavianus, however, proved victorious: Lucius was hemmed in between two armies, and contrained to retreat to Perusia, a city of Etruria, where he was closely besieged by the opposite party. He made many desperate sallies, and Fulvia did all in her power to relieve him, but without success. He was at last, therefore, reduced to such extremity by famine, that he came out in person and delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror. Octavianus received him very honourably, and generously pardoned him and all his followers. Thus having concluded the war in a few months, he returned in triumph to Rome.

Antony, who, during this interval, was revelling in all the studied luxuries procured him by his insidious mistresses, having heard of his brother's overthrow, and his wife's being compelled to leave Italy, was resolved to oppose Octavianus without delay. He accordingly sailed at the head of a considerable fleet from Alexandria to Tyre, from thence to Cyprus and Rhodes, and had an interview with Fulvia his wife at Athens. He much blamed her for occasioning the late disorders, testified the utmost contempt for her person, and, leaving her upon her death-bed at Sicyon, hastened into Italy to fight Octavianus. They both met at Brundusium; and it was now thought that the flames of a civil war were going to blaze out once more. The forces of Antony were numerous, but mostly newly raised; however, he was assisted by Sextus Pompeius, who in these oppositions of interests was daily coming into power. Octavianus was at the head of those veterans who had always been irresistible, but who seemed no way disposed to fight against Antony their former general. A negociation was therefore proposed; and a reconciliation was effected. All offences and affronts were mutually forgiven; and to cement the union, a marriage was concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of Octavianus. A new division of the Roman empire was made between them; Octavianus was to have the command of the west, Antony of the east, while Lepidus was obliged to content himself with the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pompeius, he was permitted to retain all the islands he had already possessed, together with Peloponnesus: he was also granted the privilege of demanding the consulship in his absence, and of discharging that office by any of his friends. It was likewise stipulated to leave the sea open, and pay the people what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a general peace was concluded, to the great satisfaction of the people, who now expected a cessation from all their calamities.

This calm seemed to continue for some time: Antony led his forces against the Parthians, over whom his lieutenant, Ventidius, had gained great advantages. Octavianus drew the greatest part of his army into Gaul, where there were some disturbances; and Pompey went to secure his newly ceded province to his interest. It was on this quarter that fresh motives were given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obliged by treaty to quit Peloponnesus, refused to evacuate it till Pompey had satisfied him for such debts as were due to him from the inhabitants. This Pompey would by no means comply with; but immediately fitted out a new fleet, and renewed his former enterprises, by cutting off such corn and provisions as were conveyed to Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again renewed; and the people began to complain, that instead of three tyrants they were now oppressed by four.

In this exigence, Octavianus, who had long meditated the best means of diminishing the number, resolved to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept the state in continual alarms. He was master of two fleets; one of which he had caused to be built at Ravenna; and another which Menodorus, who revolted from Pompey, brought to his aid. His first attempt was to invade Sicily; but being overpowered in his passage by Pompey, and afterwards shattered in a storm, he was obliged to defer his designs to the ensuing year. During this interval he was reinforced by a fleet of 120 ships, given him by Antony, with which he resolved once more to invade Sicily on three several quarters. But fortune seemed still determined to oppose him. He was a second time disabled and shattered by a storm: which so raised the vanity of Pompey, that he began to style himself the son of Neptune. However, Octavianus was not to be intimidated by any disgraces; for having shortly refitted his navy, and recruited his forces, he gave the command of both to Agrippa, his faithful friend and associate in war. Agrippa proved himself worthy of the trust reposed in him: he began his operations by a victory over Pompey; and, though he was shortly after worsted himself, he soon after gave his adversary a complete and final overthrow. Thus undone, Pompey resolved to fly to Antony, from whom he expected refuge, as he had formerly obliged that triumvir by giving protection to his mother. However, he tried once more, at the head of a small body of men, to make himself independent, and even surprized Antony's officers who had been sent to accept of his submissions. Nevertheless, he was at last abandoned by his followers, and delivered up to Titus, Antony's lieutenant, who shortly after caused him to be slain.

The death of this general removed one very powerful obstacle to the ambition of Octavianus, and he resolved to take the earliest opportunity to get rid of the rest of his associates. An offence was soon furnished by Lepidus, that served as a sufficient pretext for depriving him of his share in the triumvirate. Being now at the head of 22 legions, with a strong body of cavalry, he idly supposed that his present power was more than an equivalent to the popularity of Octavianus. He therefore resolved upon adding Sicily, where he then was, to his province; pretending a right, as having first invaded it. His colleague sent to expostulate upon these proceedings; but Lepidus fiercely replied, 'that he was determined to have his share in the administration, and would no longer submit to let one alone possess all the authority.' Octavianus was previously informed of the disposition of Lepidus's followers; for he had, by his secret intrigues and largesses, entirely attached them to himself. Wherefore, without further delay, delay, he with great boldness went alone to the camp of Lepidus, and with no other assistance than his private bounties, and the authority he had gained by his former victories, he resolved to depose his rival. The soldiers thronged round him with the most dutiful alacrity, while Lepidus hastened to prevent their defection. But Octavianus, though he received a wound from one of the centurions, went with great presence of mind to the place where the military ensigns were planted, and, flourishing one of them in the air, all the legionary soldiers ran in crowds and saluted him as their general. Lepidus being thus abandoned by his men, divested himself of all the marks of his authority, which he could no longer keep, and submissively threw himself at the feet of Octavianus. This general spared his life, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his army; but deprived him of all his former authority, and banished him to Cireneum.

Octavianus was received upon his return to Rome with universal joy; the senators met him at the gates, and conducted him to the capitol: the people followed, crowned with garlands of flowers: and after having returned thanks to the gods, waited upon him to his palace. There remained now but one obstacle to his ambition, which was Antony, whom he resolved to remove, and for that purpose began to render his character as contemptible as he possibly could at Rome. In fact, Antony's conduct did not a little contribute to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner in the state. He had marched against the Parthians with a prodigious army; but was forced to return with the loss of the fourth part of his forces, and all his baggage*. This extremely diminished his reputation; but his making a triumphal entry into Alexandria soon after, entirely disgusted the citizens of Rome. However, Antony seemed quite regardless of their resentment: totally disregarding the burdens of the state, he spent whole days and nights in the company of Cleopatra, who studied every art to incense his passion, and vary his entertainments. Not contented with sharing in her company all the delights which Egypt could afford, Antony was resolved to enlarge his sphere of luxury, by granting her many of those kingdoms which belonged to the Roman empire. He gave her all Phoenicia, Celo-Syria, and Cyprus; with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea; gifts which he had no right to bestow, but which he pretended to grant in imitation of Hercules. This complication of vice and folly at length totally exasperated the Romans; and Octavianus, willing to take advantage of their resentment, took care to exaggerate all his defects. At length, when he found the people sufficiently irritated against him, he resolved to send Octavia, who was then at Rome, to Antony, as if with a view of reclaiming her husband; but, in fact, to furnish a sufficient pretext of declaring war against him, as he knew she would be dismissed with contempt.

Antony was now in the city of Leucopolis, revelling with his infamous paramour, when he heard that Octavia was at Athens, upon her journey to visit him. This was very unwelcome news to him as well as to Cleopatra; who, fearing the charms of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the strength of her passion. He frequently caught her in tears, which she seemed as if willing to hide; and often intreated her to tell him the cause, which she seemed willing to suppress. These artifices, together with the ceaseless flattery and importunity of her creatures, prevailed so much upon Antony's weakness, that he commanded Octavia to return home without seeing her, and attached himself still more closely to Cleopatra than before. His ridiculous passion now began to have no bounds. He resolved to own her for his wife, and entirely to repudiate Octavia. He accordingly assembled the people of Alexandria in the public theatre, where was raised an alcove of silver, under which were placed two thrones of gold, one for himself and the other for Cleopatra. There he seated himself, dressed like Bacchus, while Cleopatra sat beside him clothed in the ornaments and attributes of Isis, the principal deity of the Egyptians. On that occasion he declared her queen of all the countries which he had already bestowed upon her; while he associated Caesario, her son by Caesar, as her partner in the government. To the two children which he had by herself he gave the title of king of kings, with very extensive dominions; and, to crown his absurdities, he sent a minute account of his proceedings to the two consuls at Rome. It was now necessary to act up to his imaginary dignity; new luxuries and pageantries were now therefore studied, and new marks of profusion found out: not less than 60,000l. of our money were lavished upon one single entertainment; it is said, upon this occasion, that Cleopatra dissolved a pearl of great value in vinegar, and drank it off. But we are told of one circumstance that might well reflect their delights, and teach mankind to relish the beverage of virtue, however simple, above their greatest luxuries. He was suspicious of being poisoned in every meal; he feared Cleopatra, whom he so much loved, and would eat nothing without having it previously tasted by one of his attendants.

In the mean time Octavianus had now a sufficient pretext for declaring war; and informed the senate of resolves to his intentions. However, he deferred the execution of make-war his design for a while, being then employed in quelling an insurrection of the Illyrians. The following year was chiefly taken up in preparations against Antony, who, perceiving his design, remonstrated to the senate, that he had many causes of complaint against his colleague, who had seized upon Sicily without offering him a share; alleging that he had also dispossessed Lepidus, and kept to himself the province he had commanded; and that he had divided all Italy among his own soldiers, leaving nothing to compensate those in Asia. To this complaint Octavianus was contented to make a sarcastic answer; implying, that it was absurd to complain of his distribution of a few trifling districts in Italy, when Antony having conquered Parthia, he might now reward his soldiers with cities and provinces. The sarcasm upon Antony's misfortunes in Parthia provoked him, that he ordered Canidius, who commanded his army, to march without intermission into Europe; while he and Cleopatra followed to Samos, in order to prepare for carrying on the war with vigour. When arrived there, it was ridiculous enough to behold the odd mixture of preparations for pleasure and for war. On one side all the kings and princes from Europe to the Euxine sea had orders to send him thither supplies both of men, provisions and arms; on the other side, all the comedians, dancers, buffoons, and musicians of Greece. Greece, were ordered to attend him. Thus, frequently, when a ship was thought to arrive laden with soldiers, arms, and ammunition, it was found only filled with players and theatrical machinery. When news was expected of the approach of an army, messengers only arrived with tidings of a fresh quantity of venison. The kings who attended him endeavoured to gain his favour more by their entertainments than their warlike preparations; the provinces strove rather to please him by sacrificing to his divinity, than by their alacrity in his defense; so that some were heard to say, "What rejoicings would not this man make for a victory, when he thus triumphs at the eve of a dangerous war!" In short, his best friends now began to forsake his interests.

His delay at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, where he carried Cleopatra to receive new honours, was extremely favourable to the arms of Octavianus. This general was at first scarcely in a disposition to oppose him, had he gone into Italy; but he soon found time to put himself in a condition for carrying on the war, and shortly after declared it against him in form. All Antony's followers were invited over to join him, with great promises of rewards: but they were not declared enemies, partly to prevent their growing desperate, and partly to give a show of moderation to his own party. At length both found themselves in readiness to begin the war, and their armies were answerable to the empire they contended for. The one was followed by all the forces of the east; the other drew all the strength of the west to support his pretensions. Antony's force composed of a body of 100,000 foot and 12,000 horse; while his fleet amounted to 500 ships of war. The army of Octavianus mustered but 80,000 foot, but equalled his adversary's in the number of cavalry: his fleet was but half as numerous as Antony's; however, his ships were better built, and manned with better soldiers.

The great decisive engagement, which was a naval one, was fought near Actium, a city of Epirus, at the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia. Antony ranged his ships before the mouth of the gulf; and Octavianus drew up his fleet in opposition. Neither general assumed any fixed station to command in; but went about from ship to ship wherever his presence was necessary. In the mean time, the two land armies, on opposite sides of the gulf, were drawn up, only as spectators of the engagement; and encouraged the fleets by their shouts to engage. The battle began on both sides with great ardour, and after a manner not practised upon former occasions. The prows of their vessels were armed with brazen points; and with these they drove furiously against each other. In this conflict the ships of Antony came with greater force, but those of Octavianus avoided the shock with greater dexterity. On Antony's side, the sterns of the ships were raised in form of a tower; from whence they threw arrows from machines for that purpose. Those of Octavianus made use of long poles hooked with iron, and fire-pots. They fought in this manner for some time with equal animosity; nor was there any advantage on either side, except a small appearance of disorder in the centre of Antony's fleet. But all of a sudden Cleopatra determined the fortune of the day. She was seen flying from the engagement attended by 60 sail; struck, perhaps, with the terrors natural to her sex: but what increased the general amazement was, to behold Antony himself following soon after, and leaving his fleet at the mercy of the conquerors. The engagement, notwithstanding, continued with great obstinacy till five in the evening; when Antony's forces, partly constrained by the conduct of Agrippa, and partly persuaded by the promises of Octavianus, submitted to the conqueror. The land forces soon after followed the example of the navy; and all yielded to the conqueror without striking a blow the fourth day after the battle.

When Cleopatra fled, Antony pursued her in a five-oared galley; and coming along-side of her ship entered, without seeing or being seen by her. She was in the stern, and he went to the prow, where he remained for some time silent, holding his head between his hands. In this manner he continued three whole days; during which, either through indignation or shame, he neither saw nor spoke to Cleopatra. At last, when they were arrived at the promontory of Tenarus, the queen's female attendants reconciled them, and everything went on as before. Still, however, he had the consolation to suppose his army continued faithful to him; and accordingly dispatched orders to his lieutenant Canidius to conduct it into Asia. However, he was soon undeceived when he arrived in Africa, when he was informed of their submission to his rival. This account so transported him with rage, that he was hardly prevented from killing himself; but at length, at the entreaty of his friends, he returned to Alexandria, in a very different situation from that in which he had left it some time before. Cleopatra, however, seemed to retain that fortitude in her misfortunes which had utterly abandoned her admirer. Having amassed considerable riches by means of confiscation and other acts of violence, she formed a very singular and unheard-of project; this was to convey her whole fleet over the isthmus of Suez into the Red Sea, and thereby save herself in another region beyond the reach of Rome, with all her treasures. Some of her vessels were actually transported thither, pursuant to her orders; but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony dissuading her from the design, she abandoned it for the more improbable scheme of defending Egypt against the conqueror.—He resolves she omitted nothing in her power to put his advice in to defend practice, and made all kinds of preparations for war; Egypt at least hoping thereby to obtain better terms from Octavianus. In fact, she had always loved Antony's fortunes rather than his person; and if she could have fallen upon a method of saving herself, though even at his expense, there is no doubt but she would have embraced it with gladness. She even still had some hopes from the power of her charms, though she was arrived almost at the age of 40; and was desirous of trying upon Octavianus those arts which had been so successful with the greatest men of Rome. Thus, in three embassies which were sent one after another from Antony to his rival in Asia, the queen had always her secret agents, charged with particular proposals in her name. Antony desired no more than that his life might be spared, and to have the liberty of passing the remainder of his days in obscurity. To these proposals Octavianus made no reply. Cleopatra sent him also public proposals in favour of her children; but, at the same time privately resigned him her crown, with all the ensigns of royalty. To the queen's public proposal no answer was given; to her private offer he replied, by giving her affluences of his favour in case she fent away Antony or put him to death. These negotiations were not so private but they came to the knowledge of Antony, whose jealousy and rage were now heightened by every concurrence. He built a small solitary house upon a mole in the sea; and there he passed his time, shunning all commerce with mankind, and professing to imitate Timon the man-hater. However, his furious jealousy drove him even from this retreat into society; for hearing that Cleopatra had many secret conferences with one Thyrus, an emissary from Octavianus, he seized upon him, and having ordered him to be cruelly scourged, he sent him back to his patron. At the same time he sent letters by him, importing, that he had chastified Thyrus for insulting a man in his misfortunes; but without he gave his rival permission to avenge himself, by scourging Hipparchus, Antony's freedman, in the same manner. The revenge, in this case, would have been highly pleasing to Antony, as Hipparchus had left him to join the fortunes of his more successful rival.

Meanwhile, the operations of the war were carried vigorously forward, and Egypt was once more the theatre of the contending armies of Rome. Gallus, the Lieutenant of Octavianus, took Paretonium, which opened the whole country to his incursions. On the other side, Antony, who had still considerable forces by sea and land, wanted to take that important place from the enemy. He therefore marched towards it, flattering himself, that as soon as he should show himself to the legions which he had once commanded, their affection for their ancient general would revive. He approached therefore, and exhorted them to remember their former vows of fidelity. Gallus, however, ordered all the trumpets to sound, in order to hinder Antony from being heard, so that he was obliged to retire.

Octavianus himself was in the mean time advancing with another army before Pelusium, which, by its strong situation, might have retarded his progress for some time. But the governor of the city, either wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed by Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take possession of the place; so that Octavianus had now no obstacle in his way to Alexandria, whither he marched with all expedition. Antony, upon his arrival, fell out to oppose him, fighting with great desperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to flight. This flight advantage once more revived his declining hopes; and being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexandria in triumph. Then going, all armed as he was, to the palace, he embraced Cleopatra, and presented her a soldier who had distinguished himself in the late engagement. The queen rewarded him very magnificently; presenting him with an head-piece and breast-plate of gold. With these, however, the soldier went off the next night to the other army. Antony could not bear this defection without fresh indignation; he resolved, therefore, to make a bold expiring effort by sea and land, but previously offered to fight his adversary in single combat. Octavianus too well knew the inequality of their situations to comply with this forlorn offer; he only, therefore, coolly replied, that Antony had ways enough to die besides single combat.

The evening before the day appointed for the last desperate attempt, he ordered a grand entertainment to be prepared. At day-break he posted the few troops he had remaining upon a rising ground near the city; from whence he sent orders to his galleys to engage the fleet by enemy. There he waited to be a spectator of the coming battle; and, at first, he had the satisfaction to see them advance in good order; but his approbation was soon turned into rage, when he saw his ships only saluting those of Octavianus, and both fleets uniting together, and falling back into the harbour. At the very same time his cavalry deserted him. He tried, however, to lead on his infantry; which were easily vanquished, and he himself compelled to return into the town. His anger was now ungovernable; he could not help crying out aloud as he passed, that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, and delivered by her to those who, for her sake alone, were his enemies. In these suspicions he was not deceived; for it was by secret orders from the queen that the fleet had passed over to the enemy.

Cleopatra had, for a long while, dreaded the effects of Antony's jealousy; and had, some time before, prepared a method of obviating any sudden fallies it might produce. Near the temple of Isis she had erected a building, which was seemingly designed for a sepulchre. Hither she removed all her treasure and most valuable effects, covering them over with torches, faggots, and other combustible matter. This sepulchre she designed to answer a double purpose; as well to screen her from the sudden resentments of Antony, as to make Octavianus believe that she would burn all her treasures in case he refused her proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, she retired from Antony's present fury; shutting the gates, which were fortified with bolts and bars of iron; but in the mean time gave orders that a report should be spread of her death. This news, which soon reached Antony, recalled all his former love and tenderfeet. He now lamented her death with the same violence he had but a few minutes before seemed to desire it; and called one of his freedmen, named Eros, whom he had by oath engaged to kill him whenever fortune should drive him to this last resource. Eros being now commanded to perform his promise, this faithful follower drew the sword, as if going to execute his orders; but turning his face, plunged it into his own bosom, and died at his master's feet. Antony for a while hung over his faithful servant, and, commending his fidelity, took up the sword, stabbing himself in the belly, he fell back, laid with ward upon a little couch. Though the wound was his wound, mortal, yet the blood stopping he recovered his spirits, and earnestly conjured those who were come into the room to put an end to his life; but they all fled, being seized with fright and horror. He therefore continued in agonies for some time; till he was informed by one of the queen's secretaries that his mistress was still alive. He then earnestly desired to be carried to the place where she was. They accordingly brought him to the gate of the sepulchre; but Cleopatra, who would not permit it to be opened, appeared at the window, and threw down cords in order to pull him up. In this manner, assisted by her two female attendants, she raised him all bloody from the ground; and while yet suspended in the air, he continued stretching out his hands to encourage her. Cleopatra and her maids had only just strength sufficient to raise him; and at last, with much straining, they effected... effected their purpose, and carried him to a couch, on which they gently laid him. Here she gave way to her sorrow, tearing her clothes, beating her breast, and kissing the wound of which he was dying. She called upon him as her lord, her husband, her emperor, and seemed to have forgot her own distresses in the greatness of his sufferings. Antony entreated her to moderate the transports of her grief, and asked for some wine. After he had drank, he entreated Cleopatra to endeavour to preserve her life, if she could do it with honour; and recommended Proculus, a friend of Octavianus, as one she might rely on to be her intercessor. Just as he had done speaking, he expired; and Proculus made his appearance by command of Octavianus, who had been informed of Antony's desperate conduct. He was sent to try all means of getting Cleopatra into his power; his master having a double motive for his solicitude on this occasion; one, to prevent her destroying the treasures she had taken with her into the tomb; the other, to preserve her person as an ornament to grace his triumph. Cleopatra, however, was upon her guard, and would not confer with Proculus, except through the gate, which was well secured. In the mean time, while he designedly drew out the conference to some length, and had given Gallus, one of his fellow-soldiers, directions to carry on the conversation in his absence, he entered with two more by the window at which Antony had been drawn up. As soon as he was entered, he ran down to the gate; and one of the women crying out, that they were taken alive, Cleopatra, perceiving what had happened, drew a poniard, and attempted to stab herself; but Proculus prevented the blow, and gently remonstrated that she was cruel in refusing so good a prince as his master was the pleasure of displaying his excellency. He then forced the poniard out of her hand, and examined her clothes to be certain she had no poison about her. Thus leaving every thing secured, he went to acquaint his master with his proceedings.

Octavianus was extremely pleased at finding her in his power: he sent Epaphroditus to bring her to his palace, and to watch her with the utmost circumspection. He was likewise ordered to use her, in every respect, with that deference and submission which were due to her rank, and to do everything in his power to render her captivity agreeable. She was permitted to have the honour of granting Antony the rites of burial, and furnished with every thing she desired, that was becoming his dignity to receive, or her love to offer. Yet still she languished under her new confinement. Her excessive sorrow, her many losses, and the blows she had given her bosom, produced a fever, which she seemed willing to increase. She resolved to abstain from taking any nourishment, under the pretence of a regimen necessary for her disorder; but Octavianus being made acquainted with the real motive by her physician, began to threaten her with regard to her children, in case she persisted. This was the only punishment that could now affect her; she allowed herself to be treated as they thought proper, and received whatever was prescribed for her recovery.

In the mean time Octavianus made his entry into Alexandria, taking care to mitigate the fears of the inhabitants, by conversing familiarly as he went along with Arcus a philosopher, and a native of the place. The citizens, however, trembled at his approach; and when he placed himself upon the tribunal, they prostrated themselves, with their faces to the ground, before him, like criminals who waited the sentence of their execution. Octavianus presently ordered them to rise; telling them, that three motives induced him to pardon them: His respect for Alexander, who was the founder of their city; his admiration of its beauty; and his friendship for Areus, their fellow-citizen. Two only of particular note were put to death upon this occasion: Antony's eldest son Antyllus, and Cæsarion, the son of Julius Cæsar; both betrayed into his hands by their respective tutors, who themselves suffered for their perfidy shortly after. As for the rest of Cleopatra's children, he treated them with great gentleness, leaving them to the care of those who were entrusted with their education, who had orders to provide them with every thing suitable to their birth. When she was recovered from her late indisposition, he came to visit her in person. Cleopatra had been preparing for this interview, and made use of every method she could think of to propitiate the conqueror, and to gain his affection; but in vain. However, at his departure, Octavianus imagined that he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of being thrown in the intended triumph, which he was preparing for on his return to Rome: but in this he was deceived. Cleopatra, all this time, had kept a correspondence with Dolabella, a young Roman of high birth, in the camp of Octavianus; who, perhaps, from compassion, or stronger motives, was interested in the misfortunes of that princess. From him she learnt the intentions of Octavianus, and that he was determined to send her off in three days, together with her children, to Rome. She now therefore determined upon dying; but previously intreated permission to pay her oblations at Antony's tomb. This request being granted her, she was carried with her two female attendants to the flatly monument where he was laid. There she threw herself upon his coffin, bewailed her captivity, and renewed her protestations not to survive him. She then crowned the tomb with garlands of flowers; and having kissed the coffin a thousand times, she returned home to execute her fatal resolution. Having bathed, and ordered a sumptuous banquet, she attired herself in the most splendid manner. She then feasted as usual; and soon after ordered all but her two attendants, Charmion and Iras, to leave the room. Then, having previously ordered an apothecary to be secretly conveyed to her in a basket of fruit, she sent a letter to Octavianus, informing him of her fatal purpose, and desiring to be buried in the same tomb with Antony. Octavianus, upon receiving this letter, instantly dispatched messengers to prevent her, but they arrived too late. Upon entering the chamber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded couch, arrayed in her royal robes. Near her, Iras, one of her faithful attendants, was stretched lifeless at the feet of her mistress; and Charmion herself, almost expiring, was settling the diadem upon Cleopatra's head. She died at the age of thirty-nine, after having reigned twenty-two years. Her death put an end to the monarchy in Egypt, which had flourished there from time immemorial.

Octavianus seemed much troubled at Cleopatra's death, as it deprived him of a principal ornament in his intended intended triumph. However, the manner of it a good deal exalted her character among the Romans, with whom suicide was considered as a virtue. Her dying request was complied with, her body being laid by Antony's, and a magnificent funeral prepared for her and her two faithful attendants.

After having settled the affairs of Egypt, he left Alexandria in the beginning of September, in the year of Rome 720, with a design to return through Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, to Italy. On his arrival at Antioch, he found there Tiridates, who had been raised to the throne of Parthia in opposition to Phrahates, and likewise ambassadors from Phrahates, who were all come on the same errand; to wit, to solicit the affiance of the Romans against each other. Octavianus gave a friendly answer both to Tiridates and the ambassadors of Phrahates, without intending to help either; but rather with a design to animate the one against the other, and by that means to weaken both, so far as to render the Parthian name no longer formidable to Rome. After this, having appointed Mestala Corvinus governor of Syria, he marched into the province of Asia, properly so called, and there took up his winter-quarters. He spent the whole winter in settling the affairs of the several provinces of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands; and early in the spring passed into Greece, whence he set out for Rome, which he entered in the month Sextilis, afterwards called August, in three triumphs, which were celebrated for three days together.

And now Octavianus was at the height of his wishes, sole sovereign, sole master, of the whole Roman empire. But, on the other hand, the many dangers which attended an usurped power, appearing to him in a stronger light than ever, filled his mind with a thousand perplexing thoughts. The natural aversion of the Romans to a kingly government, their love of liberty, and the ideas of March, when his father Julius was murdered in full senate by those very men whom he thought the most devoted to his person, made him fear there might arise another Brutus, who, to restore liberty to his country, might assassinate him on his very throne. This he knew had happened to Julius Caesar; whereas Sylla, after having laid down the authority he had usurped, died peaceably in his bed in the midst of his enemies. The passion of fear outweighed in his soul the charms of a diadem, and inclined him to follow the example of Sylla. He was indeed very unwilling to part with his authority; but fear began to get the better of his ambition. However, before he came to any resolution, he thought it advisable to consult his two most intimate and trusty friends, Agrippa and Mecenas; the former no less famous for his probity than his valour; and the latter a man of great penetration, and generally esteemed the most refined politician of his age. Agrippa enlarged on the many and almost inevitable dangers which attend monarchy, inapplicable to a free people, and to men educated in a commonwealth. He did not forget the examples of Sylla and Caesar; and closed his speech with exhorting Octavianus to convince the world, by restoring liberty to his country, that the only motive for his taking up arms was to revenge his father's death.

Mecenas, on the other hand, remonstrated to him, that he had done too much to go back; that, after so much bloodshed, there could be no safety for him but on the throne; that, if he divested himself of the sovereign power, he would be immediately prosecuted by the children and friends of the many illustrious persons from whom the misfortunes of the times had forced him to sacrifice to his safety; that it was absolutely necessary for the welfare and tranquillity of the republic, that the sovereign power should be lodged in one person, not divided among many, &c. Octavianus thanked them both for their friendly advice, but showed himself inclined to follow the opinion of Mecenas; whereupon that able minister gave him many wise instructions and rules of government, which are related at length by Dio Cassius, and will ever be looked upon as a masterpiece in politics. Among other things he told him, That he could not fail of being successful in all his undertakings, happy in his lifetime, and famous in history after his death, if he never deviated from this rule; to wit, To govern others as he would wish to be governed himself, had he been born to obey and not to command. He added, That if, in taking upon him the sovereign power, he dreaded the name of king, a name so odious in a commonwealth, he might content himself with the title of Caesar or Imperator; and under that name, which was well known to the Romans, enjoy all the authority of a king.

This advice Octavianus followed, and from that time laid aside all thoughts of abdicating the sovereign power; but, to deceive the people into a belief that they still enjoyed their ancient government, he continued the old magistrates, with the same name, pomp, and ornaments, but with just as much power as he thought fit to leave them. They were to have no military power, but only their old jurisdiction of deciding finally all causes, except such as were capital; and though some of these last were left to the governor of Rome, yet the chief he reserved for himself. He paid great court to the people; the very name that covered his usurpation was a compliment to them; for he affected to call it the power of the tribuneship, though he acted as absolutely by it as if he had called it the dictatorial power. He likewise won the hearts of the populace by cheapness of provisions and plentiful markets; he frequently entertained them with shows and sports; and by these means kept them in good humour, and made them forget usurpation, slavery, and every public evil; people in ease and plenty being under no temptation of inquiring into the title of their prince, or reflecting acts of power which they do not immediately feel.

As for the senate, he filled it with his own creatures, raising the number of the conscript fathers to 1000. He supplied several poor senators with money out of the treasury to discharge the public offices, and on all occasions affected a high regard for that venerable body; but at the same time divested them of all power, and reduced them to mere cyphers. To prevent them from raising new disturbances in the distant provinces, he issued an edict, forbidding any senator to travel out of Italy without leave, except such as had lands in Sicily, or Narbonne Gaul, which at that time comprehended Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiny. To these provinces, which were near Italy, and in a perfect state of tranquillity, they had full liberty to retire when they pleased, and live there upon their estates. Before he ended his sixth consulship, he took a census of the peo- ple, which was 41 years after the last; and in this the number of the men fit to bear arms amounted to 463,000, the greatest that had ever been found before. He likewise celebrated the games which had been decreed by the senate for his victory at Actium; and it was ordered, that they should be celebrated every fifth year, four colleges of priests being appointed to take care of them; to wit, the pontifices, the augurs, the septemvirals, and quindecimvirs. The more to gain the affections of the people, he annulled, by one edict, the many severe and unjust laws which had been enacted during the triumvirate. He raised many public buildings, repaired the old ones, and added many statley ornaments to the city, which at this time was, if we may give credit to some ancient writers, about 50 miles in compass, and contained near four millions of souls, reckoning men, women, children, and slaves. He attended buffets, reformed abuses, showed great regard for the Roman name, procured public abundance, pleasure, and jollity, often appearing in person at the public diversions, and in all things studying to render himself dear to the populace.

And now Octavianus, entering upon his seventh consulship with M. Agrippa, the third time consul, and finding all things ripe for his design, the people being highly pleased with his mild government, and the senate filled with his creatures, whose fortunes depended upon his holding the power he had usurped, went by the advice of Agrippa and Maecenas to the senate-house; and there, in a studied speech, offered to resign his authority, and put all again into the hands of the people upon the old foundation of the commonwealth; being well apprised, that the greater part of the conscript fathers, whose interests were interwoven with his, would unanimously press him to the contrary: Which happened accordingly; for they not only interrupted him while he was speaking, but after he had done, unanimously besought him to take upon himself alone the whole government of the Roman empire. He, with a seeming reluctance, yielded at last to their request, as if he had been compelled to accept of the sovereignty. By this artifice he compassed his design, which was, to get the power and authority, which he had usurped, confirmed to him by the senate and people for the space of 10 years: for he would not accept of it for a longer term, pretending he should in that time be able to settle all things in such peace and order that there would be no further need of his authority; but that he might then cast himself off the burden, and put the government again into the hands of the senate and people. This method he took to render the yoke less heavy; but with a design to renew his leave, if we may be allowed the expression, as soon as the ten years were expired; which he did accordingly from ten years to ten years as long as he lived, all the while governing the whole Roman empire with an absolute and uncontrolled power. With this new authority the senate resolved to distinguish him with a new name. Some of the conscript fathers proposed the name of Romulus, thereby to import that he was another founder of Rome; others offered other titles; but the venerable name of Augustus, proposed by Manutius Planicus, seemed preferable to all the rest, as it expressed more dignity and reverence than authority, the most sacred things, such as temples, and places consecrated by augurs, being termed by the Romans Augur. Octavianus himself was inclined to assume the name of Romulus; but, fearing he should be suspected of affecting the kingdom, he declined it, and took that of Augustus, by which we shall henceforth distinguish him.

Though the whole power of the senate and people was now vested in Augustus, yet, that he might seem to share it with the conscript fathers, he refused to govern all the provinces; assigning to the senate such as were quiet and peaceable; and keeping to himself those which, bordering upon barbarous nations, were most exposed to troubles and wars, saying, He desired the fathers might enjoy their power with ease and safety, while he underwent all the dangers and labours: but, by this politic conduct, he secured all the military power to himself: the troops lying in the provinces he had chosen; and the others, which were governed by the senate, being quite destitute of forces. The latter were called senatorial, and the former imperial, provinces. Over the provinces of both sorts were set men of distinction, to wit, such as had been consuls or praetors, with the titles of proconsul and praetor; but the government of Egypt was committed to a private knight, Augustus fearing lest a person of rank, depending upon the wealth and situation of that country, might raise new disturbances in the empire. All these governors held their employment only for a year, and were upon the arrival of their successors to depart their provinces immediately, and not fail to be at Rome within three months at the farthest. This division of the provinces was made, according to Ovid, on the ides of January; whereas he was vested by the senate and people with the sovereign power on the seventh of the ides of the same month, as is manifest from the Narbonne marbles; and from that time many writers date the years of his empire. Thus ended the greatest commonwealth, and at the same time began the greatest monarchy, that had ever been known; a monarchy which infinitely excelled in power, riches, extent, and continuance, all the empires which had preceded it.

It comprehended the greatest and by far the best part Extent, &c., of Europe, Asia, and Africa, being near 4000 miles in the length, and about half as much in breadth. As to the annual yearly revenues of the empire, they have by a moderate computation been reckoned to amount to forty millions of our money. But the Romans themselves now ran headlong into all manner of luxury and effeminacy. The people were become a mere mob; those who were wont to direct mighty wars, to raise and depose great kings, to bestow or take away potent empires, were so sunk and debauched, that, if they had but bread and shows, their ambition went no higher. The nobility were indeed more polite than in former ages; but at the same time idle, venal, vicious, infensible of private virtue, utter strangers to public glory or disgrace, void of zeal for the welfare of their country, and solely intent on gaining the favour of the emperor, as knowing that certain wealth and preferment were the rewards of ready submission, acquiescence, and flattery. No wonder, therefore, that they lost their liberty, without being ever again able to retrieve it.

Augustus, now absolute master of the Roman empire, took all methods to ingratiate himself with his soldiers, by whose means he had attained such a height of power. With this view, he dispersed them through different different parts of Italy in 32 colonies, that he might the more easily reassemble them on proper occasions. He kept 23 legions constantly on foot, four of which were in Europe; viz., eight on the Rhine, four on the Danube, three in Spain, and two in Dalmatia. The other eight were sent into Asia and Africa; four of them being quartered in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates, two in Egypt, and two in Africa Propria, that is, the ancient dominions of Carthage. All these forces, amounting to 170,650 men, were constantly kept on foot by the Roman emperors for several ages. In the neighbourhood of Rome were always quartered 12 cohorts, that is, about 10,000 men; nine of which were called praetorian cohorts; the other three, city cohorts. These were established as a guard to the emperor, and to maintain peace and tranquillity in the city, but had often a great share in the disturbances which took place throughout the empire. Besides these, Augustus constantly kept at sea two powerful navies; one the riding at anchor near Ravenna in the Adriatic sea, to command Dalmatia, Greece, Cyprus, and the rest of the eastern provinces; the other at Misenum in the Mediterranean, to keep in awe the western parts of the empire. They were likewise to keep the seas clear of pirates, to convey the vessels which brought to Rome the annual tributes from the provinces beyond sea, and to transport corn and other provisions necessary for the relief and subsistence of the city. As to the civil government, Augustus enacted several new laws, and reformed some of the old ones; however, he affected to do nothing without the advice of the senate; who were so well pleased with the complaisance showed them on all occasions, that to the rest of his titles they added that of Pater Patriae, or "Father of his Country."

And now Augustus having settled all things with regard to the civil and military establishments of the empire, turned his arms against the Spanish nations called the Cantabrians and Asturians, who had never been fully subdued. The war, however, terminated as usual, in favour of the Romans; and these brave nations were forced to receive the yoke, though not without the most violent resistance on their part, and the utmost difficulty on that of the Romans (see Asturia). By this and his other conquests the name of Augustus became so celebrated, that his friendship was courted by the most distant monarchs. Phraates king of Parthia consented to a treaty with him upon his own terms, and gave him four of his own sons with their wives and children as hostages for the performance of the articles; and as a further instance of his respect, he delivered up the Roman eagles and other ensigns which had been taken from Crassus at the battle of Carrhae. He received also an embassy from the king of India, with a letter written in the Greek tongue, in which the Indian monarch informed him, that "though he reigned over 600 kings, he had so great a value for the friendship of Augustus, that he had sent this embassy on so long a journey on purpose to deify it of him; that he was ready to meet him at whatsoever place he pleased to appoint; and that, upon the first notice, he was ready to afford him in whatever was right." This letter he subscribed by the name of Porus king of India. Of the ambassadors who set out from India, three only reached the presence of Augustus, who was at that time in the island of Samos, the others dying by the way. Of the three survivors one was named Zarman, a gymnosophist, who followed the emperor to Athens, and there burnt himself in his presence; it being customary for the gymnosophists to put an end to their lives in this manner, when they thought they had lived long enough, or apprehended some misfortune. Soon after this the Roman dominions were extended southward over the Garamantes, a people whose country reached as far as the river Niger. All this time the emperor continued to make new regulations for the good of the state; and among other things caused the Sibylline oracles to be reviewed. Many of these he rejected; but such as were reckoned authentic, he caused to be copied by the pontifices themselves, and lodged them in golden cabinets, which he placed in the temple of Apollo, built by him in his palace.

The Roman empire had now extended itself so far that it seemed to have arrived at the limits prescribed by nature; and as soon as this was the case, it began to be attacked by those nations which in process of time were to overthrow it. The Germans, by which name the Romans confounded a great number of nations dwelling in the northern parts of Europe, began to make incursions into Gaul. Their first attempt happened in the year 17 B.C. when they at first gained an inconsiderable advantage, but were soon driven back with great loss. Soon after this the Rhaeti, who seem to have inhabited the country bordering on the lake of Constance, invaded Italy, where they committed dreadful devastations, putting all the males to the sword without distinction of rank or age; nay, we are told, that, when women with child happened to fall into their hands, they consulted their augurs whether the child was male or female; and if they pronounced it a male, the mother was immediately massacred. Against these barbarians Augustus sent Drusus the second son of the empress Livia; who, though very young, found means to gain a complete victory with very little loss on his part. Those who escaped took the road to Gaul, being joined by the Vindelici, another nation in the neighbourhood; but Tiberius, the elder brother of Drusus, marched against them, and overthrew them so completely, that the Rhaeti, Vindelici, and Norici, three of the most barbarous nations in those parts, were fain to submit to the pleasure of the emperor. To keep their country in awe, Tiberius planted two colonies in Vindelicia, opening a road from thence into Noricum and Rhaetia. One of the cities which he built for the defence of his colonies was called Dryfomagus; the other, Augula Vindelicorum; both of which are now known by the names of Nimingen and Augsburg.

Augustus, who had long since obtained all the temporal honours which could well be conferred upon him, created now began to assume those of the spiritual kind also; Pontifex Maximus being in the year 13 B.C. created Pontifex Maximus; an office which he continued to hold till his death; as did also his successors till the time of Theodosius. By virtue of this office he corrected a very gross mistake in the Roman calendar; for the pontifices, having, for the space of 36 years, that is, ever since the reformation by Julius Caesar, made every third year a leap year, instead of every fourth, twelve days had been inserted instead of nine, so that the Roman year consisted of three days more than it ought to have done. These three superfluous days having been thrown out, the form of the year has ever since been regularly observed, and is still known by the name of the old style in use among us. On this occasion he gave his own name to the month of August, as Julius Caesar had formerly done to the month of July.

In the year 11 B.C., Agrippa died, and was succeeded in his high employment of governor of Rome by Tiberius, but, before investing him with this ample power, the emperor caused him to divorce his wife Agrippina (who had already brought him a son, and was then big with child), in order to marry Julia the widow of Agrippa and daughter of the emperor. Julia was a princess of an infamous character, as was known to almost everybody excepting Augustus himself; however, Tiberius made no hesitation, through fear of disobliging the emperor.

The emperor now sent his two sons Tiberius and Drusus against the northern nations. Tiberius reduced the Pannonians, who had attempted to shake off the yoke after the death of Agrippa. Drusus performed great exploits in Germany; but while he was considering whether he should penetrate further into these northern countries, he was seized with a violent fever, which carried him off in a few days. He was succeeded in his command by Tiberius, who is reported to have done great things, but certainly made no permanent conquests in Germany. However, he was honoured with a triumph, and had the tribunitial power for five years conferred upon him; which was no sooner done, than, to the great surprize of Augustus and the whole city, he desired leave to quit Rome and retire to Rhodes. Various reasons have been assigned for this extraordinary resolution: some are of opinion that it was in order to avoid being an eye witness of the debaucheries of his wife Julia, who set no bounds to her lewdness; though others imagine that he was offended at the honours which Augustus had conferred on his grandchildren, especially at his styling them princes of the Roman youth; which left him no hopes of enjoying the sovereign power. However, Augustus positively refused to comply with his request, and his mother Livia used her utmost endeavours to dissuade him from his resolution; but Tiberius continued obstinate; and, finding all other means ineffectual, at last shut himself up in his house, where he abstained four whole days from nourishment. Augustus, perceiving that he could not get the better of his obstinate and inflexible temper, at last complied with his request. Tiberius soon grew weary of his retirement, and, giving out that he had left Rome only to avoid giving umbrage to the emperor's two grand children, desired leave to return; but Augustus was so much displeased with his having obstinately insisted on leaving Rome, that he obliged him to remain at Rhodes for seven years longer. His mother, with much ado got him declared the emperor's lieutenant in those parts; but Tiberius, dreading the resentment of his father-in-law, continued to act as a private person during the whole time of his stay there.

