the largest empire, and one of the most powerful states in the known world, is situated partly in Europe, partly in North America, but chiefly in Asia; where it occupies that immense tract of country which extends from the Uralian mountains and the Caspian on the west, to Bering's straits and the sea of Kamtschatka on the east, comprehending a great variety of tribes and nations, whose very names were, half a century ago, scarcely known to the west of Europe. This vast empire is bounded on the north by the Arctic ocean; on the east by the Northern Pacific or Eastern ocean; on the south by the extensive Chinese territories, the Mogul empire, the Caspian sea, and part of Turkey; and on the west by the Austrian dominions, the kingdoms of Prussia and Sweden, and the Baltic.

If we examine the extent of the Russian empire, we shall find it stretching from the western part of the island of Ösel in the Baltic in 22° E. Long., from Greenwich, to the eastern promontory of the Tchutchchi territory in 172° E. from the same meridian; thus including 150° of longitude; while, from its most northern promontory in N. Lat. 78°, to the most southern point of 39° N. it comprehends 39° of latitude. Mr Tooke, computing its extent in British miles, estimates it at 9200 in length, and 2400 in breadth. Its absolute superficial measure in square miles can scarcely be ascertained. That of the European part is estimated at 1,200,000 square miles; and the Asiatic part alone is so extensive as to exceed the whole of Europe.

The whole Russian empire is, by the natural boundary of the Uralian mountains, divided into European and Asiatic Russia; the former comprehending Russia Proper, Russian Lapland, Courland, Livonia, Russian Poland, the Tauric Chersonesus or Crimean Tartary, and the country of the Cossacks, bordering on the sea of Azof; the latter including the country of the Samoieds, the vast district of Siberia, the country of the Tchutchchi, the country of the Mongol-Tartars, and some other districts that will be noticed hereafter. The whole empire was, by Catherine II. divided into governments, denominated in general from the names of their capital cities. Of these governments, by far the greater number belong to European Russia, the vast tract of the Asiatic part having been divided into only two governments, viz. that of Tobolsk to the west, and Irkutsk to the east.

In enumerating the governments of European Russia, we shall begin with the north, where lies the extensive government of Archangel, stretching from the confines of Sweden along the shores of the White sea and the Arctic ocean, to the Uralian chain. To the south of this, along the Asiatic frontier, as far as the sea of Azof, are situated the governments of Vologda, Perm, Vyotka, Kazan, Simbirsk, Saratof, and the territory of the Don Cossacks. To the west of these last, along the sea of Azof and the Black sea, lies the government of Catharinof, including Taurida and the Crimea. On the western side of the empire extend the acquisitions derived from the partition of Poland; and along the southern shores of the Baltic lie the governments of Riga, Reval, St Petersburg, and Viborg; while that of Olenetz on the frontiers of Sweden completes the circuit. The remaining governments which occupy the centre, are those of Novgorod, Tver, Kolomna, and Yaroslavl, that lie chiefly to the north and east of the Volga; and those of Polotzk, Pskov, Smolensk, Moscow, Vladimir, Nizhny-Novgorod, Moghilev, Kaluga, Toula, Rezan, Tambof, Penza, Orël, Sieverskof, Tchernigof, Koursk, Kief, Kharkof, and Voronetz, lying principally to the west of the Volga (a).

In the account which we are here to give of this extensive empire, which has of late made so conspicuous a figure among the states of Europe, we shall first consider what may be called the permanent features of the empire, as the face of the country, the soil, the mountains, rivers, lakes, and forests, the climate and seasons, and the most important natural productions; we shall then trace its origin and progress in the history of its transactions, from which we shall deduce its progressive geography; and we shall conclude with describing the more fluctuating circumstances, which constitute its political and civil geography.

In a tract of country so immense, which is calculated to include a seventh part of the known continent, and nearly a twenty-fifth part of the whole globe, its surface must present a great variety of appearances; but these are much more remarkable in Asiatic than in European Russia. The latter is distinguished chiefly by extensive plains, called steppes, that rival the deserts of Asia and Africa, presenting to the eye little more than a vast expanse of level sand, with very little appearance of vegetation. The chief situation of these steppes is towards the south, especially in the neighbourhood of the sea of Azof, where they extend in length above 400 British miles. In this part of the empire there are but few considerable elevations, and no mountains of importance, except on the eastern frontier, and towards the south, between the Don and the Volga. The whole country is well watered with rivers, and contains numerous...

(a) In our orthography of the names of persons and places we have followed Mr Tooke, who has explained the principles of Russian orthography, in his History of Russia, vol. i. p. 130. ous large and populous towns. In the north and east of Asiatic Russia, we see little more than extensive marshy plains, covered with almost perpetual snow, and crossed by broad rivers, which take their course to the Arctic ocean. In this part, and even towards the centre of Siberia, vegetation is so much checked by the severe cold, that few trees are to be seen; but towards the south there are vast forests of pine, fir, larch, and trees of a similar nature. In some parts of this division of the empire, especially about lake Baikal, the scenery is beautiful and picturesque. Here, too, the country abounds in steppes, which are still more extensive than those of the European part.

As these steppes are among the most striking peculiarities of the Russian empire, it may be proper to consider them rather minutely. These steppes resemble, in many respects, the sandy deserts of Africa; but though their soil is composed of the same materials, they are not so barren of vegetation, exhibiting here and there scattered patches of thin grass, and at distant intervals, small thunted thickets. In general they are destitute of wood, though in a few places we find small forests of birch trees. They abound with salt lakes, but streams of fresh water are uncommon. The most remarkable steppes are, as we have said, those of Asiatic Russia, and of these there are four that merit particular notice. One of these extends between the rivers Volga and Ural, and was formerly called the Kalmuk steppe. On the north it skirts the floetz mountains that proceed from the Urrian chain, while to the south it borders on the Caspian. This sandy plain contains a few districts that are well adapted to the purposes of agriculture, but in general it is destitute of wood and fresh water. It abounds in salt lakes, and is very thinly inhabited. The second great steppe is that which extends between the Tobol and the Irtysh, and between this latter river and the Alay and the Oby, as far as the influx of the Irtysh into the Oby. This comprehends a most extensive territory, containing numerous forests of birch, pines, and firs, interspersed with salt lakes, and in most places well calculated for pasture and agriculture. The greater part of this steppe lies in the government of Tobolsk. A third comprehends that large tract that lies beyond the river Thulim, between the Oby and the Yenify, as far as the shores of the Arctic ocean. In this steppe there is much wood, especially towards the south, where there are considerable forests. Eastward from this, between the Yenify, the Tunguska, and the Lena, lies a fourth desert, resembling the last in its appearance, and the nature of its soil, but containing less wood. A great part of this steppe lies in the government of Irkutsk.

The mountains in Asiatic Russia are indeed more numerous, but are not remarkable for their height. The rivers are large and majestic, and are navigable for a considerable extent.

The soil is of course extremely various. That of the northern parts is marshy, and little susceptible of cultivation, but the south abounds in rich and fertile plains. The most fertile part of European Russia is that between the Don and the Volga, from the government of Voronetzk to that of Simbirsk. Here the soil consists of a black mould, strongly impregnated with nitre, and is so rich, that the fields are never manured. The harvests are abundant, and the natural pastures render the sowing of artificial grasses unnecessary. Most parts of Siberia are totally incapable of agriculture and improvement.

We have already remarked that Russia is rather a flat than a mountainous country, and this character is particularly applicable to the European part. The most elevated region of this division lies in the road between St Peterburgh and Molto, and is commonly called the mountain of Volday, though denominated by the natives Vhiokaya Ploeshkade, or the elevated ground. This mountain is flat at the top, is surrounded with large sand hills, interspersed with granite rocks, and has in its vicinity several lakes and groves. In this mountain are the sources of the rivers Duna, Volga, and Dniepr.

To the south-west, bounding the steppe of the Dniepr, lie the mountains of Taurida, which are rather romantic from their adjacent scenery, than remarkable for their height. Between them and the shores of the Black sea lie beautiful valleys, abounding with olives, figs, and pomegranates, while the steep cliffs of the mountain are adorned with the red bark and evergreen foliage of the arbustus. These valleys are very productive in vineyards, and feed numerous flocks of sheep and goats.

The largest mountainous tract of European Russia is that of Olonetz, that lies between the Swedish frontiers and the White sea. This chain occupies a space of nearly 15°, or above 1000 British miles, running almost due north. This chain is of no great height, but its northern part is covered with perpetual snow. These mountains are very rich in mineral products, which will be noticed hereafter.

The Uralian mountains, that separate European from Asiatic Russia, have been sufficiently described in the article GEOLOGY, No. 131, 135.

The mountains of Asiatic Russia are more numerous and more important. They include the Altai chain, the mountains of Savanik, of Yablonnoy, and Stanovoy, forming the southern boundary between the Russian and Chinese empires, and the classical range of Caucasus, extending between the Caspian and the Black sea. Of these, the Altai chain has also been sufficiently described under GEOLOGY, No. 132; and as the other mountains to the south and east may be considered as a continuation of the same chain, they need not occupy our attention in the present article.

The ridge of Mount Caucasus divides Russia from Turkey to the west, and from Persia to the east, and extends between the Euxine and the Caspian for about 400 British miles. It is not of any considerable breadth, being in no part more than 20 or 30 miles across, and in some places not more than five or six. Its height is considerable, and its summits are covered with eternal ice and snow. The valleys at its foot abound in forest trees; and the bowels of the mountain contain veins of silver, lead, and copper.

Among the mountains of the Russian empire we must not omit the volcanoes of Kamtchatka. The whole of this peninsula is divided lengthwise by a chain of lofty, rocky mountains, commonly covered with snow, and shooting into conical summits that very frequently emit smoke, and sometimes burst out into flame. We do not find, however, that they pour out lava, or water, like the European volcanoes. Many of them appear to be extinct. extinct, but their former volcanic state is evinced by the appearance of craters at their summits. In the neighbourhood of these volcanoes there are hot springs, not inferior in temperature to those of Iceland, and like them throwing up jets of water with a great noise, but to an inconsiderable height.

The seas that are connected with Russia are, the Arctic ocean, and that part of the Pacific which has been called the eastern Archipelago, forming its northern and eastern boundaries; the inland seas of the Baltic, the Black sea, the sea of Azof, the Caspian, the sea of Aral, and the sea of Okhotsk. Some account of these, except the sea of Okhotsk, will be found under their respective articles in this work.

The sea of Okhotsk may be considered as a large gulf lying between the peninsula of Kamtchatka to the east, and the country of Tunguski to the west. Its entrance from the Pacific ocean is closed by a chain of small islands, called the Kuril Islands, and within these are the two large islands of Ezzo and Sakhalin. Its principal port is Okhotsk, at the mouth of the small river Okhota, and to the north-east it has a considerable branch called the sea of Pengina.

The shores of Russia are hollowed out into numerous indentations, forming several important bays and gulfs. The most remarkable of these are, the gulf of Finland in the Baltic, that of Archangel in the White sea, the bays of Oby and of Enisei in the Arctic ocean; the bay of Anadhir in the eastern Archipelago; the large gulf of the sea of Okhotsk, called the sea of Pengina, and the harbour of St Peter and St Paul in the southern extremity of Kamtchatka.

This extensive empire is watered by numerous and important rivers, which traverse it in every direction. These we shall class, not according to the divisions of the empire through which they pass, but according to the seas or oceans into which they flow.

The rivers which flow into the Baltic are, the Duna and the Neva. Those which fall into the White sea are the Onega and the Dvina to the west, and the Kielo and the Meklen to the east. Into the Arctic ocean flow the Cara, the Petchora or Bolshaya Petchora, the Oby, which receives the Irtysh; the Tobol, the Yenisei, the Khatanga, the Lena, the Yana, the Indigirka, and the Kolyma. Those which flow into the eastern Pacific are, the Anadhir and the Kamtchatka. Into the Caspian sea fall the Yemba or Emba, the Ural or Yaik, the Volga, receiving the Kama, and the Okha and the Terek. Lastly, there flow into the Black sea, the Khuban, the Don, the Dniepr or Niper, the Bog or Bogue, and the Dniepr or Nester. Of these rivers we have already given an account of the Don, the Dvina, the Irtysh, the Lena, the Niper, the Nester, the Oby, and the Onega, under their respective titles, and an account of the Volga will be found under that head. We shall here add a brief view of the remaining rivers.

The Duna, sometimes called the western Dvina, rises between the provinces of Pskov and Smolensk, and takes a north-western course for about 500 miles, till it falls into the Baltic at Riga. This river has some considerable and dangerous falls; and when the ice breaks up on the approach of warm weather, vast quantities of it are hurried down the stream, so frequently to do much injury to the port of Riga.

Of those rivers which flow into the Arctic ocean, the Cara is one of the most inconsiderable, were it not that it completes the boundary between Europe and Asia to the north. It runs from the Uralian mountains to the sea of Karlikoye, a distance of about 140 miles.

The Petchora rises in the Uralian mountains, in the government of Vologda, runs across the government of Archangel, and falls into the Arctic ocean at Poostortzki, after a course of about 450 miles.

The Tobol rises in the chain of mountains that separate the government of Ufa from the country of the Kirghiz, and empties itself into the Irtysh at Tobolisk, after receiving numerous tributary streams.

The Yenisei or Enisei, is formed by the junction of two rivers, viz. the Kamara and the Veikem or Baykema, which belong to China. It first enters the Russian dominions, where alone it has the name of Yenisei, at the mouth of the Bon-Kemtlyng, and after running northward, and forming a bay containing several islands, it falls into the Arctic ocean about 2° eastward of the mouth of the Oby.

The Khatanga rises from a lake in the government of Tobolisk, and falls into a large bay of the Frozen ocean, called Khatankaia Guba. Its course is through a low and very marshy country.

The Yana rises from a little lake in about 64° N. Lat. and after making some small turns, runs northward to the Arctic ocean, forming five considerable arms that empty themselves into a capacious bay.

The Indigirka rises near the source of the Yana, but on the other side of the mountains. At its efflux into the Arctic ocean after a course of 1200 versts (b), it forms four great arms.

The Anadhir rises in the country of the Tchutchchi. Its bed is sandy, its channel very broad, and its current slow. It is so shallow that it can scarcely be crossed by the common ferry boats of the country, though these draw no more than two feet of water. It takes its course through a flat country, which on the north side of the river is destitute of wood, but overgrown with mosses, affording pasture to innumerable herds of reindeer; but on the south well wooded and abounding with verdure. It falls into a considerable bay a little south of the tropic of Cancer, called the bay of Anadhir.