A profound peace now reigned throughout the whole empire; and in consequence of this the temple of Janus was shut, which had never before happened since the time of Numa Pompilius. During this pacific interval, the Saviour of mankind was born in Judea, as is recorded in the sacred history, 748 years after the foundation of Rome by Romulus. Three years after, Tiberius returned to the city, by permission of Augustus, who yet would not allow him to bear any public office; but in a short time, Lucius Caesar, one of the emperor's grandchildren, died, not without suspicions of his being poisoned by Livia. Tiberius showed such great concern for his death, that the affection of Augustus for him returned; and it is said that he would at that time have adopted Tiberius, had it not been for giving umbrage to his other grandson Caius Caesar. This obloquy, however, was soon after removed; Caius being taken off also, not without great suspicions of Livia, as well as in the former case. Augustus was exceedingly concerned at his death, and immediately adopted Tiberius as his son; but adopted also Agrippa Posthumus, the third son of the famous Agrippa; and obliged Tiberius to adopt Germanicus as the son of his brother Drusus, though he had a son of his own named Drusus; which was a great mortification to him. As to Agrippa, however, who might have been an occasion of jealousy, Tiberius was soon freed from him, by his disgrace and banishment, which very soon took place, but on what account is not known.

The northern nations now began to turn formidable; and though it is pretended that Tiberius was always successful against them, yet about this time they gave the Romans a most terrible overthrow; three legions and six cohorts, under Quintilius Varus, being almost entirely cut in pieces. Augustus set no bounds to his grief on this fatal occasion. For some months he let his hair and beard grow, frequently tearing his garments, knocking his head against the wall, and crying out like a distracted person, "Restore the legions, Varus!" Tiberius, however, was soon after sent into Germany; and for his exploits there he was honoured with a triumph. Augustus now took him for his colleague in the sovereignty; after which he sent Germanicus against the northern barbarians, and Tiberius into Illyricum. This was the last of his public acts; Death of for having accompanied Tiberius for part of his journey, he died at Nola in Campania, in the 76th year of his age, and 56th of his reign. Livia was suspected of having hastened his death by giving him poisoned figs. Her reason for this was, that she feared a reconciliation between him and his grandson Agrippa, whom he had banished, as we have already related. Some months before, the emperor had paid a visit to Agrippa, unknown to Livia, Tiberius, or any other person, excepting one Fabius Maximus. This man, on his return home, discovered the secret to his wife, and she to the empress. Augustus then perceiving that Fabius had betrayed him, was so provoked, that he banished him from his presence for ever; upon which the unfortunate Fabius, unable to survive his disgrace, laid violent hands on himself.

Tiberius, who succeeded to the empire, resolved to secure himself on the throne by the murder of Agrippa; whom accordingly he caused to be put to death by a military tribune. Though this might have been a sufficient evidence of what the Romans had to expect, the death of Augustus was no sooner known, than the consuls, senators, and knights, to use the expression of Tacitus, ran headlong into slavery. The two consuls first Tiberius behaved in a dark mysterious manner, taking care to rule with an absolute sway, but at the same time seeming to hesitate whether he should accept the sovereign power or not; insomuch that one of the senators took the liberty to tell him, that other men were slow in performing what they had promised, but he was slow in promising what he had already performed. At last, however, his modesty was overcome, and he declared his acceptance of the sovereignty in the following words: "I accept the empire, and will hold it, till such time as you, conscript fathers, in your great prudence, shall think proper to give repose to my old age."

Tiberius had scarcely taken possession of the throne, when news were brought him that the armies in Pannonia and Germany had mutinied. In Pannonia, three legions having been allowed some days of relaxation from their usual duties, either to mourn for the death of Augustus, or to rejoice for the accession of Tiberius, grew turbulent and seditious. The Pannonian mutineers were headed by one Perceennius, a common soldier; who, before he served in the army, had made it his whole business to form parties in the theatres and playhouses to hiss or applaud such actors as he liked or disliked. Infamed by the speeches of this man, they openly revolted; and though Tiberius himself wrote to them, and sent his son Drusus to endeavour to quell the tumult, they massacred some of their officers, and insulted others, till at last, being frightened by an eclipse of the moon, they began to show some signs of repentance. Of this favourable disposition Drusus took advantage; and even got the ringleaders of the revolt condemned and executed. Immediately after this they were again terrified by such violent storms and dreadful rains, that they quietly submitted, and every thing in that quarter was restored to tranquillity.

The revolt of the German legions threatened much more danger, as they were more numerous than those of Pannonia. They proceeded nearly in the same way as the Pannonian legions, falling upon their officers, especially the centurions, and beating them till they almost expired, drove them out of the camp, and some of them were even thrown into the Rhine. Germanicus, who was at that time in Gaul, hastened to the camp on the first news of the disturbance; but being unable to prevail on them to return to their duty, he was obliged to feign letters from Tiberius, granting all their demands. There were, That all those who had served 20 years should be discharged; that such as had served 16 should be deemed veterans; and that some legacies which had been left them by Augustus should not only be paid immediately, but doubled. This last article he was obliged to discharge without delay out of the money which he and his friends had brought to defray the expenses of their journey; and on receiving it, the troops quietly retired to their winter-quarters. But, in the mean time, some deputies sent either by Tiberius or the senate, probably to quell the sedition, occasioned fresh disturbances; for the legionaries, taking it into their heads that these deputies were come to revoke the concessions which Germanicus had made, were with difficulty prevented from tearing them in pieces; and, notwithstanding the utmost endeavours of Germanicus, behaved in such an outrageous manner, that the general thought proper to send off his wife Agrippina, with her infant son Claudius, herself at the same time being big with child. As she was attended by many women of distinction, wives of the chief officers in the camp, their tears and lamentations in parting with their husbands occasioned a great uproar, and drew together the soldiers from all quarters. A new scene ensued, which made an impression even upon the most obstinate. They could not behold, without shame and compassion, so many women of rank travelling thus forlorn, without a centurion to attend them, or a soldier to guard them; and their general's wife among the rest, carrying her infant child in her arms, and preparing to fly for shelter against the treachery of the Roman legions. This made such a deep impression on the minds of many of them, that some ran to stop her, while the rest recurred to Germanicus, earnestly entreating him to recall his wife, and to prevent her from being obliged to seek a sanctuary among foreigners. The general improved this favourable disposition, and in a short time they of their own accord seized and massacred the ringleaders of the revolt. Still, however, two of the legions continued in their disobedience. Against them therefore Germanicus determined to lead those who had returned to their duty. With this view he prepared vessels; but before he embarked his troop, he wrote a letter to Cæcina who commanded them, acquainting him that he approached with a powerful army, resolved to put them all to the sword without distinction, if they did not prevent him by taking vengeance on the guilty themselves. This letter Cæcina communicated only to the chief officers and such of the soldiers as had all along disapproved of the revolt, exhorting them at the same time to enter into an association against the seditious, and put to the sword such as had involved them in the present ignominy and guilt. This proposal was approved of, and a cruel massacre immediately took place; insomuch that quelled by when Germanicus came to the camp, he found the greatest part of the legions destroyed. This greatly affected the humane Germanicus, who caused the bodies of the slain to be burnt, and celebrated their obsequies with the usual solemnities; however, the sedition was thus effectually quelled, after which he led his army into Germany. There he performed many great exploits; but still all that he could perform was far from freeing the empire from so dangerous and troublesome an enemy. In the year 19, he died, of poison, as was supposed, given by Piso, his partner in the government of Syria, to which Germanicus had been promoted after his return from the north.

In the mean time, Tiberius, though he affected to court the favour of the people by various methods, yet showed himself in general such a cruel and bloodthirsty tyrant, that he became the object of universal abhorrence. Though he had hated Germanicus in his heart, he punished Piso with death; but in about a year after the death of Germanicus, having now no object of jealousy to keep him in awe, he began to pull off the mask, and appear more in his natural character than before. He took upon himself the interpretation of all political measures, and began daily to diminish the authority of the senate; which design was much facilitated, by their own aptitude to flatter very. very; so that he despised their means, while she enjoyed its effects. A law at that time subsisted, which made it treason to form any injurious attempt against the majesty of the people. Tiberius assumed to himself the interpretation and enforcement of this law; and extended it not only to the cases which really affected the safety of the state, but to every conjecture that could possibly be favourable to his hatred or suspicions. All freedom was now therefore banished from convivial meetings, and diffidence reigned amongst the dearest relations. The law of offended majesty being revived, many persons of distinction fell a sacrifice to it.

In the beginning of these cruelties, Tiberius took into his confidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, but by birth a Volscian, who found out the method of gaining his confidence, by the most refined degree of dissimulation, being an overmatch for his master in his own arts. He was made by the emperor captain of the praetorian guards, one of the most confidential trusts in the state, and exalted in the senate as a worthy associate in his labours. The servile senators, with ready adulation, set up the statues of the favourite beside those of Tiberius, and seemed eager to pay him similar honours. It is not well known whether he was the adviser of all the cruelties that ensued soon after; but certain it is, that, from the beginning of his ministry, Tiberius seemed to become more fatally suspicious.

It was from such humble beginnings that this minister even ventured to aspire at the throne, and was resolved to make the emperor's foolish confidence one of the first steps to his ruin. However, he considered that cutting off Tiberius alone would rather retard than promote his designs, while his son Drusus and the children of Germanicus were yet remaining. He therefore began by corrupting Livia, the wife of Drusus; whom, after having debauched her, he prevailed upon to poison her husband. This was effected by means of a slow poison (as we are told), which gave his death the appearance of a casual distemper. Tiberius, in the mean time, either naturally phlegmatic, or at least not much regarding his son, bore his death with great tranquillity. He was even heard to jest upon the occasion; for when the ambassadors from Troy came somewhat late with their compliments of condolence, he answered their pretended distresses, by condoling with them also upon the death of Hector.

Sejanus having succeeded in this, was resolved to make his next attempt upon the children of Germanicus, who were undoubted successors to the empire. However, he was frustrated in his designs, both with regard to the fidelity of their governors, and the chastity of Agrippina their mother. Whereupon he relented upon changing his aims, and removing Tiberius out of the city; by which means he expected more frequent opportunities of putting his designs into execution. He therefore used all his addresses to persuade Tiberius to retire to some agreeable retreat, remote from Rome. By this he expected many advantages, since there could be no access to the emperor but by him. Thus all letters being conveyed to the prince by soldiers at his own devotion, they would pass through his hands; by which means he must in time become the sole governor of the empire, and at last be in a capacity of removing all obstructions to his ambition. He now therefore began to infatuate to Tiberius the great and numerous inconveniences of the city, the fatigues of attending the senate, and the feditious temper of the inferior citizens of Rome.

Tiberius, either prevailed upon by his persuasions, or pursuing the natural turn of his temper, which led to intemperance and debauchery, in the twelfth year of his reign left Rome, and went into Campania, under pretence of dedicating temples to Jupiter and Augustus. After this, though he removed to several places, he never returned to Rome; but spent the greatest part of his time in the island of Caprea, a place which was rendered as infamous by his pleasures as detestable by his cruelties, which were shocking to human nature. Buried in this retreat, he gave himself up to his pleasures, quite regardless of the miseries of his subjects. Thus an insurrection of the Jews, upon placing his statue in Jerusalem, under the government of Pontius Pilate, gave him no sort of uneasiness. The falling of an amphitheatre at Fidenae, in which 50,000 persons were either killed or wounded, no way affected his repose. He was only employed in studying how to vary his odious pleasures, and forcing his feeble frame, shattered by age and former debaucheries, into the enjoyment of them. Nothing can present a more horrid picture than the retreat of this impure old man, attended by all the ministers of his perverted appetites. He was at this time 67 years old; his person was most displeasing; and some lay the disagreeableness of it, in a great measure, drove him into retirement. He was quite bald before; his face was all broke out into ulcers, and covered over with plasters; his body was bowed forward, while its extreme height and leanness increased its deformity. With such a person, and his abominable mind still more hideous, being gloomy, suspicious, and noble cruel, he sat down with a view rather of forcing his appetite than satisfying them. He spent whole nights in debaucheries at the table; and he appointed Pomponius Flaccus and Lucius Piso to the first posts of the empire, for no other merit than that of having sat up with him two days and two nights without interruption. These he called his friends of all hours. He made one Novellus Torgnatus a praetor for being able to drink off five bottles of wine at a draught. His luxuries of another kind were still more detestable, and seemed to increase with his drunkenness and gluttony. He made the most eminent women of Rome subservient to his lusts; and all his inventions only seemed calculated how to make his vices more extravagant and abominable. The numberless obscene medals dug up in that island at this day bear witness at once to his shame, and the veracity of the historians who have described his debaucheries. In short, in this retreat, which was surrounded with rocks on every side, he quite gave up the business of the empire; or, if he was ever active, it was only to do mischief. But, from the time of his retreat, he became more cruel, and Sejanus always endeavoured to increase his distrusts. Secret spies and informers were placed in all parts of the city, who converted the most harmless actions into subjects of offence. If any person of merit testified any concern for the glory of the empire, it was immediately construed into a design to obtain it. If another spoke with regret of former liberty, he was supposed to aim at re-establishing the commonwealth. Every action became liable to forced interpretations; joy expressed an hope of the prince's death; melancholy, an envying of his his prosperity. Sejanus found his aim every day succeeding; the wretched emperor's terrors were an instrument that he wrought upon at his pleasure, and by which he levelled every obstacle to his designs. But the chief objects of his jealousy were the children of Germanicus, whom he resolved to put out of the way. He therefore continued to render them obnoxious to the emperor, to alarm him with false reports of their ambition, and to terrify them with alarms of his intended cruelty. By these means, he so contrived to widen the breach, that he actually produced on both sides those dispositions which he pretended to obviate; till at length, the two princes Nero and Drusus were declared enemies to the state, and afterwards starved to death in prison; while Agrippina their mother was sent into banishment.

In this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing all who stood between him and the empire, and every day increasing in confidence with Tiberius, and power with the senate. The number of his statues exceeded even those of the emperor; people swore by his fortune, in the same manner as they would have done had he been actually upon the throne, and he was more dreaded than even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. But the rapidity of his rise seemed only preparatory to the greatness of his downfall. All we know of his first disgrace with the emperor is, that Satrius Secundus was the man who had the boldness to accuse him. Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, seconded the accusation. What were the particulars of his crimes, we cannot learn; but certain it is, that he attempted to usurp the empire, by aiming at the life of Tiberius. He was very near dispatching him, when his practices were discovered, and his own life was substituted for that against which he aimed. Tiberius, sensible of the traitor's power, proceeded with his usual dissimulation in having him apprehended. He granted him new honours at the very time he resolved his death, and took him as his colleague in the consulship. The emperor's letter to the senate began only with slight complaints against his friend, but ended with an order for putting him in prison. He intreated the senators to protect a poor old man, as he was, abandoned by all; and, in the mean time, prepared ships for his flight, and ordered soldiers for his security. The senate, who had long been jealous of the favourite's power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this opportunity of going beyond their orders. Instead of sentencing him to imprisonment, they directed his execution. A strange revolution now appeared in the city; of those numbers that but a moment before were pressing into the presence of Sejanus, with offers of service and adulation, not one was found that would seem to be of his acquaintance: he was deserted by all; and those who had formerly received the greatest benefits from him, seemed now converted into his most inveterate enemies. As he was conducting to execution, the people loaded him with insult and execration. He attempted to hide his face with his hands; but even this was denied him, and his hands were secured. Nor did the rage of his enemies subside with his death; his body was ignominiously dragged about the streets, and his whole family executed with him.

His death only lighted up the emperor's rage for further executions. The prisons were crowded with pretended accomplices in the conspiracy of Sejanus. Tiberius began to grow weary of particular executions; he therefore gave orders that all the accused should be put to death together without further examination. Of 20 senators, whom he chose for his council, he put 16 to death. "Let them hate me (cried he) so long as Tiberius, they obey me." He then averred, that Priam was a happy man, who outlived all his posterity. In this manner there was not a day without some barbarous execution, in which the sufferers were obliged to undergo the most shameful indignities and exquisite torments. When one Camillus had killed himself to avoid the torture: "Ah (cried Tiberius), how that man has been able to escape me!" When a prisoner earnestly intreated that he would not defer his death: "No (cried the tyrant), I am not sufficiently your friend, to shorten your torment." He often satisfied his eyes with the tortures of the wretches that were put to death before him; and in the days of Suetonius the rock was to be seen, from which he ordered such as had displeased him to be thrown headlong. As he was one day examining some persons upon the rack, he was told that an old friend of his was come from Rhodes to see him. Tiberius supposing him brought for the purpose of information, immediately ordered him to the torture; and when he was convinced of his mistake, he ordered him to be put to death, to prevent farther discovery.

In this manner did the tyrant continue to torment others, although he was himself still more tortured by his own suspicions; so that in one of his letters to the senate, he confessed that the gods and goddesses had so afflicted and confounded him, that he knew not what or how to write. In the mean time, the frontier provinces were invaded with impunity by the barbarians. Maecia was seized on by the Dacians and Sarmatians; Gaul was wasted by the Germans, and Armenia conquered by the king of Parthia. Tiberius, however, was so much a slave to his brutal appetites, that he left his provinces wholly to the care of his lieutenants, and they were intent rather on the accumulation of private fortune than the safety of the state. Such a total disorder in the empire produced such a degree of anxiety in him who governed it, that he was heard to wish, that heaven and earth might perish when he died. At length, however, in the 22d year of his reign, he began to feel the approaches of his dissolution, and all his appetites totally to forsake him. He now, therefore, found it was time to think of a successor, and hesitated for a long while, whether he should choose Caligula, whose vices were too apparent to escape his observation. He had been often heard to say, that this youth had all the faults of Sylla, without his virtues; that he was a serpent that would sting the empire, and a Phaeton that would set the world in a flame. However, notwithstanding all his well-grounded apprehensions, he named him for his successor; willing, perhaps, by the enormity of Caligula's conduct to cover the memory of his own.

But though he thought fit to choose a successor, he concealed his approaching decline with the utmost care, as if he was willing at once to hide it from the world and himself. He long had a contempt for physic, and refused the advice of such as attended him; he even seemed to take a pleasure in being present at the sports of the soldiers, and ventured himself to throw a javelin at a boar that was let loose before him. The effort which he made upon this occasion caused a pain in his side, side, which hastened the approaches of death; still, however, he seemed willing to avoid his end; and strove, by change of place, to put off the inquietude of his own reflections. He left his favourite island, and went upon the continent, where he at last fixed at the promontory of Misenum. It was here that Charicles, his physician, pretending to kiss his hand, felt the failure of his pulse; and apprised Macro, the emperor's present favourite, that he had not above two days to live. Tiberius, on the contrary, who had perceived the art of Charicles, did all in his power to impress his attendants with an opinion of his health: he continued at table till the evening; he saluted all his guests as they left the room, and read the acts of the senate, in which they had abolished some persons he had written against, with great indignation. He resolved to take signal vengeance of their disobedience, and meditated new schemes of cruelty, when he fell into such faintings, as all believed were fatal. It was in this situation, that, by Macro's advice, Caligula prepared to secure the succession. He received the congratulations of the whole court, caused himself to be acknowledged by the Praetorian soldiers, and went forth from the emperor's apartment amidst the applause of the multitude; when all of a sudden he was informed that the emperor was recovered, that he had begun to speak, and desired to eat. This unexpected account filled the whole court with terror and alarm: every one who had before been earnest in testifying their joy, now reassumed their pretended sorrow, and left the new emperor, through a feigned solicitude for the fate of the old. Caligula himself seemed thunderstruck; he preserved a gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead of the empire at which he had aspired. Macro, however, who was hardened in crimes, ordered that the dying emperor should be dispatched, by smothering him with pillows, or, as others will have it, by poison. In this manner Tiberius died, in the 78th year of his age, after reigning 22.

The Romans were, at this time, arrived at their highest pitch of effeminacy and vice. The wealth of almost every nation of the empire, having, for some time, circulated through the city, brought with it the luxuries peculiar to each country; so that Rome presented a delectable picture of various pollution. In this reign lived Apicius, so well known for having reduced gluttony into a system; some of the most notorious in this way, thought it no shame to give near 100 pounds for a single fish, and exhaust a fortune of 50,000 pounds in one entertainment. Debaucheries of every other kind kept pace with this; while the detestable folly of the times thought it was refining upon pleasure to make it unnatural. There were at Rome men called Spintriae, whose sole trade it was to study new modes of pleasure; and these were universally favourites of the great. The senators had long fallen from their authority, and were no less estranged from their integrity and honour. Their whole study seemed to be, how to invent new ways of flattering the emperor, and various methods of tormenting his supposed enemies. The people were still more corrupt: they had, for some years, been accustomed to live in idleness, upon the donations of the emperor; and, being satisfied with subsistence, entirely gave up their freedom. Too effeminate and cowardly to go to war, they only railed against their governors; so that they were bad soldiers and seditious citizens. In the 18th year of this monarch's reign, Christ was crucified. Shortly after his death, Pilate is said to have written to Tiberius an account of his passion, resurrection, and miracles; upon which the emperor made a report of the whole to the senate, deeming that Christ might be accounted a god by the Romans. But the senate being displeased that the proposal had not come first from themselves, refused to allow of his apotheosis; alleging an ancient law, which gave them the superintendence in all matters of religion. They even went so far, as by an edict to command that all Christians should leave the city; but Tiberius, by another edict, threatened death to all such as should accuse them; by which means they continued unmolested during the rest of his reign.

No monarch ever came to the throne with more advantages than Caligula. He was the son of Germanicus, who had been the darling of the army and the people. He was bred among the soldiers, from whom he received the name of Caligula, from the short buffkin, called caliga, that was worn by the common centurions, and which was also usually worn by him. As he approached Rome, the principal men of the state went out in crowds to meet him. He received the congratulations of the people on every side, all equally pleased in being free from the cruelties of Tiberius, and in hoping new advantages from the virtues of his successor.

Caligula seemed to take every precaution to impress them with the opinion of a happy change. Amidst the rejoicings of the multitude, he advanced mourning, with the dead body of Tiberius, which the soldiers brought to be burnt at Rome, according to the custom of that time. Upon his entrance into the city, he was received with new titles of honour by the senate, whose chief employment seemed now to be, the art of increasing their emperor's vanity. He was left co-heir with Gemellus, grandson to Tiberius; but they set aside the nomination, and declared Caligula sole successor to the empire. The joy for this election was not confined to the narrow bounds of Italy; it spread through the whole empire, and victims without number were sacrificed upon the occasion. Some of the people, upon his going into Campania, made vows for his return; and shortly after, when he fell sick, the multitudes crowded whole nights round his palace, and some even devoted themselves to death in case he recovered, setting up bills of their resolutions in the streets. In this affection of the citizens, strangers themselves seemed ambitious of sharing. Artabanus, king of Parthia, sought the emperor's alliance with affluence. He came to a personal conference with one of his legates; passed the Euphrates, adored the Roman eagles, and kissed the emperor's images; so that the whole world seemed combined to praise him for virtues which they supposed him to possess.

The new emperor at first seemed extremely careful of Caligula the public favour; and having performed the funeral so begins to lemnities of Tiberius, he hastened to the islands of Pandataria and Pontia, to remove the aches of his mother and brothers, exposing himself to the dangers of tempestuous weather, to give a lustre to his piety. Having brought them to Rome, he instituted annual solemnities in their honour, and ordered the month of September to be called Germanicus, in memory of his father. These ceremonies being over, he conferred the same honours upon his grandmother Antonia, which had before been given to Livia; and ordered all informations to be burnt, that any ways exposed the enemies of his family. He even refused a paper that was offered him, tending to the discovery of a conspiracy against him; alleging, That he was conscious of nothing to deserve any man's hatred, and therefore had no fears from their machinations. He caused the institutions of Augustus, which had been diluted in the reign of Tiberius, to be revived; undertook to reform many abuses in the state, and severely punished corrupt governors. Among others, he banished Pontius Pilate into Gaul, where this unjust magistrate afterwards put an end to his life by suicide. He banished the spinsters, or inventors of abominable recreations, from Rome; attempted to restore the ancient manner of electing magistrates by the suffrages of the people; and gave them a free jurisdiction, without any appeal to himself. Although the will of Tiberius was annulled by the senate, and that of Livia suppressed by Tiberius, yet he caused all their legacies to be punctually paid; and in order to make Gemellus amends for killing the crown, he caused him to be elected Princeps Juventutis, or principal of the youth. He restored some kings to their dominions who had been unjustly deprived by Tiberius, and gave them the arrears of their revenues. And, that he might appear an encourager of every virtue, he ordered a female slave a large sum of money for enduring the most exquisite torments without discovering the secrets of her matter. So many conceitons, and such apparent virtue, could not fail of receiving just applause. A shield of gold, bearing his image, was decreed to be carried annually to the Capitol, attended by the senate and the sons of the nobility singing in praise of the emperor's virtues. It was likewise ordained, that the day on which he was appointed to the empire should be called Pubitia; implying, that when he came to govern, the city received a new foundation.

In less than eight months all this show of moderation and clemency vanished; while furious passions, unexampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to take their turn in his mind. As most of the cruelties of Tiberius arose from suspicion, so most of those committed by Caligula took rise from prodigality. Some indeed assert, that a disorder which happened soon after his accession to the empire, entirely discomposed his understanding. However this may be, madness itself could scarcely dictate cruelties more extravagant, or inconsistencies more ridiculous, than are imputed to him; some of them appear almost beyond belief, as they seem entirely without any motive to incite such barbarities.

The first object of his cruelty was a person named Politus, who had devoted himself to death, in case the emperor, who was then sick, should recover. When Caligula's health was re-established, he was informed of the zeal of Politus, and actually compelled him to complete his vow. This ridiculous devotee was therefore led round the city, by children, adorned with chaplets, and then put to death, being thrown headlong from the ramparts. Another, named Secundus, had vowed to fight in the amphitheatre upon the same occasion. To this he was also compelled, the emperor himself choosing to be a spectator of the combat. However, he was more fortunate than the former, being so successful as to kill his adversary, by which he obtained a release from his vow. Gemellus was the next who suffered from the tyrant's inhumanity. The pretence against him was, that he had wished the emperor might not recover, and that he had taken a counter-poison to secure him from any secret attempts against his life. Caligula ordered him to kill himself; but as the unfortunate youth was ignorant of the manner of doing it, the emperor's messenger soon instructed him in the fatal lesson. Silenus, the emperor's father-in-law, was the next that was put to death upon slight suspicions; and Cæcinus, a senator of noted integrity, refusing to witness falsely against him, shared his fate. After these followed a crowd of victims to the emperor's avarice or suspicion. The pretext against them was their enmity to his family; and in proof of his accusations he produced those very memorials which but a while before he pretended to have burnt. Among the number of those who were sacrificed to his jealousy, was Macro, the late favourite of Tiberius, and the person to whom Caligula owed his empire. He was accused of many crimes, some of which were common to the emperor as well as to him, and his death brought on the ruin of his whole family.

These cruelties, however, only seemed the first fruits of a mind naturally timid and culpacious; his vanity and profusion soon gave rise to others which were more atrocious, as they sprung from less powerful motives. His pride first began by affuming to himself the title of ruler, which was usually granted only to kings. He would also have taken the crown and diadem, had he not been advised that he was already superior to all the monarchs of the world. Not long after, he assumed divine honours, and gave himself the names of such divinities as he thought most agreeable to his nature. For this purpose he caused the heads of the statues of Jupiter and some other gods to be struck off, and his own to be put in their places. He frequently feasted himself between Castor and Pollux, and ordered all who came to their temple to worship, should pay their adorations only to him; nay, at last he altered their temple to the form of a portico, which he joined to his palace, that the very gods, as he said, might serve him in the quality of porters.

He was not less notorious for the depravation of his appetites than for his ridiculous presumptions. Neither person, place, nor sex, were obstacles to the indulgence of his unnatural lusts. There was scarcely a lady of any quality in Rome that escaped his lewdness; and, indeed, such was the degeneracy of the times, that there were few ladies who did not think this disgrace an honour. He committed incest with his three sisters, and at public feasts they lay with their heads upon his bosom, by turns. Of these he prostituted Livia and Agrippina to his vile companions, and then banished them as adulteresses and conspirators against his person. As for Drusilla, he took her from her husband Longinus, and kept her as his wife. Her he loved so affectionately, that, being sick, he appointed her as heiress of his empire and fortune; and the happening to die before him, he made her a goddess. Nor did her example when living, appear more dangerous to the people than her divinity when dead. To mourn for her death was a crime, as she was become a goddess; and to rejoice for her divinity was capital, because she was dead. Nay, even if... lenience itself was an unpardonable insensibility, either of the emperor's lofs or his fitter's advancement. Thus he made his fitter subservient to his profit, as before he had done to his pleafure; raising vast fums of money by granting pardons to fome, and by confiscating the goods of others. As to his marriages, whether he contracted them with greater levity, or diffolved them with great- er injustice, is not easy to determine. Being pofteft at the nuptials of Livia Orestilla with Pilo, as soon as the solemnity was over, he commanded her to be brought to him as his own wife, and then difmissed her in a few days. He foon after banifhed her upon fufpicion of co- habiting with her husband after she was parted from him. He was enamoured of Lollia Paulina, upon a bare relation of her grandmother's beauty; and there- upon took her from her husband, who commanded in Macedonia: notwithstanding which, he repudiated her as he had done the former, and like-wife forbade her future marrying with any other. The wife who caught moft firmly upon his affections was Milonia Caefonia, whose chief merit lay in her perfect acquaintance with all the alluring arts of her fex, for she was otherwife poifeffed neither of youth nor beauty. She continued with him during his reign; and he loved her fo ridicu- lously, that he foetimes showed her to his foldiers dref- fed in armour, and foetimes to his companions flark naked.

But of all his vices, his prodigality was the moft re- markable, and that which in foine meafure gave rise to the reft. The luxuries of former emperors were simpli- city itself, when compared to thofe which he practifed. He contrived new ways of bathing, where the richest oils and moft precious perfumes were exhausted with the utmoft profufion. He found out dishes of immeafe va- lue; and had even jewels, as we are told, diffolved among his sauces. He foetimes had fervices of pure gold prefented before his guests inflead of meat; obser- ving, that a man fhould be an economist or an em- peror.

For feveral days together he flung confiderable fums of money among the people. He ordered ships of a prodigious bulk to be built of cedar, the items of ivory inlaid with gold and jewels, the sails and tackling of various filk, while the decks were planted with the choicest fruit trees, under the shade of which he often dined. Here, attended by all the minifters of his plea- tures, the moft exquisite fingers, and the moft beauti- ful youths, he coasted along the fhore of Campania with great splendour. All his buildings feemed rather cal- culated to raife astonifhment, than to anfwer the purpofes of utility. But the moft notorious inftance of his fruit- lefs profufion was the vast bridge at Puteoli, which he undertook in the third year of his reign. To fatisfy his defire of being matter as well of the ocean as the land, he caufed an infinite number of ships to be faffened to each other, fo as to make a flating bridge from Baiae to Puteoli, acros an arm of the fea three miles and a half broad. The ships being placed in two rows in form of a crescent, were fecured to each other with anchors, chains, and cables. Over these were laid vaft quantities of timber, and upon that earth, fo as to make the whole refeemble one of the streets of Rome. He next caufed feveral houfes to be built upon his new bridge, for the reception of himfelf and his attendants, into which fresh water was conveyed by pipes from land.

He then repaired thither with all his court, attended by prodigious throngs of people, who came from all parts to be fefticators of fuch an expensive pageant. It was there that Caligula, adorned with all the magnificence of eaftern royalty, fitting on horfeback with a civic crown and Alexander's breastplate, attended by the great officers of the army, and all the nobility of Rome, entered at one end of the bridge, and with ridiculous importance rode to the other. At night, the number of torches and other illuminations with which this ex- pensive structure was adorned, caft such a gleam as illu- minated the whole bay, and all the neighbouring moun- tains. This feemed to give the weak empofor new caufe for exultation; boating that he had turned night into day, as well as fea into land. The next morning he again rode over in a triumphal chariot, followed by a numerous train of charioteers, and all his foldiers in glittering armour. He then ascended a roftrum erected for the occasion, where he made a solemn oration in praise of the greatness of his enterprife, and the affiduity of his workmen and his army. He then diftributed re- wards among his men, and a splendid feaft fucceeded. In the middle of the entertainment many of his attend- ants were thrown into the fea; feveral ships filled with feptators were attacked and funk in an hoftile manner; and although the majority efcape through the calmnes of the weather, yet many were drowned; and fome who endeavoured to fave themfelves by climbing to the bridge, were struck down again by the emperor's com- mand. The calmnes of the fea during this pageant, which continued for two days, furnifhed Caligula with feaf opportunities for boating; being heard to fay, "that Neptune took care to keep the fea smooth and fe- rene, merely out of reverence to him."

Expences like thofe, it may be naturally fuppofed, muft have exhausted the moft unbounded wealth: in fact, after reigning about a year, Caligula found his re- venues totally exhausted; and a fortune of about 18,000,000 of our money, which Tiberius had amaf- fed together, entirely fpent in extravagance and folly. Now, therefore, his prodigality put him upon new me- thods of fuflifying the exchequer; and as before his pro- duction, fo now his rapacity became boundless. He put in practice all kinds of rapine and extortion; while his principal study feemed to be the inventing new impofts and illicit conftitutions. Every thing was taxed, to the very wages of the meaneft tradesman. He caufed free- men to purchase their freedom a fecond time; and poi- foned many who had named him for their heir, to have the immediate poifeffion of their fortunes. He fet up a brothel in his own palace, by which he gained confider- able fums by all the methods of profition. He alfo kept a gaming-houfe, in which he himfelf prefided, feruling none of the meaneft tricks in order to advance his gains. On a certain occasion having had a run of ill luck, he faw two rich knights pafling through his court; upon which he fuddenly rofe up, and caufing both to be apprehended, confiscated their efuates, and then joining his former companions, boasted that he nev- er had a better throw in his life. Another time, want- ing money for a stake, he went down and caufed feveral noblemen to be put to death; and then returning, told the company that they faw playing for trifles while he had won 60,000 festerces at a caft.

Such infupportable and capricious cruelties produced many secret conspiracies against him; but these were for a while deferred, upon account of his intended expedition against the Germans and Britons, which he undertook in the third year of his reign. For this purpose, he caused numerous levies to be made in all parts of the empire; and talked with so much resolution, that it was universally believed he would conquer all before him. His march perfectly indicated the inequality of his temper: sometimes it was so rapid, that the cohorts were obliged to leave their standards behind them; at other times it was so slow, that it more resembled a pompous procession than a military expedition. In this disposition he would cause himself to be carried on eight men's shoulders, and order all the neighbouring cities to have their streets well swept and watered to defend him from the dust. However, all these mighty preparations ended in nothing. Instead of conquering Britain, he only gave refuge to one of its banished princes; and this he described in a letter to the senate, as taking possession of the whole island. Instead of conquering Germany, he only led his army to the seashore in Batavia.

There disposing his engines and warlike machines with great solemnity, and drawing up his men in order of battle, he went on board his galley, with which coasting along, he commanded his trumpets to sound and the signal to be given as if for an engagement; upon which, his men having had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering the shells that lay upon the shore into their helmets, terming them the spoils of the conquered ocean, worthy of the palace and the capitol. After this doughty expedition, calling his army together as a general after victory, he harangued them in a pompous manner, and highly extolled their achievements; and then distributing money among them, dismissed them with orders to be joyful, and congratulated them upon their riches. But that such exploits should not pass without a memorial, he caused a lofty tower to be erected by the seafide; and ordered the galleys in which he had put to sea to be conveyed to Rome in a great measure by land.

After numberless instances of folly and cruelty in this expedition, among which he had intentions of destroying the whole army that had formerly mutinied under his father Germanicus, he began to think of a triumph. The senate, who had long been the timid ministers of his pride and cruelty, immediately set about consulting how to satisfy his expectations. They considered that a triumph would, even to himself, appear as a burlesque upon his expedition: they therefore decreed him only an ovation. Having come to this resolution, they sent him a deputation, informing him of the honours granted him, and the decree, which was drawn up in terms of the most extravagant adulation. However, their flattery was far from satisfying his pride. He considered their conduct rather as a diminution of his power, than an addition to his glory. He therefore ordered them, on pain of death, not to concern themselves with his honours; and being met by their messengers on the way, who invited him to come and partake of the preparations which the senate had decreed, he informed them that he would come; and then laying his hand upon his sword, added, that he would bring that also with him. In this manner, either quite omitting his triumph, or deferring it to another time, he entered the city with only an ovation; while the senate passed the whole day in acclamations in his praise, and speeches filled with the most excessive flattery. This conduct in some measure served to reconcile him, and soon after their excessive zeal in his cause entirely gained his favour. For it happened that Protogenes, who was one of the most intimate and the most cruel of his favourites, coming into the house, was fawned upon by the whole body of the senate, and particularly by Proculus. Whereupon Protogenes with a fierce look, asked how one who was such an enemy to the emperor could be such a friend to him? There needed no more to excite the senate against Proculus. They instantly seized upon him, and violently tore him in pieces; plainly showing by their conduct, that tyranny in a prince produces cruelty in those whom he governs.—It was after returning from this extravagant expedition, that he was waited upon by a deputation of the Jews of Alexandria, who came to deprecate his anger for not worshipping his divinity as other nations had done. The emperor gave them a very ungracious reception, and would probably have destroyed their countrymen if he had not soon after been cut off.

This affair of the Jews remained undecided during his reign; but it was at last settled by his successor to their satisfaction. It was upon this occasion that Philo made the following remarkable answer to his associates, who were terrified with apprehensions of the emperor's indignation: "Fear nothing (cried he to them), Caligula, by declaring against us, puts God on our side."

The continuation of this horrid reign seemed to threaten universal calamity; however, it was but short, for there had already been several conspiracies formed to destroy the tyrant, but without success. That which at last succeeded in delivering the world of this monster, was concerted under the influence of Cassius Cherea, tribune of the praetorian bands. This was a man of experienced courage, an ardent admirer of freedom, and consequently an enemy to tyrants. Besides the motives which he had in common with other men, he had received repeated insults from Caligula, who took all occasions of turning him into ridicule, and impeaching him of cowardice, merely because he had an effeminate voice. Whenever Cherea came to demand the watchword from the emperor, according to custom, he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or some such, implying effeminacy and softness. He therefore secretly imparted his designs to several senators and knights, whom he knew to have received personal injuries from Caligula, or to be apprehensive of those to come. Among these was Valerius Asiaticus, whose wife the emperor had debauched. Annius Vincianus, who was suspected of having been in a former conspiracy, was now furious of really engaging in the first design that offered. Besides these, were Clemens the prefect; and Calitus, whose riches made him obnoxious to the tyrant's resentment.

While these were deliberating upon the most certain and speedy method of destroying the tyrant, an unexpected incident gave new strength to the conspiracy. Pompeius, a senator of distinction, having been accused before the emperor, of having spoken of him with disrespect, the informer cited one Quintilia, an actress, to confirm his accusation. Quintilia, however, was possessed of a degree of fortitude not easily found. She denied the fact with obstinacy; and being put to the torture at the informer's request, she bore the severest torments ments of the rack with unshaken constancy. But what is most remarkable of her resolution is, that she was acquainted with all the particulars of the conspiracy; and although Cherea was appointed to preside at her torture, she revealed nothing: on the contrary, when she was led to the rack, she trod upon the toe of one of the conspirators, intimating at once her knowledge of the confederacy, and her own resolution not to divulge it. In this manner she suffered until all her limbs were dislocated; and in that deplorable state was presented to the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for what she had suffered. Cherea could now no longer contain his indignation at being thus made the instrument of a tyrant's cruelty. He therefore proposed to the conspirators to attack him as he went to offer sacrifices in the capitol, or while he was employed in the secret pleasures of the palace. The rest, however, were of opinion, that it was best to fall upon him when he should be unattended; by which means they would be more certain of success. After several deliberations, it was at last resolved to attack him during the continuance of the Palatine games, which lasted four days; and to strike the blow when his guards should have the least opportunity to defend him. In consequence of this, the three first days of the games passed without affording that opportunity which was so ardently desired. Cherea now, therefore, began to apprehend, that deferring the time of the conspiracy might be a mean to divulge it: he even began to dread, that the honour of killing the tyrant might fall to the lot of some other person more bold than himself. Wherefore, he at last resolved to defer the execution of his plot only to the day following, when Caligula should pass through a private gallery, to some baths not far distant from the palace.

The last day of the games was more splendid than the rest; and Caligula seemed more sprightly and condescending than usual. He took great amusement in seeing the people scramble for the fruits and other rarities thrown by his order among them; and seemed no way apprehensive of the plot formed for his destruction. In the mean time, the conspiracy began to transpire; and had he possessed any friends, it could not have failed of being discovered. The conspirators waited a great part of the day with the most extreme anxiety; and at one time Caligula seemed resolved to spend the whole day without any refreshment. This unexpected delay entirely exasperated Cherea; and had he not been restrained, he would have gone and perpetrated his design in the midst of all the people. Just at that instant, while he was yet hesitating what he should do, Asprenas, one of the conspirators, persuaded Caligula to go to the bath and take some slight refreshment, in order to enjoy the rest of the entertainment with greater relish. The emperor therefore rising up, the conspirators used every precaution to keep off the throng, and to surround him, under pretence of greater affluity. Upon entering into the little vaulted gallery that led to the bath, he was met by a band of Grecian children who had been instructed in singing, and were come to perform in his presence. He was once more therefore going to return to the theatre with them, had not the leader of the band excused himself, as having a cold. This was the moment that Cherea seized to strike him to the ground; crying out, "Tyrant think upon this." Immediately after, the other conspirators rushed in; and while the emperor continued to resist, crying out, that he was not yet dead, they dispatched him with 30 wounds, in the 29th year of his age, after a short reign of three years ten months and eight days. With him his wife and infant daughter also perished; the one being stabbed by a centurion, the other having its brains dashed out against the wall. His coin was also melted down by a decree of the senate; and such precautions were taken, that all seemed willing, that neither his features nor his name might be transmitted to posterity.

As soon as the death of Caligula was made public, it produced the greatest confusion in all parts of the city. The conspirators, who only aimed at destroying a tyrant without attending to a successor, had all sought safety by retiring to private places. Some thought the report of the emperor's death was only an artifice of his own, to see how his enemies would behave. Others averred that he was still alive, and actually in a fair way to recover. In this interval of suspense, the German guards finding it a convenient time to pillage, gave a loose to their licentiousness, under a pretence of revenging the emperor's death. All the conspirators and senators that fell in their way received no mercy: Asprenas, Norbanus, and Anteius, were cut in pieces. However, they grew calm by degrees, and the senate was permitted to assemble, in order to deliberate upon what was necessary to be done in the present emergency.

In this deliberation, Saturninus, who was then confident, inflamed much upon the benefits of liberty; and talked in raptures of Cherea's fortitude, alleging that it deserved the highest reward. This was a language highly pleasing to the senate. Liberty now became the favourite topic; and they even ventured to talk of extinguishing the very name of Caesar. Impressed with this resolution, they brought over some cohorts of the city to their side, and boldly seized upon the Capitol. But it was now too late for Rome to regain her pristine freedom; the populace and the army opposing their endeavours. The former were still mindful of their ancient hatred to the senate; and remembered the donations and public spectacles of the emperors with regret. The latter were sensible they could have no power but in a monarchy; and had some hopes that the election of the emperor would fall to their determination. In this opposition of interests, and variety of opinions, chance seemed at last to decide the fate of the empire. Some soldiers happening to run about the palace, discovered Claudius, Caligula's uncle, lurking in a secret place, where he had hid himself through fear. Of this personage, who had hitherto been despised for his imbecility, they resolved to make an emperor; and accordingly carried him upon their shoulders to the camp, where they proclaimed him at a time he expected nothing but death.