The Kamtchatka takes a short course from south to north, along the peninsula of that name, till, not far from its mouth, it turns to the south-east, and falls into a bay nearly opposite to Bering's island.

The Amoor was formerly reckoned among the rivers of Russia, but was lately ceded entirely to China.

Of the rivers that fall into the Caspian sea we have to notice the Yemba, the Ural, and the Terek. The first of these rises in the most southern part of the Uralian chain, and is the most eastern of all the rivers that fall into the Caspian. It forms part of the boundary between the country of the Kirghizhes and the Ufinskoy government. The Ural or Yaik is a river of considerable

(b) A Russian verst is about two thirds of an English mile, or about 1174 yards. able importance. It rises in the Uralian mountains, in the government of Ufa, and after passing by Orenburg, and receiving several streams, it flows into the Caspian at Gourief. Its name is said to have been changed from Yaik to Ural, on account of a dangerous insurrection of the tribes that inhabited its banks. The Terek originates in Mount Caucasus, on the highest ridges that form the frontiers of Georgia. Its course is rapid, and in the autumn the melted snows rush down from the mountains in such torrents into the plain beneath, as to swell this river eight or ten feet above its usual level, so that it overflows the adjacent country, and not unfrequently shifts its bed. It falls into the Caspian at Kizliar, after forming two branches, with a considerable island between them.

The Kuban and the Bogue are the only important rivers of those which flow into the Black sea, that have not been noticed in their places in the general alphabet of this work. Of these the Kuban, anciently denominated Hypanis, rises at the foot of Mount Caucasus, and is formed chiefly by the confluence of several tributary streams. It takes a direction nearly westward, running along the parallel of 45° N. Lat. and falls into the Black sea, opposite the isle of Taman, in the straits of Kafa. Its stream is smooth and gentle, not obstructed by waterfalls, and, though not deep, is well adapted to purposes of inland navigation. Its banks are fertile, and near its source are considerable forests.

The Bogue rises in Poland, and formerly constituted part of the boundary between that kingdom and the Russian empire, as at present towards its mouth it forms part of the frontier between Russia and Turkey. It falls into the Black sea at Ochakof.

The Russian empire, considering its size, does not abound in lakes. These are proportionally most numerous in European Russia, where we find the lake of Imandra in Russian Lapland; those of Ladoga, Onega, and Peipus, in the neighbourhood of St Petersburg; Bielo-Ozero, or the White lake, in the government of Novgorod; and those which give rise to the river Volga, the principal of which is Seliger, in the government of Tver.

The Asiatic lakes are not numerous; but one of them, the lake or sea of Baikal, is highly important from its magnitude, and from the commercial intercourse which it promotes between the adjacent provinces. The other lakes of this part of Russia are those of Altyn-Noor, or the Golden lake, and of Altyn or Felitzko.

Most of these lakes have been already noticed under their proper heads in the general alphabet; but as the account there given, excepting that of Baikal, differs in some respects from the description of them by the latest geographers, we shall here add the account of the Russian lakes given by Mr Tooke.

The lake of Ladoga is situated in the government of Vyborg, between the gulf of Finland and the lake of Onega, which in ancient times is said to have been denominated Nebo. It is reckoned one of the largest lakes in Europe, the length of it being about 175, and its breadth 105 versts. It produces a vast number of fish. On account of the perilous storms to which it is liable, and the several sand banks that are ever shifting their position, Peter the Great caused the famous Ladoga canal to be dug along its shore, from the Volkhof into the Neva, which canal is 104 versts long, 10 fajénes* broad, 1½ fajéne deep, and has 25 sluices. By the Neva the Ladoga is connected with the Baltic; by the Svir with the Onega; and by the Volkhof with 7 feet the Ilmen. Into the canal flow the rivers Lipke, English, Naifa, Sheldika, Lava, and Kabona; into the lake, the rivers Pasha, Sices, Olæt, &c., whereas the Neva alone runs out of it. Both shores of the lake belong to Russia, and there have everywhere a flat coast and a sandy beach. On this shore it has also a few low fishery islands, and a sandy bottom. That part of the northern side which lies in the government of Olonetz has marble on its coast, whence some of those beautiful and durable kinds of Finnish marble are brought to St Petersburg. As the bed of this lake, for a great extent, is in the lowest part of the country, it receives, besides the abovementioned rivers, the waters that come from the alum hills; all of which have no other outlet than the Neva.

The lake Onega is situated in the government of Olonetz, between the Ladoga and the White sea. Its length is between 180 and 200 versts, and its breadth from 60 to 80. Lake the Ladoga, it contains a few islands consisting of marble, and in all other properties is much the same. With other rivers, the Vitegra falls into it on the south-east side, which river takes its rise not far from the Kofsha, and this river falls into the Bielo-ozero. On the Kofsha is the old Ladoga, and on the Vitegra, the old Vitegoriskia, which are only about 40 versts asunder. Now, as from the Onega the navigable river Svir runs into the Ladoga, and from the Bielo-ozero the Sheksna flows into the Volga, there needs only a canal to be cut the said distance of 40 versts, for connecting the Neva with the Volga, which would be much more convenient for the navigation here than the passage by Vilnoi-Volothok, because there are no waterfalls, and therefore all the danger and trouble attending them in the present passage would be obviated.

The lake Peipus, called by the Russians Tihudikoe-Peipus-ozero, lies between the governments of Picove, Reval, Riga, and St Petersburg; is in length about 80, and in breadth about 60 versts. It is connected with the Picove lake by a very broad channel, about 30 versts in length. From this lake proceeds the river Narova, communicating through the Embach with the Vertzerb, and from this latter runs the Fellin to the gulf of Riga, so that an inland navigation might easily be formed between lake Peipus and the Baltic, though at present the commodities conveyed along the Narova to Narva, must be carried a considerable way by land, owing to the numerous falls in that river. In this lake there are a few small islands, one of which has three villages upon it, and is well furnished with wood.

The Bielo-ozero, or White lake, is in the same government with the foregoing; is about 50 versts long and 20 broad, and receives into it several smaller streams. The only one that flows out of it is the Sheksna, which falls into the Volga. The water of this lake is clear, having a bottom partly clay and partly stony. The clay is generally of a white colour, and in stormy weather causes a strong white foam upon the surface of the water. It is doubtless from this circumstance that the lake first obtained the name Bielo, or white. It abounds with fish and crabs.

The lake Tihany is situated partly in the government Tihany. of Tobolfsk, and partly in that of Kolhyvan. It communicates with the lakes Molfski and Abilhkan, is of very considerable circuit, and abounds in fish.

The lake Ilmen, formerly Moifk, lies in the government of Novgorod, being about 40 versts long and 30 broad. It receives the rivers Mifa, Lovat, Skelton, &c., and gives birth to the Volkhof alone.

The Altyn-Noor, or Teletzkoe-ozero, lies in the government of Kolhyvan, on a very considerable elevation of the Altai mountains, by which it is also entirely surrounded. Its length is computed at 126, and its greatest breadth at 84 versts. From this lake arises the famous river By, which, at its junction with the Katuna, takes the name of Oby.

European Russia abounds in wood; and numerous extensive forests are seen in various districts, especially between St Petersburgh and Mosco, and between Vladimir and Arzonas. It is supposed that the Riphæan forest, so celebrated in antiquity, occupied the southern part of European Russia, where now extends a plain covered with a thick and fertile coat of black mould. The forests in some part of Asiatic Russia are also immensely large, especially towards the south. On the west of the government of Irkutsk, an enormous, dark, and marshy forest of resinous trees, extends to the river Kan; but the northern and eastern parts of Siberia are bare of wood.

When we consider that the Russian empire occupies an extent from north to south of nearly 40°, we may rationally conclude that the climate and seasons of so vast a tract must be extremely diversified. Accordingly we find that while the northern regions are exposed to almost perpetual frosts, some of the southern districts enjoy the purest atmosphere and the mildest sky. While the former is doomed to the utmost sterility, the latter is so fertile as to produce in the most lavish abundance all the vegetable riches of the most favoured climates.

One of the latest writers on the climate of Russia, M. Hermann, has divided the empire into four regions, which are thus distinguished:

1. The very cold region, extending from 78° to 60° of north latitude. This region comprehends the governments of Vyborg, Olonetz, Archangel, Tobolfsk, the greater part of Irkutsk, Vologda, a part of Perme, Novgorod and St Petersburgh.

2. The cold region, extending from 60° to 55°, and including the governments of Revel, Riga, Polotfsk, Pscov, Tver, Mosco, Yaroslavl, Vladimir, Kostroma, Viatka, the greater part of Perme and Kazan, a part of Irkutsk, Kolhyvan, Ufa, Simbirsk, Nifhney-Novgorod, Kaluga, and Smolenfsk.

3. The moderate region, extending from 55° to 50°, including the governments of Moghilief, Tchernigof, Orel, Kurfs, Tula, Tambof, Penza, the greater part of Kief, Kharkof, Voronetfsk, Riazan, Saratof, Kaluga, Simbirsk, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and a part of Irkutsk, Kazan, Nifhney-Novgorod and Smolenfsk.

4. The hot region, extending from 50° to the most southern part of Russia, including Taurida, Ekatarinoula, the greater part of Caucasus, and a part of Kief, Kharkof, Voronetfsk, Saratof, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and Irkutsk.

From the above enumeration we find that one of the Russian governments possesses all the varieties of climate and season, and that many of them are so divided as to enjoy the advantages of two climates. We shall describe the nature of the climate and changes of the season, as they occur in each of these divisions, confining ourselves chiefly to the extremes of St Petersburgh and Taurida, as being most interesting.

In many districts of the first region there is scarcely any summer; for the three or four months in which it does not snow, scarcely deserve that name. As in most parts of the globe, however, the eastern districts of this region are much colder and more barren than those on the western side; the fruits that come to maturity round St Petersburgh, and in the government of Vyborg, are not found under the same latitude in Siberia. Even the weather of St Petersburgh, however, is insufficiently rude, and the climate here is unsettled and unfriendly. In the winter of 1798 and 1799, the coldest ever known in that country, the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer stood at St Petersburgh at 39° below zero, and even at Mosco, the same thermometer fluctuated during 35 successive days between -30° and -40°. The spring in this region (i.e. about St Petersburgh), has in general much frost, snow, and rain; but the short summer is for the most part fair and fine. The longest day is here about 18½ hours, and the evening twilights are so uncommonly luminous, as readily to enable persons to read and write. The very sultry days are in general but few, and these are amply compensated by the cool evenings, nights and mornings. The autumn has seldom many bright days, but is for the most part cloudy, wet, and boisterous. The winter is always severe; and as the atmosphere is generally dry, even in snowy weather, this season is so healthy, that the smallest number of deaths is found to happen during winter. The shortest day is only five hours and a half, and though considerable light is reflected from the snow, yet when the atmosphere is cloudy, candles can be dispensed with but for a very short time. During this season the river Neva, the lakes in the vicinity of St Petersburgh, and even the gulf of Finland, as far as the islands of the Baltic, are covered with ice nearly a yard in thickness. On an average, there are annually from 150 to 190 days of frost, during which the ground is frozen to the depth of nearly three feet.

This severity of climate, apparently so inimical to health and comfort, is considered by the inhabitants as one of their greatest blessings. By the extent of ice and snow, distances are shortened, or at least travelling is facilitated, so that people, horses, and carriages with the heaviest burdens, cross the Neva, and the other rivers, lakes, and canals, in all directions. Ice cellars here form a necessary of life, for by their means provisions of all kinds are preserved during summer. Hence every house is provided with one of them; and in the beginning of February they are filled with large blocks cut from the river. The ice also promotes the amusements of the inhabitants, as we shall show in the sequel of this article. Indeed, so essential is this severity of season to the comfort of the inhabitants, that when the winter is unusually mild, the roads are nearly impassable, and the provisions, which are always preserved in a frozen state, can scarcely be kept from putrefaction.

In this region the aurora borealis is very frequent, and its coruscations peculiarly vivid; storms of thunder and lightning are neither numerous, violent, nor lasting; high winds are not predominant, and it seldom hails, though hoar-frosts are very common.

In the second region the summer is indeed short in many parts; but in most of them it is so warm, and the days are so long, that the fruits of the earth usually come to maturity in a shorter time than in other places. The winter in this region, especially in the governments of Irkutsk, Perme, Vizetka, &c. is in general very severe.

In the third region the winter is also long and cold, especially in the governments of Irkutsk, Kolhiyvan, and Ufa. This, however, is owing rather to the lofty mountains with which these districts abound, than from their high degree of latitude. The governments belonging to this region in European Russia, however, usually enjoy a short and mild winter, and a fine warm summer.

In the fourth region the winters are short, and, except in some parts of Irkutsk and Kolhiyvan, not very cold; and the summer is warm, and in many parts very dry. One of the most delightful districts in this region is that of Taurida, of which M. Pallas has given the following animated description.

"One of the mildest and most fertile regions of the empire is the beautiful semicircular and amphitheatral vale formed by the Tauridian mountains along the shores of the Euxine. These valleys, which are blest with the climate of Anatolia and the lesser Asia, where the winter is scarcely sensible, where the primroses and spring-taffron bloom in February and often in January, and where the oak frequently retains its foliage through the whole winter, are, in regard to botany and rural economy, the noblest tract in Taurida, and perhaps in the whole extent of the empire. Here, on all sides, thrive and flourish in open air the ever-verdant laurel, the olive tree, the fig, the lotus, the pomegranate, and the celtis, which perhaps are the remains of Grecian cultivation; with the manna-bearing ash, the turpentine tree, the tan-bark tree, the strawberry tree from Asia Minor, and many others. This last particularly covers the steepest cliffs of the shore, and beautifies them in winter by its perpetual foliage, and the red rind of its thick stem. In these happy vales the forests consist of fruit trees of every kind, or rather they form only a large orchard left entirely to itself. On the shores of the sea the caper-bushes propagate themselves spontaneously; without the assistance of art the wild or planted vine items climb the loftiest trees, and, twining with the flowery five-leaved ivy, form festoons and hedges. The contrast of the orchards, and the rich verdure, with the beautiful wildness presented by the adjacent mountains and rocks, which in some places rise among the clouds, and in others are fallen in ruins; the natural fountains and cascades that agreeably present their rushing waters; lastly, the near view of the sea, where the sight is lost in the unbounded prospect; all these beauties together form so picturesque and delightful a whole, that even the enraptured muse of the poet or the painter would be unable to conceive a more captivating scene.