The senate now, therefore, perceiving that force alone was likely to settle the succession, were resolved made em to submit, since they had no power to oppose. Claudius was the person most nearly allied to the late emperor, then living; being the nephew of Tiberius, and the uncle of Caligula. The senate, therefore passed a decree, confirming him in the empire; and went soon after in a body, to render him their compulsive homage. Cherea was the first who fell a sacrifice to the jealousy of this new monarch. He met death with all the fortitude of an ancient Roman; defying to die by the same sword with which he had killed Caligula. Lupus, his friend, was put to death with him; and Sabinus, one of the conspirators, laid violent hands on himself.

Claudius was 50 years old when he began to reign. The complicated diseases of his infancy had in some measure affected all the faculties both of his body and mind. He was continued in a state of pupilage much longer than was usual at that time; and seemed, in every part of his life, incapable of conducting himself, not that he was entirely destitute of understanding, since he had made a tolerable proficiency in the Greek and Latin languages, and even wrote a history of his own time; which, however destitute of other merit, was not contemptible in point of style. Nevertheless, with this share of erudition, he was unable to advance himself in the state, and seemed utterly neglected until he was placed all at once at the head of affairs.

The commencement of his reign gave the most promising hopes of a happy continuance. He began by passing an act of oblivion for all former words and actions, and disannulled all the cruel edicts of Caligula. He forbade all persons, upon severe penalties, to sacrifice to him as they had done to Caligula; was affluous in hearing and examining complaints; and frequently administered justice in person; tempering by his mildness the severity of the law. We are told of his bringing a woman to acknowledge her son, by adjudging her to marry him. The tribunes of the people coming one day to attend him when he was on the tribunal, he courteously excused himself for not having room for them to sit down. By this deportment he so much gained the affections of the people, that upon a vague report of his being slain by surprise, they ran about the streets in the utmost rage and consternation, with horrid imprecations against all such as were accessory to his death; nor could they be appeased, until they were assured, with certainty, of his safety. He took a more than ordinary care that Rome should be continually supplied with corn and provisions, securing the merchants against pirates. He was not less affluous in his buildings, in which he excelled almost all that went before him. He constructed a wonderful aqueduct, called after his own name, much surpassing any other in Rome, either for workmanship or plentiful supply. It brought water from 40 miles distance, through great mountains, and over deep valleys; being built on lofty arches, and furnishing the highest parts of the city. He made also an haven at Ostia; a work of such immense expense, that his successors were unable to maintain it. But his greatest work of all was the draining of the lake Fucinus, which was the largest in Italy, and bringing its water into the Tiber, in order to strengthen the current of that river. For effecting this, among other vast difficulties, he mined through a mountain of stone three miles broad, and kept 30,000 men employed for 11 years together.

To this solicitude for the internal advantages of the state, he added that of a watchful guardianship over the provinces. He restored Judea to Herod Agrippa, which Caligula had taken from Herod Antipas, his uncle, the man who had put John the Baptist to death, and who was banished by order of the present emperor. Claudius also restored such princes to their kingdoms as had been unjustly deprived of their predeceessors; but deprived the Lycians and Rhodians of their liberty, for having promoted insurrections, and crucified some citizens of Rome.

He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign conquest. The Britons, who had, for near 100 years, been left in sole possession of their own island, began Britain to seek the mediation of Rome, to quell their intestine commotions. The principal man who desired to subject his native country to the Roman dominion, was one Bericus, who, by many arguments, persuaded the emperor to make a descent upon the island, magnifying the advantages that would attend the conquest of it. In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius the praetor was ordered to pass over into Gaul, and make preparations for this great expedition. At first, indeed, his soldiers seemed backward to embark; declaring, that they were unwilling to make war beyond the limits of the world, for so they judged Britain to be. However, they were at last prevailed upon to go; and the Britons, under the conduct of their king Cynobelinus, were several times overthrown. And these successes soon after induced Claudius to go into Britain in person, upon pretence that the natives were still seditious, and had not delivered up some Roman fugitives who had taken shelter among them; but for a particular account of the exploits of the Romans in this island, see the article ENGLAND.

But though Claudius gave in the beginning of his reign the highest hopes of a happy continuance, he by his favourites to commit to his favourites all the concerns of the empire, many acts This weak prince was unable to act but under the direction of others. The chief of his directors was his wife Messalina: whose name is almost become a common appellation to women of abandoned characters. However, she was not less remarkable for her cruelties than her lusts; as by her intrigues she destroyed many of the most illustrious families of Rome. Subordinate to her were the emperor's freedmen; Pallas, the treasurer; Narcissus, the secretary of state; and Callistus, the master of the requests. These entirely governed Claudius; so that he was only left the fatigues of ceremony, while they were possessed of all the power of the state.

It would be tedious to enumerate the various cruelties which these insidious advisers obliged the feeble emperor to commit: those against his own family will suffice. Appius Silanus, a person of great merit, who had been married to the emperor's mother-in-law, was put to death upon the suggestions of Messalina. After him he slew both his sons-in-law, Silanus and Pompey, and his two nieces the Liviae, one the daughter of Drusus, the other of Germanicus; and all without permitting them to plead in their defence, or even without afflicting any cause for his displeasure. Great numbers of others fell a sacrifice to the jealousy of Messalina and her minions; who bore so great a sway in the state, that all offices, dignities, and governments, were entirely at their disposal. Every thing was put to sale: they took money for pardons and penalties; and accumulated, by these means, such vast sums, that the wealth of Croesus was considered as nothing in comparison. One day, the emperor complaining that his exchequer was exhausted, he was ludicrously told, that it might be sufficiently replenished if his two freedmen would take him into partnership. Still, however, during such corruptions, he regarded his favourites with the highest esteem, and even solicited the senate to grant them peculiar marks of their approbation. These disorders in the ministers of government did not fail to produce conspiracies against the emperor. Statius Corvinus and Gallus Afinnus formed a conspiracy against him. Two knights, whose names are not told us, privately combined to assassinate him. But the revolt which gave him the greatest uneasiness, and which was punished with the most unrelenting severity, was that of Camillus, his lieutenant-general in Dalmatia. This general, incited by many of the principal men of Rome, openly rebelled against him, and assumed the title of emperor. Nothing could exceed the terrors of Claudius, upon being informed of this revolt; his nature and his crimes had disposed him to be more cowardly than the rest of mankind; so that when Camillus commanded him by letters to relinquish the empire, and retire to a private station, he seemed inclined to obey. However, his fears upon this occasion were soon removed: for the legions which had declared for Camillus being terrified by some prodigies, shortly after abandoned him; so that the man whom but five days before they had acknowledged as emperor, they now thought it no infamy to destroy. The cruelty of Messalina and her minions upon this occasion seemed to have no bounds. They so wrought upon the emperor's fears and suspicions, that numbers were executed without trial or proof; and scarce any, even of those who were but suspected, escaped, unless by ransoming their lives with their fortunes.

By such cruelties as these, the favourites of the emperor endeavoured to establish his and their own authority; but in order to increase the necessity of their assistance, they laboured to augment the greatness of his terrors. He now became a prey to jealousy and disquietude. Being one day in the temple, and finding a sword that was left there by accident, he convened the senate in a fright, and informed them of his danger. After this he never ventured to go to any feast without being surrounded by his guards, nor would he suffer any man to approach him without a previous search. Thus wholly employed by his anxiety for self-preservation, he entirely left the care of the state to his favourites, who by degrees gave him a relish for slaughter. From this time he seemed delighted with inflicting tortures; and on a certain occasion continued a whole day at the city Tibur, waiting for a hangman from Rome, that he might feast his eyes with an execution in the manner of the ancients. Nor was he less regardless of the persons he condemned, than cruel in the infliction of their punishment. Such was his extreme stupidity, that he would frequently invite those to supper whom he had put to death but the day before; and often denied the having given orders for an execution, but a few hours after pronouncing sentence. Suetonius affirms us, that there were no less than 55 senators, and above 300 knights, executed in his reign; and that such was his unconcern in the midst of slaughter, that one of the tribunes bringing him an account of a certain senator who was executed, he quite forgot his offence, but calmly acquiesced in his punishment.

In this manner was Claudius urged on by Messalina to commit cruelties, which he considered only as wholesale, giant lewdsome severities; while, in the mean time, the put no ends to her enormities. The impunity of her past emprievices only increasing her confidence to commit new, her debaucheries became every day more notorious, and her lewdnesses exceeded what had ever been seen at Rome. She caused some women of the first quality to commit adultery in the presence of their husbands, and destroyed such as refused to comply. After appearing for some years infatuated in her desires, she at length fixed her affections upon Caius Silius, the most beautiful youth in Rome. Her love for the young Roman seemed to amount even to madness. She obliged him to divorce his wife Junia Syllana, that she might entirely possess him herself. She obliged him to accept of immense treasures and valuable presents; cohabiting with him in the most open manner, and treating him with the most shameless familiarity. The very imperial ornaments were transferred to his house; and the emperor's slaves and attendants had orders to wait upon the adulterer. Nothing was wanting to complete the insolence of their conduct, but their being married together; and this was soon after effected. They relied upon the emperor's imbecility for their security, and only waited till he retired to Ostia to put their ill-judged project in execution. In his absence, they celebrated their nuptials with all the ceremonies and splendour which attend the most confident security. Messalina gave a loofe to her passion, and appeared as a Bacchanalian with a thyrsus in her hand; while Silius assumed the character of Bacchus, his body being adorned with robes imitating ivy, and his legs covered with buskins. A troop of singers and dancers attended, who heightened the revel with the most lascivious songs and the most indecent attitudes. In the midst of this riot, one Valens, a buffoon, is said to have climbed a tree; and being demanded what he saw, answered that he perceived a dreadful storm coming from Ostia. What this fellow spoke at random was actually at that time in preparation. It seems that some time before there had been a quarrel between Messalina and Narcissus, the emperor's first freedman. This subtle minister therefore desired nothing more than an opportunity of ruining the empress, and he judged this to be a most favourable occasion. He first made the discovery by means of two concubines who attended the emperor, who were instructed to inform him of Messalina's marriage as the news of the day, while Narcissus himself stepped in to confirm their information. Finding it operated upon the emperor's fears as he could wish, he resolved to alarm him still more by a discovery of all Messalina's projects and attempts. He aggravated the danger, and urged the expediency of speedily punishing the delinquents. Claudius, quite terrified at so unexpected a relation, supposed the enemy were already at his gates; and frequently interrupted his freedman, by asking if he was still master of the empire. Being assured that he yet had it in his power to continue so, he resolved to go and punish the affront offered to his dignity without delay. Nothing could exceed the consternation of Messalina and her thoughtless companions, upon being informed that the emperor ror was coming to disturb their festivity. Every one retired in the utmost confusion. Silius was taken. Messalina took shelter in some gardens which she had lately seized upon, having expelled Aspasia the true owner, and put him to death. From thence she sent Britannicus, her only son by the emperor, with Octavia her daughter, to intercede for her, and implore his mercy. She soon after followed them herself; but Narcissus had so fortified the emperor against her arts, and contrived such methods of diverting his attention from her defence, that she was obliged to return in despair. Narcissus being thus far successful, led Claudius to the house of the adulterer, there showing him the apartments adorned with the spoils of his own palace; and then conducting him to the praetorian camp, revived his courage by giving him assurances of the readiness of the soldiers to defend him. Having thus artfully wrought upon his fears and resentment, the wretched Silius was commanded to appear; who, making no defence, was instantly put to death in the emperor's presence. Several others shared the same fate; but Messalina still flattered herself with hopes of pardon. She resolved to leave neither prayers nor tears unattempted to appease the emperor. She sometimes even gave a loo to her resentment, and threatened her accusers with vengeance. Nor did she want ground for entertaining the most favourable expectations. Claudius having returned from the execution of her paramour, and having allayed his resentment in a banquet, began to relent. He now therefore commanded his attendants to apprise that miserable creature, meaning Messalina, of his resolution to hear her accusation the next day, and ordered her to be in readiness with her defence. The permission to defend herself would have been fatal to Narcissus; wherefore he rushed out, and ordered the tribunes and centurions who were in readiness to execute her immediately by the emperor's command. Claudius was informed of her death in the midst of his banquet; but this insensible idiot showed not the least appearance of emotion. He continued at table with his usual tranquillity; and the day following, while he was sitting at dinner, he asked why Messalina was absent, as if he had totally forgotten her crimes and her punishment.

Claudius being now a widower, declared publicly, that as he had hitherto been unfortunate in his marriages, he would remain single for the future, and that he would be contented to forfeit his life in case he broke his resolution. However, the resolutions of Claudius were but of short continuance. Having been accustomed to live under the control of women, his present freedom was become irksome to him, and he was entirely unable to live without a director. His freedmen therefore perceiving his inclinations, resolved to procure him another wife; and, after some deliberation, they fixed upon Agrippina, the daughter of his brother Germanicus. This woman was more practised in vice than even the former empress. Her cruelties were more dangerous, as they were directed with greater caution: she had poisoned her former husband, to be at liberty to attend the calls of ambition; and, perfectly acquainted with all the infirmities of Claudius, only made use of his power to advance her own. However, as the late declaration of Claudius seemed to be an obstacle to his marrying again, persons were怂urbed to move in the senate, that he should be compelled to take a wife, as a matter of great importance to the commonwealth; and some more determined flatterers than the rest left the house, as with a thorough reformation, that instant, to constrain him. When this decree passed in the senate, Claudius had scarce patience to contain himself a day before the celebration of his nuptials. However, such was the detestation in which the people in general held these incestuous matches, that though they were made lawful, yet only one of his tribunes, and one of his freedmen, followed his example.

Claudius having now received a new director, submitted with more implicit obedience than in any former part of his reign. Agrippina's chief aims were to gain the succession in favour of her own son Nero, and to set aside the claims of young Britannicus, son to the emperor and Messalina. For this purpose she married Nero to the emperor's daughter Octavia, a few days after her own marriage. Not long after this, she urged the emperor to strengthen the succession, in imitation of his predecessors, by making a new adoption; and caused him take in her son Nero, in some measure to divide the fatigues of government. Her next care was to increase her son's popularity, by giving him Seneca for a tutor. This excellent man, by birth a Spaniard, had been banished by Claudius, upon the false testimony of Messalina, who had accused him of adultery with Julia the emperor's niece. The people loved and admired him for his genius, but still more for his strict morality; and a part of his reputation necessarily devolved to his pupil. This subtle woman was not less affluous in pretending the utmost affection for Britannicus; whom, however, she resolved in a proper time to destroy: but her jealousy was not confined to this child only; she, shortly after her accession, procured the deaths of several ladies who had been her rivals in the emperor's affections. She displaced the captains of the guard, and appointed Burrhus to that command; a person of great military knowledge, and strongly attached to her interests. From that time she took less pains to disguise her power, and frequently entered the Capitol in a chariot; a privilege which none before were allowed, except of the senatorial order.

In the 12th year of this monarch's reign, she persuaded him to restore liberty to the Rhodians, of which he had deprived them some years before; and to remit the taxes of the city Ilion, as having been the progenitors of Rome. Her design in this was to increase the popularity of Nero, who pleaded the cause of both cities with great approbation. Thus did this ambitious woman take every step to aggrandize her son, and was even contented to become hateful herself to the public, merely to increase his popularity.

Such a very immoderate abuse of her power served at last to awaken the emperor's suspicions. Agrippina's imperious temper began to grow insupportable to him, and he was heard to declare, when heated with wine, that it was his fate to suffer the disorders of his wives, and to be their executioner. This expression sunk deep on her mind, and engaged all her faculties to prevent the blow. Her first care was to remove Narcissus, whom she hated upon many accounts, but particularly for his attachment to Claudius. This minister, for some time, opposed her designs; but at length thought fit to retire, by a voluntary exile, into Campania. The unhappy emperor, thus exposed to all the machinations of his insidious consort, seemed entirely regardless of the danger that threatened his destruction. His affection for Britannicus was perceived every day to increase, which served also to increase the vigilance and jealousy of Agrippina. She now, therefore, resolved not to defer a crime which she had meditated a long while before; namely, that of poisoning her husband. She for some time, however, debated with herself in what manner she should administer the poison; as she feared too strong a dose would discover her treachery, and one too weak might fail of its effects.

At length she determined upon a poison of singular efficacy to destroy his intellects, and yet not suddenly to terminate his life. As she had been long conversant in this horrid practice, she applied to a woman called Locusta, notorious for afflicting on such occasions. The poison was given to the emperor among mushrooms, a dish he was particularly fond of. Shortly after having eaten, he dropped down insensible; but this caused no alarm, as it was usual with him to fit eating till he had stupified all his faculties, and was obliged to be carried off to his bed from the table. However, his constitution seemed to overcome the effects of his potion, when Agrippina resolved to make sure of him: wherefore she directed a wretched physician, who was her creature, to thrust a poisoned feather down his throat, under pretence of making him vomit; and thus dispatched him.

The reign of this emperor, feeble and impotent as he was, produced no great calamities in the state, since his cruelties were chiefly levelled at those about his person. The list of the inhabitants of Rome at this time amounted to six millions eight hundred and forty-four thousand souls; a number little inferior to all the people of England at this day. The general character of the times was that of corruption and luxury: but the military spirit of Rome, though much relaxed from its former severity, still continued to awe mankind; and though during this reign, the empire might be justly said to be without a head, yet the terror of the Roman name alone kept the nations in obedience.

Claudius being destroyed, Agrippa took every precaution to conceal his death from the public, until she had settled her measures for securing the succession. A strong guard was placed at all the avenues of the palace, while she amused the people with various reports; at one time giving out that he was still alive; at another, that he was recovering. In the meanwhile, she made sure of the person of young Britannicus, under a pretence of affection for him. Like one overcome with the extremity of her grief, she held the child in her arms, calling him the dear image of his father, and thus preventing his escape. She used the same precautions with regard to his sisters, Octavia and Antonia; and even ordered an entertainment in the palace, as if to amuse the emperor. At last, when all things were adjusted, the palace gates were thrown open, and Nero, accompanied by Burrhus, prefect of the Praetorian guards, issued to receive the congratulations of the people and the army. The cohorts then attending, proclaimed him with the loudest acclamations, though not without making some inquiries after Britannicus. He was carried in a chariot to the rest of the army; wherein having made a speech proper to the occasion, and promising them a donation, in the manner of his predecessors, he was declared emperor by the army, the senate, and the people.

Nero's first care was, to show all possible respect to the deceased emperor, in order to cover the guilt of his death. His obsequies were performed with a pomp equal to that of Augustus: the young emperor pronounced his funeral oration, and he was canonized among the gods. The funeral oration, though spoken by Nero, was drawn up by Seneca; and it was remarked, that this was the first time a Roman emperor needed the assistance of another's eloquence.

Nero, though but 17 years of age, began his reign with the general approbation of mankind. As he owed the empire to Agrippina, so in the beginning he submitted to her directions with the most implicit obedience. On her part, she seemed resolved on governing with her natural ferocity, and considered her private animosities as the only rule to guide her in public justice. Immediately after the death of Claudius, she caused Silanus, the proconsul of Asia, to be assassinated upon very slight suspicions, and without ever acquainting the emperor with her design. The next object of her resentment was Narcissus, the late emperor's favourite; a man equally notorious for the greatness of his wealth and the number of his crimes. He was obliged to put an end to his life by Agrippina's order, though Nero refused his consent.

This bloody onset would have been followed by His excellency severities of the same nature, had not Seneca and Burrhus, the emperor's tutor and general, opposed it. These worthy men, although they owed their rise to the empress, were above being the instruments' ears of her cruelty. They, therefore, combined together in an opposition; and gaining the young emperor on their side, formed a plan of power, at once the most merciful and wise. The beginning of this monarch's reign, while he continued to act by their counsels, has always been considered as a model for succeeding princes to govern by. The famous emperor Trajan used to say, "That for the first five years of this prince all other governments came short of his." In fact, the young monarch knew so well how to conceal his innate depravity, that his nearest friends could scarcely perceive his virtues to be but assumed. He appeared just, liberal, and humane. When a warrant for the execution of a criminal was brought to him to be signed, he was heard to cry out, with seeming concern, "Would to Heaven that I had never learned to write!" The senate, upon a certain occasion, giving him their applause for the regularity and justice of his administration; he replied with singular modesty, "That they should defer their thanks till he had deserved them." His clemency and affability were not less than his other virtues; so that the Romans began to think, that the clemency of this prince would compensate for the tyranny of his predecessors.

In the mean time, Agrippinia, who was excluded from any share in government, attempted, by every possible method, to maintain her declining power. Perceiving that her son had fallen in love with a freedwoman, named Acte, and dreading the influence of a concubine, she tried every art to prevent his growing passion. However, in so corrupt a court, it was no difficult matter for the emperor to find other confidants. dants ready to assist him in his wishes. The gratification of his passion, therefore, in this instance, only served to increase his hatred for the empress. Nor was it long before he gave evident marks of his disobedience, by displeasing Pallas his chief favourite. It was upon this occasion that she first perceived the total declension of her authority; which threw her into the most ungovernable fury. In order to give terror to her rage, she proclaimed that Britannicus, the real heir to the throne, was still living, and in a condition to receive his father's empire, which was now possessed by an usurper. She threatened to go to the camp, and there expose his baseness and her own, invoking all the furies to her afflicting. These menaces served to alarm the suspicions of Nero; who, though apparently guided by his governors, yet had begun to give way to his natural depravity. He, therefore, determined upon the death of Britannicus, and contrived to have him poisoned at a public banquet. Agrippina, however, still retained her natural ferocity; she took every opportunity of obliging and flattering the tribunes and centurions; she heaped up treasures with a rapacity beyond her natural avarice; all her actions seemed calculated to raise a faction, and make herself formidable to the emperor. Whereupon Nero commanded her German guard to be taken from her, and obliged her to lodge out of the palace. He also forbade particular persons to visit her, and went himself but rarely and ceremoniously to pay her his respects. She now, therefore, began to find, that, with the emperor's favour, she had lost the affluence of her friends. She was even accused by Silana of conspiring against her son, and of designing to marry Plautius, a person descended from Augustus, and making him emperor. A short time after, Pallas, her favourite, together with Burrhus, were arraigned for a similar offence, and intending to set up Cornelius Sylla. These informations being proved void of any foundation, the informers were banished; a punishment which was considered as very inadequate to the greatness of the offence.

As Nero increased in years, his crimes seemed to increase in equal proportion. He now began to find a pleasure in running about the city by night, disguised like a slave. In this vile habit he entered taverns and brothels, attended by the lewd ministers of his pleasures, attempting the lives of such as opposed him, and frequently endangering his own. In imitation of the emperor's example, numbers of profligate young men infested the streets likewise; so that every night the city was filled with tumult and disorder. However, the people bore all these levities, which they ascribed to the emperor's youth, with patience, having occasion every day to experience his liberality, and having also been gratified by the abolition of many of their taxes. The provinces also were no way affected by these riots; for except disturbances on the side of the Parthians, which were soon suppressed, they enjoyed the most perfect tranquillity.

But those sensualities, which, for the first four years of his reign, produced but few disorders, in the fifth became alarming. He first began to transgress the bounds of decency, by publicly abandoning Octavia, his present wife, and then by taking Poppea, the wife of his favourite Otho, a woman more celebrated for her beauty than her virtues. This was another grating circumstance to Agrippina, who vainly used all her interest to disgrace Poppea, and reinstate herself in her son's loft favour. Historians assert, that she even offered to satisfy his passion herself by an incestuous compliance; and that, had not Seneca interposed, the son would have joined in the mother's crime. This, however, does not seem probable, since we find Poppea victorious, soon after, in the contention of interests; and at last impelling Nero to parricide, to satisfy her revenge. She began her arts by urging him to divorce his present wife, and marry herself: she reproached him as a pupil, who wanted not only power over others, but liberty to direct himself. She inflamed the dangerous designs of Agrippina; and, by degrees, accustomed his mind to reflect on parricide without horror. His cruelties against his mother began rather by various circumstances of petty malice than by any downright injury. He encouraged several persons to tease her with litigious suits; and employed some of the meanest of the people to sing satirical songs against her, under her windows: but, at last, finding these ineffectual in breaking her spirit, he resolved on putting her to death. His first attempt was by poison; but this, though twice repeated, proved ineffectual, as he had fortified her constitution against it by antidotes. This failing, a ship was contrived in so artificial a manner as to fall to pieces in the water; on board of which she was invited to sail to the coasts of Calabria. However, this plot was as ineffectual as the former: the mariners, not being apprised of the secret, disturbed each other's operations; so that the ship not sinking as readily as was expected, Agrippina found means to continue swimming, till she was taken up by some trading vessels passing that way. Nero finding all his machinations were discovered, resolved to throw off the mask, and put her openly to death, without further delay. He therefore caused a report to be spread, that she had conspired against him, and that a poniard was dropped at his feet by one who pretended a command from Agrippina to assassinate him. In consequence of this, he applied to his governors Seneca and Burrhus, for their advice how to act, and their affluence in ridding him of his fears. Things were now come to such a crisis, that no middle way could be taken; and either Nero or Agrippina was to fall. Seneca, therefore, kept a profound silence; while Burrhus, with more resolution, refused to be perpetrator of so great a crime; alleging, that the army was entirely devoted to all the descendants of Caesar, and would never be brought to imbue their hands in the blood of any of his family. In this embarrassment, Anicetus, the contriver of the ship above mentioned, offered his services; which Nero accepted with the greatest joy, crying out, "That then was the first moment he ever found himself an emperor." This freedman, therefore, taking with him a body of soldiers, surrounded the house of Agrippina, and then forced open the doors. The executions having dispatched Cautes his her with several wounds, left her dead on the couch, and mother to went to inform Nero of what they had done. Some historians say, that Nero came immediately to view the body; that he continued to gaze upon it with pleasure, and ended his horrid survey, by coolly observing, that he never thought his mother had been so handsome.— However this be, he vindicated his conduct next day to the senate; who not only excused, but applauded his impiety.

All the bounds of virtue being thus broken down, Folly and meanness of Nero now gave a loose to his appetites, that were not only forbid but inhuman. There seemed an odd contrast in his disposition; for while he practised cruelties which were sufficient to make the mind shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing arts that soften and refine the heart. He was particularly addicted, even from childhood, to music, and not totally ignorant of poetry. But chariot-driving was his favourite pursuit. He never missed the circus, when chariot-races were to be exhibited there; appearing at first privately, and soon after publicly; till at last, his passion increasing by indulgence, he was not content with being merely a spectator, but resolved to become one of the principal performers. His governors, however, did all in their power to restrain this perverted ambition; but finding him resolute, they inclosed a space of ground in the valley of the Vatican, where he first exhibited only to some chosen spectators, but shortly after invited the whole town. The praises of his flattering subjects only stimulated him still more to these unbecoming pursuits; so that he now resolved to assume a new character, and to appear as a singer upon the stage.

His passion for music, as was observed, was no less natural to him than the former; but as it was less manly, so he endeavoured to defend it by the example of some of the most celebrated men, who practised it with the same fondness. He had been instructed in the principles of this art from his childhood; and upon his advancement to the empire, he had put himself under the most celebrated masters. He patiently submitted to their instructions, and used all those methods which singers practise, either to mend the voice, or improve its volatility. Yet, notwithstanding all his assiduity, his voice was but a wretched one, being both feeble and unpleasant. However, he was resolved to produce it to the public, such as it was; for flattery, he knew, would supply every deficiency. His first public appearance was at games of his own institution, called juveniles; where he advanced upon the stage, tuning his instrument to his voice with great appearance of skill. A group of tribunes and centurions attended behind him; while his old governor Burrhus stood by his hopeful pupil, with indignation in his countenance, and praises on his lips.

He was desirous also of becoming a poet; but he was unwilling to undergo the pain of study, which a proficiency in that art requires; he was desirous of being a poet ready made. For this purpose, he got together several persons, who were considered as great wits at court, though but very little known as such to the public. These attended him with verses which they had composed at home, or which they blabbed out extemporaneously; and the whole of their compositions being tacked together, by his direction, was called a poem. Nor was he without his philosophers also; he took a pleasure in hearing their debates after supper, but he heard them merely for his amusement.

Furnished with such talents as these for giving pleasure, he was resolved to make the tour of his empire, and give the most public display of his abilities wherever he came. The place of his first exhibition, upon leaving Rome, was Naples. The crowds there were so great, and the curiosity of the people so earnest in hearing him, that they did not perceive an earthquake that happened while he was singing. His desire of gaining the superiority over the other actors was truly ridiculous: he made interest with his judges, reviled his competitors, formed private factions to support him, all in imitation of those who got their livelihood upon the stage. While he continued to perform, no man was permitted to depart from the theatre, upon any pretence whatsoever. Some were so fatigued with hearing him, that they leaped privately from the walls, or pretended to fall into fainting fits, in order to be carried out. Nay, it is said, that several women were delivered in the theatre. Soldiers were placed in several parts to observe the looks and gestures of the spectators, either to direct them where to point their applause, or restrain their displeasure. An old senator, named Vespasian, afterwards emperor, happening to fall asleep upon one of these occasions, very narrowly escaped with his life.

After being fatigued with the praises of his countrymen, Nero resolved upon going over into Greece, to receive new theatrical honours. The occasion was this. The cities of Greece had made a law to send him the crowns from all the games; and deputies were accordingly dispatched with this (to him) important embassy. As he one day entertained them at his table in the most sumptuous manner, and conversed with them with the utmost familiarity, they entreated to hear him sing. Upon his complying, the artful Greeks testified all the marks of ecstasy and rapture. Applauses so warm were peculiarly pleasing to Nero: he could not refrain from crying out, That the Greeks alone were worthy to hear him; and accordingly prepared without delay to go into Greece, where he spent the whole year ensuing. In this journey, his retinue resembled an army in number; but it was only composed of singers, dancers, tailors, and other attendants upon the theatre. He passed over all Greece, and exhibited at all their games, which he ordered to be celebrated in one year. At the Olympic games he resolved to show the people something extraordinary; wherefore, he drove a chariot with ten horses; but being unable to sustain the violence of the motion, he was driven from his seat. The spectators, however, gave their unanimous applause, and he was crowned as conqueror. In this manner he obtained the prize at the Isthmian, Pythian, and Nemean games. The Greeks were not sparing of their crowns; he obtained 1800 of them. An unfortunate singer happened to oppose him on one of these occasions, and exerted all the powers of his art, which, it appears, were prodigious. But he seems to have been a better singer than a politician; for Nero ordered him to be killed on the spot. Upon his return from Greece, he entered Naples, through a breach in the walls of the city, as was customary with those who were conquerors in the Olympic games. But all the splendour of his return was referred for his entry into Rome. There he appeared seated in the chariot of Augustus, dressed in robes of purple, and crowned with wild olive, which was the Olympic garland. He bore in his hand the Pythian crown, and had 1100 more carried before him.—Beside him sat one Diodorus, a musician; and behind him followed a band of singers, as numerous as a legion, gion, who sung in honour of his victories. The senate, the knights, and the people, attended this puerile pageant, filling the air with their acclamations. The whole city was illuminated, every street smoked with incense; wherever he passed, victims were slain; the pavement was strewed with saffron, while garlands of flowers, ribbons, fowls, and pastries, (for so we are told), were showered down upon him from the windows as he passed along. So many honours only inflamed his desire of acquiring new; he at last began to take lessons in wrestling; willing to imitate Hercules in strength, as he had rivalled Apollo in activity. He also caused a lion of pasteboard to be made with great art, against which he undauntedly appeared in the theatre, and struck it down with a blow of his club.

But his cruelties even outdid all his other extravagancies, a complete list of which would exceed the limits of the present article. He was often heard to observe, that he had rather be hated than loved. When one happened to say in his presence, That the world might be burned when he was dead: "Nay," replied Nero, "let it be burnt while I am alive." In fact, a great part of the city of Rome was consumed by fire shortly after. This remarkable conflagration took place in the 11th year of Nero's reign. The fire began among certain shops, in which were kept such goods as were proper to feed it; and spread every way with such amazing rapidity, that its havoc was felt in distant streets, before any measures to stop it could be tried. Besides an infinite number of common houses, all the noble monuments of antiquity, all the stately palaces, temples, porticoes, with goods, riches, furniture, and merchandise, to an immense value, were devoured by the flames, which raged first in the low regions of the city, and then mounted to the higher with such terrible violence and impetuosity, as to frustrate all relief. The shrieks of the women, the various efforts of some endeavouring to save the young and tender, of others attempting to assist the aged and infirm, and the hurry of such as strove only to provide for themselves, occasioned a mutual interruption and universal confusion. Many, while they chiefly regarded the danger that pursued them from behind, found themselves suddenly involved in the flames before and on every side. If they escaped into the quarters adjoining, or into the parts quite remote, there too they met with the devouring flames. At last, not knowing whither to fly, nor where to seek sanctuary, they abandoned the city, and repaired to the open fields. Some, out of despair for the loss of their whole substance, others, through tenderness for their children and relations, whom they had not been able to snatch from the flames, suffered themselves to perish in them, though they might easily have found means to escape. No man dared to stop the progress of the fire, there being many who had no other business but to prevent with repeated menaces all attempts of that nature; nay, some were, in the face of the public, seen to throw lighted fire-brands into the houses, loudly declaring that they were authorized so to do; but whether this was only a device to plunder the more freely, or in reality they had such orders, was never certainly known.

Nero, who was then at Antium, did not offer to return to the city, till he heard that the flames were advancing to his palace, which, after his arrival, was, in spite of all opposition, burnt down to the ground, with all the houses adjoining to it. However, Nero, affecting compassion for the multitude, thus vagabond and bereft of their dwellings, laid open the field of Mars, and all the great edifices erected there by Agrippa, and even his own gardens. He likewise caused tabernacles to be reared in haste for the reception of the forlorn populace; from Ostia, too, and the neighbouring cities, were brought, by his orders, all sorts of furniture and necessaries, and the price of corn was considerably lessened. But these bounties, however generous and popular, were bestowed in vain, because a report was spread abroad, that, during the time of this general conflagration, he mounted his domestic stage, and sung the destruction of Troy, comparing the present desolation to the celebrated calamities of antiquity. At length, on the sixth day, the fury of the flames was stopped at the foot of Mount Aventine, by levelling with the ground an infinite number of buildings; so that the fire found nothing to encounter but the open fields and empty air.

But scarce had the late alarm ceased, when the fire broke out anew with fresh rage, but in places more wide and spacious; whence fewer persons were destroyed, but more temples and public porticoes were overthrown. As this second conflagration broke out in certain buildings belonging to Tigellinus, they were both generally ascribed to Nero; and it was conjectured, that, by destroying the old city, he aimed at the glory of building a new one, and calling it by his name. Of the fourteen quarters into which Rome was divided, four remained entire, three were laid in ashes, and, in the seven others, there remained here and there a few houses, miserably shattered, and half consumed. Among the many ancient and stately edifices, which the rage of the flames utterly consumed, Tacitus reckons the temple dedicated by Servius Tullius to the Moon; the temple and great altar consecrated by Evander to Hercules; the chapel vowed by Romulus to Jupiter Stator; the court of Numa, with the temple of Vesta, and in it the tutelar gods peculiar to the Romans. In the same fate were involved the inestimable treasures acquired by so many victories, the wonderful works of the best painters and sculptors of Greece, and, what is still more to be lamented, the ancient writings of the celebrated authors, till then preserved perfectly entire. It was observed, that the fire began the same day on which the Gauls, having formerly taken the city, burnt it to the ground.

Upon the ruins of the demolished city, Nero founded a palace, which he called his golden house; though den palace, it was not so much admired on account of an immense profusion of gold, precious stones, and other inestimable ornaments, as for its vast extent, containing spacious fields, large wildernesses, artificial lakes, thick woods, orchards, vineyards, hills, groves, &c. The entrance of this stately edifice was wide enough to receive a colossus, representing Nero, 120 feet high: the galleries, which consisted of three rows of tall pillars, were each a full mile in length; the lakes were encompassed with magnificent buildings, in the manner of cities; and the woods stocked with all manner of wild beasts. The house itself was tiled with gold: the walls were covered with the same metal, and richly adorned with precious stones and mother-of-pearl, which in those days was valued above gold: the timber-work and ceil- ings of the rooms were inlaid with gold and ivory; the roof of one of the banqueting-rooms resembled the firmament both in its figure and motion, turning incessantly about night and day, and showering all sorts of sweet waters. When this magnificent structure was finished, Nero approved of it only so far as to say, that at length he began to lodge like a man. Pliny tells us, that this palace extended quite round the city. Nero, it seems, did not finish it; for the first order Otho signed was, as we read in Suetonius, for fifty millions of sesterces to be employed in perfecting the golden palace which Nero had begun.

The projectors of the plan were Severus and Celcr, two bold and enterprising men, who soon after put the emperor upon a still more expensive and arduous undertaking, namely, that of cutting a canal through hard rocks and steep mountains, from the lake Avernus to the mouth of the Tiber, 160 miles in length, and of such breadth that two galleys of five ranks of oars might easily pass abreast. His view in this was to open a communication between Rome and Campania, free from the troubles and dangers of the sea; for this very year, a great number of vessels laden with corn were shipwrecked at Misenum, the pilots choosing rather to venture out in a violent storm, than not to arrive at the time they were expected by Nero. For the executing of this great undertaking, the emperor ordered the prisoners from all parts to be transported into Italy; and such as were convicted, whatever their crimes were, to be condemned only to his works. Nero, who undertook nothing with more ardour and readiness than what was deemed impossible, expended incredible sums in this rash undertaking, and exerted all his might to cut through the mountains adjoining to the lake Avernus; but, not being able to remove by art the obstacles of nature, he was in the end obliged to drop the enterprise.

The ground that was not taken up by the foundations of Nero's own palace, he assigned for houses, which were not placed, as after the burning of the city by the Gauls, at random, and without order; but the streets were laid out regularly, spacious and straight; the edifices restrained to a certain height, perhaps of 70 feet, according to the plan of Augustus; the courts were widened; and to all the great houses which stood by themselves, and were called jfiers, large porticoes were added, which Nero engaged to raise at his own expense, and to deliver to each proprietor the squares about them clear from all rubbish. He likewise promised rewards according to every man's rank and substance; and fixed a day for the performance of his promise, on condition that against that day their several houses and palaces were finished. He moreover made the following wise regulations to obviate such a dreadful calamity for the future; to wit, That the new buildings should be raised to a certain height without timber; that they should be arched with stone from the quarries of Gabii and Alba, which were proof against fire; that over the common springs, which were diverted by private men for their own uses, overseers should be placed to prevent that abuse; that every citizen should have ready in his house some machine proper to extinguish the fire; that no wall should be common to two houses, but every house be inclosed within its own peculiar walls, &c. Thus the city in a short time rose out of its ashes with new lustre, and more beautiful than ever. However, some believed, that the ancient form was more conducive to health, the rays of the sun being hardly felt on account of the narrowness of the streets, and the height of the buildings, whereas now there was no shelter against the scorching heat. We are told, that Nero designed to extend the walls to Ostia, and to bring from thence by a canal the sea into the city.

The emperor used every art to throw the odium of this conflagration upon the Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution raised against them upon this false accusation, of which an account is given under the article Ecclesiastical History. Hitherto, however, the citizens of Rome seemed comparatively exempted from his cruelties, which chiefly fell upon strangers and his nearest connections; but a conspiracy formed against him by Piso, a man of great power and integrity, which was prematurely discovered, opened a new train of suspicions that destroyed many of the principal families in Rome. This conspiracy, in which several of the chief men of the city were concerned, was first discovered by the indirect zeal of a woman named Epicharis, who, by some means now unknown, had been led into the plot, which she revealed to Volusius, a tribune, in order to prevail upon him to be an accomplice. Volusius, instead of coming into her design, went and discovered what he had learned to Nero, who immediately put Epicharis in prison. Soon after, a freedman belonging to Scænius, one of the accomplices, made a farther discovery. The conspirators were examined apart; and as their testimonies differed, they were put to the torture. Natalis was the first who made a confession of his own guilt and that of many others. Scænius gave a list of the conspirators still more ample. Lucan, the poet, was amongst the number; and he, like the rest, in order to save himself, still farther enlarged the catalogue, naming, among others, Atilia, his own mother. Epicharis was now, therefore, again called upon and put to the torture; but her fortitude was proof against all the tyrant's cruelty; neither scourging nor burning, nor all the malicious methods used by the executioners, could extort the smallest confession. She was therefore remanded to prison, with orders to have her tortures renewed the day following. In the meantime, she found an opportunity of strangling herself with her handkerchief, by hanging it against the back of her chair. On the discoveries already made, Piso, Lateranus, Fennius Rufus, Subrius Elavins, Sulpicius, Asper, Vestinus the consul, and numberless others, were all executed without mercy. But the two most remarkable personages who fell on this occasion were Seneca the philosopher, and Lucan the poet, who was his nephew. It is not certainly known whether Seneca was really concerned in this conspiracy or not.—This great man had for some time perceived the outrageous conduct of his pupil; and, finding himself incapable of controlling his savage disposition, had retired from court into solitude and privacy. However, his retreat did not now protect him; for Nero, either having real testimony against him, or else hating him for his virtues, sent a tribute to inform him that he was suspected. suspected as an accomplice, and soon after sent him an order to put himself to death, with which he complied.

In this manner was the whole city filled with slaughter, and frightful instances of treachery. No master was secure from the vengeance of his slaves, nor even parents from the baser attempts of their children. Not only throughout Rome, but the whole country round, bodies of soldiers were seen in pursuit of the suspected and the guilty. Whole crowds of wretches loaded with chains were led every day to the gates of the palace, to wait their sentence from the tyrant's own lips. He always presided at the torture in person, attended by Tigellinus, captain of the guard, who, from being the most abandoned man in Rome, was now become his principal minister and favourite.

Nor were the Roman provinces in a better situation than the capital city. The example of the tyrant seemed to influence his governors, who gave instances not only of their rapacity, but of their cruelty, in every part of the empire. In the seventh year of his reign, the Britons revolted, under the conduct of their queen Boadicea*; but were at last so completely defeated, that ever after, during the continuance of the Romans among them, they lost not only all hopes, but even all desire of freedom.

A war also was carried on against the Parthians for the greatest part of this reign, conducted by Corbulo; who, after many successes, had dispossessed Tiridates, and settled Tigranes in Armenia in his room. Tiridates, however, was soon after restored by an invasion of the Parthians into that country; but being once more opposed by Corbulo, the Romans and Parthians came to an agreement, that Tiridates should continue to govern Armenia, upon condition that he should lay down his crown at the feet of the emperor's statue, and receive it as coming from him; all which he shortly after performed. A ceremony, however, which Nero desired to have repeated to his person; wherefore by letters and promises he invited Tiridates to Rome, granting him the most magnificent supplies for his journey. Nero attended his arrival with very sumptuous preparations. He received him seated on a throne, accompanied by the senate standing round him, and the whole army drawn out with all imaginable splendour.—Tiridates ascended the throne with great reverence; and approaching the emperor fell down at his feet, and in the most abject terms acknowledged himself his slave. Nero raised him up, telling him with equal arrogance, that he did well, and that by his submission he had gained a kingdom which his ancestors could never acquire by their arms. He then placed the crown on his head, and, after the most costly ceremonies and entertainments, he was sent back to Armenia, with incredible sums of money to defray the expenses of his return.

In the twelfth year of this emperor's reign, the Jews also revolted, having been severely oppressed by the Roman governor. It is said that Florus, in particular, was arrived at that degree of tyranny, that by public proclamation he gave permission to plunder the country, provided he received half the spoil. These oppressions drew such a train of calamities after them, that the sufferings of all other nations were slight in comparison to what this devoted people afterwards endured, as is related under the article Jews. In the mean time, Nero proceeded in his cruelties at Rome with unabated severity.

The valiant Corbulo, who had gained so many victories over the Parthians, could not escape his fury. Nor did the empress Poppea herself escape; whom, in a fit of anger, he kicked when she was pregnant, by which she miscarried and died. At last the Romans began to grow weary of such a monster, and there appeared a general revolution in all the provinces.

The first appeared in Gaul, under Julius Vindex, who commanded the legions there, and publicly protested against the tyrannical government of Nero. He appeared to have no other motive for this revolt than that of freeing the world from an oppressor; for when it was told him that Nero had set a reward upon his head of 10,000,000 of sesterces, he made this gallant answer, "Whoever brings me Nero's head, shall, if he pleases, have mine." But still more to show that he was not actuated by motives of private ambition, he proclaimed Sergius Galba emperor, and invited him to join in the revolt. Galba, who was at that time governor of Spain, was equally remarkable for his wisdom in peace and his courage in war. But as all talents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for some years had seemed willing to court obscurity, giving himself up to an inactive life, and avoiding all opportunities of signalizing his valour. He now therefore, either through the caution attending old age, or from a total want of ambition, appeared little inclined to join with Vindex, and continued for some time to deliberate with his friends on the part he should take.

In the mean time, Nero, who had been apprised of the proceedings against him in Gaul, appeared totally regardless of the danger, privately flattering himself that the suppression of this revolt would give him an opportunity for fresh confiscations. But the actual revolt of Galba, the news of which arrived soon after, affected him in a very different manner. The reputation of that general was such, that from the moment he declared Galba against him, Nero considered himself as undone. He received the account as he was at supper; and instantly, struck with terror, overturned the table with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of immense value. He then fell into a swoon; from which when he recovered, he tore his clothes, and struck his head, crying out "that he was utterly undone." He then began to meditate slaughters more extensive than he had yet committed. He resolved to massacre all the governors of provinces, to destroy all exiles, and to murder all the Gauls in Rome, as a punishment for the treachery of their countrymen. In short, in the wildness of his rage, he thought of poisoning the whole senate, of burning the city, and turning the lions kept for the purposes of the theatre out upon the people. These designs being impracticable, he resolved at last to face the danger in person. But his very preparations served to mark the infatuation of his mind. His principal care was, to provide waggons for the convenient carriage of his musical instruments; and to dress out his concubines like Amazons, with whom he intended to face the enemy. He also made a resolution, that if he came off with safety and empire, he would appear again upon the theatre with the lute, and would equip himself as a pantomime.

While Nero was thus frivolously employed, the revolt became became general. Not only the armies in Spain and Gaul, but also the legions in Germany, Africa, and Lusitania, declared against him. Virgilius Rufus alone, who commanded an army on the Upper Rhine, for a while continued in suspense; during which his forces, without his permission, falling upon the Gauls, routed them with great slaughter, and Vindex slew himself. But this ill success no way advanced the interests of Nero; he was so detested by the whole empire, that he could find none of the armies faithful to him, however they might disagree with each other. He therefore called for Lucius Cotta to furnish him with poison; and, thus prepared for the worst, he retired to the Servilian gardens, with a resolution of flying into Egypt. He accordingly dispatched the freedmen, in whom he had the most confidence, to prepare a fleet at Ostia; and in the meanwhile founded, in person, the tribunes and centurions of the guard, to know if they were willing to share his fortunes. But they all excused themselves, under divers pretexts. One of them had the boldness to answer him by a part of a line from Virgil: *Ufque adeone miserum est mori?* "Is death then such a misfortune?" Thus destitute of every resource, all the expedients that cowardice, revenge, or terror could produce, took place in his mind by turns. He at one time resolved to take refuge among the Parthians; at another, to deliver himself up to the mercy of the insurgents; one while, he determined to mount the rostrum, to ask pardon for what was past, and to conclude with promises of amendment for the future. With these gloomy deliberations he went to bed; but waking about midnight, he was surprised to find his guards had left him. The praetorian soldiers, in fact, having been corrupted by their commander, had retired to their camp, and proclaimed Galba emperor. Nero immediately sent for his friends to deliberate upon his present exigence; but his friends also forsook him. He went in person from house to house; but all the doors were shut against him, and none were found to answer his inquiries. While he was pursuing this inquiry, his very domestics followed the general defection; and having plundered his apartment, escaped different ways. Being now reduced to desperation, he desired that one of his favourite gladiators might come and dispatch him; but even in this request there was none found to obey. "Alas!" cried he, "have I neither friend nor enemy?" And then running desperately forth, he seemed resolved to plunge headlong into the Tiber. But just then his courage beginning to fail him, he made a sudden stop, as if willing to recollect his reason; and asked for some secret place, where he might reassume his courage, and meet death with becoming fortitude. In this distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him his country-house, at about four miles distant, where he might for some time remain concealed. Nero accepted his offer; and, half-dressed as he was, with his head covered, and hiding his face with a handkerchief, he mounted on horseback, attended by four of his domestics, of whom the wretched Sporus was one. His journey, though quite short, was crowded with adventures. Round him he heard nothing but confused noises from the camp, and the cries of the soldiers, imprecating a thousand evils upon his head. A passenger, meeting him on the way, cried, "There go men in pursuit of Nero." Another asked him, if there was any news of Nero in the city? His horse taking fright at a dead body that lay near the road, he dropped his handkerchief; and a soldier that was near, addressed him by name. He now therefore quitted his horse, and forking the highway, entered a thicket that led towards the back part of Phaon's house, through which he crept, making the best of his way among the reeds and brambles, with which the place was overgrown. When he was arrived at the back part of the house, while he was waiting till there should be a breach made in the wall, he took up some water in the hollow of his hands from a pool to drink; saying, "To this liquor is Nero reduced." When the hole was made large enough to admit him, he crept in upon all fours, and took a short repose upon a wretched pallet, that had been prepared for his reception. Being pelted by hunger, he demanded something to eat: they brought him a piece of brown bread, which he refused; but he drank a little water. During this interval, the senate finding the praetorian guards had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, and condemned Nero to die more majorum; that is, "according to the rigour of the ancient laws." These dreadful tidings were quickly brought by one of Phaon's slaves from the city, while Nero yet continued lingering between his hopes and his fears. When he was told of the resolution of the senate against him, he asked the messenger what he meant by being punished "according to the rigour of the ancient laws?" To this he was answered, that the criminal was to be stripped naked, his head was to be fixed in a pillory, and in that posture he was to be scourged to death. Nero was so terrified at this, that he seized two poniards which he had brought with him, and examining their points, returned them to their sheaths, saying, that the fatal moment was not yet arrived. However, he had little time to spare; for the soldiers who had been sent in pursuit of him were just then approaching the house: wherefore hearing the sound of the horses' feet, he let a dagger to his throat, with which, by the assistance of Euphrosyntes, his freedman and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound. He was not quite dead when one of the centurions entering the room, and pretending he came to his relief, attempted to stop the blood with his cloak. But Nero, regarding him with a stern countenance, said, "It is now too late. Is this your fidelity?"—Upon which, with his eyes fixed, and frightfully staring, he expired, in the 32d year of his age, and the 14th of his reign.

Galba was 72 years old when he was declared emperor, and was then in Spain with his legions. How-ever, he soon found, that his being raised to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. His first embarrasment arose from a disorder in his own army; for upon his approaching the camp, one of the wings of horse repenting of their choice, prepared to revolt, and he found it no easy matter to reconcile them to their duty. He also narrowly escaped afflication from some slaves, who were presented to him by one of Nero's freedmen with that intent. The death of Vindex also served to add not a little to his disquietudes; so that, upon his very entrance into the empire he had some thoughts of putting an end to his own life. But hearing from Rome that Nero was dead, and the empire transferred to him, he immediately assumed the title and ensigns of command. In his journey towards Rome he was met by Rufus Virginius, who, finding the senate had decreed him the government, came to yield him obedience. This general had more than once refused the empire himself, which was offered him by his soldiers; alleging, that the senate alone had the disposal of it, and from them only he would accept the honour.

Galba having been brought to the empire by means of his army, was at the same time willing to suppress their power to commit any future disturbance. His first approach to Rome was attended with one of those rigorous strokes of justice which ought rather to be denominated cruelty than anything else. A body of mariners, whom Nero had taken from the oar and enlisted among the legions, went to meet Galba, three miles from the city, and with loud importunities demanded a confirmation of what his predecessor had done in their favour. Galba, who was rigidly attached to the ancient discipline, deferred their request to another time. But they, considering this delay as equivalent to an absolute denial, insisted in a very disrespectful manner; and some of them even had recourse to arms: whereupon Galba ordered a body of horse attending him to ride among them, and thus killed 7000 of them; but not content with this punishment, he afterwards ordered them to be decimated. Their insolence demanded correction; but such extensive punishments deviated into cruelty. His next step to curb the insolence of the soldiers, was his discharging the German cohort, which had been established by the former emperors as a guard to their persons. Those he sent home to their own country unrewarded, pretending they were disaffected to his person. He seemed to have two other objects also in view; namely, to punish those vices which had come to an enormous height in the last reign, with the strictest severity; and to replenish the exchequer, which had been quite drained by the prodigality of his predecessors. But these attempts only brought on him the imputation of severity and avarice; for the state was too much corrupted to admit of such an immediate transition from vice to virtue. The people had long been maintained in sloth and luxury by the prodigality of the former emperors, and could not think of being obliged to seek for new means of subsistence, and to retrench their superfluities. They began, therefore, to satirize the old man, and turn the simplicity of his manners into ridicule. Among the marks of avarice recorded of him, he is said to have groaned upon having an expensive soup served up to his table; he is said to have presented to his steward, for his fidelity, a plate of beans; a famous player upon the flute named Canus, having greatly delighted him, it is reported, that he drew out his purse, and gave him five-pence, telling him, that it was private and not public money. By such ill-judged frugalties, at such a time, Galba began to lose his popularity; and he, who before his accession was esteemed by all, being become emperor, was considered with ridicule and contempt. But there are some circumstances alleged against him, less equivocal than those trifling ones already mentioned. Shortly after his coming to Rome, the people were presented with a most grateful spectacle, which was that of Locutta, Elia, Polictetus, Petronius, and Petinus, all the bloody ministers of Nero's cruelty, drawn in fetters through the city, and publicly executed. But Tigellinus, who had been more active than all the rest, was not there. The crafty villain had taken care for his own safety, by the largeness of his bribes: and though the people cried out for vengeance against him at the theatre and at the circus, yet the emperor granted him his life and pardon. Helotus the eunuch, also, who had been the instrument of poisoning Claudius, escaped, and owed his safety to the proper application of his wealth. Thus, by the inequality of his conduct, he became despicable to his subjects. At one time throwing himself severe and frugal, at another remiss and prodigal; condemning some illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardoning others though guilty: in short, nothing was done but by the mediation of his favourites; all offices were venal, and all punishments redeemable by money.

Affairs were in this unsettled posture at Rome, when the provinces were yet in a worse condition. The success of the army in Spain in choosing an emperor induced the legions in the other parts to wish for a similar opportunity. Accordingly, many seditions were kindled, and several factions promoted in different parts of the empire, but particularly in Germany. There were then in that province two Roman armies; the one which had lately attempted to make Rufus Virginius emperor, as has been already mentioned, and which was commanded by his lieutenant; the other commanded by Vitellius, who had an ambition to obtain the empire for himself. The former of these armies despising their present general, and considering themselves as suspected by the emperor for having been the last to acknowledge his title, resolved now to be foremost in denying it. Accordingly, when they were summoned to take the oaths of homage and fidelity, they refused to acknowledge any other commands but those of the senate. This refusal they backed by a message of the praetorian bands, importing, that they were resolved not to acquiesce in the election of an emperor created in Spain, and desiring that the senate should proceed to a new choice.

Galba being informed of this commotion, was sensible, that, besides his age, he was less respected for want of an heir. He resolved therefore to put what he had formerly designed in execution, and to adopt some person whose virtues might deserve such advancement, and protect his declining age from danger. His favourites understanding his determination, instantly resolved to give him an heir of their own choosing; so that there arose a great contention among them upon this occasion. Otho made warm application for himself; alleging the great services he had done the emperor, as being the first man of note who came to his assistance when he had declared against Nero. However, Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good alone, rejected his suit; and on a day appointed ordered Piso Luciniatus to attend him. The character given by historians of Piso is, that he was every way worthy of the honour designed him. He was now related to Galba; and had no other interest but merit to recommend him to his favour. Taking this youth therefore by the hand, in the presence of his friends, he adopted him to succeed in the empire, giving him the most wholesome lessons for guiding his future conduct. Piso's conduct showed that he was highly deserving this distinction: in all his deportment there appeared such modesty, firmness, and equality of mind, Rome, as bespoke him rather capable of discharging, than ambitious of obtaining, his present dignity. But the army and the senate did not seem equally disinterested upon this occasion; they had been so long used to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no emperor who was not in a capacity of satisfying their avarice. The adoption therefore of Piso was but coldly received; for his virtues were no recommendation in a nation of universal depravity.

Otho now finding his hopes of adoption wholly frustrated, and still further stimulated by the immense load of debt which he had contracted by his riotous way of living, resolved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he could not by peaceable succession. In fact, his circumstances were so very desperate, that he was heard to say, that it was equal to him whether he fell by his enemies in the field or by his creditors in the city. He therefore raised a moderate sum of money, by selling his interest to a person who wanted a place; and with this bribed two subaltern officers in the praetorian bands, supplying the deficiency of largesses by promises and plausible pretences. Having in this manner, in less than eight days, corrupted the fidelity of the soldiery, he stole secretly from the emperor while he was sacrificing; and assembling the soldiery, in a short speech urged the cruelties and avarice of Galba. Finding these his invectives received with universal shouts by the whole army, he entirely threw off the mask, and avowed his intentions of dethroning him. The soldiery being ripe for sedition, immediately seconded his views: taking Otho upon their shoulders, they instantly proclaimed him emperor; and, to strike the citizens with terror, carried him with their swords drawn into the camp.

Galba, in the mean time, being informed of the revolt of the army, seemed utterly confounded, and in want of sufficient resolution to face an event which he should have long foreseen. In this manner the poor old man continued wavering and doubtful; till, at last, being deluded by a false report of Otho's being slain, he rode into the forum in complete armour, attended by many of his followers. Just at the same instant a body of horse sent from the camp to destroy him entered on the opposite side, and each party prepared for the encounter. For some time hostilities were suspended on each side; Galba, confused and irresolute, and his antagonists struck with horror at the baseness of their enterprise. At length, however, finding the emperor in some measure deserted by his adherents, they rushed in upon him, trampling under foot the crowds of people that then filled the forum. Galba seeing them approach, seemed to recollect all his former fortitude; and bending his head forward, bid the assassins strike it off if it were for the good of the people. This was quickly performed; and his head being set upon the point of a lance, was presented to Otho, who ordered it to be contemptuously carried round the camp; his body remaining exposed in the streets till it was buried by one of his slaves. He died in the 73rd year of his age, after a short reign of seven months.

No sooner was Galba thus murdered, than the senate and people ran in crowds to the camp, contending who should be foremost in extolling the virtues of the new emperor, and depressing the character of him they had so unjustly destroyed. Each laboured to excite the rest in his instances of homage; and the less his affections were for him, the more did he indulge all the vehemence of exaggerated praise. Otho finding himself surrounded by congratulating multitudes, immediately repaired to the senate, where he received the titles usually given to the emperors; and from thence returned to the palace, seemingly resolved to reform his life, and assume manners becoming the greatness of his station.

He began his reign by a signal instance of clemency, by pardoning Marius Celsus, who had been highly favoured by Galba; and not contented with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest honours; affirming, that "fidelity deserved every reward." This act of clemency was followed by another of justice, equally agreeable to the people. Tigellinus, Nero's favourite, he who had been the promoter of all his cruelties, was now put to death; and all such as had been unjustly banished, or stripped, at his instigation, during Nero's reign, were restored to their country and fortunes.

In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany having been purchased by the large gifts and specious revolts, promises of Vitellius their general, were at length induced to proclaim him emperor; and regardless of the senate, declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high station with the cohorts at Rome. The news of this conduct in the army soon spread consternation throughout Rome; but Otho was particularly struck with the account, as being apprehensive that nothing but the blood of his countrymen could decide a contest of which his own ambition only was the cause. He now therefore sought to come to an agreement with Vitellius; but this not succeeding, both sides began their preparations for war. News being received that Vitellius was upon his march to Italy, Otho departed from Rome with a vast army to oppose him. But though he was very powerful with regard to numbers, his men, being little used to war, could not be relied on. He seemed by his behaviour sensible of the disproportion of his forces; and he is said to have been tortured with frightful dreams and the most uneasy apprehensions. It is also reported by some, that one night fetching many profound sighs in his sleep, his servants ran hastily to his bed-side, and found him stretched on the ground. He alleged he had seen the ghost of Galba, which had, in a threatening manner, beat and pushed him from the bed; and he afterwards used many expiations to appease it. However this be, he proceeded with a great show of courage till he arrived at the city of Brixellum, on the river Po, where he remained, sending his forces before him under the conduct of his generals Suetonius and Celsus, who made what haste they could to give the enemy battle. The army of Vitellius, which consisted of 70,000 men, was commanded by his generals Valens and Cecina, he himself remaining in Gaul in order to bring up the rest of his forces. Thus both sides hastened to meet each other with so much animosity and precipitation, that three considerable battles were fought in the space of three days. One near Placentia, another near Cremona, and a third at a place called Caflor; in all which Otho had the advantage. But these successes were but of short-lived continuance; for Valens and Cecina, who had hitherto acted separately, joining joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with fresh supplies, resolved to come to a general engagement. Otho, who by this time had joined his army at a little village called Bedriacum, finding the enemy, notwithstanding their late losses, inclined to come to a battle, resolved to call a council of war to determine upon the proper measures to be taken. His generals were of opinion to protract the war; but others, whose inexperience had given them confidence, declared, that nothing but a battle could relieve the miseries of the state; protesting, that Fortune, and all the gods, with the divinity of the emperor himself, favoured the design, and would undoubtedly prosper the enterprise. In this advice Otho acquiesced: he had been for some time so uneasy under the war, that he seemed willing to exchange suspense for danger. However, he was surrounded with flatterers, that he was prohibited from being personally present in the engagement, but prevailed upon to reserve himself for the fortune of the empire, and wait the event at Brixellum. The affairs of both armies being thus adjusted, they came to an engagement at Bedriacum; where, in the beginning, those on the side of Otho seemed to have the advantage.

At length, the superior discipline of the legions of Vitellius turned the scale of victory. Otho's army fled in great confusion towards Bedriacum, being pursued with a miserable slaughter all the way.

In the mean time, Otho waited for the news of the battle with great impatience, and seemed to tax his messengers with delay. The first account of his defeat was brought him by a common soldier, who had escaped from the field of battle. However, Otho, who was still surrounded by flatterers, was desired to give no credit to a false fugitive, who was guilty of falsehood only to cover his own cowardice. The soldier, however, still persisted in the veracity of his report; and, finding none inclined to believe him, immediately fell upon his sword, and expired at the emperor's feet. Otho was so much struck with the death of this man, that he cried out, that he would cause the ruin of no more such valiant and worthy soldiers, but would end the contest the shortest way; and therefore having exhorted his followers to submit to Vitellius, he put an end to his own life.

It was no sooner known that Otho had killed himself, than all the soldiers repaired to Virginius, the commander of the German legions, earnestly intreating him to take upon him the reins of government; or at least, intreating his mediation with the generals of Vitellius in their favour. Upon his declining their request, Rubrius Gallus, a person of considerable note, undertook their embassy to the generals of the conquering army; and soon after obtained a pardon for all the adherents of Otho.

Vitellius was immediately after declared emperor by the senate; and received the marks of distinction which were now accustomed to follow the appointment of the strongest side. At the same time, Italy was severely distressed by the soldiers, who committed such outrages as exceeded all the oppressions of the most calamitous war. Vitellius, who was yet in Gaul, resolved, before he set out for Rome, to punish the praetorian cohorts, who had been the instruments of all the late disturbances in the state. He therefore caused them to be disarmed, and deprived of the name and honour of soldiers. He also ordered 150 of those who were most guilty to be put to death.

As he approached towards Rome, he passed through the towns with all imaginable splendour; his passage by water was in painted galleys, adorned with garlands of flowers, and profusely furnished with the greatest delicacies. In his journey there was neither order nor discipline among his soldiers; they plundered wherever they came with impunity; and he seemed no way displeased with the licentiousness of their behaviour.

Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as a place he came to govern with justice, but as a town that became his own by the laws of conquest. He marched through the streets mounted on horseback, all in armour; the senate and people going before him, as if the captives of his late victory. He the next day made the senate a speech, in which he magnified his own actions, and promised them extraordinary advantages from his administration. He then harangued the people, who, being now long accustomed to flatter all in authority, highly applauded and blessed their new emperor.

In the mean time, his soldiers being permitted to gratify themselves in the debaucheries of the city, grew totally unfit for war. The principal affairs of the state were managed by the lowest wretches. Vitellius, more abandoned than they, gave himself up to all kinds of luxury and profuseness; but gluttony was his favourite vice, so that he brought himself to a habit of vomiting, in order to renew his meals at pleasure. His entertainments, though seldom at his own cost, were prodigiously expensive; he frequently invited himself to the tables of his subjects, breakfasting with one, dining with another, and supping with a third, all in the same day. The most memorable of these entertainments was that made for him by his brother on his arrival at Rome. In this were served up 2000 several dishes of fish, and 7000 of fowl, of the most valuable kinds. But in one particular dish he seemed to have outdone all the former profusion of the most luxurious Romans. This dish, which was of such magnitude as to be called the shield of Minerva, was filled with an olio made from the heads of the fish called scarri, the brains of pheasants and woodcocks, the tongues of the most costly birds, and the spawn of lampreys brought from the Caspian sea. In order to cook this dish properly, a furnace was built in the fields, as it was too large for any kitchen to contain it.

In this manner did Vitellius proceed; so that Josephus tells us, if he had reigned long, the whole empire would not have been sufficient to have maintained his gluttony. All the attendants of his court sought to raise themselves not by their virtues and abilities, but the sumptuousness of their entertainments. This prodigality produced its attendant, want; and that, in turn, gave rise to cruelty.

Those who had formerly been his associates were now destroyed without mercy. Going to visit one of them in a violent fever, he mingled poison with his water, and delivered it to him with his own hands. He never pardoned those money-lenders who came to demand payment of his former debts. One of the number coming to salute him, he immediately ordered him to be carried off to execution; but shortly after commanding him to be brought back, when all his attendants Rome. ants thought it was to pardon the unhappy creditor, Vitellius gave them soon to understand that it was merely to have the pleasure of feeding his eyes with his torments. Having condemned another to death, he executed his two sons with him, only for their presuming to intercede for their father. A Roman knight being dragged away to execution, and crying out that he had made the emperor his heir, Vitellius demanded to see the will, where finding himself joint heir with another, he ordered both to be executed, that he might enjoy the legacy without a partner.

By the continuance of such vices and cruelties as these he became odious to all mankind, and the astrologers began to prognosticate his ruin. A writing was set up in the forum to this effect; "We, in the name of the ancient Chaldeans, give Vitellius warning to depart this life by the kalends of October." Vitellius, on his part, received this information with terror, and ordered all the astrologers to be banished from Rome. An old woman having foretold, that if he survived his mother, he should reign many years in happiness and security, this gave him a desire of putting her to death; which he did, by refusing her sustenance, under the pretence of its being prejudicial to her health. But he soon saw the futility of relying upon such vain prognostications; for his soldiers, by their cruelty and rapine, having become insupportable to the inhabitants of Rome, the legions of the East, who had at first acquiesced in his dominion, began to revolt, and shortly after unanimously resolved to make Vespasian emperor.

Vespasian, who was appointed commander against the rebellious Jews, had reduced most of their country, except Jerusalem, to subjection. The death of Nero, however, had at first interrupted the progress of his arms, and the succession of Galba gave a temporary check to his conquests, as he was obliged to send his son Titus to Rome, to receive the emperor's commands. Titus, however, was so long detained by contrary winds, that he received news of Galba's death before he set sail. He then resolved to continue neuter during the civil wars between Otho and Vitellius; and when the latter prevailed, he gave him his homage with reluctance. But being desirous of acquiring reputation, though he disliked the government, he determined to lay siege to Jerusalem, and actually made preparations for that great undertaking, when he was given to understand that Vitellius was defeated by all ranks in the empire. These murmurs increased every day, while Vespasian secretly endeavoured to advance the discontented of the army. By these means they began at length to fix their eyes upon him as the person the most capable and willing to terminate the miseries of his country, and put a period to the injuries it suffered. Not only the legions under his command, but those in Moesia and Pannonia, came to the same resolution, so that they declared themselves for Vespasian. He was also without his own consent proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, the army there confirming it with extraordinary applause, and paying their accustomed homage. Still, however, Vespasian seemed to decline the honour done him; till at length his soldiers compelled him, with their threats of immediate death, to accept a title, which, in all probability, he wished to enjoy. He now, therefore, called a council of war: where it was resolved, that his son Titus should carry on the war against the Jews; and that Mutianus, one of his generals, should, with the greatest part of his legions, enter Italy; while Vespasian himself should levy forces in all parts of the east, in order to reinforce them in case of necessity.

During these preparations, Vitellius, though buried in sloth and luxury, was resolved to make an effort to defend the empire; wherefore his chief commanders, Valens and Cecina, were ordered to make all possible preparations to resist the invaders. The first army that entered Italy with an hostile intention was under the command of Antonius Primus, who was met by Cecina near Cremona. A battle was expected to ensue; but a negociation taking place, Cecina was prevailed upon to change sides, and declare for Vespasian. His army, however, quickly repented of what they had done; and imprisoning their general, attacked Antonius, though without a leader. The engagement continued during Vitellius the whole night; in the morning, after a short repast, defeated, both armies engaged a second time; when the soldiers of Antonius saluting the rising sun, according to custom, the Vitellians supposing that they had received new reinforcements, betook themselves to flight, with the loss of 30,000 men. Shortly after, freeing their general Cecina from prison, they prevailed upon him to intercede with the conquerors for pardon; which they obtained, though not without the most horrid barbarities committed upon Cremona, the city to which they had retired for shelter.

When Vitellius was informed of the defeat of his army, his former insolence was converted into an extreme of timidity and irresolution. At length he commanded Julius Priscus and Alphenus Varus, with some forces that were in readiness, to guard the passes of the Apennines, to prevent the enemy's march to Rome; reinforcing the principal body of his army to secure the city, under the command of his brother Lucius. But being persuaded to repair to his army in person, his presence only served to increase the contempt of his soldiers. He there appeared irresolute, and still luxurious, without counsel or conduct, ignorant of war, and demanding from others those instructions which it was his duty to give. After a short continuance in the camp, and understanding the revolt of his fleet, he returned once more to Rome: but every day only served to render his affairs still more desperate; till at last he made offers to Vespasian of resigning the empire, provided his life were granted, and a sufficient revenue for his support. In order to enforce his request, he issued from his palace in deep mourning, with all his domestics weeping round him. He then went to offer the sword of justice to Cecilius, the consul; which he refusing, the abject emperor prepared to lay down the ensigns of the empire in the temple of Concord. But being interrupted by some, who cried out, That he himself was Concord, he resolved, upon so weak an encouragement, still to maintain his power, and immediately prepared for his defence.

During this fluctuation of counsels, one Sabinus, who had advised Vitellius to resign, perceiving his desperate situation, resolved, by a bold step, to oblige Vespasian, and accordingly seized upon the Capitol. But he was the capitulation in his attempt; for the soldiers of Vitellius burnt, attacked him with great fury, and, prevailing by their numbers, soon laid that beautiful building in ashes. During this dreadful conflagration, Vitellius was feasting... ing in the palace of Tiberius, and beholding all the horrors of the assault with great satisfaction. Sabinus was taken prisoner, and shortly after executed by the emperor's command. Young Domitian, his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, escaped by flight, in the habit of a priest; and all the rest who survived the fire were put to the sword.

But this success served little to improve the affairs of Vitellius. He vainly sent messenger after messenger to bring Vespasian's general, Antonius, to a composition. This commander gave no answer to his requests, but still continued his march towards Rome. Being arrived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vitellius were resolved upon defending it to the utmost extremity. It was attacked on three sides with the utmost fury; while the army within, falling upon the besiegers, defended it with equal obstinacy. The battle lasted a whole day, till at last the besieged were driven into the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in all the streets, which they vainly attempted to defend. In the mean time, the citizens stood by, looking on as both sides fought; and, as if they had been in a theatre, clapped their hands; at one time encouraging one party, and again the other. As either turned their backs, the citizens would then fall upon them in their places of refuge, and so kill and plunder them without mercy. But what was still more remarkable, during these dreadful slaughters both within and without the city, the people would not be prevented from celebrating one of their riotous feasts, called the Saturnalia; so that at one time might have been seen a strange mixture of mirth and misery, of cruelty and lewdness; in one place, buryings and slaughters; in another, drunkenness and feasting; in a word, all the horrors of a civil war, and all the licentiousness of the most abandoned security!

During this complicated scene of misery, Vitellius retired privately to his wife's house, upon Mount Aventine, desiring that night to fly to the army commanded by his brother at Tarracina. But, quite incapable, through fear, of forming any resolution, he changed his mind, and returned again to his palace, now void and desolate; all his slaves forsaking him in his distress, and purposely avoiding his presence. There, after wandering for some time quite disconsolate, and fearing the face of every creature he met, he hid himself in an obscure corner, from whence he was soon taken by a party of the conquering soldiers. Still, however, willing to add a few hours more to his miserable life, he begged to be kept in prison till the arrival of Vespasian at Rome, pretending that he had secrets of importance to discover. But his entreaties were vain: the soldiers binding his hands behind him, and throwing an halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the public forum, upbraiding him, as they proceeded, with all those bitter reproaches their malice could suggest, or his own cruelties deserve. They also tied his hair backwards, as was usual with the most infamous malefactors, and held the point of a sword under his chin, to prevent his hiding his face from the public. Some cast dirt and filth upon him as he passed, others struck him with their hands; some ridiculed the defects of his person, his red fiery face, and the enormous greatness of his belly. At length, being come to the place of punishment, they killed him with many blows; and then dragging the dead body through the streets with an hook, they threw it, with all possible ignominy, into the river Tiber. Such was the miserable end of this emperor, in the 57th year of his age, after a short reign of eight months and five days.

Vitellius being dead, the conquering army pursued Dreadful their enemies throughout the city, while neither houses cruelities nor temples afforded refuge to the fugitives. The streets and public places were all strewed with dead, each man lying slain where it was his misfortune to be overtaken by his unmerciful pursuers. But not only the enemy suffered in this manner, but many of the citizens, who were obnoxious to the soldiers, were dragged from their houses, and killed without any form of trial. The heat of their resentment being somewhat abated, they next began to seek for plunder; and under pretence of searching for the enemy, left no place without marks of their rage or rapacity. Besides the soldiers, the lower rabble joined in these detestable outrages; some flames came and discovered the riches of their masters; some were detected by their nearest friends; the whole city was filled with outcry and lamentation; in such a manner, that the former ravages of Otho and Vitellius were now considered as slight evils in comparison.

Upon the arrival of Mutianus, general to Vespasian, these slaughters ceased, and the state began to assume the appearance of former tranquillity. Vespasian was declared emperor by the unanimous consent both of the senate and the army; and dignified with all those titles, which now followed rather the power than the merit of those who were appointed to govern. Messengers were dispatched to him into Egypt, desiring his return, and testifying the utmost desire for his government. However, the winter being dangerous for sailing, he deferred his voyage to a more convenient season. Perhaps, also, the dissensions in other parts of the empire retarded his return to Rome; for one Claudius Civilis, in Lower Germany, excited his countrymen to revolt, and destroyed the Roman garrisons, which were placed in different parts of that province. But, to give his rebellion an air of justice, he caused his army to swear allegiance to Vespasian, until he found himself in a condition to throw off the mask. When he thought himself sufficiently powerful, he disclaimed all submission to the Roman government; and having overcome one or two of the lieutenants of the empire, and being joined by such of the Romans as refused obedience to the new emperor, he boldly advanced to give Cerealis, Vespasian's general, battle. In the beginning of this engagement, he seemed successful, breaking the Roman legions, and putting their cavalry to flight. But at length Cerealis by his conduct turned the fate of the day, and not only routed the enemy, but took and destroyed their camp. This engagement, however, was not decisive; several others ensued with doubtful success. An accommodation at length took place. Civilis obtained peace for his countrymen, and pardon for himself; for the Roman empire was, at this time, so torn by its own divisions, that the barbarous nations around made incursions with impunity, and were sure of obtaining peace whenever they thought proper to demand it.

During the time of these commotions in Germany, the Sarmatians, a barbarous nation in the north-east of the empire, suddenly passed the river Iser, and marched into the Roman dominions with such celerity and fury, as to destroy several garrisons, and an army under the command of Fonteius Agrippa. They were driven back by Rubrius Gallus, Vespasian's lieutenant, into their native forests; where several attempts were made to confine them by garrisons and forts, placed along the confines of their country. But these hardy nations, having once found the way into the empire, never after desisted from invading it upon every opportunity, till at length they overran and destroyed it entirely.

Vespasian continued some months at Alexandria in Egypt, where it is said he cured a blind and a lame man by touching them. Before he set out for Rome, he gave his son Titus the command of the army which was to lay siege to Jerusalem; while he himself went forward, and was met many miles from Rome by all the senate, and near half the inhabitants, who gave the sincerest testimonies of their joy, in having an emperor of such great and experienced virtues. Nor did he in the least disappoint their expectations; being equally assiduous in rewarding merit, and pardoning his adversaries; in reforming the manners of the citizens, and setting them the best example in his own.

In the mean time, Titus carried on the war against the Jews with vigour, which ended in the terrible destruction of the city, mentioned under the article Jews. After which his soldiers would have crowned Titus as conqueror; but he refused the honour, alleging that he was only an instrument in the hand of Heaven, that manifestly declared its wrath against the Jews. At Rome, however, all mouths were filled with the praises of the conqueror, who had not only showed himself an excellent general, but a courageous combatant: his return, therefore, in triumph, which he did with his father, was marked with all the magnificence and joy that was in the power of men to express. All things that were esteemed valuable or beautiful among men were brought to adorn this great occasion. Among the rich spoils were exposed vast quantities of gold taken out of the temple; but the book of their law was not the least remarkable amongst the magnificent profusion. A triumphal arch was erected upon this occasion, on which were described all the victories of Titus over the Jews, which remains almost entire to this very day. Vespasian likewise built a temple to Peace, wherein were deposited most of the Jewish spoils; and having now calmed all the commotions in every part of the empire, he shut up the temple of Janus, which had been open about five or six years.

Vespasian having thus given security and peace to the empire, resolved to correct numberless abuses which had grown up under the tyranny of his predecessors. To effect this with greater ease, he joined Titus with him in the consulship and tribunitial power, and in some measure admitted him a partner in all the highest offices of the state. He began with restraining the licentiousness of the army, and forcing them back to their pristine discipline. He abridged the processes that had been carried to an unreasonable length in the courts of justice. He took care to rebuild such parts of the city as had suffered in the late commotions; particularly the Capitol, which had been lately burnt; and which he now restored to more than former magnificence. He likewise built a famous amphitheatre, the ruins of which are to this day an evidence of its ancient grandeur. The other ruinous cities of the empire also shared his paternal care; he improved such as were declining, adorned others, and built many anew. In such acts as these he passed a long reign of clemency and moderation; so that it is said, no man suffered by an unjust or a severe decree during his administration.

Julius Sabinus seems to be the only person who was treated with greater rigour than was usual with this emperor. Sabinus was commander of a small army in Gaul, and had declared himself emperor upon the death of Vitellius. But his army was shortly after overcome by Vespasian's general, and he himself compelled to seek safety by flight. He wandered for some time through the Roman provinces, without being discovered: but finding the pursuit every day become closer, he was obliged to hide himself in a cave; and in it he remained concealed for no less than nine years, attended all the time by his faithful wife Empona, who provided provisions for him by day, and repaired to him by night. She was at last discovered in the performance of this pious office, and Sabinus was taken prisoner and carried to Rome. Great intercession was made to the emperor in his behalf: Empona herself appearing with her two children, and imploring her husband's pardon. But neither her tears nor intrigues could prevail; Sabinus had been too dangerous a rival for mercy; so that, though she and her children were spared, her husband suffered by the executioner.

But this seems to be the only instance in which he resented past offences. He caused the daughter of Vitellius, his avowed enemy, to be married into a noble family, and he himself provided her a suitable fortune. One of Nero's servants coming to beg for pardon for having once rudely thrust him out of the palace, and insulted him when in office, Vespasian only took his revenge by serving him just in the same manner. When any plots or conspiracies were formed against him, he disdained to punish the guilty, saying, 'That they deserved rather his contempt for their ignorance, than his resentment; as they seemed to envy him a dignity of which he daily experienced the uneasiness.' His liberality towards the encouragement of arts and learning, was not less than his clemency. He settled a constant salary of 100,000 sesterces upon the teachers of rhetoric. He was particularly favourable to Josephus, the Jewish historian, Quintilian the orator, and Pliny the naturalist, flourished in his reign, and were highlyesteemed by him. He was no less an encourager of all other excellencies in art; and invited the greatest masters and artisans from all parts of the world, making them considerable presents, as he found occasion.

Yet all his numerous acts of generosity and magnificence could not preserve his character from the imputation of rapacity and avarice. He revived many obsolete methods of taxation; and even bought and sold commodities himself, in order to increase his fortune. He is charged with advancing the most avaricious governors to the provinces, in order to share their plunder on their return to Rome. He defended to some very unusual and dishonourable imposts, even to the laying a tax upon urine. When his son Titus remonstrated against the means of such a tax, Vespasian taking a piece of money, demanded if the smell offended him; and then added, that this very money was produced by urine. But in excuse for this, we must observe, that the exchequer, when Vespasian came to the throne, was was so much exhausted, that he informed the senate that it would require a supply of three hundred millions (of our money) to re-establish the commonwealth. This necessity must naturally produce more numerous and heavy taxation than the empire had hitherto experienced: but while the provinces were thus obliged to contribute to the support of his power, he took every precaution to provide for their safety; so that we find but two insurrections in this reign.—In the fourth year of his reign, Antiochus king of Comagenia, holding a private correspondence with the Parthians, the declared enemies of Rome, was taken prisoner in Cilicia, by Pyrrhus the governor, and sent bound to Rome. But Vespasian generously prevented all ill treatment, by giving him a residence at Lacedemon, and allowing him a revenue suitable to his dignity. About the same time also, the Alanii, a barbarous people inhabiting along the river Tanais, abandoned their barren wilds, and invaded the kingdom of Media. From thence falling into Armenia, after great ravages, they overthrew Tiridates, the king of that country, with prodigious slaughter. Titus was at length sent to chastise their insolence; but the barbarians retired at the approach of the Roman army, loaded with plunder, being compelled to wait a more favourable opportunity of renewing their incursions. These incursions, however, were but a transient storm, the effects of which were soon repaired by the emperor's moderation and affluency. We are told, that he now formed and established a thousand nations, which had scarcely before amounted to 200. No provinces in the empire lay out of his view and protection. He had, during his whole reign, a particular regard to Britain; his generals, Petilius Cerealis, and Julius Frontinus, brought the greatest part of the island into subjection; and Agricola, who succeeded soon after, completed what they had begun.

In this manner, having reigned 10 years, loved by his subjects, and deserving their affection, he was surprised by an indisposition at Campania, which he at once declared would be fatal, crying out, in the spirit of Paganism, "Methinks I am going to be a god." Removing from thence to the city, and afterwards to a country-seat near Reate, he was there taken with a flux, which brought him to the last extremity. However, perceiving his end approach, and just going to expire, he cried out, that an emperor ought to die standing; therefore, raising himself upon his feet, he expired in the hands of those that sustained him.

Titus being joyfully received as emperor, notwithstanding a slight opposition from his brother Domitian, who maintained that he himself was appointed, and that Titus had falsified the will, began his reign with every virtue that became an emperor and a man. During the life of his father there had been many imputations against him; but upon his exaltation to the throne he seemed entirely to take leave of his former vices, and became an example of the greatest moderation and humanity. He had long loved Berenice, sister to Agrippa king of Judea, a woman of the greatest beauty and allurements. But knowing that the connection with her was entirely disagreeable to the people of Rome, he sent her away, notwithstanding their mutual passion and the many arts she used to induce him to change his resolutions. He next discarded all those who had been the former ministers of his pleasures, and forebore to countenance the companions of his looser recreations, though he had formerly taken great pains in the selection. This moderation, added to his justice and generosity, procured him the love of all good men, and the appellation of the delight of mankind, which all his actions seemed calculated to ensure. As he came to the throne with all the advantages of his father's popularity, he was resolved to use every method to increase it. He therefore took particular care to punish all informers, false witnesses, and promoters of diffusion, condemning them to be scourged in the most public streets, next to be dragged through the theatre, and then to be banished to the uninhabited parts of the empire, and sold as slaves. His courtesy and readiness to do good have been celebrated even by Christian writers; his principal rule being, never to send any petitioner dissatisfied away. One night, recollecting that he had done nothing beneficial to mankind the day preceding, he cried out among his friends, "I have lost a day." A sentence too remarkable not to be universally known.

In this reign, an eruption of Mount Vesuvius did a dread-considerable damage, overwhelming many towns, and ful erup-ting its ashes into countries more than 100 miles distant. Upon this memorable occasion, Pliny the naturalist lost his life; for, being impelled by too eager curiosity to observe the eruption, he was suffocated in the flames.* There happened also about this time a fire at Rome, which continued three days and nights successively, which was followed by a plague, in which 10,000 men were buried in a day. The emperor, however, did all that lay in his power to repair the damage sustained by the public; and, with respect to the city, declared that he would take the whole loss of it upon himself. These disasters were in some measure counter-balanced by the successeles in Britain, under Agricola, civilizes the Britons towards the latter end of Vespasian's reign, showed himself equally expert in quelling the refractory, and civilizing those who had formerly submitted to the Roman power. The Ordovices, or inhabitants of North Wales, were the first that were subdued. He then made a descent upon Mona, or the island of Anglesea; which surrendered at discretion. Having thus rendered himself master of the whole country, he took every method to restore discipline to his own army, and to introduce some share of politeness among those whom he had conquered. He exhorted them, both by advice and example, to build temples, theatres, and stately houses. He caused the sons of their nobility to be instructed in the liberal arts; he had them taught the Latin language, and induced them to imitate the Roman modes of dressing and living. Thus, by degrees, this barbarous people began to assume the luxurious manners of the conquerors, and in time even outdid them in all the refinements of sensual pleasure. For the success in Britain, Titus was saluted emperor the 15th time; but he did not long survive his honours, being seized with a violent fever at a little distance from Rome. Perceiving his death to approach, he declared, Titus died, that during the whole course of his life he knew but of one action which he repented of; but that action he did not think proper to express. Shortly after, he died (not without suspicion of treachery from his brother Domitian, who had long wished to govern) in the 41st year of of his age, having reigned two years two months and twenty days.