"In these enchanting valleys, to the benefit of the empire, which nowhere possesses so fine a climate, might the useful products of Asia Minor, and of the southern parts of Europe, be made indigenous. The superior kinds of fruits may be produced here without trouble, and are for the most part so already. The best kinds of olive and fig trees may be cultivated here; and even the fæcum plant never decays. Orange, lemon, and citron trees, and particularly the cedar, the most excellent species of them, would bear the winter extremely well with a little care. The vine would be constantly improving, if a judicious selection were but made of the stocks for planting, if greater attention were paid to the various effects of the soil and situation of the vineyards, and if more care were taken in working the must and keeping the wine. For the use of the apothecaries and manufacturers a number of excellent drugs and dyes might be produced, which are at present brought from the isles of the Archipelago, from Greece, from Asia Minor, and Persia; several of them are now seen here growing wild. Likewise many hard and useful kinds of wood, especially coloured, fit for inlaid work, might here be propagated; perhaps in some tracts even the sugar cane would thrive."

The productions of Russia would afford an ample field for the investigation of the naturalist; and this part of its natural history has been fully illustrated by the enlightened travellers who were lately employed in the examination of the empire. We can here give only a brief sketch of the result of their inquiries.

In the central parts of European Russia are found Animals, most of the animals which are common to it with the rest of Europe. The finest horses here are those of Lithuania and Livonia, the former possessing great strength, the latter excelling in speed. The spirit and beauty of the Tartarian horses have been long celebrated; and in the Taurida, where this breed is much cultivated, these qualities have been improved by the introduction of Turkish and Arabian stallions. Near Archangel, the horses are small, and resemble those in the north of Britain. The country near Archangel is remarkable for fine pasturage, and an excellent breed of cattle; but indeed cattle abound in most parts of the empire. The sheep in the northern provinces are of a middle size, with short tails and coarse wool; but those in the south are long-tailed, and their wool is of a superior texture; but the best wool is procured from the district of Kazan. We have seen that the province of Taurida abounds in sheep, which constitute the chief riches of the inhabitants. Some opulent farmers in this district possess 50,000 sheep; and 1000 is by no means an uncommon flock. Goats and swine also abound throughout European Russia; and the rein-deer is not unknown in the most northern governments. In the north, too, are found the elk, the wolf, the lynx, and the sea bear; and in the most southern districts the camel is sometimes met with.

Asiatic Russia is remarkable for the rein-deer, which there performs the office of the horse, the cow, and the sheep. In the south are found the wild horse, and the wild ass; while the argali, or wild sheep, is often hunted in Siberia, and the regions of Mount Caucasus present the furious bison. Here, too, are seen the ibex, and the chamois. Near Lake Baikal are found the stag, the musk animal, and the wild boar; and on the banks of the Yenisei is seen the beaver. Walruses haunt the shores of the Arctic ocean, and seals are found in most of its bays and inlets. In Siberia, in the provinces of Yakutsk and Nerschinsk, and in Kamchatka, Schatka, the hunting of fables forms, during part of the year, the chief occupation of the inhabitants; and their skins, when procured perfectly entire, are said to be worth 10l. each. The skins of the black fox are also highly esteemed, as, according to Mr Tooke, one of them is sometimes sufficient to pay the tribute of a village. The bear is found in the neighbourhood of the Uralian mountains, and the civet cat in the Altai chain. The wild boar grows here to such a size, that its tusks are said sometimes to weigh 600 pounds*. The horses of the Mongul Tartars are of singular beauty, some of them being striped like the tiger, others spotted like the leopard. The stud of a noble Mongul sometimes contains 300 or 4000 of these animals. The principal Nomadic hordes of Asiatic Russia, viz. the Tartars, Monguls, and Mandhurs, not unfrequently regale on horse-meat; but they do not, as is commonly reported, eat it raw. The cattle of this division of Russia are of a middling size, and are commonly employed for draught, and even sometimes for carriage.

The whole empire abounds with wild fowl and game of all sorts; and in the more solitary regions of Mount Caucasus, and on the Uralian and Altaian chains, there are numerous birds of prey. The external parts and provinces of the empire are well supplied with sea fish from the northern ocean, the Baltic, the White sea, the Black sea and the Caspian; and the numerous lakes and rivers yield immense quantities of salmon, trout, pike, sturgeon, and beluga (a large fish from whose roe is made the best caviare). Innumerable swarms of insects are hatched by the summer's heat in the sands, morasses, and forests; and are said to be so troublesome as to render great part of these regions almost uninhabitable.

Merely to enumerate the chief vegetable productions of the Russian empire, would far exceed the limits of our plan. We shall therefore only mention the most important. In the forests are found the fir, the Scotch pine, the larch, the elm, the birch, the alder, the greater maple, the sycamore, the oak of various species, the black and white poplar, the ash, the hornbeam, the beech, the nettle-tree, the cedar, and the cypress. Of fruit trees and shrubs, the most remarkable are, the almond, the peach, the apricot, the medlar, the walnut, the mulberry, the olive, the fig, the vine, and the pomegranate. In some parts of Asiatic Russia, are found, besides, the quince, the date, the jujube, and the willow-leaved pear; and many other shrubs and plants, which in our climate require the aid of artificial heat, are, in the southern provinces of Russia, produced spontaneously.

Russia is not less rich in mineral productions, of which Siberia in particular contains a great variety. In the brief sketch of Russian mineralogy which we can here offer, we shall confine ourselves chiefly to the metallic mines. Of these there are few in European Russia, and those principally of iron. It appears that there was formerly a gold mine near the river Vigg in the north-western corner of the empire; and in the year 1739, gold was discovered in the same region, in the mountains of Olonetz; but the product was scarcely sufficient to indemnify the government for the expense of working the mine, not more than 57 pounds of gold having been procured within the year. The richest iron mines in European Russia, are about 60 miles from Moosco; and in the government of Perme are worked mines, both of iron and copper.

In Siberia there are valuable gold mines, especially those of Catharineburg, on the east of the Uralian mountains, in the latitude of about 57°, where an office for the management of the mines was established by Peter I. in 1719. Several mines of different metals extend to a considerable distance on the north and south of Catharineburg; and there are in this district above 100 foundries, chiefly for copper and iron. The principal gold mines in this district are those of Bereof, a few miles north-east of Catharineburg, near the river Pythma, that falls into the Tobol. The gold is sometimes found native, but is generally mixed with various substances, especially silver. There are other mines in Kolbyvan and Nerfinsk, chiefly of lead and silver, with a small proportion of gold. The former of these were discovered in 1704, and the latter in 1748. In the mines of Bereof is found the red lead of Siberia; and in the copper mines, about 30 miles south of Catharineburg, that particular ore called malachite, or Malachitic copper, is found in great perfection. There are also copper mines in the Altai mountains, where dendritic copper is met with. The richest iron mines in this part of Russia are in the neighbourhood of the Uralian chain. The large mass of native iron which we have mentioned under Geography, No. 165, was found by Professor Pallas in Siberia, near Mount Emor or Nemir, not far from the river Yenitzy.