The love which all ranks of people bore to Titus, facilitated the election of his brother Domitian, notwithstanding the ill opinion many had already conceived of him. His ambition was already but too well known, and his pride soon appeared upon his coming to the throne; having been heard to declare, that he had given the empire to his father and brother, and now received it again as his due.

The beginning of his reign was universally acceptable to the people, as he appeared equally remarkable for his clemency, liberality, and justice. He carried his abhorrence of cruelty so far, as at one time to forbid the sacrificing of oxen. His liberality was such, that he would not accept of the legacies that were left him by such as had children of their own. His justice was such, that he would fit whole days and reverse the partial sentences of the ordinary judges. He appeared very careful and liberal in repairing the libraries which had been burnt, and recovering copies of such books as had been lost, sending on purpose to Alexandria to transcribe them. But he soon began to show the natural deformity of his mind. Instead of cultivating literature, as his father and brother had done, he neglected all kinds of study, addicting himself wholly to the meaner pursuits, particularly archery and gaming. No emperor before him entertained the people with such various and expensive shows. During these diversions he distributed great rewards; fitting as president himself, adorned with a purple robe and crown, with the priests of Jupiter and the college of Flavian priests about him. The meanness of his occupations in solitude were a just contrast to his exhibitions in public ostentation. He usually spent his hours of retirement in catching flies, and sticking them through with a bodkin; so that one of his servants being asked if the emperor was alone, he answered, that he had not so much as a fly to bear him company. His vices seemed every day to increase with the duration of his reign; and as he thus became more odious to his people, all their murmurs only served to add strength to his suspicions, and malice to his cruelty. His ungrateful treatment of Agricola seemed the first symptom of his natural malevolence. Domitian was always particularly fond of obtaining a military reputation, and therefore jealous of it in others. He had marched some time before into Gaul, upon a pretended expedition against the Catti, a people of Germany; and, without ever seeing the enemy, resolved to have the honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For that purpose he purchased a number of slaves, whom he drest in German habits; and at the head of this miserable procession entered the city, amidst the apparent acclamations and concealed contempt of all his subjects. The successes, therefore, of Agricola, in Britain affected him with an extreme degree of envy. This admirable general, who is scarce mentioned by any writer except Tacitus, pursued the advantages which he had already obtained. He routed the Caledonians; overcame Galgacus, the British chief, at the head of 30,000 men; and afterwards sending out a fleet to scour the coast, first discovered Great Britain to be an island*. He likewise discovered and subdued the Orkneys, and thus reduced the whole into a civilized province of the Roman empire. When the account of these successes was brought to Domitian, he received it with a seeming pleasure, but real uneasiness. He thought Agricola's rising reputation a reproach upon his own inactivity; and, instead of attempting to emulate, he resolved to suppress the merit of his services. He ordered him, therefore, the external marks of his approbation, and took care that triumphant ornaments, statues, and other honours, should be decreed him; but at the same time he removed him from his command, under a pretence of appointing him to the government of Syria. By these means, Agricola surrendered up his government to Salustius Lucullus, but soon found that Syria was otherwise disposed of. Upon his return to Rome, which was privately and by night, he was coolly received by the emperor; and dying some time after in retirement, it was supposed by some that his end was hastened by Domitian's direction.

Domitian soon after found the want of so experienced a commander in the many irruptions of the barbarous nations that surrounded the empire. The Sarmatians, in Europe, joined with those in Asia, made a formidable invasion; at once destroying a whole legion, and a general of the Romans. The Dacians, under the conduct of Decebalus their king, made an irruption, and overthrew the Romans in several engagements. Losses were followed by losses, so that every season became memorable for some remarkable overthrow. At last, however, the flate making a vigorous exertion of its internal power, the barbarians were repelled, partly by force and partly by the affluence of money, which only served to enable them to make future invasions to greater advantage. But in whatever manner the enemy might have been repelled, Domitian was resolved not to lose the honour of a triumph. He returned in great splendour to Rome; and not contented with thus triumphing twice without a victory, he resolved to take the surname of Germanicus, for his conquest over a people with whom he never contended.

In proportion as the ridicule increased against him, his pride seemed every day to demand greater homage. He would permit his statues to be made only of gold and silver; assumed to himself divine honours; and ordered that all men should treat him with the same appellations which they gave to the divinity. His cruelty was not behind his arrogance; he caused numbers of the most illustrious senators and others to be put to death upon the most trifling pretences. Salustius Lucullus, his lieutenant in Britain, was destroyed only for having given his own name to a new fort of lances of his own invention. Junius Rufinus died for publishing a book, in which he commended Thracea and Priscus, two philosophers who opposed Vespasian's coming to the throne.

Such cruelties as these, that seem almost without a motive, may naturally be supposed to have produced rebellion. Lucius Antonius, governor in Upper Germany, knowing how much the emperor was detained at home, assumed the ensigns of imperial dignity. As he was at the head of a formidable army, his success remained long doubtful; but a sudden overflowing of the Rhine dividing his army, he was set upon at that juncture by Normandus, the emperor's general, and totally routed. The news of this victory, we are told, was brought to Rome by supernatural means, on the same day that the battle was fought. Domitian's severity was was greatly increased by this success, of short duration. In order to discover those who were accomplices with the adverse party, he invented new tortures, sometimes cutting off the hands, at other times thrusting fire into the privacies, of the people whom he suspected of being his enemies. During these cruelties, he aggravated their guilt by hypocrisy, never pronouncing sentence without a preamble full of gentleness and mercy. He was particularly terrible to the senate and nobility, the whole body of whom he frequently threatened entirely to extirpate. At one time, he surrounded the senate-house with his troops, to the great consternation of the senators. At another, he resolved to amuse himself with their terrors in a different manner. Having invited them to a public entertainment, he received them all very formally at the entrance of his palace, and conducted them into a spacious hall, hung round with black, and illuminated by a few melancholy lamps, that diffused light only sufficient to show the horrors of the place. All around were to be seen nothing but coffins, with the names of each of the senators written upon them, together with other objects of terror, and instruments of execution. While the company beheld all the preparations with silent agony, several men, having their bodies blackened, each with a drawn sword in one hand and a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall, and danced round them. After some time, when the guests expected nothing less than instant death, well knowing Domitian's capricious cruelty, the doors were set open, and one of the servants came to inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave to withdraw.

These cruelties were rendered still more odious by his lust and avarice. Frequently after presiding at an execution, he would retire with the lewdest prostitutes, and use the same baths which they did. His avarice, which was the consequence of his profusion, knew no bounds. He seized upon the estates of all against whom he could find the smallest pretensions; the most trifling action or word against the majesty of the prince was sufficient to ruin the possessor. He particularly exacted large sums from the rich Jews; who even then began to practise the art of peculation, for which they are at present so remarkable. He was excited against them, not only by avarice, but by jealousy. A prophecy had been long current in the east, that a person from the line of David should rule the world. Whereupon, this suspicious tyrant, willing to evade the prediction, commanded all the Jews of the lineage of David to be diligently sought out, and put to death. Two Christians, grandsons of St Jude the apostle, of that line, were brought before him; but finding them poor, and no way ambitious of temporal power, he dismissed them, considering them as objects too mean for his jealousy. However, his persecution of the Christians was more severe than that of any of his predecessors. By his letters and edicts they were banished in several parts of the empire, and put to death with all the tortures of ingenious cruelty. The predictions of Chaldeans and astrologers also, concerning his death, gave him most violent apprehensions, and kept him in the most tormenting disquietude. As he approached towards the end of his reign, he would permit no criminal, or prisoner to be brought into his presence, till they were bound in such a manner as to be incapable of injuring him; and he generally secured their chains in his own hands. His jealousies increased to that degree, that he ordered the gallery in which he walked to be set round with a pellucid stone, which served as a mirror to reflect the persons of all such as approached him from behind. Every omen and prodigy gave him fresh anxiety.

But a period was soon to be put to this monster's A conspiracy. Among the number of those whom he at once feared and suspected, was his wife Domitia, whom he had taken from Ælius Lama, her former husband. This woman, however, was become obnoxious to him, for having placed her affections upon one Paris, a player; and he resolved to dispatch her, with several others that he either hated or suspected. It was the tyrant's method to put down the names of all such as he intended to destroy in his tablets, which he kept about him with great circumspection. Domitia, fortunately happening to get a sight of them, was struck at finding her own name in the catalogue of those fated to destruction. She showed the fatal list to Norbanus and Petronius, prefects of the praetorian bands, who found themselves set down; as likewise to Stephanus, the comptroller of the household, who came into the conspiracy with alacrity. Parthenius also, the chief chamberlain, was of the number. These, after many consultations, determined on the first opportunity to put their design in execution; and at length fixed on the 18th day of September for the completion of their attempt. Domitian, whose death was every day foretold by the astrologers, who, of consequence, must at last be right in their predictions, was in some measure apprehensive of that day; and as he had been ever timorous, so he was now more particularly upon his guard. He had some time before secluded himself in the most secret recesses of his palace; and at midnight was so affrighted as to leap out of his bed, inquiring of his attendants what hour of the night it was. Upon their falsely assuring that it was an hour later than that which he was taught to apprehend, quite transported, as if all danger was past, he prepared to go to the bath. Just then, Parthenius his chamberlain came to inform him that Stephanus the comptroller of his household desired to speak to him upon an affair of the utmost importance. The emperor having given orders that his attendants should retire, Stephanus entered with his hand in a scarf, which he had worn thus for some days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were permitted to approach the emperor except unarmed.—He began by giving information of a pretended conspiracy, and exhibited a paper in which the particulars were specified. While Domitian was reading the contents with an eager curiosity, Stephanus drew his dagger, and struck him in the groin. The wound not being mortal, Domitian caught hold of the assassin, and threw him upon the ground, calling out for assistance. He demanded also his sword, that was usually placed under his pillow; and a boy who attended in the apartment running to fetch it, found only the scabbard, for Parthenius had previously removed the blade. The struggle with Stephanus still continued: Domitian still kept him under, and at one time attempted to wrest the dagger from his hand, at another to tear out his eyes with his fingers. But Parthenius, with his freedman, a gladiator, and two subaltern officers, now coming in, ran all furiously upon the emperor, and dispatched him with with many wounds. In the mean time, some of the officers of the guard being alarmed, came to his assistance, but too late to save him; however, they slew Stephanus on the spot.

When it was publicly known that Domitian was slain, the joy of the senate was so great, that being assembled with the utmost haste, they began to load his memory with every reproach. His statues were commanded to be taken down; and a decree was made, that all his inscriptions should be erased, his name struck out of the registers of fame, and his funeral omitted. The people, who now took little part in the affairs of government, looked on his death with indifference; the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded with favours, and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted their benefactor. The senate, therefore, resolved to provide a successor before the army could have an opportunity of taking an appointment upon themselves: and Cocceius Nerva was chosen to the empire the very day on which the tyrant was slain.

Nerva was of an illustrious family, as most say, by birth a Spaniard, and above 65 years old when he was called to the throne. He was, at that time, the most remarkable man in Rome, for his virtues, moderation, and respect to the laws; and he owed his exaltation to the blameless conduct of his former life. When the senate went to pay him their submissions, he received them with his accustomed humility; while Aulus Antonius, his most intimate friend, having embraced him with great familiarity, congratulated him on his accession to the empire: and indeed no emperor had ever shewn himself more worthy of the throne than Nerva; his only fault being that he was too indulgent, and often made a prey by his infidious courtiers.

However, an excess of indulgence and humanity were faults that Rome could easily pardon, after the cruelties of such an emperor as Domitian. Being long accustomed to tyranny, they regarded Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even gave his imbecility the name of benevolence. Upon coming to the throne, he solemnly swore that no senator of Rome should be put to death by his command, during his reign, though they gave ever so just a cause. He conferred great favours, and bestowed large gifts, upon his particular friends. His liberality was so extensive, that, upon his first promotion to the empire, he was constrained to sell his gold and silver plate, with his other rich moveables, to enable him to continue his liberalities. He released the cities of the empire from many severe impositions, which had been laid upon them by Vespasian; took off a rigorous tribute, which had been laid upon carriages; and restored those to their property who had been unjustly disfranchised by Domitian.

During his short reign he made several good laws. He particularly prohibited the castration of male children; which had been likewise condemned by his predecessor, but not wholly removed. He put all those slaves to death who had, during the last reign, informed against their masters. He permitted no statues to be erected to honour him, and converted into money such of Domitian's as had been spared by the senate. He sold many rich robes, and much of the splendid furniture of the palace, and retrenched several unreasonable expenses at court. At the same time, he had so little regard for money, that when Herodes Atticus, one of his subjects, had found a large treasure, and wrote to the emperor how to dispose of it, he received an answer, that he might use it; but the finder still informing the emperor that it was a fortune too large for a private person, Nerva, admiring his honesty, wrote him word, that then he might abuse it.

A life of such generosity and mildness was not, however, without its enemies. Calpurnius Crassus, with some others, formed a dangerous conspiracy to destroy him; but Nerva would use no severity: he refused satisfaction with banishing those who were culpable, though the senate were for inflicting more rigorous punishments. But the most dangerous insurrection against his interests was from the praetorian bands; who, headed by Caeparius Olianus, insisted upon revenging the late emperor's death, whose memory was still dear to them from his frequent liberalities. Nerva, whose kindness to good men rendered him still more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his power to stop the progress of this insurrection; he presented himself to the mutinous soldiers, and, opening his bosom, desired them to strike there, rather than be guilty of so much injustice. The soldiers, however, paid no regard to his remonstrances; but, seizing upon Petronius and Parthenius, slew them in the most ignominious manner. Not content with this, they even compelled the emperor to approve of their sedition, and to make a speech to the people, in which he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. So disagreeable a constraint upon the emperor's inclinations was, in the end, attended with the most happy effects, as it caused the adoption of Trajan to succeed him in the empire. Nerva perceived that in the present turbulent disposition of the times, he stood in need of an assistant Trajan in the empire, who might share the fatigues of government, and contribute to keep the licentious in awe. For this purpose, setting aside all his own relations, he fixed upon Ulpius Trajan, an utter stranger to his family, who was then governor in Upper Germany, to succeed him. Having put his determination in execution, and performed the accustomed solemnities, he instantly sent off ambassadors to Cologne, where Trajan then resided, intreating his affluence in punishing those from whom he had received such an insult. The adoption of this admirable man, proved so great a curb to the licentiousness of the soldiery, that they continued in perfect obedience during the rest of this reign; and Casparius being sent to him, was, by his command, either banished or put to death.

The adopting Trajan was the last public act of Death of Nerva. In about three months after, having put himself in a violent passion with one Regulus a senator, he was seized with a fever, of which he shortly after died, after a short reign of one year four months and nine days. He was the first foreign emperor who reigned in Rome, and justly reputed a prince of great generosity and moderation. He is also celebrated for his wisdom, though with less reason, the greatest influence he gave of it, during his reign, being in the choice of his successor.

Trajan's family was originally from Italy, but he himself was born in Seville in Spain. He very early accompanied his father, who was a general of the Romans, in his expeditions along the Euphrates and the Rhine; and while yet very young, acquired a considerable reputation for military accomplishments. He inured his body to fatigue; he made long marches on foot; foot; and laboured to acquire all that skill in war which was necessary for a commander. When he was made general of the army in Lower Germany, which was one of the most considerable employments in the empire, it made no alteration in his manners or way of living; and the commander was seen noway differing from the private tribune, except in his superior wisdom and virtues. The great qualities of his mind were accompanied with all the advantages of person. His body was majestic and vigorous; he was at that middle time of life which is happily tempered with the warmth of youth and the caution of age, being 42 years old. To these qualities were added, a modesty that seemed peculiar to himself alone; so that mankind found a pleasure in praising those accomplishments of which the possessor seemed no way conscious. Upon the whole, Trajan is distinguished as the greatest and the best emperor of Rome. Others might have equalled him in war, and some might have been his rivals in clemency and goodness; but he seems the only prince who united these talents in the greatest perfection, and who appears equally to engage our admiration and our regard. Upon being informed of the death of Nerva, he prepared to return to Rome, whither he was invited by the united intrigues of the state. He therefore began his march with a discipline that was for a long time unknown in the armies of the empire. The countries through which he passed were neither ravaged nor taxed, and he entered the city, not in a triumphant manner, though he had deserved it often, but on foot, attended by the civil officers of the state, and followed by his soldiers, who marched filently forward with modesty and respect. It would be tedious and unnecessary to enter into a detail of this good monarch's labours for the state. His application to business, his moderation to his enemies, his modesty in exaltation, his liberality to the deserving, and his frugality in his own expenses; these have all been the subject of panegyric among his contemporaries, and they continue to be the admiration of posterity. Upon giving the prefect of the pretorian band the sword, according to custom, he made use of this remarkable expression, "Take this sword, and use it, if I have merit, for me; if otherwise, against me." After which he added, That he who gave laws was the first who was bound to observe them. His failings were his love of women, which, however, never hurried him beyond the bounds of decency; and his immoderate passion for war, to which he had been bred up from his childhood. The first war he was engaged in after his coming to the throne was with the Dacians, who, during the reign of Domitian, had committed numberless ravages upon the provinces of the empire. He therefore raised a powerful army, and with great expedition marched into those barbarous countries, where he was vigorously opposed by Decebalus, the Dacian king, who for a long time withstood his boldest efforts; but was at last entirely reduced, and his kingdom made a Roman province. See DACIA. At his return to Rome, he entered the city in triumph; and the rejoicings for his victories lasted for the space of 120 days.

Having thus given peace and prosperity to the empire, Trajan continued his reign, loved, honoured, and almost adored, by his subjects. He adorned the city with public buildings; he freed it from such men as lived by their vices; he entertained persons of merit with the utmost familiarity; and so little feared his enemies, that he could scarcely be induced to suppose that he had any.

It had been happy for this great prince's memory, if he had shown equal clemency to all his subjects; but, about the ninth year of his reign, he was persuaded to look upon the Christians with a suspicious eye. The extreme veneration which he professed for the religion of the empire, fet him sedulously to oppose every innovation, and the progress of Christianity seemed to alarm him. A law had for some time before been passed, in which all Heteries, or societies dissenting from the established religion, were considered as illegal, being reputed nurseries of imposture and sedition. Under the sanction of this law, the Christians were persecuted in all parts of the empire. Great numbers of them were put to death, as well by popular tumults as by edicts and judicial proceedings. However, the persecution ceased after some time; for the emperor having advice from Pliny, the proconsul in Bithynia, of the innocence and simplicity of the Christians, and of their inoffensive and moral way of living, he suspended their punishments. But a total stop was put to them upon Tiberianus the governor of Palestine's sending him word, That he was wearied out with executing the laws against the Galileans, who crowded to execution in such multitudes, that he was at a loss how to proceed. Upon this information, the emperor gave orders, that the Christians should not be sought after; but if any offered themselves, that they should suffer. In this manner the rage of persecution ceased, and the emperor found leisure to turn the force of his arms against the Armenians and Parthians, who now began to throw off all submission to Rome.

While he was employed in these wars, there was an insurrection of the Jews in all parts of the empire. This wretched people still infatuated, and ever expecting some signal deliverance, took the advantage of Trajan's absence in the east to massacre all the Greeks and Romans whom they got into their power, without reluctance or mercy. This rebellion first began in Cyrene, a Roman province in Africa; from thence the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the island of Cyprus. These places were in a manner dispeopled with ungovernable fury. Their barbarities were such, that they ate the flesh of their enemies, wore their skins, sawed them asunder, cast them to wild beasts, made them kill each other, and studied new torments by which to destroy them. However, these cruelties were of no long duration; the governors of the respective provinces making head against their tumultuous fury, soon treated them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put them to death, not as human beings, but as outrageous pests to society. As the Jews had practised their cruelties in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly enacted, by which it was made capital for any Jew to set foot on the island.

During these bloody transactions, Trajan was proceeding successfully in the east. His first march was into Armenia, the king of which country had disclaimed the alliance with Rome, and received the ensigns of royalty and dominion from the monarch of Parthia. However, upon the news of Trajan's expedition, his fears were so great, that he abandoned his country to the invaders; while the greatest part of his governors and nobility... nobility came submissively to the emperor, acknowledging themselves his subjects, and making him the most costly presents. Having in this manner taken possession of the whole country, and gotten the king into his power, he marched into the dominions of the king of Parthia. There entering the opulent kingdom of Mesopotamia, he reduced it into the form of a Roman province. From thence he went against the Parthians, marching on foot at the head of his army; in this manner crossing the rivers, and conforming to all the severities of discipline which were imposed on the meanest soldier. His successes against the Parthians were great and numerous. He conquered Syria and Chaldea, and took the famous city of Babylon. Here, attempting to cross the Euphrates, he was opposed by the enemy, who were resolved to stop his passage: but he secretly caused boats to be made upon the adjoining mountains; and bringing them to the water side, passed his army with great expedition, not, however, without great slaughter on both sides. From thence he traversed tracts of country which had never before been invaded by a Roman army, and seemed to take a pleasure in pursuing the same march which Alexander the Great had formerly marked out for him. Having passed the rapid streams of the Tigris, he advanced to the city of Ctesiphon, which he took, and opened himself a passage into Persia, where he made many conquests, that were rather splendid than serviceable. After subduing all the country bordering on the Tigris, he marched southward to the Persian gulf, where he subdued a monarch who possessed a considerable island made by the divided streams of that river. Here, winter coming on, he was in danger of losing the greatest part of his army by the inclemency of the climate and the inundations of the river. He therefore with indefatigable pains fitted out a fleet, and sailing down the Persian gulf, entered the Indian ocean, conquering, even to the Indies, and subduing a part of them to the Roman empire. He was prevented from pursuing further conquests in this distant country, both by the revolt of many of the provinces he had already subdued, and by the scarcity of provisions, which seemed to contradict the reports of the fertility of the countries he was induced to invade. The inconveniences of increasing age also contributed to damp the ardour of this enterprise, which at one time he intended to pursue to the confines of the earth. Returning, therefore, along the Persian gulf, and sending the senate a particular account of all the nations he had conquered, the names of which alone composed a long catalogue, he prepared to punish those countries which had revolted from him. He began by laying the famous city of Edessa, in Mesopotamia, in ashes; and in a short space of time, not only retook all those places which had before acknowledged subjection, but conquered many other provinces, so as to make himself master of the most fertile kingdoms of all Asia. In this train of successes he scarce met with a repulse, except before the city Atra, in the deserts of Arabia. Wherefore judging that this was a proper time for bounding his conquests, he resolved to give a master to the countries he had subdued. With this resolution he repaired to the city Ctesiphon, in Persia; and there, with great ceremony, crowned Parthamaspes king of Parthia, to the great joy of all his subjects. He established another king also over the kingdom of Albania, near the Caspian sea. Then placing governors and lieutenants in other provinces, he resolved to return to his capital in a more magnificent manner than any of his predecessors had done before him. He accordingly left Adrian, general of all his forces in the east; and continued his journey towards Rome, where the most magnificent preparations were made for his arrival. But he had not proceeded farther than the province of Cilicia, when he found himself too weak to travel in his usual manner. He therefore caused himself to be carried on ship-board to the city of Seleucia, where he died of apoplexy, having been once before attacked by that disorder. During the time of his indisposition, his wife Plotina constantly attended near him; and, knowing the emperor's dislike to Adrian, it is thought forged the will, by which he was adopted to succeed.

Trajan died in the 63rd year of his age, after a reign of nineteen years six months and fifteen days. How highly he was esteemed by his subjects appears by their manner of bestowing his successors, always wishing them the fortune of Augustus, and the goodness of Trajan. His military virtues, however, upon which he chiefly valued himself, produced no real advantages to his country; and all his conquests disappeared, when the power was withdrawn that enforced them.

Adrian was by descent a Spaniard, and his ancestors were of the same city where Trajan was born. He was nephew to Trajan, and married to Sabina his grand-niece. When Trajan was adopted to the empire, Adrian was a tribune of the army in Moesia, and was sent by the troops to congratulate the emperor on his advancement. However, his brother-in-law, who desired to have an opportunity of congratulating Trajan himself, supplied Adrian with a carriage that broke down on the way. But Adrian was resolved to lose no time, and performed the rest of the journey on foot. This fidelity was very pleasing to the emperor; but he disliked Adrian from several more prevailing motives. His kinsman was expensive, and involved in debt. He was, besides, inconsistent, capricious, and apt to envy another's reputation. These were faults that, in Trajan's opinion, could not be compensated either by his learning or his talents. His great skill in the Greek and Latin languages, his intimate acquaintance with the laws of his country and the philosophy of the times, were no inducement to Trajan, who, being bred himself a soldier, desired to have a military man to succeed him. For this reason it was that the dying emperor would by no means appoint a successor; fearful, perhaps, of injuring his great reputation, by adopting a person that was unworthy. His death, therefore, was concealed for some time by Plotina his wife, till Adrian had founded the inclinations of the army, and found them firm in his interests. They then produced a forged instrument, importing that Adrian was adopted to succeed in the empire. By this artifice he was elected by all orders of the state, though then absent from Rome, being left at Antioch as general of the forces in the east.

Upon Adrian's election, his first care was to write the senate, excusing himself for assuming the empire without their previous approbation; imputing it to the hasty zeal of the army, who rightly judged that the senate ought not long to remain without a head. then began to pursue a course quite opposite to that of his predecessor, taking every method of declining war, and promoting the arts of peace. He was quite satisfied with preserving the ancient limits of the empire, and seemed no way ambitious of extensive conquest. For this reason he abandoned all the conquests which Trajan had made, judging them to be rather an inconvenience than an advantage to the empire; and made the river Euphrates the boundary of the empire, placing the legions along its banks to prevent the incursions of the enemy.

Having thus settled the affairs of the east, and leaving Severus governor of Syria, he took his journey by land to Rome, sending the ashes of Trajan thither by sea. Upon his approach to the city, he was informed of a magnificent triumph that was preparing for him; but this he modestly declined, deeming that those honours might be paid to Trajan's memory which they had designed for him. In consequence of this command, a most superb triumph was decreed, in which Trajan's statue was carried as a principal figure in the procession, it being remarked that he was the only man that ever triumphed after he was dead. Not content with paying him these extraordinary honours, his ashes were placed in a golden urn, upon the top of a column 140 feet high. On this were engraven the particulars of all his exploits in basso relievo; a work of great labour, and which is still remaining. These testimonies of respect to the memory of his predecessor, did great honour to the heart of Adrian. His virtues, however, were contrasted by a strange mixture of vices; or to say the truth, he wanted strength of mind to preserve his general rectitude of character without deviation. As an emperor, however, his conduct was most admirable, as all his public transactions appear dictated by the fondest policy and the most disinterested wisdom. But these being already enumerated under the article ADRIAN, it would be superfluous to repeat them in this place. He was succeeded by Marcus Antoninus, afterwards named the Pious, whom he had adopted some time before his death. See ANTONINUS PIUS.

From the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius, we may date the decline of the Roman empire. From the time of Caesar to that of Trajan, scarce any of the emperors had either abilities or inclination to extend the limits of the empire, or even to defend it against the barbarous nations who surrounded it. During all this space, only some inconsiderable provinces to the northward of Italy, and part of the island of Britain, had been subjugated. However, as yet, nothing was lost; but the degeneracy and corruption of the people had thrown those seeds of dissolution which the empire quickly began to feel. The disorders were grown to such an height, that even Trajan himself could not cure them. Indeed his eastern conquests could scarce have been preserved though the republic had been existing in all its glory; and therefore they were quietly resigned by his successor Adrian, as too distant, disaffected, and ready to be overrun by the barbarous nations. The province of Dacia, being nearer to the centre of government, was more easily preserved; and of consequence remained for a long time subject to Rome. During the 23 years of the reign of Antoninus, few remarkable events happened. The historians of those times are excellent in their praises of his justice, generosity, and other virtues, both public and private. He put a stop to the persecution of the Christians, which raged in the time of Trajan and Adrian, and reduced the Brigantes, a tribe of Britons, who had revolted. During his reign, several calamities befell the empire. The Tiber, overflowing its banks, laid the lower part of Rome under water. The inundation was followed by a fire, and this by a famine, which swept off great numbers, though the emperor took the utmost care to supply the city from the most distant provinces. At the same time the cities of Narbonne in Gaul, and Antioch in Syria, together with the great square in Carthage were destroyed by fire; however, the emperor soon restored them to their former condition. He died in the year 163, universally lamented by his subjects, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius, surnamed the Philosopher, whom he had adopted towards the latter end of his reign.

The transactions of this emperor the reader will find related under the article ANTONINUS PHILOSOPIUS (A).

(A) As, after the death of Marcus Aurelius, the Roman empire declined very fast, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the military and other establishments of the Roman emperors. Mr Gibbon observes, that, in the times of the commonwealth, the use of arms was confined to those who had some property to defend, and an interest in maintaining the laws which were proposed to be enacted. But, as the public freedom declined, and war became degraded into a trade, those who had the property of the country chose rather to hire others than to expose their own persons, as is the case with our modern armies. Yet, even after all consideration of property had been laid aside among the common soldiers, the officers continued to be chosen from among those who had a liberal education, together with a good share of property. However, as the common soldiers, in which the strength of an army consists, had now no more of that virtue called patriotism, the legions which were formerly almost invincible, no longer fought with the same ardour as before. In former times, the profession of a soldier was more honourable than any other; but, when the soldiers came to be looked upon as hirelings, the honour of the profession sunk of course, and, by this means, one of the strongest motives which the soldiers had to submit to their severe discipline, and exert themselves against their enemies, was removed. On the very first entrance of a soldier into the Roman service, a solemn oath was administered to him, by which he engaged never to desert his standard; to submit his own will to that of his leaders, and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the emperor and the empire. The attachment which the Romans had to their standards was indeed astonishing; The golden eagle, which appeared in the front of the legion, was almost an object of adoration with them; and it was deemed impious, as well as ignominious, to abandon that sacred ensign. After the death of Marcus Aurelius, his son Commodus succeeded to the imperial throne without opposition. He was in every respect unworthy of his father: and so prone to vice, that he was generally believed to have been the son, not of Marcus Aurelius, but of a celebrated gladiator, with whom the empress Faustina sign in the time of danger. The centurions had a right to punish with blows, the generals with death; and it was an inflexible maxim of the Roman discipline, that a good soldier should dread his officers much more than the enemy.

Notwithstanding all this, so sensible were the Romans of the insufficiency of mere valour without skill, that military exercises were the unremitting object of their discipline. The recruits and young soldiers were constantly trained both in the morning and evening; and even the veterans were not excused from the daily repetition of their exercise. Large tents were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that these useful labours might not be interrupted by tempestuous weather, and the weapons used in these imitations of war were always twice as heavy as those made use of in real action. The soldiers were diligently instructed to march, to run, leap, swim, carry heavy burdens, and handle every species of weapon either for offence or defence; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the sound of flutes in the pyrrhic or martial dance. It was the policy of the ablest generals, and even of the emperors themselves, to encourage these military studies by their presence and example; and we are informed that Adrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to instruct the unexperienced soldiers, to reward the diligent, and sometimes to dispute with them the prize of superior strength and dexterity. Under the reigns of those princes, the science of tactics was cultivated with success; and, as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military instructions were respected as the most perfect model of Roman discipline.

From the foundation of the city, as the Romans had in a manner been continually engaged in war, many alterations had taken place in the constitution of the legions. In the time of the emperors, the heavy-armed infantry, which composed its principal strength, was divided into ten cohorts and fifty companies, under the orders of a correspondent number of tribunes and centurions. The first cohort, which always claimed the post of honour and the custody of the eagle, was formed of fifteen soldiers, the most approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of five hundred; and the whole body of legionary infantry consisted of six thousand men. Their arms were uniform, and excellently adapted to the nature of their service; an open helmet with a lofty crest; a breastplate or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and a large buckler on their left arm. Their buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and a half in breadth; framed of a light wood, covered with a bull's hide, and strongly guarded with brass plates. Besides a lighter spear, the legionary carried the pilum, a ponderous javelin about five feet long, and terminated by a heavy triangular point of steel eighteen inches in length. This weapon could do execution at the distance of ten or twelve paces; but its stroke was so powerful, that no cavalry dared venture within its reach, and scarce any armour could be formed proof against it. As soon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his sword, and rushed forward to close with the enemy. It was a short well-tempered Spanish blade with a double edge, and equally calculated for the purposes of pushing and striking; but the soldier was always instructed to prefer the former use of his own weapon, as his body remained thereby the less exposed, while at the same time he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his adversary. The legion was usually drawn up eight deep; and the regular distance of three feet was left between the files and ranks. Thus the soldier possessed a free space for his arms and motions; and sufficient intervals were allowed, through which feasible reinforcements might be introduced to the relief of the combatants. The cavalry, without which the force of the legion remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or squadrons: the first, as the companion of the first cohort, consisted of one hundred and thirty-two men: whilst each of the other nine amounted only to sixty. The entire establishment formed a body of seven hundred horse, naturally connected with its respective legion; but occasionally acting in the line, and composing a part of the wings of the army. The cavalry of the ancient republic was composed of the noblest youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military services on horseback, prepared themselves for the offices of senator and consul; but after the alteration of manners and government which took place at the end of the commonwealth, the most wealthy of the equestrian order were engaged in the administration of justice and of the revenue; and, whenever they embraced the profession of arms, they were immediately entrusted with a troop of horse or a cohort of foot, and the cavalry, as well as the infantry, were recruited from the provinces. The horses were bred for the most part in Spain, or in Cappadocia. The Roman troopers despised the complete armour which encumbered the cavalry of the east. Instead of this, their arms consisted only of an helmet, an oblong shield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A javelin and a long broadsword were their principal offensive weapons. They seem to have borrowed the use of lances and iron maces from the barbarians.

Besides the legionaries, the Romans, especially in the times of the emperors, began to take auxiliaries into their pay. Considerable levies were regularly made among those provincial citizens who had not yet attained to the rank of Roman citizens. Many dependent princes and communities, dispersed round the frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to hold their freedom and security by the tenure of military service. Even select troops of barbarians were compelled to enter into the service; which was afterwards found to be a most destructive expedient, not only as it carried the Roman military skill among barbarians who were otherwise unacquainted with it, but it gave these auxiliaries themselves frequent opportunities of revolting, and at last of dethroning the emperors at pleasure, and even of overturning the empire itself. The number of auxiliaries was seldom inferior to that of the Faustina was supposed to be intimate. According to Mr Gibbon, however, Commodus was not, as has been represented, a tiger born with an inflamed thirst of human blood, and capable from his infancy of the most inhuman actions. Nature had formed him of a weak rather than a wicked disposition. His simplicity and timidity

The legionaries themselves. The bravest and most faithful bands among them were placed under the command of prefects and centurions, and severely trained in the arts of Roman discipline; but the far greater part retained those arms which they had used in their native country. By this institution, each legion, to whom a certain number of auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itself every species of lighter troops, and of missile weapons; and was capable of encountering every nation with the advantages of its respective arms and discipline. Nor was the legion destitute of what, in modern language, would be styled a train of artillery. This consisted of 10 military engines of the largest size, and 56 smaller ones; but all of them, either in an oblique or horizontal manner, discharged stones and darts with irresistible violence.

The camp of a Roman legion presented the appearance of a fortified city. As soon as the space was marked out, the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle; and it may be computed that a square of 700 yards was sufficient for the encampment of 20,000 Romans, though a similar number of modern troops would expose to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the midst of the camp, the praetorium, or general's tent, arose above the others; and the cavalry, infantry, and auxiliaries, had each their respective stations appointed them. The streets were broad, and perfectly straight; and a vacant space of 200 feet was left on all sides between the tents and rampart. The rampart itself was 12 feet high, armed with a line of strong and intricate palisades, and defended by a ditch 12 feet deep and as much broad. This labour was performed by the legions themselves, to whom the use of the spade and the pick-axe was no less familiar than that of the sword or pilum. Whenever the trumpet gave the signal of departure, the camp was almost instantly broken up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or confusion. Besides their arms, which the soldiers scarcely considered as an incumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen-furniture, the instruments of fortification, and provisions for many days. Under this weight, which would oppress a modern soldier, they were taught to advance by a regular step, near 20 miles in six hours. On the appearance of an enemy, they threw aside their baggage, and, by easy and rapid evolutions, converted the column of march into an order of battle. The flingers and archers skirmished in the front; the auxiliaries formed the first line, and were seconded or sustained by the legions. The cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engineers were placed in the rear.

The numbers of the Roman armies are not easily calculated with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, however, that the legion, which consisted of 6831 Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to 12,500 men. The peace establishment of Adrian and his successors was composed of no fewer than 30 of these formidable brigades; and most probably formed an army of 370,000 men. Instead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities, which the Romans considered as the refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. Three legions were sufficient for Britain. The principal strength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and consisted of 16 legions, disposed in the following proportions: two in the Lower, and three in the Upper Germany; one in Raetia; one in Noricum; four in Pannonia; three in Moesia; and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was intrusted to eight legions, six of whom were placed in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion maintained the domestic tranquility of each of those great provinces. Italy was defended by the city cohorts and praetorian guards formerly mentioned. These differed nothing from the legions in their arms and institutions, except in a more splendid appearance, and a less rigid discipline.

The Roman navy, though sufficient for every useful purpose of government, never seemed adequate to the greatness of the empire. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preserve the peaceful dominion of the Mediterranean sea, which was included within their dominions, and to protect the commerce of their subjects. Two permanent fleets were stationed by Augustus, one at Ravenna on the Adriatic, and the other at Milenum in the bay of Naples. A very considerable force was also stationed at Fréjus in Provence; and the Euxine was guarded by 40 ships and 3000 soldiers. To all these we may add the fleet which preserved the communication between Gaul and Britain, and a great number of vessels constantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube to harass the enemy, or intercept the passage of the barbarians. The whole military establishment by sea and land amounted to about 450,000 men.

It was not, however, to this formidable power alone that the empire owed its greatness. The policy of the laws contributed as much to its support as the martial establishment itself. According to Mr Gibbon, though the provinces might occasionally suffer from the partial abuse of delegated authority, the general principle of government was wise, simple, and beneficent. Among these benevolent principles he reckons that of universal toleration; but to this there were several exceptions: for the British Druids were persecuted and destroyed by the Romans on account of their religion; the Egyptians and Jews were sometimes persecuted; and the Christians were frequently so, and that even under the very best emperors, Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. However, as a very general toleration of religious sentiments did take place under the heathen emperors of Rome, we must certainly look upon this as one of the causes of the prosperity of the empire.

Another thing which greatly contributed to the strength and prosperity of the empire, was the extending of the freedom freedom of Rome to so many people. "The narrow policy (says Mr Gibbon) of preserving without any foreign mixture the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune and hastened the ruin of Athens and Sparta. During the most flourishing era of the Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens decreased gradually from about 30,000 to 21,000. If, on the contrary, we study the growth of the Roman republic, we may discover, that notwithstanding the incessant demands of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the time of Servius Tullius, amounted to no more than 83,000, were multiplied, before the end of the Social war, to the number of 463,000 men able to bear arms in the service of their country. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal share of honours and privileges, the senate preferred the chance of war to a concession; however, at last, all the Italian states, except the Samnites and Lucanians, were admitted into the bosom of the republic, and soon contributed to the ruin of public freedom. When the popular assemblies had been suppressed by the administration of the emperors, the conquerors were distinguished from the vanquished nations only as the first and most honourable order of subjects; and their increase, however rapid, was no longer exposed to the same dangers. Yet the princes who adopted the maxims of Augustus, guarded with the strictest care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffused the freedom of the city with a prudent liberality.

"Till the privileges of the Romans had been progressively extended to all the inhabitants of the empire, an important distinction was preserved between Italy and the provinces. The estates of the Italians were exempted from taxes, and their persons from the arbitrary jurisdiction of governors. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. The provinces of the empire were destitute of any public force or constitutional freedom. The free states and cities, which had embraced the cause of Rome, were insensibly sunk into real servitude. The public authority was everywhere engrossed by the ministers of the senate and of the emperors, and that authority was absolute. But the same salutary maxims of government which had secured the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the most distant conquests. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting the most faithful and deserving provincials to the freedom of Rome.

"So sensible were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their most serious care to extend, with the progress of their arms, the use of the Latin tongue. The eastern provinces, however, were less docile in this respect than the western ones; and this obvious difference made a distinction between the two portions of the empire, which became very remarkable when it began to decline. Nor was the influence of the Greek language and sentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their empire, by the progress of colonies and conquest, had been diffused from the Adriatic to the Euphrates and Nile. Asia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a silent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts, those princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of the east; and the example of the court was imitated, at a humble distance, by the higher ranks of their subjects. Such was the general division of the Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages; to which we may add a third distinction for the body of the natives in Syria, and especially in Egypt. The use of their ancient dialects, by excluding them from the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of these barbarians. The slothful effeminacy of the former exposed them to the contempt, the fullness of the latter excited the aversion of the Roman conquerors. They seldom desired or deserved the freedom of the city; and it is remarked, that more than 230 years elapsed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before a native Egyptian was admitted into the senate of Rome.

"The number of subjects who acknowledged the laws of Rome, of citizens, of provincials, and of slaves, cannot now be fixed with such accuracy as the importance of the object would deserve. We are informed, that when the emperor Claudius exercised the office of censor, he took an account of 6,945,000 Roman citizens; who, with the proportion of women and children, must have amounted to about 20,000,000 souls. The multitude of subjects of an inferior rank was uncertain and fluctuating; but after weighing with attention every circumstance which could influence the balance, it seems probable that there existed in the time of Claudius, about twice as many provincials as there were Roman citizens, of either sex, and of every age; and that the slaves were at least equal in number to the free inhabitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this imperfect calculation would rise to about 120 millions of persons; a degree of population which possibly exceeds that of modern Europe, and forms the most numerous society that has ever been united under the same system of government.

"Domicile peace and union were the natural consequences of the moderate and comprehensive policy embraced by the Romans. The vanquished nations, blended into one great people, resigned the hope, nay even the wish, of refusing their independence, and scarcely considered their own existence as distinct from the existence of Rome. The established authority of the emperors pervaded, without an effort, the wide extent of their dominions, and was exercised with the same facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on those of the Tiber. The legions were destined to serve against the public enemy, and the civil magistrate seldom required the aid of a military force.

"It was scarcely possible that the eyes of contemporaries should discover in the public felicity the latent causes of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a flow and secret poison into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the same level; the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the military spirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robust. Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, supplied the legions with excellent soldiers, and constituted the real strength of the monarchy. Their personal valour remained; but they no longer possessed that public courage which is nourished by the love of independence, the sense of national honour, the presence of danger, and the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a mercenary army. The posterity of their boldest leaders were contented with the rank of citizens and subjects. The most aspiring spirits resorted to the court or standard of the emperors; and the deserted provinces, deprived of political strength or union, insensibly sunk into the languid indifference of private life.