Rock salt is found in several parts of Siberia, especially near the Ilek, not far from Orenburgh. Coal is a rare production in Russia; but it is found near Lake Baikal, and in the steppe between the Don and the Volga. Sulphur, alum, sal ammoniac, nitre, and natron, are found in great abundance.

There are also found in Siberia various gems, which we must not omit to notice. These are discovered chiefly in the mountain Adumhollow, in the province of Nerfinsk or Daouri, not far from the Chinese river Argoon. Here are found common topazes, the hyacinth, the Siberian emerald, the beryl, the onyx, and beautiful red and green jaspers. Near Catharineburg are the gem mines of Mourfintky, where are found the beryl and the chrysolite. Near Lake Baikal red garnets are very common; and there are also found lapis lazuli and the baikelite of Kirwan. The opal is said to be found in the Altai mountains.

The mineral springs of Russia are found principally in the Asiatic part, especially in Kamtschatka. The waters only European mineral waters that merit particular notice are, a hot spring near Selo Klintichy, in the government of Perme; a noted chalybeate spring in the village of Vinguva, in the district of Olonetz, distinguished by Peter the Great, and called by him St Peter's Well, and another chalybeate spring, or rather appearance of springs strongly impregnated with iron, discovered in 1775, near Sarepta on the Volga. In the district of Perk kop and the island of Taman, belonging to the government of Taurida, there are springs of naphtha. Springs impregnated with naphtha and petroleum are also found near Lake Baikal. At Sarepta there is a fulphurous spring, and there are several others in Siberia. On the Terek, towards Mount Caucasus, are warm springs that serve as baths; and similar baths occur. occur in the province of Nerfinsk, in the territory of the Kalmuks, to the south of the Altai mountains, and in the neighbourhood of Baikal. Chalybeate waters are found among the iron mines near Catherineburg, and a few occur in the province of Daoura.

The principal hot baths of Asiatic Russia are in Kamtschatka, and are formed by the hot springs noticed in No. 7. The chief bath of this kind is in the southern part of the peninsula near Natchikin. The hot waters here fall in a rapid cascade, about 300 feet below which they are collected into a basin six or seven feet broad, and 18 inches deep. The water is extremely hot, and is said to contain vitriolic and nitrous salts.

Before we conclude what may be called the permanent geography of Russia, we must enumerate the islands that belong to this extensive empire, and particularly notice such of them as have not been described in other parts of this Encyclopaedia.

In Europe the Russians possess the islands of Oefel and Dago in the Baltic, and the little island of Cronstadt at the entrance of the gulf of Finland, the islands of Novaya Zemlia, and several smaller islands in the Arctic ocean; and though the dreary island of Spitzbergen is generally considered as belonging to Denmark, it is at least equally shared by the Russians, some of whom regularly winter here, on account of the whale fishery.

In Asiatic Russia we may enumerate the Aleutian (Aleoutskie or Fox) islands, of which Bering's island is the only one deserving particular notice; the Andreanov islands, about 300 miles to the south-east of Bering's island, and the Kurile or Kurilian islands, extending from the southern promontory of Kamtschatka towards Japan.

The island of Dago, but briefly noticed in our general alphabet, is for the most part rocky, and its western shore is sandy; but the southern and eastern parts consist of a bluish clay, and are very fertile. They produce considerable quantities of barley, especially in rainy seasons; but it is found necessary to sow the seed very early in the spring. There are here several forests, especially one of alders, which is seen at a great distance, and serves as a landmark. This island is extremely populous, and very healthy. It is inhabited chiefly by Esthonians. The sea round Dago abounds with shallows, rocks, and sand banks, that render the navigation dangerous; but to prevent ships from being stranded on the coast, a light-house has been erected on the western promontory, about three miles from the sea.

Oefel is much more considerable than Dago, being nearly 80 miles long, and about 60 at its greatest breadth. Its soil is naturally more barren than that of Dago, being chiefly sand, or loam and clay; but as it is well manured, the crops are pretty considerable. These consist of wheat, rye, and barley, and in favourable seasons, oats and peas. Oefel abounds in quarries, from which are procured excellent limestone, black and gray flagstone, and grindstones. Marble is also found, but is not much esteemed.

The islands of Novaya Zemlia, or the New Land, consist chiefly of two very large insulated tracts, nearly alike in size and figure, extending between 49° and 68° of east longitude, and between 70° and 75° of north latitude. They are separated from the main land by the strait of Waigats. They may be estimated at 600 miles in length, by a medium breadth of nearly 400. Yet this large tract of country is desert and uninhabited, except by reindeer, polar bears, white and blue foxes; and on the coast seals and walruses. The islands are well supplied with water, but are rocky and destitute of wood except a few stunted bushes. On the northern side they are encompassed with mountains of ice. In these dreary regions the sun is not seen for nearly four months, viz. from the middle of October to February.

Bering's island is situated in the sea of Kamtschatka, Bering's about 3° to the east of that peninsula, extending from 55° to 56° of N. Lat. It was discovered by Bering in 1740. It consists of a range of bald cliffs and hills, running north and south, the highest of which are nearly 1000 fathoms above the level of the sea. These rocks consist of granite in the middle ridge, and a sandstone on each side; but some of the lower appear to be covered with clay. This island is entirely destitute of wood, but is otherwise not bare of vegetation. It contains springs of excellent water, and has several fine cataracts. The cold is moderate, and thunder has never been observed, though it is said some shocks of earthquakes have been felt. There are no human inhabitants; but the island affords a dwelling to sea bears, arctic foxes, seals, and walruses. The Aleutian and Kurilian islands have already been described under their respective heads; and an account of Spitsbergen will be found under that article.

Russia was scarcely known as an independent state before the latter end of the 9th century. We know, indeed, that long before that period, namely about the 5th century, a horde of those nations that roved at large on the banks of the Dnieper and the Volkhov, established themselves in that part of the region bordering on the Dnieper, where is now situated the government of Kief or Kiow. These people were called Slavi, or Slavonians, and had advanced eastward from the shores of the Danube. They appear to have laid the first foundation of the Russian monarchy, and to have built Kief, where they fixed their capital. It is probable that about the same time another tribe of Slavi had settled still farther to the east, in the province of Novgorod, where they built the city still known by that name, as their metropolis. Of the government and transactions of these people we have no regular accounts till the conclusion of the 9th century. It appears, however, from a work of the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus on the administration of the empire, that in his time the city of Novgorod was a place of great importance, and carried on an extensive commerce, both with Constantinople and the countries bordering on the Baltic. The government of the Novgorodians appears to have been republican, but the people were probably rather merchants than warriors. We find them involved in frequent disputes with the neighbouring nations, from whose ravages they suffered considerable losses.