"The love of letters, almost inseparable from peace and refinement, was fashionable among the subjects of Adrian and the Antonines; who were themselves men of learning and curiosity. It was diffused over the whole extent of their empire; the most northern tribes of Briton had acquired a taste for rhetoric; Homer as well as Virgil were translated and studied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the most liberal rewards sought out the faintest glimmerings of literary merit. The sciences of physic and astronomy were cultivated with some degree of reputation; but, if we except Lucian, an age of indolence passed away without producing a single writer of genius who deserved the attention of posterity. The authority of Plato, of Aristotle, of Zeno, and Epicurus, still reigned in the schools; and their systems, transmitted with blind deference from one generation of disciples to another, precluded every generous attempt to correct the errors or enlarge the bounds of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, instead of kindling a fire like their own, produced only servile imitations; or, if any ventured to deviate from these models, they deviated at the same time from good sense and propriety. The provincials of Rome, trained by an uniform artificial education, were engaged in a very unequal competition with those bold ancients, who, by expressing their genuine feelings in their native tongue, had already occupied every place of honour. The name of poet was almost forgotten; that of orator was usurped by the sophists. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of taste.

"Longinus observes and laments the degeneracy of his contemporaries, which debased their sentiments, enervated their courage, and depressed their talents; comparing them to pigmies, whose stature has been diminished by constant pressure on their limbs. This diminutive stature of mankind was constantly sinking below the old standard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pigmies; when the fierce giants of the north broke in and mended the puny breed. They restored a manly freedom; and, after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy parent of taste and science." you:" so that the guards had time to rescue the emperor, and to seize the conspirators, who were soon after put to death. The emperor banished his sister to the island of Capri, where he soon after caused her to be privately murdered.

The favourite minister of Commodus was one Perennis; who in oppression and cruelty seems to have been nothing inferior to those of the most tyrannical emperors. During the first part of the reign of Commodus, he ruled with an absolute sway; but at last was torn in pieces by the enraged soldiery, whom he had offended by his too great severity. He was succeeded in his place by a freedman named Cleander; for the emperor himself was so much taken up with his pleasures, that he could not bestow even a moment on the affairs of state. The new minister abused his power in a more flagrant manner than even his predecessor had done. By him all things were openly let to sale; offices, provinces, public revenues, justice, and the lives of men both innocent and guilty. The minister, who ruled the emperor without control, infused such terrors into his timorous mind, that he changed the captains of his guards almost continually. One Niger enjoyed the dignity only six hours; another only five days; and several others a still shorter space. Most of those officers lost their lives along with their employments; being accused of treason by Cleander, who continually solicited, and at last obtained, that important post for himself.

In the year 187 happened a remarkable revolt. One Maternus, a common soldier, having fled from his colours, and being joined by many others guilty of the same crime, grew in a short time so powerful, the bandits flocking to him from all parts, that he overran and plundered great part of Gaul and Spain; stormed the strongest cities; and struck the emperor and people of Rome with such terror, that troops were raised, and armies dispatched against him. Pescennius Niger was sent to make head against him in Gaul, where he became very intimate with Severus, who was then governor of Lyons, and who wrote a letter to the emperor, commending the prudent and gallant behaviour of Niger in pursuing the rebels. Maternus, finding himself reduced to great straits, divided his men into several small bands, and marched privately with them by different ways into Italy; having nothing less in view than to murder the emperor during the solemnity which was kept annually in honour of the mother of the gods, and on his death to seize upon the empire for himself. They all arrived at Rome undiscovered; and several of his men had already mixed themselves with the emperor's guards, when others of his own party betrayed him. He was immediately seized and executed; and his death put an end to the disturbances which some of his followers had begun to raise in other provinces. In the same year broke out the most dreadful plague, says Dio Cassius, that had been known. It lasted two or three years; and raged with the greatest violence at Rome, where it frequently carried off 2000 persons a-day. The following year, a dreadful fire, which consumed a great part of the city, was kindled by lightning; and at the same time the people were afflicted with a dreadful famine, occasioned, according to some authors, by Cleander, who, having now in view nothing less than the sovereignty itself, bought up underhand all the corn, in order to raise the price of it, and gain the affections of the soldiery and people by distributing it among them. Others tell us, however, that Papirius Dionysius, whose province it was to supply the city with provisions, contributed towards the famine, in order to make the people rise against Cleander. Be this as it will, the populace ascribed all their calamities to this hated minister; and one day, while the people were celebrating the Circenian games, a troop of children, having at their head a young woman of an extraordinary stature and fierce aspect, entering the circus, began to utter aloud many bitter invectives and dreadful curses against Cleander; which being for some time answered by the people with other invectives and curses, the whole multitude arose all of a sudden, and flew to the place where Cleander at that time resided with the emperor. There, renewing their invectives, they demanded the head of the minister who had been the occasion of so many calamities. Hereupon Cleander ordered the praetorian cavalry to charge the multitude; which they did accordingly, driving them with great slaughter into the city. But the populace discharging showers of stones, bricks, and tiles, from the tops of the houses and from the windows, and the city-guards at the same time taking part with the people, the praetorian horse were soon obliged to save themselves by flight: nor was the slaughter ended till the emperor, apprised of the tumult, caused the head of Cleander to be struck off and thrown out to the enraged populace. The emperor himself did not long survive Commodus; being cut off by a conspiracy of Marcia his murdered favourite concubine, Laetus captain of the guards, and Eclectus his chamberlain.

No sooner was the death of Commodus known, than the senate assembled, and declared him a public enemy, loading him with curses, ordering his statues to be broken to pieces, and his name to be erased out of all public inscriptions; and demanded his body, that it might be dragged through the streets and thrown into the Tiber. But Helvius Pertinax, whom the conspirators Pertinax had previously designed for the empire, and who had raised to already assumed it, prevented such an outrage, by letting the senators know that Commodus was already buried. This extraordinary personage had passed through many changes of fortune. He was originally the son of an enfranchised slave, called Ælius, who only gave him so much learning as to qualify him for keeping a little shop in the city. He then became a schoolmaster, afterwards studied the law, and after that became a soldier; in which station his behaviour was such as caused him to be soon made captain of a cohort against the Parthians. Being thus introduced to arms, he went through the usual gradation of military preferment in Britain and Moesia, until he became the commander of a legion under Aurelius. In this station he performed such excellent services against the barbarians, that he was made consul, and successively governor of Dacia, Syria, and Asia Minor. In the reign of Commodus he was banished; but soon after recalled, and sent into Britain to reform the abuses in the army. In this employment his usual extraordinary fortune attended him: he was opposed by a sedition among the legions, and left for dead among many others that were slain. However, he got over this danger, severely punished the mutineers, and established... but boldly to seize upon the emperor and empire at once. They accordingly, in a tumultuous manner, marched through the streets of Rome, and entered the palace without opposition. Such was the terror at their approach, that the greatest part of the emperor's attendants forsook him; while those who remained earnestly intreated him to fly to the body of the people and interest them in his defence. However, he rejected their advice; declaring, that it was unworthy his imperial dignity, and all his past actions, to save himself by flight. Having thus resolved to face the rebels, he had some hopes that his presence alone would terrify and confound them. But what could his former virtues, or the dignity of command, avail against a tumultuous rabble, nurfed up in vice, and ministers of former tyranny? One Thraxius, a Tungrian, struck him with his lance on the breast, crying out, "The soldiers send you this." Pertinax finding all was over, covered his head with his robe, and sunk down, mangled with a multitude of wounds, which he received from various affluents. Eclectus, and some more of his attendants, who attempted to defend him, were also slain: his son and daughter only escaped, who happened to be lodged out of the palace. Thus after a reign of three months, Pertinax fell a sacrifice to the licentious fury of the praetorian army. From the number of his adventures, he was called the tennis-ball of Fortune; and certainly no man ever experienced such a variety of situations with so blameless a character.

The soldiers having committed this outrage, retired with great precipitation; and getting out of the city exposed to the rest of their companions, expeditiously fortified, and bought by their camp, expecting to be attacked by the citizens. Didius Julianus having palled without any attempt of this illustrious kind, they became more insolent; and willing to make use of the power of which they found themselves possessed, made proclamation, that they would sell the empire to whoever would purchase it at the highest price. In consequence of this proclamation, so odious and unjust, only two bidders were found; namely, Sulpicianus and Didius Julianus: The former, a consul, prefect of the city, and son-in-law to the late emperor Pertinax; the latter, a consul, person likewise, a great lawyer, and the wealthiest man in the city. He was sitting with some friends at dinner when the proclamation was published; and being charmed with the prospect of unbounded power, immediately rose from table and hastened to the camp. Sulpicianus was got there before him; but as he had rather promises than treasure to bestow, the offers of Didius, who produced immense sums of ready money, prevailed. He was received into the camp by a ladder, and they instantly swore to obey him as emperor. From the camp he was attended by his new electors into the city; the whole body of his guards, which consisted of 10,000 men, ranged around him in such order as if they had prepared for battle, and not for a peaceful ceremony. The citizens, however, refused to confirm his election; but rather cursed him as he passed. Upon being conducted to the senate-house, he addressed the few senators that were present in a very laconic speech: "Fathers, you want an emperor; and I am the fittest person you can choose." But even this, short as it seems, was unnecessary, since the senate had it not in their power to refuse their approbation. His speech being being backed by the army, to whom he had given about a million of our money, succeeded. The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the senate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor, now in the 57th year of his age.

It should seem by this weak monarch's conduct when seated on the throne, that he thought the government of an empire rather a pleasure than a toil. Instead of attempting to gain the hearts of his subjects, he gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly regardless of the duties of his station. He was mild and gentle indeed; neither injuring any nor expecting to be injured. But that avarice, by which he became opulent, still followed him in his exaltation; so that the very soldiers who elected him, soon began to detest him for those qualities, to very opposite to a military character. The people also, against whose content he was chosen, were no less inimical. Whenever he issued from his palace, they openly poured forth their imprecations against him; crying out, that he was a thief, and had stolen the empire. Didius, however, in the true spirit of a trader, patiently bore it all; sometimes beckoning them with smiles to approach him, and testifying his regard by every kind of submission.

While Didius was thus contemptuously treated at home, two valiant generals, in different parts of the empire, disclaimed his authority, and boldly resolved to attempt the throne for themselves. These were, Pertinax Niger, governor of Syria; and Septimius Severus, commander of the German legions. Niger was beloved by the people for his clemency and valour; and the report of his proposing Pertinax for his model, and resolving to revenge his death, gained him universal esteem among the people. Being thus apprised of their inclinations, he easily induced his army in Syria to proclaim him emperor; and his title was, shortly after, acknowledged by all the kings and potentates in Asia, who sent their ambassadors to him as their lawful prince. The pleasure of being thus treated as a monarch, in some measure retarded his endeavours to secure his title. Entirely satisfied with the homage of those about him, he neglected the opportunities of suppressing his rivals; and gave himself up to luxury and feasting at Antioch. The conduct of Severus, an African by birth, was very different. Being proclaimed by his army, he began by promising to revenge the death of Pertinax, and took upon him his name. He next secured the fidelity of all the strong places in his province; and then resolved, with the utmost expedition, to march with his whole force directly to Rome.

In the mean time, Didius, who disregarded the attempts of Niger, was greatly alarmed at those of Severus. He first, with many solicitations, procured the senate to proclaim him a traitor. He then applied himself to make the necessary provisions to oppose him, in which he found nothing but disappointment. The cohorts that elected him were enervated by vice and luxury; the people detested his cause; and the cities of Italy had long been disaffected to the arts of war. Some advised him to march forward, and meet Severus as he was crossing the Alps; others were for sending the generals upon that expedition. The unfortunate Didius, unequal to the task of empire, and quite confounded with the multiplicity of councils, could take no other resolution but that of awaiting his rival's coming at Rome. Accordingly, soon after being informed of his approach, he obtained the consent of the senate to send his ambassadors, offering to make him a partner of the empire. But Severus rejected this offer, conscious of his own strength, and of the weakness of the proposer. The senate soon appeared of the same sentiments; and perceiving the timidity and weakness of their present master, began to abandon him, alleging, that he who could not defend the empire was not worthy to govern it. Didius vainly endeavoured to reduce them to their duty, first by intreacies, and then by threats; but these only served to hasten his destruction. The senate being called together, as was formerly practised in the times of the commonwealth by the consuls, they unanimously decreed, That Didius should be deprived of the empire, and that Severus should be proclaimed in his stead. They then commanded Didius to fling; and sent messengers for this purpose to the palace, where they found him disarmed, and weeping among a few friends that still adhered to his interest. When the executioners began to prepare for their fatal errand, he expostulated with them, demanding what crime he had committed? He could not be persuaded to think, that paying his money, and receiving an empire in exchange, deserved so severe a punishment. The executioners, however, were neither able nor willing to enter into the merits of the cause; they presently led him into the secret baths of the palace, and obliging him to stretch his neck forwards, after the manner of condemned criminals, struck off his head, and placed it up in those courts were he had formerly pleaded with great success.

The senate having thus dispatched Didius, sent ambassadores Severus, yielding him obedience, granting him the ensigns and the usual titles of empire, and informing him of the death of Didius. Severus, who was now about 47 years of age, received them with all proper respect; and entertaining them honourably, continued his march towards Rome. As he came near the city, his first exertion of power was, to have all the praetorian soldiers who had lately sold the empire come forth unarmed to meet him. These, though sensible of their danger, had no other resource left but compliance; and accordingly came forward with branches of laurel, as if to welcome his approach. Severus, however, soon showed how little capable their present submission was to atone for their past offences: after upbraiding them, in a short speech, with all their crimes, he commanded them to be instantly stripped of their military habits, deprived of the name and honour of soldiers, and banished 100 miles from Rome. He then entered the city in a military manner, took possession of the palace, and promised the senate to conduct himself with clemency and justice. However, though he united great vigour with the most refined policy, yet his African cunning was considered as a particular defect in him. He is celebrated for his wit, learning, and prudence; but equally blamed for infidelity and cruelty. In short, he seemed alike disposed to the performance of the greatest acts of virtue and the most bloody severities. He began his command, by seizing all the children of such as had employments or authority in the court, and detained them as pledges for their fathers' loyalty. He next supplied the city city with corn; and then with all possible expedition marched against Niger, who was still considered and honoured as emperor of the east.

One of the chief obstacles to his march was, the leaving behind him Clodius Albinus, commander of the legions in Britain, whom he by all means wished to secure in his interests. For this end, he endeavoured to prevail upon him, by giving him hopes of succeeding to the empire; intimating, that he himself was declining, and his children were as yet but infants. To deceive him still farther, he wrote in the same style to the senate, gave him the title of Caesar, and ordered money to be coined with his image. These artifices serving to lull Albinus into false security, Severus marched against Niger with all his forces. After some undecisive conflicts, the last great battle that was fought between these extraordinary men was upon the plains of Iffus, on the very spot where Alexander had formerly conquered Darius. Besides the two great armies drawn up on the plain, the neighbouring mountains were covered with infinite numbers of people, who were merely led by curiosity to become spectators of an engagement that was to determine the empire of the world. Severus was conqueror; and Niger's head being struck off by some soldiers of the conquering army, was insultingly carried through the camp on the point of a lance.

This victory secured Severus in the possession of the throne. However, the Parthians, Persians, and some other neighbouring nations, took up arms, under a pretence of vindicating Niger's cause. The emperor marched against them in person, had many engagements with them, and obtained such signal victories over them, as enlarged the empire, and established peace in the east.

Niger being no more, Severus now turned his views against Albinus, whom he resolved by every means to destroy. For this purpose he sent assassins into Britain, under a pretence of bringing him letters, but in reality to dispatch him. Albinus being apprised of their designs, prevented their attempt by recurring to open force and proclaiming himself emperor. Nor was he without a powerful army to support his pretensions; of which Severus being sensible, bent his whole force to oppose him. From the east he continued his course across the straits of Byzantium, into the most western parts of Europe, without intermission. Albinus being informed of his approach, went over to meet him with his forces into Gaul; so that the campaign on both sides was carried on with great vigour. Fortune seemed for a while variable; but at last a decisive engagement came on, which was one of the most desperate recorded in the Roman history. It lasted from morning till night, without any seeming advantage on either side; at length the troops of Severus began to fly, and he himself happening to fall from his horse, the army of Albinus cried out, Victory. But the engagement was soon renewed with vigour by Lætus, one of Severus's commanders, who came up with a body of reserve, designing to destroy both parties and make himself emperor. This attempt, though designed against both, turned out entirely to the advantage of Severus. He therefore again charged with such fury and exactness, that he soon plucked the victory from those who but a short time before seemed conquerors; and pursuing them into the city of Lyons, took Albinus prisoner, and cut off his head; treating his dead body with insults that could only flow from a mean and revengeful temper. All the senators who were slain in battle he ordered to be quartered, and such as were taken alive were immediately executed.

Having thus secured himself in possession of the empire, upon his return to Rome he loaded his soldiers with rewards and honours; giving them such privileges as strengthened his own power, while they destroyed that of the state. For the soldiers, who had hitherto showed the strongest inclination to an abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate of emperors; and we shall henceforward behold them setting them up, and deposing them, at pleasure.

Being thus secure of his army, he resolved to give way to his natural turn for conquest, and to oppose his arms against the Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the empire. Having therefore previously given the government of domestic policy to one Plautianus, a particular favourite of his, to whose daughter he married his son Caracalla, he set out for the east, and prosecuted the war with his usual expedition and success. He forced submission from the king of Armenia, destroyed several cities in Arabia Felix, landed on the Parthian coasts, took and plundered the famous city Ctesiphon, marched back through Palestine and Egypt, and at length returned to Rome in triumph.

During this interval, Plautianus, who was left to direct the affairs of Rome, began to think of aspiring to the empire himself. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts, of which he was the commander, to assassinate him, as likewise his son Caracalla. The tribune seemed cheerfully to undertake this dangerous office; but instead of going through with it, informed Severus of his favourite's treachery. He at first received it as an improbable story, and as the artifice of some one who envied his favourite's fortune. However, he was at last persuaded to permit the tribune to conduct Plautianus to the emperor's apartments. With this intent, the tribune went and amused him with a pretended account of his killing the emperor and his son, deeming him, if he thought it fit to see them dead, to come with him to the palace. As Plautianus ardently desired their deaths, he readily gave credit to this relation; and following the tribune, he was conducted at midnight into the innermost recesses of the palace. But what must have been his disappointment, when, instead of finding the emperor lying dead, as he expected, he beheld the room lighted up with torches, and Severus, surrounded by his friends, prepared in array to receive him. Being asked by the emperor, with a stern countenance, what had brought him there at that unseasonable time? he was at first utterly confounded; wherefore, not knowing what excuse to make, he ingenuously confessed the whole, intreating forgiveness for what he had intended. The emperor seemed in the beginning inclined to pardon; but Caracalla his son, who from the earliest age showed a disposition to cruelty, spurned him away in the midst of his supplications, and with his sword ran him through the body.

Severus having escaped this danger, spent a considerable time in visiting some cities in Italy, permitting none of his officers to sell places of trust or dignity, and distributing justice with the strictest impartiality. He took such an exact order in managing his exchequer, that, notwithstanding his great expenses, he left more money behind him than any of his predecessors. His arms also were kept upon the most respectable footing; so that he feared no invasion. Being equally attentive to the preservation of all parts of the empire, he resolved to make his last expedition into Britain, where the Romans were in danger of being destroyed or compelled to fly the province. Wherefore, after appointing his two sons Caracalla and Geta joint successors in the empire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain, to the great terror of such as had drawn down his resentment. Upon his progress into the country, he left his son Geta in the southern part of the province, which had continued in obedience, and marched with his son Caracalla against the Caledonians. In this expedition, his army suffered prodigious hardships in pursuing the enemy; they were obliged to hew their way through intricate forests, to drain extensive marshes, and form bridges over rapid rivers; so that he lost 50,000 men by fatigue and sickness. However, he supported all these inconveniences with the greatest bravery; and is said to have prosecuted his successors with such vigour, that he compelled the enemy to sue for peace; which they obtained, not without the surrender of a considerable part of their country. We must here observe, however, that the Picts and Caledonians are so often confounded together by historians, that many mistakes have thence arisen concerning the progress and conquests of the Romans in the north of Britain. But from the boundary formed by the famous wall of Severus (see SEVERUS'S WALL), we must conclude, that no part of Caledonia, properly so called, had been either on this or any other occasion ceded to him; and there is reason to believe, that he rather received checks from the people of that territory, than was ever able to make any considerable impression upon them. Be this, however, as it may, after having made peace, and built his wall, he retired to York; where, partly through grief at the irreclaimable life of Caracalla, he found himself daily declining, having already lost the use of his feet. To add to the distress of his situation, he was informed that the soldiers had revolted, and declared his son emperor. In this exigence, he seemed once more to recall his natural vigour; he got himself immediately put into his litter, and commanded the new emperor, with the tribunes and centurions, to be brought before him. Though all were willing to court the favour of the young emperor, such was the authority of Severus, that none dared to disobey. They appeared before him confounded and trembling, and implored pardon upon their knees. Upon which, putting his hand to his head, he cried out, "Know, that it is the head that governs, and not the feet." However, soon perceiving his disorder to increase, and knowing that he could not outlive it, he called for poison; which being refused him, he loaded his stomach with food; which not being able to digest, it soon brought him to his end, in the 65th year of his age, after an active though cruel reign of about 18 years.

Caracalla and Geta being acknowledged as emperors by the army, began to show a mutual hatred to each other even before their arrival at Rome. Their only agreement was, in resolving to deify Severus their father; but soon after, each sought to attach the senate and army to his own particular interest. They were of very opposite dispositions: Caracalla was fierce and cruel to an extreme degree; Geta was mild and merciful; so that the city soon found the dangerous effects of being governed by two princes of equal power and contrary inclinations.

But this opposition was of no long continuance; for Caracalla being resolved to govern alone, furiously entered Geta's apartment, and, followed by ruffians, flew Caracalla him in his mother's arms. Having committed this detestable murder, he issued with great haste from the palace, crying out, That his brother would have slain him; and that he was obliged, in self-defence, to retaliate the intended injury. He then took refuge among the praetorian cohorts, and in a pathetic tone began to implore their affiance, still making the same excuse for his conduct. To this he added a much more prevailing argument, promising to bestow upon them the largesses usually given upon the election of new emperors, and distributing among them almost all the treasures which had been amassed by his father. By such persuasives the soldiers did not hesitate to proclaim him sole emperor, and to stigmatize the memory of his brother Geta as a traitor and an enemy to the commonwealth. The senators were soon after induced, either through favour or fear, to approve what had been done by the army: Caracalla wept for the death of his brother whom he had slain; and, to carry his hypocrisy to the utmost extreme, ordered him to be adored as a god.

Being now emperor, he went on to mark his course with blood. Whatever was done by Domitian or Nero most fell short of this monster's barbarities. Laetus, who first bloody advised him to murder his brother, was the first who fell fast, a sacrifice to his jealousy. His own wife Plautina followed. Papinius, the renowned civilian, was defeated for refusing to write in vindication of his cruelty; answering the emperor's request, by observing, That it was much easier to commit a parricide than to defend it. He commanded all governors to be slain that his brother had appointed; and destroyed not less than 2000 persons who had adhered to his party. Whole nights were spent in the execution of his bloody decrees; and the dead bodies of people of all ranks were carried out of the city in carts, where they were burnt in heaps, without any of the ceremonies of a funeral. Upon a certain occasion, he ordered his soldiers to let upon a crowded audience in the theatre, only for discomfiting a charioteer whom he happened to favour. Perceiving himself hated by the people, he publicly said, that he could infuse his own safety though not their love; so that he neither valued their reproaches nor feared their hatred.

The safety which he so much built upon was placed in the protection of his soldiers. He had exhausted his treasury, drained the provinces, and committed a vagrant thousand acts of rapacity, merely to keep them steadfastly, cruelty, in his interests; and being disposed to trust himself and treat with them particularly, he resolved to lead them upon a visit through all the provinces of the empire. He first went into Germany; where, to oblige the natives, he drested himself in the habit of their country. From thence he travelled into Macedonia, where he pretended to be a great admirer of Alexander the Great; and among other extravagancies caused a statue of that monarch to be made with two faces; one of which resembled... sembled Alexander and the other himself. He was so corrupted by flattery, that he called himself Alexander; walked as he was told that monarch had walked; and, like him, bent his head to one shoulder. Shortly after, arriving at Leffer Asia and the ruins of Troy, as he was viewing the tomb of Achilles, he took it into his head to resemble that hero; and one of his freedmen happening to die at that time, he used the same ceremonies that were performed at the tomb of Patroclus. Passing thence into Egypt, he massacred in the most terrible manner the inhabitants of Alexandria, on account of the fatigues they composed on him, as is related under the article Alexandria.

Going from thence into Syria, he invited Artabanus king of Parthia to a conference; deferring his daughter in marriage, and promising him the most honourable protection. In consequence of this, the king met him on a spacious plain, unarmed, and only attended with a vast concourse of his nobles. This was what Caracalla desired. Regardless of his promise, or the law of nations, he instantly surrounded him with armed troops, let in wild beasts among his attendants, and made a most terrible slaughter among them; Artabanus himself escaping with the utmost difficulty. For this vile treachery he obtained from the senate the surname of Purthicus.

Upon his return towards Rome, it would seem as if his vices were inexhaustible; for having been guilty of parricide, he now resolved to marry the mother of Geta whom he had slain. It happened that one day seeing her drop her veil, which disclosed her naked bosom, which was extremely beautiful, he told her, that he would possess those charms he beheld, if it were lawful. To this unnatural request she hesitated not to answer, that he might enjoy all things who possessed all. Whereupon, setting aside all duty and respect for his deceased father, he celebrated his nuptials with her in public, totally disregarding the censures and the sarcasms of mankind.

However, though he disregarded shame, he was not insensible to fear. He was ever uneasy in the consciousness of being universally hated; and was continually consulting astrologers concerning what death he should die. Among others, he sent one of his confidants, named Maternianus, with orders to consult all the astrologers in the city concerning his end. Maternianus considered this as a proper time to get rid of Macrinus, the emperor's principal commander in Mesopotamia; a man who was daily supplanting him in his master's favour. He therefore informed him by letter, as if from the astrologers, that Macrinus had a design against his life; and they consequently advised him to put the conspirator to death. This letter was sent sealed, and made up, amongst many others, to be conveyed with the greater secrecy, and delivered to the emperor as he was preparing for a chariot-race. However, as it never was his custom to interrupt his pleasures for his business, he gave the packet to Macrinus to read over, and to inform him of the contents when more at leisure. In perusing these letters, when Macrinus came to that which regarded himself, he was unable to contain his surprise and terror. His first care was, to reserve the letter in question to himself, and to acquaint the emperor only with the substance of the rest. He then set about the most probable means of compassing his death, by which alone he could expect any safety. At length he determined to apply to one Martialis, a man of great strength, and a centurion of the guards, who hated the emperor from various motives; particularly for the death of a brother, whom Caracalla had ordered to be slain. Him therefore Macrinus exhorted to revenge his brother's death, by killing the tyrant, which he might easily effect, as being always so near his person. Martialis readily undertook the dangerous task; being willing to meet death himself, so he might obtain his desire of seeing the tyrant expire before him.

Accordingly, as the emperor was riding out one day near a little city called Corve, he happened to withdraw himself privately, upon a natural occasion, with only one page to hold his horse. This was the opportunity Martialis had so long and ardently desired; wherefore running to him as if he had been called, he stabbed the emperor in the back, so that he died immediately. Martialis unconcernedly returned to his troop; but retiring by insensible degrees, he endeavoured to secure himself by flight. But his companions soon missing him, and the page giving information of what had been done, he was pursued by the German horse and cut in pieces.

During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which continued five years, the empire was every day declining; the soldiers were entirely masters of every election; and as there were various armies in different parts, so there were as many interests all opposite to each other. Caracalla, by satisfying their most unreasonable appetites, destroyed all discipline among them, and all subordination in the state.

The soldiers, now without an emperor, after a suffrage of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took all succeeding possible methods to conceal his being privy to Caracalla's murder. The senate confirmed their choice shortly after; and likewise that of his son Diadumenus, whom he took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus was 53 years old when he entered upon the government of the empire. He was of obscure parentage; some say by birth a Moor, who by the mere rotation of office, being first made prefect of the praetorian bands, was now, by treason and accident, called to fill the throne. We are told but little of this emperor, except his engaging in a bloody though undecided battle with Artabanus king of Parthia, who came to take vengeance for the injury he had sustained in the late reign; however, this monarch finding his real enemy dead, was content to make peace, and returned into Parthia.

Something is also said of the severity of this emperor's discipline; for to such a pitch of licentiousness was the Roman army now arrived, that the most severe punishments were unable to restrain the soldiers; and yet the most gentle inflictions were looked upon as severity. It was this rigorous discipline, together with the artifices of Maesa, grandmother to Helogabalus the natural son of Caracalla, that caused the emperor's ruin. Helio-Helogabalus was priest of a temple dedicated to the Sun, in Emefa, a city of Phoenicia; and though but 14 years old, was greatly loved by the army for the beauty of his person, and the memory of his father, whom they still considered as their greatest benefactor. This was soon perceived by the grandmother; who being very rich in gold and jewels, gave liberal presents among them, while they frequently repaired to the temple, both both from the garrison in the city and the camp of Macrinus. This intercourse growing every day more frequent, the soldiers, being disgusted with the ferocities of their present emperor, began to think of placing Heliogabalus in his stead. Accordingly, sending for him to their camp, he was immediately proclaimed; and such were the hopes of his virtues, that all men began to affect his interests.

Macrinus, who at this time was pursuing his pleasures at Antioch, gave but little attention to the first report; only sending his lieutenant Julian, with some legions, to quell the insurrection. However, these, like the rest, soon declared for Heliogabalus, and flew their general. It was then that Macrinus found he had treated the rebellion too lightly; he therefore resolved, with his son, to march directly against the sedulous legions, and force them to their duty. Both parties met on the confines of Syria: the battle was for some time furious and obstinate; but at last Macrinus was overthrown, and obliged to seek safety by flight. His principal aim was to get to Rome, where he knew his presence was desired; wherefore he travelled through the provinces of Asia Minor with the utmost expedition and privacy, but unfortunately fell sick at the city of Chalcedon. There those who were sent in pursuit, overtook and put him to death, together with his son Diadumenus, after a short reign of one year and two months.

The senate and citizens of Rome being obliged to submit to the appointment of the army as usual, Heliogabalus ascended the throne at the age of 14. One at so early an age, invested with unlimited power, and surrounded with flatterers, could be expected to act only as they thought proper to direct. This young emperor was entirely led by them; and being sensible that it was in his power to indulge all his appetites, he studied only their gratification. As he is described by historians, he appears a monster of sensuality. His short life therefore is but a tissue of effeminacy, lust, and extravagance. He married, in the small space of four years, six wives, and divorced them all. He built a temple to the sun; and willing that his god should have a wife as well as himself, he married him to Pallas, and shortly after to the moon. His palace was a place of rendezvous for all the prostitutes of Rome, whom he frequently met naked, calling them his fellow soldiers, and companions in the field. He was fond of the fox, that he carried his mother with him to the senate-house, and demanded that she should always be present when matters of importance were debated. He even went so far as to build a senate-house for women, with suitable orders, habits, and distinctions, of which his mother was made president. They met several times; all their debates turning upon the fashions of the day, and the different formalities to be used in giving and receiving visits. To these follies, he added great cruelty and boundless prodigality; so that he was heard to say, that such dithes as were cheaply obtained were scarcely worth eating. His suppers therefore generally cost 6000 crowns, and often 60,000. He was always dressed in cloth of gold and purple, enriched with precious stones, and yet never wore the same habit twice. His palace, his chambers, and his beds, were all furnished of the richest stuffs, covered with gold and jewels. Whenever he took horse, all the way between his apartment and the place of mounting was covered with gold and silver dust strewn at his approach.

These excesses were soon perceived by his grandmother Mæsa, whose intrigues had first raised him to the throne; so that she thought to lessen his power by dividing it. For this purpose, under a pretence of freeing him from the cares of public business, she persuaded him to adopt his cousin-german, Alexander, as his successor; and likewise to make him his partner in the consulship. Heliogabalus, having thus raised his cousin, had scarcely given him his power, when he wished again to take it away; but the virtues of this young prince had so greatly endeared the people and the army to him, that the attempt had like to have been fatal to the tyrant himself. The praetorian soldiers mutinying, attempted to kill him as he was walking in his gardens; but he escaped, by hiding himself from their fury. However, upon returning to their camp, they continued the sedition; requiring that the emperor should remove such persons from about him as oppressed the subject, and contributed to contaminate him. They required also the being permitted to guard the young prince themselves, and that none of the emperor's favourites or familiars should ever be permitted to converse with him. Heliogabalus was reluctantly obliged to comply; and conscious of the danger he was in, made preparations for death, when it should arrive, in a manner truly whimsical and peculiar. He built a lofty tower with steps of gold and pearl, from whence to throw himself headlong in case of necessity. He also prepared cords of purple silk and gold to strangle himself with; he provided golden swords and daggers to stab himself with; and poison to be kept in boxes of emerald, in order to obtain what death he chose best. Thus fearing all things, but particularly suspicious of the designs of the senate, he banished them all out of the city: he next attempted to poison Alexander, and spread a report of his death; but perceiving the soldiers begin to mutiny, he immediately took him in his chariot to the camp, where he experienced a fresh mortification, by finding all the acclamations of the army directed only to his successor. This not a little raised his indignation, and excited his desire of revenge. He returned towards the city, threatening the most severe punishments against those who had dishonoured him, and meditating fresh cruelties. However, the soldiers were unwilling to give him time to put his designs in execution: they followed him directly to his palace, pursued him from apartment to apartment, and at last found him concealed in a privy; a situation very different from that in which he expected to die. Having dragged him from thence through the streets, with the most bitter invectives, and having dispatched him, they attempted once more to squeeze his pampered body into a privy; but not easily effecting this, they threw it into the Tiber, with heavy weights, that none might afterwards find or give it burial. This was the miserable and ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the 18th year of his age, after a detestable reign of four years. His mother also was slain at the same time by the soldiers; as were also many of the opprobrious associates of his criminal pleasures.

Alexander being, without opposition, declared emperor, the senate, in their usual method of adulation, were for conferring new titles upon him; but he most deftly declined them all, alleging, that titles were only honourable when given to virtue, not to flattery. This outset was a happy omen of his future virtues; and few princes in history have been more commended by contemporaries, or indeed more deserved commendation. To the most rigid justice he added the greatest humanity. He loved the good, and was a severe repressor of the lewd and infamous. His accomplishments were equal to his virtues. He was an excellent mathematician, geometrician, and musician; he was equally skilled in painting and sculpture; and in poetry few of his time could equal him. In short, such were his talents, and such the solidity of his judgment, that though but 16 years of age, he was considered as a wise old man.

The first part of his reign was spent in a reformation of the abuses of his predecessor. He restored the senators to their rank; nothing being undertaken without the most sage advisers, and most mature deliberation. Among the number of his advisers was his mother Mammee; a woman eminent for her virtues and accomplishments, and who made use of her power as well to secure her son the affections of his subjects, as to procure them the most just administration. He was a rigid punisher of such magistrates as took bribes, saying, That it was not enough to deprive such of their places; for their trusts being great, their lives, in most cases, ought to pay for a breach of them. On the contrary, he thought he could never sufficiently reward such as had been remarkable for their justice and integrity, keeping a register of their names, and sometimes asking such of them as appeared modest and unwilling to approach him, why they were so backward in demanding their reward, and why they suffered him to be in their debt? His clemency extended even to the Christians, who had been punished in the former reigns with unrelenting barbarity. Upon a contest between them and a company of cooks and vintners, about a piece of public ground, which the one claimed as a place for public worship, and the other for exercising their respective trades, he decided the point by his rescript in these words: "It is better that God be worshipped there in any manner, than that the place should be put to uses of drunkenness and debauchery."

His abilities in war were not inferior to his fidelity in peace. The empire, which from the remissness and debauchery of the preceding reigns now began to be attacked on every side, wanted a person of vigour and conduct to defend it. Alexander faced the enemy wherever the invasion was most formidable, and for a short time deferred its ruin. His first expedition, in the tenth year of his reign, was against the Parthians and Persians, whom he opposeded with a powerful army.—The Persians were routed in a decisive engagement with great slaughter; the cities of Ctesiphon and Babylon were once more taken, and the Roman empire was restored to its former limits. Upon his return to Antioch, his mother Mammee sent for the famous Origin, to be instructed by him in the principles of Christianity; and after discoursing with him for some time upon the subject, dismissed him, with a proper safeguard, to his native city of Alexandria. About the same time that Alexander was victorious in the East, Furius Celsus, his general, obtained a signal victory over the Mauritians in Africa. Varius Macrinus was successful in Germany, and Junius Palma returned with conquest from Armenia. However, the number of these victories only hastened the decline of the empire, which was waited by the exertion of its own strength, and was now becoming little more than a splendid ruin.

About the 13th year of his reign, the Upper Germans, and other northern nations, began to pour down immense swarms of people upon the more southern parts of the empire. They passed the Rhine and the Danube with such fury, that all Italy was thrown into the most extreme consternation. The emperor, ever ready to expose himself for the safety of his people, made what levies he could, and went in person to stem the torrent; which he speedily effected. It was in the course of his successest against the enemy, that he was cut off by a mutiny among his soldiers. The legions encamped about Moguntia, having been abominably corrupted during the reign of Heliogabalus, and trained up in all kinds of rapine and disobedience, required the most strict command. Alexander could neither endure their tumultuary obedience, nor their regular discipline. His own faults, and those of his mother Mammee, were objected against him. They openly exclaimed, That they were governed by an avaricious woman, and a mean-spirited boy; and resolved upon electing an emperor capable of ruling alone. In this general revolt, Maximinus, an old and experienced commander, held frequent conferences with the soldiers, and inflamed the sedition. At length, being determined to despatch their present emperor, they sent an executioner into his tent; who immediately struck off his head, and, shortly after, that of his mother. He died in the 29th year of his age, after a prosperous reign of thirteen years and nine days.

The tumults occasioned by the death of Alexander succeeded being appeased, Maximinus, who had been the chief promoter of the sedition, was chosen emperor. This extraordinary man, whose character deserves particular attention, was born of very obscure parentage, being sure and the son of a poor herdman of Thrace. In the beginning he followed his father's profession, and only exercised his personal courage against the robbers who infested the part of the country in which he lived. Soon after, his ambition increasing, he left his poor employment, and enlisted in the Roman army; where he soon became remarkable for his great strength, discipline, and courage. This gigantic man was no less than eight feet and a half high; he had a body and strength corresponding to his size, being not less remarkable for the magnitude than the symmetry of his person. His wife's bracelet usually served him for a thumb-ring; and his strength was so great, that he was able to draw a carriage which two oxen could not move. He could strike out a horse's teeth with a blow of his fist, and break its thigh with a kick. His diet was as extraordinary as the rest of his endowments; he generally ate 40 pounds weight of flesh every day, and drank six gallons of wine, without committing any debauch in either. With a frame so athletic, he was possessed of a mind undaunted in danger, and neither fearing nor regarding any man. The first time he was made known to the emperor Severus, was upon his celebrating games on the birthday of his son Geta. Maximinus was then a rude countryman, and requested the emperor to be permitted to contend for the prizes which were distributed to the best runners, wrestlers, and boxers, of the army. Severus, unwilling to infringe the military discipline, would not permit him at first to combat, except with slaves, against whom his strength appeared astonishing. He overcame 16 in running, one after the other; he then kept up with the emperor on horseback; and having fatigued him in the course, he was opposed to seven of the most active soldiers, and overcame them with the greatest ease. From that time he was particularly noticed, and taken into the emperor's body-guards, in which his fidelity and prompt obedience were particularly remarkable. In the reign of Caracalla, he was made a centurion, and distinguished himself in this station by his strict attention to the morals and discipline of those he commanded. When made a tribune, he still retained the hard simplicity of his life; ate as the meanest centinel; spent whole days in exercising his troops; and would now and then himself wrestle with eight or ten of the strongest men in the army, whom he threw with scarcely any effort. Being thus become one of the most remarkable men in the empire, both for courage, discipline, and personal activity, he gave, shortly after, a very high instance of his unshaken fidelity: for when Maerinus was made emperor, he refused to serve under a prince that had betrayed his sovereign; and retired to Thrace, his native country, where he followed commerce, and purchased some lands, content with privacy rather than a guilty dependence. Upon the accession of Heliogabalus to the throne, this bold veteran once more returned to the army; but was, in the very beginning, disgusted at the base effeminacy of the emperor; who, hearing amazing instances of his strength, asked him, if he were equally capable in combats of another nature? This lewd demand was so little suitable to the temper of Maximinus, that he instantly left the court. Upon the death of Heliogabalus, he again returned to Rome, and was received with great kindness by Alexander, who particularly recommended him to the senate, and made him commander of the fourth legion, which consisted of new-raised soldiers. Maximinus gladly accepted of this charge, and performed his duty with great exactness and success, setting an example of virtue and discipline to all the commanders of the army. Nor was his valour less apparent against the Germans, whither he was sent with his legion; so that he was unanimously considered as the boldest, bravest, most valiant, and most virtuous soldier in the whole empire. He soon, however, forfeited all these justly merited titles, when he was raised to the throne; and, from being the most loved commander in the army, he became the most cruel tyrant upon earth. Yet in fact, his former virtues were all of the severe and rigid kind, which, without any education, might very easily degenerate into tyranny; so that he might have mistaken his succeeding cruelty for discipline, and his severity for justice. However this be, Maximinus is considered as one of the greatest monsters of cruelty that ever disgraced power; and, fearful of nothing himself, he seemed to sport with the terrors of all mankind.

He began his reign, by endeavouring to force obedience from every rank of people, and by vindicating his authority by violence. The senate and people of Rome were the first that incurred his resentment, They utterly refusing to confirm the election of the army, he was the first emperor who reigned without their concurrence or approbation. However, he seemed regardless of their opposition, proceeding to secure his election by putting all such to death as had been raised by his predecessors. The Christians also, having found favour in the former reign, felt the weight of his resentment; and were persecuted in several parts of the empire, particularly in those where he himself resided. His cruelty likewise extended to the rich, whose lives and estates became a frequent sacrifice to avarice and suspicion. But what appears still a more extraordinary influence of his cruelty, being ashamed of the meanness of his extraction, he commanded all such as were best acquainted with him and his parentage to be slain, although there were some among the number that had received him in his low condition.

However, his cruelties did not retard his military operations, which were carried on with a spirit be in war, coming a better monarch. He overthrew the Germans in several battles, waited all their country with fire and sword for 400 miles together, and set a resolution of subduing all the northern nations as far as the ocean. In these expeditions, in order to attach the soldiers more firmly to him, he increased their pay; and in every duty of the camp, he himself took as much pains as the meanest centinel in his army, showing incredible courage and fidelity. In every engagement, where the conflict was hottest, Maximinus was always seen fighting there in person, and destroying all before him: for, being bred a barbarian, he considered it as his duty to combat as a common soldier, while he commanded as a general.

In the mean time, his cruelties had so alienated the minds of his subjects, that several conspiracies were formed secretly aimed against him. Magnus, a confederate person, and some others, had plotted to break down a wooden bridge, as soon as the emperor had passed it, and thus to abandon him to the enemy. But this being discovered, gave Maximinus an opportunity of indulging his natural severity, upon this pretext alone causing above 4000 to be slain. Shortly after, some of Alexander's old soldiers withdrawing themselves from the camp, proclaimed one Quarianus as emperor, who had been lately disgusted at Maximinus for being dismissed from employment. The soldiers, in fact, constrained him to accept of the dangerous superiority to which he was exposed: and shortly after, in the spirit of the times, the person who had been the promoter of his advancement, murdered him in his bed, and carried his head to Maximinus; who received him kindly at first, but soon put him to a cruel death, for his complicated guilt of treason and treachery.

These partial insurrections were soon after followed by a spirit of general discontent throughout all the empire. The provinces of Africa were the first that showed their detestation of the tyrant, whose extortions and cruelties among them were become insupportable. They first slew his procurator; and afterwards considering how dangerous a crime they had committed, they resolved to throw off all expectations of pardon, and create a new emperor. Gordian was then proconsul of Africa, a person of great fame for his virtues, and proclaimed highly reverenced for a blameless life of near 80 years. Him, therefore, they determined to elect; and accordingly cordingly the soldiers and natives assembling together, tumultuously entered his house, resolved to put their design in execution. Gordian, who at first supposed they were come to kill him, being made sensible of their intentions, utterly refused their offer, alleging his extreme age, and Maximinus's power. But all his opposition was vain: they constrained him to accept of the proffered dignity; and he, with his son Gordian, who was 46 years of age, were declared emperors. Being thus raised contrary to his inclination, the old man immediately wrote to the senate, declaring that he had unwillingly accepted of the empire, and would only keep his authority till he had freed it from the tyranny of its present oppressor. The senate very joyfully confirmed his election, adjudging Maximinus as an enemy and traitor to the state. The citizens also showed an equal zeal in the cause: they flew upon such as were the reputed friends of Maximinus, and tore them in pieces; even some who were innocent falling a sacrifice to the blind rage of the multitude. So great an alteration being made in the city against the interests of Maximinus, the senate were resolved to drive the opposition to the extreme; and accordingly made all necessary preparations for their security, ordering Maximinus's governors to be displaced, and commanding all the provinces to acknowledge Gordian for emperor. This order was differently received in different parts, as people were affected to one or the other party: in some provinces the governors were slain; in others, the messengers of the senate; so that all parts of the empire felt the consequences of the civil war.

In the mean time, when Maximinus was informed of these charges against him, his rage appeared ungovernable. He roared like a savage beast, and violently struck his head against the wall, showing every instance of ungovernable distraction. At length his fury being somewhat subsided, he called his whole army together; and, in a set speech, exhorted them to revenge his cause, giving them the strongest assurances that they should possess the estates of all such as had offended. The soldiers unanimously promised to be faithful; they received his harangue with their usual acclamations; and, thus encouraged, he led them towards Rome, breathing nothing but slaughter and revenge. However, he found many obstacles to his impetuosity; and, though he desired nothing so much as dispatch, his marches were inconsiderable and slow. The tumultuous and disobedient armies of the empire were at present very different from the legions that were led on by Sylla or Caesar; they were loaded with baggage, and followed by slaves and women, rather resembling an eastern caravan, than a military battalion. To these inconveniences also was added the hatred of the cities through which he passed, the inhabitants all abandoning their houses upon his approach, and securing their provisions in proper hiding-places. However, in this complication of inconveniences and misfortunes, his affairs began to wear a favourable appearance in Africa: for Capelianus, the governor of Numidia, raised a body of troops in his favour, and marched against Gordian, towards Carthage; where he fought the younger Gordian, slew him, and destroyed his army. The father, hearing of the death of his son, together with the loss of the battle, strangled himself in his own girdle. Capelianus pursued his victory, entered Carthage; where he gave a loofe to pillage and slaughter, under a pretence of revenging the cause of Maximinus. The news of these successees was soon brought to the emperor, who now increased his diligence, and flattered himself with a speedy opportunity of revenge. He led on his large army by hasty journeys into Italy, threatening destruction to all his opposers, and ardently wishing for fresh opportunities of slaughter.

Nothing could exceed the consternation of the senate upon the news of this defeat. They now saw themselves not only deprived of the affluence of Gordian and his son, on whom they greatly relied; but also opposed by two formidable tyrants, each commanding a victorious army, directly marching towards Rome, and meditating nothing but vengeance. In this afflicting exigence, they, with great solemnity, met at the temple of Jupiter, and after the most mature deliberations, chose Pupienus and Balbinus emperors jointly. These were men who had acquired the esteem of the public both in war and peace, having commanded armies, and governed provinces, with great reputation; claimed and being now appointed to oppose Maximinus, they made what levies they could, both in Rome and the country. With these, Pupienus marched to stop the progress of the invaders, leaving the city to a fresh and unlooked for calamity. This was occasioned by two of Maximinus's soldiers, who, entering the senate-house, were slain by two senators. This quickly gave offence to the body of the praetorian soldiers, who instantly resolved to take revenge, but were opposed by the citizens; so that nothing was seen throughout Rome, but tumult, slaughter, and cruelty. In this universal confusion, the calamity was increased by the soldiers setting the city on fire, while the wretched inhabitants were combating each other in the midst of the flames.

Nevertheless, Maximinus himself, in whose favour these seditions were promoted, did not seem to be more fortunate. Upon being informed of the new election of emperors, his fury was again renewed, and he passed the Alps, expecting, upon entering Italy, to refresh his fatigued and famished army in that fertile part of the country. But in this he was entirely disappointed; the senate had taken such care to remove all kinds of sustenance to fortified places, that he still found himself reduced to his former necessities, while his army began to murmur for want. To this another disappointment was added shortly after: for approaching the city of Aquileia, which he expected to enter without any difficulty, he was astonished to find it prepared for the most obstinate resistance, and resolved to hold out a regular siege. This city was well fortified and populous, and the inhabitants greatly adverse to Maximinus's government; but what added still more to its strength, it was commanded by two excellent generals, Crispinus and Menophilis, who had well furnished it with men and ammunition, that Maximinus found no small resistance, even in investing the place. His first attempt was, to take the city by storm; but the besieged threw down such quantities of scalding pitch and sulphur upon his soldiers, that they were unable to continue the assault. He then determined upon a blockade; but the inhabitants were so resolute, that even the old men and children were seen combating upon the walls, while the women cut off their hair to furnish the soldiers with bow-strings. strings. Maximinus's rage at this unexpected opposition was now ungovernable; having no enemy to wreck his resentment upon, he turned it against his own commanders. He put many of his generals to death, as if the city had held out through their neglect or incapacity, while famine made great depredations upon the rest of his army. Nothing now appeared on either side to terminate the contest, except the total destruction of either. But a mutiny in Maximinus's own army a while rescued the declining empire from destruction, and saved the lives of thousands. The soldiers being long harassed by famine and fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every side, resolved to terminate their calamities by the tyrant's death. His great strength, and his being always armed, were, at first, the principal motives to deter any from assassinating him; but at length having made his guards accomplices in their design, they set upon him, while he slept at noon in his tent, and slew both him and his son, whom he had made his partner in the empire, without any opposition, after an usurpation of about three years, and in the 65th year of his age.

The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to the dogs and birds of prey, Pupienus and Balbinus continued for some time emperors without opposition. But the praetorian soldiers, who had long been notorious for mutiny and treason, soon resolved on further change. Nor did the dissensions between the new made emperors themselves a little contribute to their downfall: for though both were remarkable for wisdom and age, yet they could not restrain the mutual jealousy of each other's power. Pupienus claimed the superiority from his great experience; while Balbinus was equally aspiring upon account of his family and fortune.

In this ill-judged contest, the praetorian soldiers, who were enemies to both, set upon them in their palace, at a time their guards were amused with seeing the Capitoline games. Pupienus perceiving their tumultuous approach, sent with the utmost speed for assistance from his colleague; but he, out of a culpable suspicion that something was designed only against himself, refused to send such of the German guards as were next his person. Thus the feditious soldiers found an easy access to both the emperors' apartments; and dragging them from the palace towards the camp, slew them both, leaving their dead bodies in the streets, as a dreadful instance of their sedition.

In the midst of this sedition, as the mutineers were proceeding along, they by accident met Gordian, the grandson of him who was slain in Africa, and declared him emperor on the spot. The senate and people had been long reduced to the necessity of suffering their emperors to be nominated by the army; so that all they could do in the present instance was to confirm their choice. This prince was but 16 years old when he began his reign, but his virtues seemed to compensate for the want of experience. His principal aims were, to unite the opposing members of the government, and to reconcile the soldiers and citizens to each other. His learning is said to have been equal to his virtues; and we are assured that he had 62,000 books in his library. His respect for Mithraeus, his governor and instructor, was such, that he married his daughter, and profited by his counsels in all the critical circumstances of his reign.

The first four years of this emperor's reign were attended with the utmost prosperity; but in the fifth Rome was alarmed with accounts from the east, that Sapor, king of Persia, had furiously invaded the confines of the Roman empire, and having taken Antioch, had pillaged Syria, and all the adjacent provinces. Besides barbarians, the Persians, the Goths also invaded the empire on their side, pouring down like an inundation from the north, and attempting to fix their residence in the kingdom of Thrace. To oppose both these invasions, Gordian prepared an army; and having gained some victories over the Goths, whom he obliged to retire, he turned his arms against the Persians, whom he defeated upon several occasions, and forced to return home with disgrace. In gaining these advantages, Mithraeus, whom he had made praetorian prefect, had the principal share; but he dying soon after (as it is supposed, being poisoned by Philip an Arabian, who was appointed his successor), the fortunes of Gordian seemed to die with him. The army began to be no longer supplied with provisions as usual; murmurs were heard to prevail, and these were artfully fomented by Philip. Things thus proceeding from bad to worse, Philip was at first made his equal in the command of the empire; shortly after, invested with the sole power; and, at length, finding himself capable of perpetrating his long lip, who meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his order slain, succeeds the 22nd year of his age, after a successful reign of near six years.

Philip having thus murdered his benefactor, was so fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor by the army. The senate also, though they seemed at first to oppose his power, confirmed his election, and gave him, as usual, the title of Augus tus. Philip was about 40 years old when he came to the throne; being the son of an obscure Arabian, who had been captain of a band of robbers. Upon his exaltation, he associated his son, a boy of five years of age, as his partner in the empire; and, in order to secure his power at home, made peace with the Persians, and marched his army towards Rome. On his way, having conceived a desire to visit his native country of Arabia, he built there a city called Philippopolis; and from thence returning to Rome, he was received as emperor, and treated with all the marks of submission, though not of joy. To put the people in good humour, he caused the secular games to be celebrated, with a magnificence superior to any of his predecessors, it being just 1000 years after the building of the city. Upon occasion of these games, we are told that both Philip and his son were converted to Christianity. However this be, a murderer and an ungrateful usurper does no great honour to whatever opinion he may happen to embrace. We have little account of the latter part of his reign in the wretched and mutilated histories of the times; we only learn, that the Goths having invaded the empire, Marius, Philip's lieutenant, who was sent against them, revolted, and caused himself to be declared emperor. This revolt, however, was but of short duration; for the army which had raised him repented of their rashness, deposed him with equal levity, and put him to death. Decius was the person whom Philip appointed to command in the room of the revolting general. The chief merit of Decius with the emperor was, that when Marius had rebelled, he averred in the senate, That the traitor's presumption would be very shortly shortly his ruin; which, when it happened accordingly, Philip appointed him to succeed in the command of the rebellious army. Decius, who was a man of great subtlety, being entrusted with so much power, upon arriving at the army found that the soldiers were resolved on investing him with the supreme authority. He therefore seemed to suffer their importunities, as if through constraint; and, in the mean time, sent Philip word, that he had unwillingly assumed the title of emperor, the better to secure it for the rightful possessor; adding, that he only looked for a convenient opportunity of giving up his pretensions and title together. Philip knew mankind too well, to rely upon such professions: he therefore got together what forces he could from the several provinces, and led them forward towards the confines of Italy. However, the army was scarce arrived at Verona, when it revolted in favour of Decius, and setting violently upon Philip, a centinel, with one blow, cut off his head, or rather cleaved it asunder, separating the under jaw from the upper. Such was the deserved death of Philip, in the 45th year of his age, after a reign of about five years; Decius being universally acknowledged as his successor, A.D. 248.

The activity and wisdom of Decius in some measure stopt the hastening decline of the Roman empire. The senate seemed to think so highly of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to Trajan; and indeed he seemed in every instance to consult their dignity in particular, and the welfare of all inferior ranks of people. He permitted them to choose a censor, as was the custom in the flourishing times of Rome; and Valerian, his general, a man of such strict morals, that his life was said to be a continual censorship, was chosen to that dignity.—But no virtues could now prevent the approaching downfall of the state; the obstinate disputes between the Pagans and the Christians within the empire, and the unceasing irruptions of barbarous nations without, enfeebled it beyond the power of a remedy. To stop these, a persecution of the Christians, who were now grown the most numerous body of the people, was imposed politically, not to say unjustly, begun; in which thousands were put to death, and all the arts of cruelty tried in vain to lessen their growing number. This persecution was succeeded by dreadful devastations from the Goths, particularly in Thrace and Moesia, where they had been most successful. These irruptions Decius went to oppose in person; and coming to an engagement with them, flew 30,000 of the barbarians in one battle. However, being resolved to pursue his victory, he was, by the treachery of Gallus his own general, led into a defile, where the king of the Goths had secret information to attack him. In this disadvantageous situation, Decius first saw his son killed with an arrow, and soon after his whole army put to the rout. Wherefore, resolving not to survive his loss, he put spurs to his horse, and instantly plunging into a quagmire, was swallowed up, and his body could never be found after. He died in the 50th year of his age, after a short reign of two years and six months; leaving the character of an excellent prince, and one capable of averting the destruction of the empire, if human means could have effected it.

Gallus, who had thus betrayed the Roman army, had address enough to get himself declared emperor by that part of it which survived the defeat; he was 45 years old when he began to reign, and was descended from an honourable family in Rome. He bought a dishonourable peace from the enemies of the state, agreeing to pay a considerable annual tribute to the Goths, whom it was his duty to repel. Having thus purchased a short respite from war, by the disgrace of his country, he returned to Rome, to give a loofe to his pleasures, regardless of the wretched situation of the empire.

Nothing can be more deplorable than the state of the Roman provinces at this time. The Goths and the other barbarous nations, not satisfied with their late bribes to continue in peace, broke in upon the eastern parts of Europe. On the other side, the Persians and Scythians committed unheard of ravages in Mesopotamia and Syria. The emperor, regardless of every national calamity, was lost in debauch and sensuality at home; and the Pagans were allowed a power of persecuting the Christians through all parts of the state; these calamities were succeeded by a pestilence, that seemed to have in general spread over every part of the earth, and which continued raging for several years in an unheard of manner; and all these by a civil war, which followed shortly after, between Gallus and his general Æmilianus, who having gained a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by his conquering army. Gallus hearing this, was soon roused from the intoxications of pleasure, and prepared to oppose his dangerous rival. Both armies met in Moesia, and a battle ensued, in which Æmilianus was victorious, and Gallus with his son were slain. His death was merited, and his vices were such as to deserve the detestation of posterity. He died in the 47th year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years and four months, in which the empire suffered inexpressible calamities. Æmilianus, after his victory over Gallus, expected to be acknowledged emperor; but he soon found himself miserably disappointed. The senate refused to acknowledge his claims; and an army that was stationed near the Alps chose Valerian, their own commander, to succeed to the throne. In consequence of this, Æmilianus's soldiers began to consider their general as an obstacle to the universal tranquillity, and flew him in order to avoid the mischiefs of a civil war.

Valerian being thus universally acknowledged as emperor, although arrived at the age of 70, set about reforming the state with a spirit that seemed to mark a good mind and unabated vigour. But reformation was then grown almost impracticable. The disputes between the Pagans and Christians divided the empire as before; and a dreadful persecution of the latter ensued. The northern nations overran the Roman dominions in a more formidable manner than ever; and the empire began to be usurped by a multitude of petty leaders, each of whom, neglecting the general state, set up for himself. To add to these calamities, the Persians, Valerian under their king Sapor, invaded Syria; and coming taken prisoner into Mesopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian prisoner, and as he was making preparations to oppose them cruelly inflicted upon him. Nothing can exceed the indignities, as well as the cruelties, which were practised upon this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the hands of his enemies. Sapor, we are told, always used him as a footstool for mounting his horse; he added the bitterness of ridicule to his insults, and usually observed, That an attitude like that to which Valerian was reduced, was the best statue that could be erected in honour of his victory. This horrid life of insult and sufferance continued for seven years, and was at length terminated by the cruel Persian's commanding his prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards causing him to be flayed alive.

The news of the defeat of the Roman army by the Persians, and the captivity of Valerian, no sooner reached the barbarous nations at war with Rome, than they poured on all sides into the Roman territories in incredible multitudes, threatening the empire, and Rome itself, with utter destruction. The Goths and Scythians ravaged Pontus and Aisa, committing everywhere dreadful devastations; the Alemanni and Franks having overrun Rhaetia, advanced as far as Ravenna; putting all to fire and sword; the Quadi and Sarmatians feigned on great part of Dacia and Pannonia; while other barbarous nations, invading Spain, made themselves masters of Tarraco and other important places in that province. In the mean time Gallienus, the son of Valerian, having promised to revenge his father's captivity, and repel the barbarians, was chosen emperor without any opposition. He was at that time in Gaul; but hastened into Italy, from whence he drove out the barbarians, either by the terror of his approach, or by overcoming them in battle.—In Dacia and Pannonia, also, the barbarians were driven back by Regillianus, who commanded there, and who is said to have gained several victories in one day.

But in the mean time, one Ingenuus, a man of great reputation in war, and universally beloved both by the people and soldiery, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor in Pannonia, where he was generally acknowledged as well as in Moesia. Gallienus no sooner heard of his revolt, than he marched from the neighbourhood of Ravenna, where he then was, into Illyricum, engaged Ingenuus, and put him to flight. Some authors tell us, that Ingenuus was killed after the battle by his own soldiers; while others affirm, that he put an end to his own life to avoid falling into the hands of Gallienus, who used his victory with a cruelty hardly to be paralleled. The following letter to Verianus Celer, one of his officers, will show the disposition of this emperor: "I shall not be satisfied (says he) with your putting to death only such as have borne arms against me, and might have fallen in the field: you must in every city destroy all the males, old and young; spare none who have wished ill to me; none who have spoken ill of me the son of Valerian, the father and brother of princes. Ingenuus emperor! Tear, kill, cut in pieces without mercy: you understand me; do then as you know I would do, who have written to you with my own hand."

In consequence of these cruel orders, a most dreadful havoc was made among that unhappy people; and, in several cities, not one male child was left alive. The troops who had formerly served under Ingenuus, and the inhabitants of Moesia who had escaped the general slaughter, provoked by these cruelties, proclaimed Regillianus emperor. He was a Dacian by birth, defended, as was said, from the celebrated king Decebalus whom Trajan had conquered; and had, by several gallant actions, gained reputation in the Roman armies. After he was proclaimed emperor, he gained great advantages over the Sarmatians; but was soon after murdered by his own soldiers. These revolts were quickly followed by many others. Indeed it is not surprising, at a time when the reins of government were held with so loose a hand, that a crowd of usurpers should start up in every province of the empire. The great number of usurpers who pretended to the empire about this time have been distinguished by the name of the thirty tyrants. However, there were only 19; viz., Cyriades, Macrianus, Balista, Odenatus, and Zenobia, tyrants in the east; in Gaul, and the western provinces, Polthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus and his mother Victoria, Marius, and Tetrius; in Illyricum, and on the confines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Aurelius; in Pontus, Saturninus; in Ifauria, Trebellianus; in Thessaly, Piso; in Achaia, Valens; in Egypt, Æmilianus; and in Africa, Celsus. Several of these pretenders to the empire, however, though branded with the opprobrious appellation of tyrants, were eminent examples of virtue, and almost all of them were possessed of a considerable share of vigour and ability. The principal reason assigned for their revolt was, the infamous character of Gallienus, whom neither officers nor soldiers could bear to serve. Many of them, however, were forced by the soldiers to assume the imperial dignity much against their will. "You have loth," said Saturninus to his soldiers when they invested him with the purple, "a very useless commander, and have made a very wretched emperor." The apprehensions of Saturninus were justified by the event. Of the 19 usurpers already mentioned, not one died a natural death; and in Italy and Rome Gallienus alone continued to be acknowledged emperor. That prince indeed honoured Odenatus, prince of Palmyra with the title of Augustus, who continued to possess an independent sovereignty in the east all his lifetime, and on his death transmitted it to his wife Zenobia. See Palmyra.

The consequences of these numerous usurpations were fatal; the most fatal that can be conceived. The elections of these precarious emperors, their life and death, were equally destructive to their subjects and adherents. The price of their elevation was instantly paid to the troops by an immense donation drawn from the exhausted people. However virtuous their character, and however pure their intentions might be, they found themselves reduced to the necessity of supporting their usurpation by frequent acts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall, as appears from the letter of Gallienus already quoted. Whilst the forces of the state were dispersed in private quarrels, the defenceless provinces lay exposed to every invader. The bravest usurpers were compelled, by the perplexity of their situation, to conclude dishonourable treaties with the barbarians, and even to submit to shameful tributes, and introduce such numbers of barbarians into the Roman service as seemed sufficient at once to overthrow the empire.

But when the empire seemed thus ready to sink, it suddenly revived on the death of Gallienus, who was murdered by Martian, one of his own generals, succeeded by while he besieged Aurelius, one of the tyrants, in Milan. His death gave general satisfaction to all, except his soldiers, who hoped to reap the reward of their treachery by the plunder of Milan. But being frustrated in these expectations, and in some measure kept within bounds. bounds by the largeness of Martian, Flavius Claudius was nominated to succeed, and joyfully accepted by all orders of the state, and his title confirmed by the senate and the people.

We are not sufficiently assured of this emperor's lineage and country. Some affirm that he was born in Dalmatia, and descended from an ancient family there; others assert that he was a Trojan; and others, that he was son to the emperor Gordian. But, whatever might have been his descent, his merits were by no means doubtful. He was a man of great valour and conduct, having performed the most eminent services against the Goths, who had long continued to make irruptions into the empire. He was now about 55 years old, equally remarkable for the strength of his body and the vigour of his mind; he was chaste and temperate, a rewarer of the good, and a severe punisher of such as transgressed the laws. Thus endowed, therefore, he in some measure put a stop to the precipitate decline of the empire, and once more seemed to restore the glory of Rome.

His first success, upon being made emperor, was against Aureolus, whom he defeated near Milan. His next expedition was to oppose the Goths, against whom he led a very numerous army. These barbarians had made their principal and most successful irruptions into Thrace and Macedonia, swarmed over all Greece, and had pillaged the famous city of Athens, which had long been the school of all the polite arts to the Romans. The Goths, however, had no veneration for those embellishments that tend to soften and humanize the mind, but destroyed all monuments of taste and learning with the most savage alacrity. It was upon one of these occasions, that, having heaped together a large pile of books in order to burn them, one of the commanders diffused them from the design, alleging, that the time which the Grecians should waste on books would only render them more unqualified for war. But the empire seemed to tremble, not only on that side, but almost on every quarter. At the same time, above 300,000 of these barbarians (the Heruli, the Trutanghi, the Virturghi, and many nameless and uncivilized nations) came down the river Danube, with 2000 ships, fraught with men and ammunition, spreading terror and devastation on every side.

In this state of universal dismay, Claudius alone seemed to continue unshaken. He marched his disproportionate army against the savage invaders; and though but ill prepared for such an engagement, as the forces of the empire were then employed in different parts of the world, he came off victorious, and made an incredible slaughter of the enemy. The whole of their great army was either cut to pieces or taken prisoners; houses were filled with their arms; and scarce a province of the empire, that was not furnished with slaves from those that survived the defeat. The successes were followed by many others in different parts of the empire; so that the Goths, for a considerable time after, made but a feeble opposition. He some time after marched against the revolted Germans, and overthrew them with considerable slaughter. His last expedition was to oppose Tetricus and Zenobia, his two puissant rivals in the empire. But on his march, as he approached near Sirmium, in Pannonia, he was seized with a pestilential fever, of which he died in a few days, to the great regret of his subjects, and the irreparable loss of the Roman empire. His reign, which was not of quite two years continuance, was active and successful; and such is the character given of him by historians, that he is said to have united in himself the moderation of Augustus, the valour of Trajan, and the piety of Antoninus.

Immediately after the death of Claudius, the army made unanimous choice of Aurelian, who was at that time master of the horse, and esteemed the most valiant commander of his time. However, his promotion was not without opposition on the part of the senate, as Quintillus, the brother of the deceased emperor, put in his claim, and was for a while acknowledged at Rome. But his authority was of very short duration; for finding himself abandoned by those who at first initiated him to declare for the throne, he chose to prevent the severity of his rival by a voluntary death, and causing his veins to be opened, expired, after having reigned but 17 days.

Aurelian being thus universally acknowledged by all the states of the empire, assumed the command, with a greater show of power than his predecessors had enjoyed for some time before. This active monarch was born of mean and obscure parentage in Dacia, and was about 55 years old at the time of his coming to the throne. He had spent the early part of his life in the army, and had risen through all the gradations of military duty. He was of unshaken courage and amazing strength; he in one engagement killed 40 of the enemy with his own hand, and above 900 at several different times. In short, his valour and expedition were such, that he was compared to Julius Cæsar; and, in fact, only wanted mildness and clemency to be every way his equal.

The whole of this monarch's reign was spent in repelling the irruptions of the northern nations, in humbling every other pretender to the empire, and punishing the monstrous irregularities of his own subjects. He defeated the Marcomanni, who had invaded Italy, in three several engagements, and at length totally destroyed their army. He was not less successful against Zenobia, the queen of the East, a woman of the most heroic qualifications, who had long disclaimed the Roman power, and established an empire of her own, as is related under the article Palmyra.

Aurelian having thus brought back peace to the empire, endeavoured, by the rigours of justice, to bring back virtue also. He was very strict in punishing the crimes of the soldiery; in his orders to his lieutenants, he insisted that the peasants should not be plundered upon any pretences; that not even a grape, a grain of salt, or a drop of oil, should be exacted unjustly. He caused a soldier, who had committed adultery with his hostess, to have his feet tied to the tops of two trees, forcibly bent at top to meet each other; which being let loose, and suddenly recoiling, tore the criminal in two. This was a severity that might take the name of cruelty; but the vices of the age, in some measure, required it. In these punishments inflicted on the guilty, the Christians, who had all along been growing more numerous, were sharers. Against these he drew up several letters and edicts, which showed that he intended a very severe persecution; but if we may believe the credulous historians of the times, he was diverted just as he was going to sign them by a thunderbolt, which fell so near his person, that all the people judged him to be destroyed.

But, however Heaven might have interposed on this occasion, it is certain that his feversities at last were the cause of his destruction. Menenius, his principal secretary, having been threatened by him for some fault which he had committed, began to consider how he might prevent the meditated blow. For this purpose, he forged a roll of the names of several persons, whom he pretended the emperor had marked out for death, adding his own to strengthen him in the confidence of the party. The scroll thus contrived was shown with an air of the utmost secrecy to some of the persons concerned; and they, to procure their safety, immediately agreed with him to destroy the emperor. This resolution was soon put into execution; for, as the emperor passed with a small guard from Uraclia, in Thrace, towards Byzantium, the conspirators set upon him at once, and slew him with very little resistance. He was slain in the 60th, or, as some say, in the 63rd year of his age, after a very active reign of almost five years.

The number of pretenders to the throne, which had formerly infested the empire, were, by the last monarch's activity, so entirely removed, that there now seemed to be none that would venture to declare himself a candidate. The army referred the choice to the senate; and, on the other side, the senate declined it: so that a space of near eight months elapsed in these negociation. At length, however, the senate made choice of Tacitus, a man of great merit, and now very ambitious of the honours that were offered him. Upon being solicited to accept the empire, he at first refused, and retired to his country house in Campania, to avoid their importunities; but being at length prevailed upon, he accepted the reins of government, being at that time 75 years old.

One of the first acts of his government was the punishment of those who had conspired against the late emperor. Menenius was impaled alive, his body being thrown to be devoured by wild beasts; his estate also was confiscated to the exchequer; and his ready money, which was very considerable, applied towards paying the army. During this short reign, the senate seemed to have a large share of authority, and the historians of the times are liberal of their praises to such emperors as were thus willing to divide their power.—Upon endeavouring to obtain the consulship for his brother Probus, he was refused it by the senate; at which he seemed no way moved, but calmly remarked that the senate best knew whom to choose. This moderation prevailed in all the rest of his conduct: he was extremely temperate; his table was plain, and furnished with nothing expensive: he even prohibited his empress from wearing jewels, and forbade the use of gold and embroidery. He was fond of learning, and the memory of such men as had deserved well of their country. He particularly esteemed the works of his namesake Tacitus the historian; commanding that they should be placed in every public library throughout the empire, and that many copies of them should be transferred at the public charge. A reign begun with such moderation and justice, only wanted continuance to have made the empire happy; but after enjoying the empire about six months, he died of a fever in his march to oppose the Persians and Scythians, who had invaded the eastern parts of the empire.

Upon the death of Tacitus the army seemed divided in the choice of an emperor; one part of it chose Florianus, brother to the deceased; but the majority were for some time undetermined. They alleged amongst each other the necessity of choosing one eminent for valour, honour, piety, clemency, and probity; but the last virtue being that chiefly insisted upon, the whole army, as if by common consent, cried out that Probus should be emperor. He was accordingly confirmed in this dignity with the usual solemnities: and Florianus finding himself deserted, even by those legions who had promised to stand up in his support, opened his arteries and bled himself to death.

Probus was 44 years old, when he ascended the throne, being born of noble parentage at Sirmium in Pannonia, and bred up a soldier from his youth. He began early to distinguish himself for his discipline and valour; being frequently the first man who in besieging towns scaled the walls, or that burst into the enemy's camp. He was no less remarkable for single combats, and saving the lives of many eminent citizens. Nor was his activity and courage, when elected to the empire, less apparent, than in his private station. He first repelled the Germans in Gaul, of whom he slew 400,000. He then marched into Dalmatia, to oppose and subdue the Sarmatians. From thence he led his forces into Thrace, and forced the Goths to sue for peace. He after that turned his arms towards Asia; subdued the quells province of Ifauria; and marching onward, conquered a people called the Blemyes; who, leaving their native forests of Ethiopia, had possessed themselves of Arabia and Judea, and had continued in a state of rebellion since the reign of Gallicus. Narles also, the king of Persia, submitted at his approach; and upon his return into Europe, he divided the depopulated parts of Thrace among its barbarous invaders: a circumstance that afterwards produced great calamities to the empire.

His diligence was not less conspicuous in suppressing intestine commotions. Saturninus, being compelled by the Egyptians to declare himself emperor, was defeated and slain. Proculus also (a person remarkable only for his great attachment to women, and who boasted in a letter, that, having taken 100 Sarmatian virgins prisoners, he deprived ten of that name in one night, and all the rest within a fortnight) set up against the emperor; but was compelled to fly, and at length delivered up by the Germans. At the same time Bonosus (who was a remarkable votary to Bacchus, being able to drink as much wine as ten could do, without being disordered) rebelled, and being overcome hanged himself in despair. Probus, when he saw him immediately after his death, could not avoid pointing to him, and saying, "There hangs not a man but a cask." Still, however, notwithstanding every effort to give quiet to the empire, the barbarians who surrounded it kept it in continual alarms. They were frequently repulsed into their native wilds, but they as certainly returned with fresh rage and increased ferocity. The Goths and Vandals, finding the emperor engaged in quelling domestic disputes, renewed their accustomed inroads, and once more felt the punishment of their presumptions. They were conquered in several engagements; and Probus returned in triumph to Rome. His active temper, however, would not not suffer him to continue at rest whilst a single enemy was left to conquer. In his last expedition he led his soldiers against the Persians; and going through Sirium, the place of his nativity, he there employed several thousands of his soldiers in draining a fen that was inconvenient to the inhabitants. The fatigues of this undertaking, and the great restraint that was laid upon the soldiers' licentious manners, produced a conspiracy, which ended in his ruin: for taking the opportunity as he was marching into Greece, they set upon and slew him after he had reigned six years and four months with general approbation.

Carus, who was praetorian prefect to the deceased emperor, was chosen by the army to succeed him; and he, to strengthen his authority, named his two sons Carinus and Numerianus with him in command; the former of whom was as much filled by his vices, as the youngest was virtuous, modest, and courageous. The new emperor had scarce time to punish the murderers of the late monarch, when he was alarmed by a fresh irruption of the Sarmatians; over whom he gained a signal victory. The Persian monarch also made some attempts upon the empire; but Carus assured his ambassadors, that if their matter persisted in his obstinacy, all his fields should shortly be as bare as his own bald head, which he showed them. In consequence of this threat, he marched to the very walls of Ctesiphon, and a dreadful battle ensuing, he once more gained a complete victory. What the result of this success might have been, is not known; for he was shortly after struck by lightning in his tent, with many others that were round him. Numerianus, the youngest son, who accompanied his father in this expedition, was inconsolable for his death; and brought such a disorder upon his eyes with weeping, that he was obliged to be carried along with the army, shut up in a close litter. The peculiarity of his situation, after some time, excited the ambition of Aper, his father-in-law, who supposed that he could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire himself. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to murder the emperor in his litter; and the better to conceal the fact, gave out that he was still alive, but unable to endure the light. In this manner was the dead body carried about for some days, Aper continuing to attend it with the utmost appearance of respect, and to take orders as usual. The offenders, however, of its smell at length discovered the treachery, and excited an universal uproar throughout the army. In the midst of this tumult, Diocletian, one of the most noted commanders of his time, was chosen emperor, and with his own hand slew Aper; having thus, as it is said, fulfilled a prophecy, which had said, that Diocletian should be emperor after he had slain a boar; alluding to the name of his rival, which signifies a boar. Carinus, the remaining son, did not long survive his father and brother; for giving himself up to his vices, and yet at the same time opposing the newly-made emperor, the competitors led their forces into Moesia; where Diocletian being victorious, Carinus was slain by a tribune of his own army, whose wife he had formerly abused.

Diocletian was a person of mean birth; being accounted, according to some, the son of a scrivener; and of a slave, according to others. He received his name from Diocles, the town in which he was born; and was about 40 years old when he was elected to the empire. He pardoned all who had joined Carinus, without injuring either their fortunes or honours. Confiscious also that the weight of empire was too heavy for one alone to sustain, he took in Maximian, his general, as a partner in the fatigues of duty, making him his equal and companion on the throne. Thus mutually afflicting each other, these two continued to live in strict friendship; ximian for though somewhat differing in temper (as Maximian his partner was rather a man of vicious inclinations), yet they concurred in promoting the general good, and humbling their enemies. And it must be observed, that there never was a period in which there were more numerous or formidable enemies to oppose.

The peasants and labourers in Gaul made a dangerous insurrection, under the conduct of Amandus and Helianus, but were subdued by Maximian. Achilles, who commanded in Egypt, proclaimed himself emperor; and it was not without many bloody engagements that he was overcome, and condemned by Diocletian to be devoured by lions. In Africa, the Roman legions, in like manner, joined with many of the natives, seized upon the public revenues, and plundered those who continued in their duty. These were also subdued by Maximian; and, after a long dubious war, contrained to sue for peace. About the same time, a principal commander in Britain named Carausius, proclaimed himself emperor, and possessed himself of the island. To oppose this general's claims, Maximian made choice of Constantius Chlorus, whom he created Caesar, and married to Theodora, his daughter-in-law. He, upon his arrival in Britain, finding Carausius very strong, and continually reinforced from Germany, thought proper to come to an accommodation; so that this usurper continued for seven years in quiet possession of the whole island, till he was slain by Allectus, his friend and intimate. About this time also, Narses, king of Persia, began a dangerous war upon the empire, and invaded Mesopotamia. To stop the progress of the enemy upon this quarter, Diocletian made choice of Galerius (surnamed Armenarius, from the report of his being born of a cow-herd in Dacia); and he likewise was created Caesar. His success also, though very doubtful in the beginning, was in the end terminated according to his wishes. The Persians were overcome in a decisive engagement, their camp plundered and taken, and their king's wives and children made prisoners of war. There only remained, of all the enemies of the Roman empire, those who lay to the northward unsubdued. These were utterly unconquerable, as well upon account of their savage ferocity, as the inhospitable severity of the climate and soil from whence they issued. Ever at war with the Romans, they issued forth, when the armies that were to repulse their invasions were called away; and upon their return, they as suddenly withdrew into cold, barren, and inaccessible places, which only themselves could endure. In this manner the Goths, Sarmatians, Alanii, Quadi, &c. poured down in incredible numbers; while every defeat seemed but to increase their strength and perseverance. Of these, multitudes were taken prisoners, and sent to people the more southern parts of the empire; still greater numbers were destroyed; and though the rest were driven back to their native forests, yet they continued ever mindful of their inextirpate inveterate enmity, and, like a savage beast, only continued inactive, till they had licked their wounds for a new encounter.

During this interval, as if the external miseries of the empire were not sufficient, the tenth and last great persecution was renewed against the Christians. This is said to have exceeded all the former in severity; and such was the zeal with which it was pursued, that, in an ancient inscription, we are informed that they had effaced the name and superstition of the Christians, and had restored and propagated the worship of the gods. Their attempts, however, were but the malicious efforts of an expiring party; for Christianity shortly after was established by law, and triumphed over the malice of all its enemies. In the midst of the troubles raised by this persecution, and of the contests that struck at the internal parts of the state, Diocletian and Maximian furthered the world by resigning their dignities on the same day, and both retiring into private stations. Historians are much divided concerning the motives that thus induced them to give up those honours which they had purchased with so much danger. Some ascribe it to the philosophical turn of Diocletian; and others, to his being disgusted with the obstinacy of his Christian subjects; but Lactantius affirms, that he was compelled to it, together with his partner, by Galerius, who coming to Nicomedia, upon the emperor's recovery from a great sickness, threatened him with a civil war in case he refused to resign. However, of this we are well assured, that he still preserved a dignity of sentiment in his retirement, that might induce us to believe he had no other motive for resignation than the love of quiet, and the consciousness of his inability to discharge on a sick-bed the duties of a sovereign. Having retired to his birth-place, he spent his time in cultivating his garden, assuring his visitors that then only he began to enjoy the world, when he was thought by the rest of mankind to forsake it. When also some attempted to persuade him to resume the empire he replied, That if they knew his present happiness, they would rather endeavour to imitate than disturb it. In this contented manner he lived some time, and at last died either by poison or madness, it is uncertain which. His reign, which continued 20 years, was active and useful; and his authority, tinctured with severity, was well adapted to the depraved state of morals at that time.

Maximian, his partner in the empire and in resignation, was by no means so contented with his situation. He longed once more for power, and disturbed the two succeeding reigns with various efforts to resume it; attempting to engage Diocletian in the same design. Being obliged to leave Rome, where he had bred great confusion, he went over into Gaul, where he was kindly received by Constantine, the then acknowledged emperor of the west. But here also continuing his intrigues, and endeavouring to force his own daughter and destroy her husband, he was detected, and condemned to die by whatever death he should think proper; and Lactantius tells us that he chose hanging.

Upon the resignation of the two emperors, the two Caesars whom they had formerly chosen were universally acknowledged as their successors. Constantius Chlorus, who was so called from the plainness of his complexions, was virtuous, valiant, and merciful. Galerius, on the other hand, was brave, but brutal, incontinent, and cruel. As there was such a disparity in their tempers, they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide the empire; Constantius being appointed to govern the western parts; namely, Italy, Sicily, the greatest part of Africa, together with Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Germany; Galerius had the eastern parts allotted to his share; to wit, Illyricum, Pannonia, Thrace, Macedon, all the provinces of Greece, and the Lesser Asia, together with Egypt, Syria, Judea, and all the countries eastward. The greatness of the division, however, soon induced the emperors to take in two partners more, Severus and Maximin, who were made Caesars, and assisted in the conducting of affairs; so that the empire now was under the guidance of four persons, all invested with supreme authority.

We are informed but of few particulars of the reign of Constantius, except a detail of his character, which appears in every light most amiable. He was frugal, chaste, and temperate. His mercy and justice were equally conspicuous in his treatment of the Christians, whom he would not suffer to be injured; and when at length persuaded to displace all the Christian officers of his household that would not change their religion, when some of them complied, he sent them away in disgrace; alleging, that those who were not true to their God, would never be faithful to their prince.

In the second year of his reign he went over into Britain; and leaving his son Constantine as a kind of hostage in the court of his partner in the empire, took up his residence at York. He there continued in the practice of his usual virtues; till falling sick, he began to think of appointing his son for his successor. He accordingly sent for him with all speed; but he was past recovery before his arrival: notwithstanding he received him with marks of the utmost affection, raising himself in his bed, gave him several useful instructions, particularly recommending the Christians to his protection. He then bequeathed the empire to his care; and crying out, that none but the pious Constantine should succeed him, he expired in his arms.

In the mean time, Galerius, his partner in the empire, being informed of Constantine's advancement, testified the most ungovernable rage, and was even going to condemn the messenger who brought him the account; but being dissuaded, he seemed to acquiesce in what he could not prevent, and sent him the marks of royalty; but at the same time declared Severus emperor, in opposition to his interests. Just about this time also, another pretender to the empire started up. This was Maxentius, a person of mean extraction; but very much obnoxious to the soldiers, whom he permitted to pillage thrones at discretion. In order to oppose Maxentius, Severus led a numerous army towards the gates of Rome; but his soldiers considering against whom they were to fight, immediately abandoned him; and shortly after he put an end to his own life, by opening his veins. To revenge his death, Galerius marched into Italy, resolving to ruin the inhabitants, and to destroy the whole senate. His soldiers, however, upon approaching the capital began to waver in their resolutions; wherefore he was obliged to have recourse to entreaties, imploring them not to abandon him; and, retiring by the same route by which he had advanced, made Licinius, who was originally the son of a poor labourer in Dacia, Caesar, in the room of Severus who was slain. This seem- ed to be the last act of his power; for shortly after he was seized with a very extraordinary disorder in his privities, which baffled all the skill of his physicians, and carried him off, after he had languished in torments for near the space of a year. His cruelty to the Christians was one of the many crimes alleged against him; and their historians have not failed to aggravate the circumstances of his death as a judgment from Heaven for his former impiety. However this be, he abated much of his severity against them on his deathbed; and revoked those edicts which he had formerly published, tending to their persecution, a little before his death.

Constantine being thus delivered from his greatest opponent, might now be considered as possessing more power than any of his rivals who were yet remaining. The empire was at that time divided between him and three others: Maxentius, who governed in Rome, a person of a cruel disposition, and a steadfast supporter of paganism; Licinius, who was adopted by Galerius, and commanded in the east; and likewise Maximin, who had formerly been declared Caesar with Severus, and who also governed some of the eastern provinces.