If we may credit the Russian historians, the Slavi settlement that had settled about Kief and Novgorod, must have extended the boundaries of their territory northwards as far as the shores of the Baltic. We find that they were much harassed by a piratical nation who dwelt on the coasts of that sea, and were denominated Varages or Varagians, and who made frequent descents on the Russian coasts, and ravaged the country. It is not improbable that these Varagians formed a part of the Scandinavian nations, who, under the names of Danes and Saxons, Rus Saxons, successively made themselves masters of England. They were occasionally employed by the weaker neighbouring states as mercenary auxiliaries, and in this capacity they were once called to the affluence of the Novgorodians. As is usual, where a weak people requires the affluence of a warlike and powerful nation, the auxiliaries, after having overcome the enemies whom they were invited to combat, began to think of availing themselves of the advantages which their bravery had given them over their employers. From allies and servants they soon became the masters of the Slavi; and finding the country about Novgorod superior to that which they had left, they began to think of taking up their residence in their new quarters.

Their leader Ruric built a town near the Volkhof, and surrounded it with a rampart of earth. This town is now called Old Ladoga. Here Ruric established the seat of his government. This event appears to have taken place about the year 865; and from this period we may date the commencement of the Russian monarchy. Ruric was assisted by two other chiefs of the Varages, Sinaus and Truvor, who are supposed to have been his brothers, and with whom he divided the territory of which he had possessed himself. Of these, Sinaus took up his residence at Bielo Osero, or the white lake, while Truvor kept his court at Izborsk, or according to some, at Twertzog, in the district of Pleskow. The three chiefs having thus divided among them the territories of the Novgorodians, continued to reign in amity with each other for several years.

The Slavi, however, did not submit to the dominion of their new masters, without an effort to regain their independence. At first, astonishment at the unexpected proceedings of their auxiliaries overcame the spirit of liberty which had hitherto actuated their minds; but they soon awakened from their lethargy, and determined to repel by force those whom they now considered as the invaders of their country. They flew to arms, and chose for their leader, Vadim, who by his feats in war had acquired the honourable appellation of the valiant. A fierce engagement took place between the Novgorodians under Vadim, and the Varages headed by Ruric and his brothers. The contest ended in favour of the latter, and the brave Vadim, with several other chiefs of the Novgorodians, lost their lives in the attempt to free their country from its ambitious guests. This new success emboldened Ruric to extend his territories, and to change the seat of government from the insignificant town of Ladoga, to the spacious and opulent city of Novgorod. Soon after, by the death of his partners in the government, Ruric became sole monarch of the conquered territory, where he reigned without farther molestation for 17 years, and became the primogenitor of a long line of descendants, who held the sovereignty without interruption for several centuries. Ruric appears to have been zealous for the strict administration of justice in his dominions, and issued his command to all the boyars who held territories under him, to see it exercised in an exact and uniform manner. We are not informed of the nature of his institutions; nor is it known whether the laws then existing in his territories were merely oral, or were committed to writing.

Ruric assumed the title of grand prince. His dominions extended over the present governments of Riga, Reval, Polotzk, Pskov, Vyborg, St Petersburg, Novgorod, Smolensk, Olonetz, Archangel, Vladimir, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, and Vologda.

As Ruric left only one son, Igor, who was still a minor at his father's death, Oleg, a kinsman of the deceased monarch, took on him the administration of affairs. Either from the natural restlessness of the Varages, or from the spirit of rebellion manifested by the Novgorodians, which indicated the necessity of employing his people in some active enterprise, the new monarch did not long remain idle. He appears very early to have projected the extension of his territories, by annexing to them the settlement which the Slavi had formed about Kief, against which he soon undertook a formidable expedition. He collected a numerous army, composed of Slavi, Varages, and Tschudes, carried with him the young prince Igor, and opened the campaign with the capture of Lubitch, and of Smolensk the capital of the Krivitches (c).

Having reduced several other towns of less consequence, he advanced towards Kief, the possession of which formed the chief object of his ambition, as the Russian through the Kievian territory he would have an easy passage to the Grecian empire, by inroads into which he could gratify the predatory disposition of his followers. Having advanced near the walls of Kief, he did not think it advisable to hazard an open attack, and thus leave to the precarious decision of a battle the ultimate success of his favourite project. He therefore had recourse to artifice, and leaving behind him the greater part of his troops, he concealed the remainder in the barks that had brought them down the Dnieper from Smolensk. Oleg himself, disguising his name and quality, passed for a merchant sent by Oleg and his ward Igor on business of importance to Constantinople; and he dispatched officers to Olkhoid and Dir, the two chieftains of the Kievians, requesting permission to pass through their territory into Greece, and inviting them to visit him as friends and fellow-citizens, pretending that indisposition prevented him from paying his respects to them in person. The princes, free from mistrust, and relying on these appearances of friendship, accepted Oleg's invitation, and scarcely thought it necessary to take with them their ordinary attendants. They were soon undeceived; for when they arrived at the regent's encampment, they were quickly surrounded by the Varagan soldiers, who sprung from their place of concealment in the barks. Oleg taking Igor in his arms, and casting on the sovereigns of Kief a fierce and threatening look, exclaimed, "You are neither princes nor of the race of princes; behold the son of Ruric." These words, which formed the signal that had been agreed on

(c) The Krivitches were a Slavonian tribe who inhabited the regions bordering on the upper parts of the rivers Volga, Dvina, Oka, and Dniepr, where are now the governments of Polotzk, Smolensk and Minsk. The Tschudes whom we have mentioned as forming part of Oleg's army, were a nation of Finnish extraction, and inhabited those districts which form part of the present governments of Pskov and Reval. on between Oleg and his soldiers, were no sooner uttered, than the latter rushed on the two princes, and laid them prostrate at the feet of their master.

The inhabitants of Kief, thrown into consternation by this bold and treacherous act, made no resistance, but opened the gates of their city to their invader; and thus the two Slavonian states were united under one head.

Having thus made himself master of the key to the eastern empire, Oleg prepared to carry into effect his ambitious designs against Constantinople. Leaving Igor at Kief, he himself embarked on the Dniepr with 80,000 warriors, on board of not fewer than 2000 vessels. Their passage down the river met with no obstruction, till they came to that part where its course is embarrassed for nearly 15 leagues by seven rocks; and here began a series of perils, labours, and fatigues, which none but barbarians could have overcome. They were obliged to unload their barks, and convey them over the rocks; and in particular at the fourth rock, they carried their baggage for above 6000 paces, exposed to the perpetual risk of attack from the neighbouring nations with whom they were at war, while thus hampered and encumbered. Having at length passed all the rocks, and reached the mouth of the Dniepr, Oleg drew together his scattered vessels at a small island that lies between the points of Ochakof and Kinburn, where he caused them to be refitted, and waited for a favourable wind to carry him across the Black Sea to the mouth of the Dnieper. Here the vessels were again refitted, and hence the expedition coasting along the shores of the Euxine, soon arrived at the strait of Constantinople.

The inhabitants of the imperial city, on discovering the approach of the barbarians, had drawn a heavy chain across the harbour, thus hoping to prevent their landing. In this hope, however, they were deceived. The invaders drew adrift their barks, fitted wheels to their flat bottoms, and converted them into carriages, which by the help of sails they forced along the roads that led to the city, and thus arrived under the walls of Constantinople. In their route they ravaged the whole country, and pillaged and demolished the houses, loaded the inhabitants with iron, and committed other enormities which generally attend the incursions of a barbarous enemy. The earth that had been fertilized by the sweat of the husbandman, was now drenched with his blood, and the sea received, as in one vast grave, both the carcasses of the dead, and the bodies of the living. The weak Leo, who then swayed the sceptre of the Grecian empire, instead of making a manly resistance, is said to have attempted carrying off his enemy by poison; but this not succeeding, he was obliged to purchase from the conqueror an ignominious peace. Thus, even at that early period, the sovereign of Russia triumphed over the emperor of Constantinople, and Oleg acquired the full completion of his wishes, by the rich booty which he carried off. He made his entrance into Kief on his return, laden with the wealth acquired by his victory; and the people, dazzled with such splendid objects, imagined their prince to be endowed with supernatural powers, and looked up to him with a reverence approaching to adoration.