For some time all things seemed to wear a peaceful appearance; till at length, either ambition, or the tyrannical conduct of Maxentius, induced Constantine to engage in an expedition to expel that commander from Rome, and to make the proper preparations for marching into Italy. It was upon this occasion that he formed a resolution which produced a mighty change in the politics as well as the morals of mankind, and gave a new turn to the counsels of the wise, and the pursuits of ambition. One evening, as we are told by Eusebius, the army being upon its march toward Rome, Constantine was taken up with various considerations upon the fate of sublunary things, and the dangers of his approaching expedition: sensible of his own incapacity to succeed without divine assistance, he employed his meditations upon the opinions that then were chiefly agitated among mankind, and sent up his ejaculations to Heaven to inspire him with wisdom to choose the path he ought to pursue. It was then, as the sun was declining, that there suddenly appeared a pillar of light in the heavens, in the form of a cross, with this inscription, TOYTO NIKH, "In this overcome." So extraordinary an appearance did not fail to create astonishment both in the emperor and his whole army, who considered it as their dispositions led them to believe. Those who were attached to paganism, prompted by their auspices, pronounced it a most auspicious omen, portending the most unfortunate events. But it made a different impression on the emperor's mind; who, as the account goes, was farther encouraged by visions the same night. He therefore, the day following, caused a royal standard to be made, like that which he had seen in the heavens; and commanded it to be carried before him in his wars, as an ensign of victory and celestial protection. After this, he consulted with several of the principal teachers of Christianity, and made a public avowal of that sacred persuasion.

Constantine having thus attached to his interest his soldiers, who were mostly of the Christian persuasion, lost no time in entering Italy with 90,000 foot and 8000 horse; and soon advanced to the very gates of Rome. The unfortunate Maxentius, who had long given himself up to ease and debauchery, now began to make preparations when it was too late. He first put in practice all the superstitious rites which pagan Maxentius taught to be necessary; and then consulted the Sibyl-deleted line books; from whence he was informed, that on that and kill-great day the enemy of Rome should perish. This prediction, which was equivocal, he applied to Constantine; so that, leaving all things in the best posture, he advanced from the city with an army of 100,000 foot and 18,000 horse. The engagement was for some time fierce and bloody, till his cavalry being routed, victory declared upon the side of his opponent, and he himself was drowned in his flight by the breaking down of a bridge as he attempted to cross the river Tiber.

Constantine, in consequence of this victory, entering the city, disclaimed all praises which the senate and people were ready to offer; ascribing his success to a superior power. He even caused the cross, which it is said he saw in the heavens, to be placed at the right of all his statues, with this inscription: "That under the influence of that victorious cross, Constantine had delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical power, and had restored the senate and people of Rome to their ancient authority." He afterwards ordained, that no criminal should for the future suffer death by the cross; which had formerly been the most usual way of punishing slaves convicted of capital offences. Edicts were soon after issued, declaring that the Christians should be eased from all their grievances, and received into places of trust and authority. Thus the new religion was seen at once to prevail over the whole Roman empire; and as that enormous fabric had been built and guided upon pagan principles, it lost a great deal of its strength and coherence when those principles were thus at once subverted.

Things continued in this state for some time, Constantine all the while contributing what was in his power to the interest of religion, and the revival of learning, which had long been upon the decline, and was almost wholly extinct in the empire. But in the midst of these affinities, the peace of the empire was again disturbed by the preparations of Maximin, who governed in the east, and who, desirous of a full participation of power, marched against Licinius with a very numerous army. In consequence of this step, after many conflicts, a general engagement ensued, in which Maximin suffered a defeat and total defeat; many of his troops were cut in pieces, and those that survived submitted to the conqueror. Maximin, however, having escaped the general carnage, once more put himself at the head of another army, resolving to try the fortune of the field; but death prevented his design. As he died by a very extraordinary kind of madness, the Christians, of whom he was the declared enemy, did not fail to ascribe his end to a judgment from heaven; but this was the age in which false judgments and false miracles made up the bulk of their unprofitable history.

Constantine and Licinius thus remaining undisputed war-bosses and partners in the empire, all things promised between Constantine and Licinius. However, it was soon found, that the same ambition that aimed after a part, would be content with nothing less than the whole. Pagan writers ascribe the rupture between these two potentates to Constantine; while the Christians, on the other hand, impute it wholly to Licinius. Licinius. Both, perhaps, might have concurred: for Licinius is convicted of having persecuted Christianity, which was so highly favoured by his rival; and Constantine is known to have been the first to begin the preparations for an open rupture. Both sides exerted all their power to make opposition; and at the head of very formidable armies, came to an engagement near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Constantine, previous to the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, begged the affiance of Heaven; while Licinius, with equal zeal, called upon the pagan priests to intercede with the gods in his favour. Constantine, after an obstinate resistance from the enemy, became victorious; took their camp; and, after some time, compelled Licinius to sue for a truce, which was agreed upon. But this was of no long continuance; for soon after, the war breaking out afresh, and the rivals coming once more to a general engagement, it proved decisive. Licinius was entirely defeated, and pursued by Constantine into Nicomedia, where he surrendered himself up to the victor; having first obtained an oath that his life should be spared, and that he should be permitted to pass the remainder of his days in retirement. This, however, Constantine shortly after broke; for either fearing his designs, or finding him actually engaged in fresh conspiracies, he commanded him to be put to death, together with Martian his general, who some time before had been created Caesar.

Constantine being now sole monarch of the empire, without a rival to divide his power, or any person from whose claims he could have the least apprehensions, resolved to establish Christianity on so sure a basis, that no new regulations should shake it. He commanded that in all the provinces of the empire the orders of the bishops should be exactly obeyed; a privilege of which, in succeeding times, these fathers made but a very indifferent use. He called also a general council of these, to meet at Nicea, in order to repress the heresies that had already crept into the church, particularly that of Arius. To this place repaired about 318 bishops, besides a multitude of presbyters and deacons, together with the emperor himself; who all, to about 17, concurred in condemning the tenets of Arius; who, with his associates, was banished into a remote part of the empire.

Having thus restored universal tranquillity to the empire, he was not able to ward off calamities of a more domestic nature. As the histories of that period are entirely at variance with each other, it is not easy to discover the motives which induced him to put his wife Fausta and his son Crispus to death. The most plausible account is this: Fausta the empress, who was a woman of great beauty, but of extravagant desires, had long, though secretly, loved Crispus, Constantine's son by a former wife. She had tried every art to inspire this youth with a mutual passion; but, finding her more distant efforts ineffectual, had even the confidence to make him an open confession of her desires. This produced an explanation, which was fatal to both. Crispus received her addresses with detestation; and she, to be revenged, accused him to the emperor. Constantine, fired at once with jealousy and rage, ordered him to die without a hearing; nor did his innocence appear till it was too late for redress. The only reparation, therefore, that remained, was the putting Fausta, the wicked instrument of his former cruelty, to death; which was accordingly executed upon her, together with some Roman others who had been accomplices in her falsehood and treachery.

But the private misfortunes of a few were not to be weighed against evils of a more general nature, which the Roman empire shortly after experienced. These transfers arose from a measure which this emperor conceived and the fact executed, of transferring the seat of the empire from Rome to Byzantium, or Constantinople, as it was afterwards called. Whatever might have been the reasons which induced him to this undertaking; whether it was because he was offended at some affronts he received at Rome, or that he supposed Constantinople more in the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eastern parts more required his presence, experience has shown that they were weak and groundless. The empire had long before been in the most declining state; but this in a great measure gave precipitation to its downfall. After this it never resumed its former splendour, but languished.

His first design was to build a city which he might make the capital of the world; and for this purpose, he made choice of a situation at Chalcedon in Asia Minor; but we are told, that in laying out the ground-plan, an eagle caught up the line and flew with it over to Byzantium, a city which lay upon the opposite side of the Bosphorus. Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the seat of the empire; and indeed nature seems to have formed it with all the conveniences and all the beauties which might induce power to make it the seat of residence. It was situated on a plain that rose gently from the water; it commanded that strait which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine sea, and was furnished with all the advantages which the most indulgent climate could bestow. This city, therefore, he beautified with the most magnificent edifices; he divided it into 14 regions; built a capitol, an amphitheatre, many churches, and other public works; and having thus rendered it equal to the magnificence of his idea, he dedicated it in a very solemn manner to the God of martyrs; in about two years after, repairing thither with his whole court.

The removal produced no immediate alteration in the government of the empire; the inhabitants of Rome, though with reluctance, submitted to the change; nor was there for two or three years any disturbance in the state, until at length the Goths, finding that the Romans had withdrawn all their garrisons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, and ravaged the country with unheard-of cruelty. Constantine, however, soon repressed their incursions, and so strengthened them, that near 100,000 of their number perished by cold and hunger. These and some other insurrections being happily suppressed, the government of the empire was divided as follows. Constantine, the emperor's eldest son, commanded in Gaul and the western provinces; Constans governed Africa and Illyricum; and Constans ruled in Italy. Dalmatius, the emperor's brother, was sent to defend those parts that bordered upon the Goths; and Annibalianus, his nephew, had the charge of Cappadocia and Armenia Minor. This division of the empire still farther contributed to its downfall: for the united strength of the state being no longer brought to repulse invasions, the barbarians fought with superior numbers; and conquered at last, though often defeated.

Constantine, Constantine, however, did not live to feel these calamities. The latter part of his reign was peaceful and splendid; ambassadors from the remotest Indies came to acknowledge his authority; the Persians, who were ready for fresh inroads, upon finding him prepared to oppose, sent humbly to desire his friendship and forgiveness. He was above 60 years old, and had reigned above 30 years, when he found his health began to decline. To obviate the effects of his disorder, which was an intermittent fever, he made use of the warm baths of the city; but receiving no benefit from thence, he removed for change of air to Helenopolis, a city which he had built to the memory of his mother. His disorder increasing, he changed again to Nicomedia; where finding himself without hopes of recovery, he caused himself to be baptized; and having soon after received the sacrament, he expired, after a memorable and active reign of 32 years. This monarch's character is represented to us in very different lights: the Christian writers of that time adorning it with every strain of panegyric; the heathens, on the contrary, loading it with all the violence of invective. He established a religion that continues the blessing of mankind; but pursued a scheme of politics that destroyed the empire.

From the time of Constantine to the division of the empire between Valentinian and his brother Valens, the history of Rome is related under the article Constantinople, where also that of the eastern part is carried down to the final destruction of that city by the Turks. In the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, the province of Libya Tripolitana was grievously oppressed by the barbarians of the desert, and almost equally so by Romanus its own governor. His conduct was so exceedingly oppressive, that the inhabitants sent a deputation to Valentinian, complaining of their unhappy situation, and desiring redress. Palladius was accordingly sent to inquire into the state of the province; but being gained over by Romanus, he made a false report to the emperor; and thus the unhappy province was left a prey to the merciless invaders and rapacious governor. During the rest of this reign the barbarians continued their inroads into the empire; and among others, we find the Saxons now putting in for a share of the spoils of the ruined empire: however, their army was at this time entirely cut off. At last Valentinian himself took the field against these northern barbarians; and entering the country of the Quadi, destroyed all with fire and sword. The barbarians on this were fain to sue for peace in a very humble manner; but Valentinian, falling into a great passion while speaking to them, threatened to extirpate the whole nation at once. His fury on this occasion produced an apoplexy, or some other mortal disorder; for he suddenly fell down, and being conveyed by his attendants into his chamber, he was seized with violent convulsive fits and contortions of all his limbs, in the agonies of which he expired, in the year 375, the 55th of his age, and 12th of his reign.

After the death of Valentinian, his son Gratian took upon him the imperial dignity; soon after becoming master of the whole empire by the death of Valens. The transactions of his reign, and those of his partner Theodosius, are related under the article Constantinople, No. 77—89. The death of Theodosius gave the finishing stroke to the Roman affairs; his son Honorius, to whom he left the western empire, being professed of no abilities whatever, and indeed seeming to have been but very little removed from an idiot. The barbarians appear to have been abundantly sensible of the advantages offered them by the death of Theodosius. He expired in the month of January; and before the accession of spring, the Goths were in arms. The barbarian auxiliaries also now declared their independency; and along with their countrymen, furiously assailed the Goths declining empire. The Goths were now headed by an experienced commander, their celebrated king Alaric; who would have proved formidable even in better times of the empire. He first overran Greece, which he accomplished without opposition, through the treachery of the governor, who commanded the troops that defended the pass at Thermopylae to retire to the approach of the enemy. Athens, Corinth, Argos, Sparta, yielded without resistance; and the whole country was ravaged and destroyed by the blood-thirsty barbarians. At last, in the year 397, he was opposed by Stilicho, the general of Honorius, a man of great valour and experience in war. The Goths were defeated with great loss, and afterwards besieged in their camp; but through mistake or negligence in the Roman commander, they were suffered to escape, and make themselves masters of the province of Epirus. Alaric then, having found means to conclude a treaty with the ministers of Constantinople, Stilicho was obliged to retire.

Not long after this, Alaric invaded Italy itself. The emperor, struck with terror, would have abandoned the country and fled into Gaul: but this disgraceful and pernicious measure was opposed by Stilicho; who proposed to the court of Honorius, at that time at Milan, that if they would maintain their ground during his absence he would soon return with an army capable of opposing the barbarians. This being agreed to, Stilicho immediately set out for Rhetaia, where the most considerable body of the Roman forces at that time was, and collected his troops with the utmost diligence. But in the mean time Honorius was in the greatest danger; having been obliged to take refuge in the town of Aifa in Piedmont. To this place the Goths instantly laid siege, and a capitulation had been proposed, when the drooping spirits of Honorius were at once revived by the arrival of Stilicho, whom he had so long expected. The Goths were now besieged in their turn, and obliged to come to a decisive battle at Pollentia. The engagement lasted the whole day; Pollentia, but at last the Goths were compelled to retreat. Their camp was instantly invested; their entrenchments forced with great slaughter; the wife of Alaric was taken, with all the wealth which had been amassed in plundering Greece; while many thousands of Roman prisoners were released from the most deplorable slavery. The victory, however, was not so decisive but that Alaric continued still extremely formidable; and Stilicho chose rather to conclude a treaty with him, and allow him an annual pension, than to continue the war with vigour. Alaric, who was not very scrupulous in his observance of this treaty, in his retreat attempted to make himself master of the city of Verona; but Stilicho coming up with him near that place, gave him a terrible defeat, in which the loss was little less than it had been at Pollentia; after which he effected a retreat out of Italy, but not without the greatest difficulty and danger. Italy being thus happily delivered, Honorius entered Rome in triumph, having Stilicho along with him in the triumphal chariot. On his entry into the city, he abolished the shows of gladiators; which, though forbidden by Constantine, had been tolerated by his successors, and even by Theodosius himself, out of complaisance to the people, who were beyond measure fond of that inhuman diversion. However, soon after, the emperor was obliged to leave the metropolis and retire to Ravenna, in order to secure himself from the barbarians, who now broke in upon the empire on all sides. Such multitudes now made their appearance, that it is not a little difficult to account for their sudden emigration. Mr Gibbon accounts for it from a supposed revolution in the north-eastern parts of China. "The Chinese annals (says he), as they have been interpreted by the learned industry of the present age, may be usefully applied to reveal the secret and remote causes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extensive territory to the north of the great wall was possessed, after the flight of the Huns, by the victorious Scipio; who were sometimes broken into independent tribes, and sometimes re-united under a supreme chief; till at length styling themselves Tupa, or "masters of the earth," they acquired a more solid confidence, and a more formidable power. The Tupa soon compelled the pastoral nations of the eastern desert to acknowledge the superiority of their arms; they invaded China in a period of weakness and intestine discord; and these fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and manners of the vanquished people, founded an imperial dynasty, which reigned near 160 years over the northern provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before they ascended the throne of China, one of the Tupa princes had enlisted in his cavalry a slave of the name of Moko, renowned for his valour; but who was tempted, by the fear of punishment, to desert his standard, and to range the desert at the head of 100 followers. This gang of robbers and outlaws swelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerous people, distinguished by the appellation of Geougen; and their hereditary chieftains, the posterity of Moko the slave, assumed their rank among the Scythian monarchs. The youth Toulum, the greatest of his descendants, was exercised by those misfortunes which are the school of heroes. He bravely struggled with adversity, broke the imperious yoke of the Tupa, and became the legislator of his nation, and the conqueror of Tartary. His troops were distributed into regular bands of 100 and of 1000 men; cowards were stoned to death; the most splendid honours were proposed as the reward of valour; and Toulum, who had knowledge enough to despise the learning of China, adopted only such arts and institutions as were favourable to the military spirit of his government. His tents, which he removed in the winter season to a more southern latitude, were pitched during the summer on the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conquests stretched from the Corea far beyond the river Irtish. He vanquished, in the country to the north of the Caspian sea, the nation of the Huns; and the new title of Khan, or Cogan, expressed the fame and power which he derived from this memorable victory.

"The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is concealed, as it passes from the Volga to the Vistula, through the dark interval which separates the extreme limits of the Chinese and of the Roman geography. Yet the temper of the barbarians, and the experience of successive emigrations, sufficiently declare, that the Huns, who were oppressed by the arms of the Geougen, soon withdrew from the presence of an insulting victor. The countries towards the Euxine were already occupied by their kindred tribes; and their hasty flight, which they soon converted into a bold attack, would more naturally be directed towards the rich and level plains through which the Vistula gently flows into the Baltic sea. The north must again have been alarmed and agitated by the invasion of the Huns; and the nations who retreated before them must have pressed with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany. The inhabitants of those regions which the ancients have assigned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Burgundians, might embrace the resolution of abandoning to the fugitives of Sarmatia their woods and marshes; or at least of discharging their superfluous numbers on the provinces of the Roman empire. About four years after the victorious Toulum had assumed the title of Khan of the Geougen, another barbarian, the haughty Rhodagath, or Radagaisus, marched from the northern extremities of Germany almost to the gates of Rome, and left the remains of his army to achieve the destruction of the west. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Burgundians, formed the strength of this mighty host; but the Alan, who had found an hospitable reception in their new feats, added their active cavalry to the heavy infantry of the Germans; and the Gothic adventurers crowded so eagerly to the standard of Radagaisus, that by some historians he has been styled the king of the Goths. Twelve thousand warriors, distinguished above the vulgar by their noble birth or their valiant deeds, glittered in the van; and the whole multitude, which Italy will not less than 200,000 fighting men, might be increased by the accession of women, of children, and of slaves, to the amount of 400,000 persons. This formidable emigration issued from the same coast of the Baltic which had poured forth the myriads of the Cimbri and Teutones to assail Rome and Italy in the vigour of the republic. After the departure of those barbarians, their native country, which was marked by the vestiges of their greatness, long ramparts and gigantic moles, remained during some ages a vast and dreary solitude; till the human species was renewed by the powers of generation, and the vacancy was filled up by the influx of new inhabitants. The nations who now usurp an extent of land which they are unable to cultivate, would soon be afflicted by the indigent poverty of their neighbours, if the government of Europe did not protect the claims of dominion and property.

"The correspondence of nations was in that age so imperfect and precarious, that the revolutions of the north might escape the knowledge of the court of Ravenna; till the dark cloud which was collected along the coast of the Baltic burst in thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the west, if his ministers disturbed his amusements by the news of the impending danger, was satisfied with being the occasion and the spectator of the war. The safety of Rome was intrusted to the counsels and the sword of Stilicho; but such was the feeble and exhausted state of the empire, that it was impossible to restore the fortifications." tifications of the Danube, or to prevent, by a vigorous effort, the invasion of the Germans. The hopes of the vigilant minister of Honorius were confined to the defence of Italy. He once more abandoned the provinces; recalled the troops; pressed the new levies, which were rigorously enacted, and pusillanimously eluded; employed the most efficacious means to arrest or allure the deserters; and offered the gift of freedom, and of two pieces of gold, to all the slaves who would enlist. By these efforts he painfully collected from the subjects of a great empire an army of 30,000 or 40,000 men; which, in the days of Scipio or Camillus, would have been instantly furnished by the free citizens of the territory of Rome. The 30 legions of Stilicho were reinforced by a large body of barbarian auxiliaries; the faithful Alani were personally attached to his service; and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who marched under the banners of their native princes Hulden and Sarus, were animated by interest and resentment to oppose the ambition of Radagaisus. The king of the confederate Germans passed, without resistance, the Alps, the Po, and the Apennine: leaving on one hand the inaccessible palace of Honorius, securely buried among the marshes of Ravenna; and on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his headquarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who seems to have avoided a decisive battle till he had assembled his distant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged, or destroyed; and the siege of Florence by Radagaisus is one of the earliest events in the history of that celebrated republic, whose firmness checked and delayed the unskillful fury of the barbarians. The senate and people trembled at their approach within 180 miles of Rome; and anxiously compared the danger which they had escaped with the new perils to which they were exposed. Alaric was a Christian and a soldier, the leader of a disciplined army; who understood the laws of war, who respected the sanctity of treaties, and who had familiarly conversed with the subjects of the empire in the same camps and the same churches. The savage Radagaisus was a stranger to the manners, the religion, and even the language, of the civilized nations of the south. The fierceness of his temper was exasperated by cruel superstition; and it was universally believed, that he had bound himself by a solemn vow to reduce the city into a heap of stones and ashes, and to sacrifice the most illustrious of the Roman senators on the altars of those gods who were appeased by human blood. The public danger, which should have reconciled all domestic animosities, displayed the incurable madness of religious faction. The oppressed votaries of Jupiter and Mercury reflected, in the implacable enemy of Rome, the character of a devout pagan; loudly declared, that they were more apprehensive of the sacrifices than of the arms of Radagaisus; and secretly rejoiced in the calamities of their country, which condemned the faith of their Christian adversaries.

"Florence was reduced to the last extremity; and the fainting courage of the citizens was supported only by the authority of St Ambrose, who had communicated in a dream the promise of a speedy deliverance. On a sudden they beheld from the walls the banners of Stilicho, who advanced with his united force to the relief of the faithful city; and who soon marked that fatal spot for the grave of the barbarian host. The apparent contradictions of those writers who variously relate the defeat of Radagaisus, may be reconciled without offering much violence to their respective testimonies. Orosius and Augustin, who were intimately connected by friendship and religion, ascribe this miraculous victory to the providence of God rather than to the valour of man. They strictly exclude every idea of chance, or even of bloodshed; and positively affirm, that the Romans, whose camp was the scene of plenty and idleness, enjoyed the distresses of the barbarians, slowly expiring on the sharp and barren ridge of the hills of Fiesole, which rise above the city of Florence. Their extravagant assertion, that not a single folder of the Christian army was killed, or even wounded, may be dismissed with silent contempt; but the rest of the narrative of Augustin and Orosius is consistent with the state of the war and the character of Stilicho. Conscious that he commanded the last army of the republic, his prudence would not expose it in the open field to the headstrong fury of the Germans. The method of surrounding the enemy with strong lines of circumvallation, which he had twice employed against the Gothic king, was repeated on a larger scale, and with more considerable effect. The examples of Caesar must have been familiar to the most illiterate of the Roman warriors; and the fortifications of Dyrrhachium, which connected 24 castles by a perpetual ditch and rampart of 15 miles, afforded the model of an intrenchment which might confine and starve the most numerous host of barbarians. The Roman troops had less degenerated from the industry than from the valour of their ancestors; and if the fertile and laborious work offended the pride of the soldiers, Tuscany could supply many thousand peasants, who would labour, though perhaps they would not fight, for the salvation of their native country. The imprisoned multitude of horses and men was gradually destroyed by famine, rather than by the sword; but the Romans were exposed, during the progress of such an extensive work, to the frequent attacks of an impatient enemy. The despair of the hungry barbarians would precipitate them against the fortifications of Stilicho; the general might sometimes indulge the ardour of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly pressed to assault the camp of the Germans; and these various incidents might produce the sharp and bloody conflicts which dignify the narrative of Zosimus, and the Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus. A reasonable supply of men and provisions had been introduced into the walls of Florence; and the famished host of Radagaisus was in its turn besieged. The proud monarch of so many warlike nations, after the loss of his bravest warriors, was reduced to confide either in the faith of a capitulation, or in the clemency of Stilicho. But the death of the royal captive, who was ignominiously beheaded, disgraced the triumph of Rome and of Christianity; and the short delay of his execution was sufficient to brand the conqueror with the guilt of cool and deliberate cruelty. The famished Germans who escaped the fury of the auxiliaries were sold as slaves, at the contemptible price of as many single pieces of gold: but the difference of food and climate swept away great numbers of those unhappy strangers; and it was observed, that the inhuman purchasers, instead of reaping the fruit of their labour, were soon obliged to add to it the expense of interring them." Stilicho informed the emperor and the senate of his success; and deserved a second time the glorious title of Deliverer of Italy.

"The fame of the victory, and more especially of the miracle, has encouraged a vain persuasion, that the whole army, or rather nation, of Germans, who migrated from the shores of the Baltic, miserably perished under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate of Radagaisus himself, of his brave and faithful companions, and of more than one-third of the various multitude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundians, who adhered to the standard of their general. The union of such an army might excite our surprize, but the causes of separation are obvious and forcible; they were the pride of birth, the influence of valour, the jealousy of command, the impatience of subordination, and the obstinate conflict of opinions, of interests, and of passions, among so many kings and warriors, who were untaught to yield or to obey. After the defeat of Radagaisus, two parts of the German host, which must have exceeded the number of 100,000 men, still remained in arms between the Apennine and the Alps, or between the Alps and the Danube. It is uncertain whether they attempted to revenge the death of their general: but their irregular fury was soon diverted by the prudence and firmness of Stilicho, who opposed their march, and facilitated their retreat; who considered the safety of Rome and Italy as the great object of his care, and who sacrificed with too much indifference the wealth and tranquillity of the distant provinces. The barbarians acquired, from the junction of some Pannonian deserters, the knowledge of the country and of the roads; and the invasion of Gaul, which Alaric had designed, was executed by the remains of the great army of Radagaisus.

Yet if they expected to derive any assistance from the tribes of Germany who inhabited the banks of the Rhine, their hopes were disappointed. The Alemanni preserved a state of inactive neutrality; and the Franks distinguished their zeal and courage in the defence of the empire. In the rapid progress down the Rhine, which was the first act of the administration of Stilicho, he had applied himself with peculiar attention to secure the alliance of the warlike Franks, and to remove the irreconcilable enemies of peace and of the republic. Marcomir, one of their kings, was publicly convicted before the tribunal of the Roman magistrate of violating the faith of treaties. He was sentenced to a mild, but distant exile, in the province of Tuscany; and this degradation of the regal dignity was so far from exciting the resentment of his subjects, that they punished with death the turbulent Sunno, who attempted to revenge his brother, and maintained a dutiful allegiance to the princes who were established on the throne by the choice of Stilicho. When the limits of Gaul and Germany were shaken by the northern emigration, the Franks bravely encountered the single force of the Vandals; who, regardless of the lessons of adversity, had again separated their troops from the standard of their barbarian allies. They paid the penalty of their rashness; and 20,000 Vandals, with their king Godigisclus, were slain in the field of battle. The whole people must have been extirpated, if the squadrons of the Alani, advancing to their relief, had not trampled down the infantry of the Franks; who, after an honourable resistance, were compelled to relinquish the unequal contest. The victorious confederates pursued their march; and on the last day of the year, in a season when the waters of the Rhine were most probably frozen, they entered without opposition the defenceless provinces of Gaul. This memorable passage of the Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burgundians, who never afterwards retreated, may be considered as the fall of the Roman empire in the countries beyond the Alps; and the barriers, which had so long separated the savage and the civilized nations of the earth, were from that fatal moment levelled with the ground.

While the peace of Germany was secured by the attachment of the Franks and the neutrality of the Alemanni, the subjects of Rome, unconscious of their approaching calamities, enjoyed a state of quiet and prosperity, which had seldom blessed the frontiers of Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze in the pastures of the barbarians; their huntsmen penetrated, without fear or danger, into the darkest recesses of the Hercynian wood. The banks of the Rhine were crowned, like those of the Tiber, with elegant houses and well cultivated farms; and if a poet defended the river, he might express his doubt on which side was situated the territory of the Romans. This scene of peace and plenty was suddenly changed into a desert, and the prospect of the smoking ruins could alone distinguish the solitude of nature from the desolation of man. The flourishing city of Mentz was surprized and destroyed; and many thousand Christians were inhumanly massacred in the church. Worms perished after a long and obstinate siege: Strasburg, Spire, Rheims, Tournay, Aras, Amiens, experienced the cruel oppression of the German yoke; and the consuming flames of war spread from the banks of the Rhine over the greatest part of the 17 provinces of Gaul. That rich and extensive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove before them, in a promiscuous crowd, the bishop, the senator, and the virgin, laden with the spoils of their houses and altars."

In the midst of these calamities a revolt happened in Britain, where one Constantine, a common soldiery, was raised to the imperial throne, merely for the sake of his name. However, he seems to have been a man of considerable abilities, and by no means unfit for the high offices to which he was raised. He governed Britain with great prosperity; passed over into Gaul and Spain, in the end the inhabitants of which submitted without opposition, being glad of any protector whatever from the barbarians. Honorius, incapable of defending the empire, or suppressing the revolt, was obliged to acknowledge him for his partner in the empire. In the meantime, Alaric, with his Goths, threatened a new invasion unless he was paid a certain sum of money. Stilicho is said to have occasioned this demand, and to have inflicted upon sending him the money he demanded; and this was the cause of his disgrace and death, which happened soon after, with the extermination of his family and friends. Nay, such was the general hatred of this unfortunate minister, that the soldiery quartered in the cities of Italy no sooner heard of his death, than they murdered the wives and children of the barbarians whom Stilicho had taken into the service of Honorius. The enraged husbands went over to Alaric, who made a new new demand of money; which not being readily sent, he laid siege to Rome, and would have taken it, had not the emperor complied with his demand. The ransom of the city was 5000 pounds of gold, 30,000 of silver, 4000 silk garments, 3000 skins dyed purple, and 3000 pounds of pepper. On this occasion the heathen temples were stripped of their remaining ornaments, and among others of the statue of Valour; which the pagans did not fail to interpret as a prelude of the speedy ruin of the state.

Alaric having received this treasure, departed for a short time: but soon after he again blocked up the city with a numerous army; and again an accommodation with Honorius was set on foot. However, for some reasons which do not clearly appear, the treaty was broken off; Rome was a third time besieged, and at last taken and plundered. Alaric, when upon the point of breaking into the city, addressing his soldiers, told them, that all the wealth in it was theirs, and therefore he gave them full liberty to seize it; but at the same time he strictly enjoined them to shed the blood of none but such as they should find in arms; and above all, to spare those who should take sanctuary in the holy places, especially in the churches of the apostles St Peter and St Paul; which he named, because they were most spacious, and consequently capable of affording an asylum to great numbers of people. Having given these orders, he abandoned the city to his Goths, who treated it no better, according to St Jerome, than the Greeks are said to have treated ancient Troy; for after having plundered it for the space of three, or, as others will have it, of six days, they set fire to it in several places; so that the stately palace of Sallust, and many other magnificent buildings, were reduced to ashes; nay, Procopius writes, that there was not in the whole city one house left entire; and both St Jerome and Philostorgius assert, that the great metropolis of the empire was reduced to a heap of ashes and ruins. Though many of the Goths, pursuant to the orders of their general, refrained from shedding the blood of such as made no resistance; yet others, more cruel and blood-thirsty, massacred all they met: so that the streets in some quarters of the city were seen covered with dead bodies, and swimming in blood. However, not the least injury was offered to those who fled to the churches; nay, the Goths themselves conveyed thither, as to places of safety, such as they were desirous should be spared. Many of the statues of the gods that had been left entire by the emperors as excellent pieces of art, were on this occasion destroyed, either by the Goths, who, though mostly Arians, were zealous Christians, or by a dreadful storm of thunder and lightning which fell at the same time upon the city, as if it had been sent on purpose to complete with them the destruction of idolatry, and abolish the small remains of pagan superstition. Notwithstanding these accounts, some affirm that the city suffered very little at this time, and even not so much as when it was taken by Charles V.

Alaric did not so long survive the taking of Rome, being cut off by a violent fit of sickness in the neighbourhood of Rhegium. After his death the affairs of Honorius seemed a little to revive by the defeat and death of Constantine and some other usurpers; but the provinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, were now almost entirely occupied by barbarians; in which state they continued till the death of Honorius, which happened in the year 423, after an unfortunate reign of 28 years.

After some usurpations which took place on the death of Honorius, his nephew Valentinian III. was declared emperor of the west, and his mother Placidia regent during his minority. He was scarce seated on the throne, when the empire was attacked by the Huns under the celebrated Attila. The Romans, however, wretched and degenerate as they were, had they been unanimous, would even yet have been superior to their enemies. The emperors then had two celebrated generals, Bonifacius and Aetius; who by their union might have saved the empire: but unhappily, through the treachery of Aetius, Bonifacius was obliged to revolt; and a civil war ensued, in which he lost his life. Aetius, however, notwithstanding his treachery, was pardoned, and put at the head of the forces of the empire. He defended it against Attila with great spirit and success, notwithstanding the deplorable situation of affairs, till he was murdered by Valentinian with his own hand, on a suspicion that he aspired to the empire. But in the mean time the provinces, except Italy itself, were totally overrun by the barbarians. Genseric king of the Vandals ravaged Africa and Sicily; the Goths, Suevians, Burgundians, &c. had taken possession of Gaul and Spain; and the Britons were oppressed by the Scots and Picts, so that they were obliged to call in the Saxons to their assistance, as is related under the article ENGLAND. In the year 455, Valentinian was murdered by one Maximus, whose wife he had ravished. Maximus immediately assumed the empire; but felt such violent anxieties, that he designed to resign it and fly out of Italy, in order to enjoy the quiet of a private life. However, being dissuaded from this by his friends, and his own wife dying soon after, he forced the empress Eudoxia to marry him. Eudoxia, who had tenderly loved Valentinian, provoked beyond measure at being married to his murderer, invited Genseric king of the Vandals into Italy. This proved a most fatal scheme; for Genseric immediately appeared before Rome; a violent tumult ensued, in which Maximus lost his life; and the city was taken and plundered by Genseric, who carried off what had been left by the plundered Goths. A vessel was loaded with costly statues; half by the covering of the capitol, which was of brass plated over with gold; sacred vessels enriched with precious stones; and those which had been taken by Titus out of the temple of Jerusalem; all of which were lost with the vessel in its passage to Africa.

Nothing could now be more deplorable than the state of the Roman affairs: nevertheless, the empire continued to exist for some years longer; and even seemed to revive for a little under Marjorianus, who was declared emperor in 458. He was a man of great courage, and possessed of many other excellent qualities. He defeated the Vandals, and drove them out of Italy. With great labour he fitted out a fleet, of which the Romans had been long destitute. With this he designed to pass over into Africa; but, it being surprised and burnt by the enemy, he himself was soon after murdered by one Ricimer a Goth, who had long governed every thing with an absolute sway. After the death of Marjorianus, one Anthemius was raised to the empire: but beginning to counterfeit Ricimer, the latter openly openly revolted, besiegèd and took Rome; where he committed innumerable cruelties, among the rest putting to death the unhappy emperor Anthemius, and raising one Olybius to the empire. The transactions of his reign were very few, as he died soon after his accession. On his death, one Glycerius usurped the empire. He was deposed in 474, and one Julius Nepos had the name of emperor. He was driven out the next year by his general Orestes, who caused his son Augustus or Augustulus to be proclaimed emperor. But the following year, 476, the barbarians who served in the Roman armies, and were distinguished with the title of allies, demanded, as a reward for their services, the third part of the lands in Italy; pretending, that the whole country, which they had so often defended, belonged of right to them. As Orestes refused to comply with this insolent demand, they resolved to do themselves justice, as they called it; and openly revolting, chose one Odoacer for their leader. Odoacer was, according to Ennodius, meanly born, and only a private man in the guards of the emperor Augustulus, when the barbarians revolting, chose him for their leader. He is said to have been a man of uncommon parts, equally capable of commanding an army and governing a state. Having left his own country when he was yet very young, to serve in Italy, as he was of a stature remarkably tall, he was admitted among the emperor's guards, and continued in that station till the present year; when, putting himself at the head of the barbarians in the Roman pay, who, though of different nations, had, with one consent, chosen him for their leader, he marched against Orestes and his son Augustulus, who still refused to give them any share of the lands in Italy.

As the Roman troops were inferior, both in number and valour, to the barbarians, Orestes took refuge in Pavia, at that time one of the best fortified cities in Italy: but Odoacer, investing the place without loss of time, took it soon after by assault, gave it up to be plundered by the soldiers, and then let fire to it; which reduced most of the houses, and two churches, to ashes. Orestes was taken prisoner, and brought to Odoacer, who carried him to Placentia, and there caused him to be put to death, on the 28th of August, the day on which he had driven Nepos out of Ravenna, and obliged him to abandon the empire. From Placentia, Odoacer marched straight to Ravenna, where he found Paul, the brother of Orestes, and the young emperor Augustulus. The former he immediately put to death; but sparing Augustulus, in consideration of his youth, he stripped him of the ensigns of the imperial dignity, and confined him to Lucullanum, a castle in Campania; where he was, by Odoacer's orders, treated with great humanity, and allowed an handsome maintenance to support himself and his relations. Rome readily submitted to the conqueror, who immediately caused himself to be proclaimed king of Italy, but would not assume the purple, or any other mark of the imperial dignity. Thus failed the very name of an empire in the West. Britain had been long since abandoned by the Romans; Spain was held by the Goths and Suevans; Africa, by the Vandals; the Burgundians, Goths, Franks, and Alans, had erected several territories in Gaul; at length Italy itself, with its proud metropolis, which for so many ages had given law to the rest of the world, was enslaved by a contemptible barbarian, whose family, country, and nation, are not well known to this day.

From this time, Rome has ceased to be the capital of an empire; the territories of the pope, to whom the city is now subject, being inconsiderable. The origin of the pope's temporal power, and the revolutions of Italy, are related under the article ITALY; and a sketch of the spiritual usurpations of the popes may be seen under the articles HISTORY, sect. ii., and REFORMATION; and likewise under the various historical articles as they occur in the course of this work.

It is thought that the walls of modern Rome take Defini in nearly the same extent of ground as the ancient; but Rome, the difference between the number of buildings on this spot is very great, one half of modern Rome lying waste, or occupied with gardens, fields, meadows, and vineyards. One may walk quite round the city in three or four hours at most, the circumference being reckoned about 13 Italian miles. With regard to the number of the inhabitants, modern Rome is also greatly inferior to the ancient: for, in 1799, the whole of these amounted only to 138,568; among which were 40 bishops, 2686 priests, 3559 monks, 1814 nuns, 393 courtefeats, about 8000 or 9000 Jews, and 14 Moors. In 1714, the number was increased to 143,000. In external splendour, and the beauty of its temples and palaces, modern Rome is thought by the most judicious travellers to excel the ancient. There was nothing in ancient Rome to be compared with St Peter's church in the modern city. That Rome was able to recover itself after so many calamities and devastations, will not be matter of surprize, if we consider the prodigious sums that it has so long annually drawn from all countries of the Popish persuasion. These sums, though still considerable, have been continually decreasing since the Reformation. The surface of the ground on which Rome was originally founded is surprizingly altered. At present it is difficult to distinguish the seven hills on which it was first built, the low grounds being almost filled up with the ruins of the ancient streets and houses, and the great quantities of earth washed down from the hills by the violence of the rains. Anciently the suburbs extended a vast way on all sides, and made the city appear almost boundless; but it is quite otherwise now, the country about Rome being almost a desert. To this and other causes it is owing, that the air is not very wholesome, especially during the summer heats, when few go abroad in the day-time. No city at present in the world surpasses, or indeed equals, Rome, for the multiplicity of fine fountains, noble edifices, antiquities, curiosities, paintings, statues, and sculptures. The city stands on the Tiber, 10 miles from the Tuscan sea, 380 from Vienna, 560 from Paris, 740 from Amsterdam, 810 from London, and 900 from Madrid. The Tiber is subject to frequent inundations, by which it often does great damage. A small part of the city is separated from the other by the river, and is therefore called Trastevere, or beyond the Tiber. There are several bridges over the river, a great number of towers on the walls, and 20 gates. The remains of Rome's ancient grandeur consist of statues, colossuses, temples, palaces, theatres, naumachias, triumphal arches, circuses, columns, obelisks, fountains, aqueducts, mausoleums, ther- Rome, ma or hot-baths, and other structures. Of modern buildings, the splendid churches and palaces are the most remarkable. Mr Addison says, it is almost impossible for a man to form in his imagination such beautiful and glorious scenes as are to be met with in several of the Roman churches and chapels. This gentleman tells us also, that no part of the antiquities of Rome pleased him so much as the ancient statues, of which there is still an incredible variety. Next to the statues, he says, there is nothing more surprising than the amazing variety of ancient pillars of so many kinds of marble. Rome is said to be well paved; but not well lighted, nor kept very clean. Two-thirds of the houses are the property of the churches, convents, and almshouses. Protestants are not obliged to kneel at the elevation of the host, or at meeting the eucharist in the streets; and they may have flesh-meat always at the inns, even during Lent. Here are many academies for promoting arts and sciences, besides the university. The carnival here is only during the eight days before Lent, and there are no such scenes of riot as at Venice: prostitutes, however, are publicly tolerated. To maintain good order, there is a body of 300 Sibiri, or Halberdiers, under their barigella, or colonel. There is little or no trade carried on in Rome, but a vast deal of money is spent by travellers and other strangers. The principal modern structures are the church of St Peter, and the other churches; the aqueducts and fountains; the Vatican, and the other palaces; the Campidoglio, where the Roman senate resides, &c. The principal remains of antiquity are the pila millaria of fine marble; the equestrian brass statue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus; the marble monument of the emperor Alexander Severus; marble busts of the emperors and their consorts; three brick arches of the temple of Peace, built by the emperor Vespasian; the triumphal arch of Septimus Severus and of Gallienus; the circus of Antoninus Caracalla; some parts of the cloaca maxima; the column of Antonina, representing the principal actions of Marcus Aurelius; the column of Trajan, or Trajan's pillar; some fragments of the curia or palace of Antoninus Pius, and of Nerva's forum; the mausoleum of Augustus, in the Strada Pontifici; the remains of the emperor Severus's tomb without St John's gate; the pyramid of Caius Cestius near St Paul's gate; the porphyry coffin of St Helen, and the original statue of Constantine the Great, in the church of St John of Lateran: a font of oriental granite, in the chapel of St Giovanni in Fonte, said to have been erected by Constantine the Great; an Egyptian obelisk near the church of St Maria Maggiore; the stately remains of Diocletian's baths; the celebrated Pantheon; the obelisks of Sestostris and Augustus by the Clementine college; the church of St Paul fuori della Mura, said to have been built by Constantine the Great; the Farnese Hercules, in white marble, of a colossal size and exquisite workmanship, in a court of the Farnese palace, and an admirable group cut out of one block of marble, in another court of the same palace. Besides these there are a great many more, which our bounds will not allow us to take any further notice of. Here is a great number of rich and well-regulated hospitals. Near the church of St Sebastiano alle Catacombe, are the most spacious of the catacombs, where the Christians, who never burned their dead, and such of the Pagan Romans as could not afford the expense of burning, were buried. Along the Via Appia, without St Sebastian's gate, were the tombs of the principal families of Rome, which at present are used for cellars and store-houses by the gardeners and vine-dressers.

Rome was entered, in February 1798, by the French, and in consequence of a tumult which ensued, when their general Duphot was killed, they deposed the pope, abolished the papal government, and erected in its stead a republic, to which they gave the designation of the Roman republic. They sent the pope himself to France, where he died on his various removals; they likewise sent away great numbers of the most valuable statues and paintings of antiquity, and compelled the inhabitants to pay heavy contributions. In the month of September 1799, the allies retook this city, and the new French government was overthrown. It was afterwards obliged to yield to the insatiable ambition of Bonaparte, as well as the whole of Italy, which now forms a constituent part of his unwieldy dominions. See France and Italy.