Soon after his return to his own dominions, the Russian monarch dispatched deputies to Constantinople, with the articles of a treaty which he required the Greek emperor to sign. This treaty, which is preserved in the Chronicles of Nestor, is extremely curious; and we learn from it many important particulars respecting the internal policy of the Russians at the beginning of the tenth century. Several articles of this treaty show, that the Russian laws laid great stress on oaths; that they pronounced the sentence of death against the murderer, instead of inflicting on him only a pecuniary fine, and thus allowing the rich to commit assassination with impunity; that wives were allowed a part of the estates of their husbands; that the punishment of offences did not extend to the entire confiscation of goods, and hence the widow and orphan did not suffer for a crime of which they were innocent; that robbery, which attacks only property, was punished by the privation of property, so that the Russian laws maintained a just proportion between the crime and the penalty; that the citizens, secure in their possessions, were under no apprehension that the sovereign would seize on their heritage, and might even dispose of their effects in favour of friends.

Oleg maintained the sovereign power for 33 years, nor does it appear that Igor, even after he obtained the age of majority, had any share in the government, till the death of his guardian, in 913, left him in full possession of the throne.

Igor had reached his 40th year before he entered on the government. He soon discovered marks of the same warlike spirit which had actuated his predecessor. Among the nations that had been subjugated by Oleg, several, on the accession of a new sovereign, attempted to regain their independence; in particular the Drevlians, who dwelt on the banks of the Ufcha, in the present district of Vrutch, were the first to rise in revolt. They were, however, soon quelled, and punished by the imposition of an increased tribute. The Ugliches, who inhabited the southern bank of the Dniepr, maintained a longer contest for their liberty. One of their principal towns sustained a siege of three years, and at last submitted on condition of the trifling tribute of a martens skin blackened by fire; as these furs were valued in proportion to the darkness of their colour.

Igor soon had to contend with more formidable enemies. The Petchenegans, a nation hitherto unknown, quitted their settlements on the Yaik and the Volga, and made incursions into the Russian territory. These people appear to have been at least as powerful and warlike as the Varages; and Igor finding himself unable to cope with them in arms, concluded a treaty of alliance. About five years after, disputes arose between the new allies, and both had recourse to arms. It appears that the Russians were finally victorious, and the Petchenegans were, for some time, disabled from giving Igor any farther molestation.

The Russian monarch, in imitation of his guardian, soon turned his attention towards the Grecian empire, second where depredations might apparently be made with impudence. He equipped an immense armament, consisting, as we are assured by the Russian annals, of 10,000 barks, each carrying 40 men, thus forming an army of 400,000 warriors. With this immense force he set sail for Constantinople, without any previous declaration of war, and without any ostensible motive for thus infringing the treaty that had been concluded some years before between Oleg and Leo. In his route he overran and ravaged the provinces of Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Bithynia. thynia, plundering the towns, and butchering the inhabitants. For some time the barbarians met with no opposition, as the imperial troops were engaged in distant provinces; but the government of the empire was now in very different hands from those which held it during the former invasion. The Grecian forces were well appointed, and commanded by two generals of approved ability and courage. These were Theophanes and Phocas, of whom the former commanded the fleet, and the latter the army. The Russians had soon cause to repent their temerity. Theophanes attacked them on board their ships, within sight of the Pharos, and throwing among them the unquenchable Grecian fire, with the effects of which they were wholly unacquainted, threw them into such confusion, that many plunged into the sea to avoid the fires that threatened and pursued them. Their vessels were dispersed, shattered, or consumed by flames, and great numbers of their crews perished. The remainder reached the shores of Bithynia; but before they could recover from their consternation, they were met by Phocas, who fell upon them with his troops, and made prodigious slaughter. So great were the losses sustained by Igor in this unfortunate expedition, that he carried back with him scarcely a third of his army. This second naval expedition of the Russians against Constantinople took place in 941.

Though discouraged by the ill success which had attended his first invasion of the Grecian empire, Igor was too much stimulated by the desire of plunder, not to risk the second attempt. Three years after, he collected new forces, took into pay many of the Petchenegans, and again set out for Greece; but before he had advanced beyond the Tauric Chersonesus, the emperor Romanus, informed of his approach, and not choosing to hazard the result of an engagement, sent deputies to the Russian leader, offering to pay him the same tribute which had been given to his predecessor. With this offer Igor complied, and once more retired with his army.

Igor was now far advanced in years; but the insatiable rapacity of his officers, ever craving fresh spoils from vanquished nations, impelled him to turn his arms against the Drevlians, for the purpose of obtaining from them an increase of their yearly tribute. In this unjust attack he was at first successful, and returned loaded with the contributions which he had levied from that people; but having dismissed great part of his troops with the spoils of the vanquished, and marching with the remainder too far into the country, he fell into an ambuscade, which the Drevlians, now grown desperate, had formed on his approach in the neighbourhood of Korolten. The Russians were soon overpowered, and Igor being made prisoner, was put to death.

Before the death of Oleg, Igor had married a princess of a bold and daring spirit, named Olga, by whom he had one son, Sviatoslav; but as he was very young at the death of his father, the queen mother Olga assumed the reins of government. Her first care was to take signal vengeance on the unhappy Drevlians, for having bravely defended themselves against the encroachments of tyranny and oppression. These people, satisfied with the death of their oppressor, appeared desirous of renewing their amicable intercourse with the Russians, and their chief, Male, is even said to have made an offer of his hand to Igor's widow. Olga, with that deep cunning and concealed malice that so often mark the character of the despotic leader of a barbarous people, pretended to listen to their overtures, received the deputies of Male, but immediately ordered them to be privately put to death. In the mean time she invited a larger deputation from the Drevlian chief, which she treated in the same inhuman manner, taking care that no tidings of either murder should be carried to the Drevlians. She then set out, as if on an amicable visit, to conclude the new alliance, and having proclaimed a solemn entertainment, to which she invited some hundreds of the principal inhabitants of the Drevlian towns, she caused them to be treacherously assassinated. This was but the first step to the more dreadful vengeance which she had resolved to inflict on this deluded people. She laid waste the whole country of the Drevlians, and in particular the town of Korolten, near which Igor had lost his life. For a long time she could not master the place, as the inhabitants, dreading the horrible fate that awaited them, from the revengeful spirit of Olga, defended themselves with the utmost valour and success. At length, being assured of clemency, on condition of sending to Olga all the pigeons of the town, they submitted; but Olga causing lighted matches to be fastened to the tails of the pigeons, set them at liberty. The birds flew to their usual places of residence in the town, which were speedily in a conflagration. The wretched inhabitants endeavouring to escape the flames, fell into the hands of the Russian soldiers, planted round the town for that purpose, by whom they were put to the sword.

This was the only warlike transaction, if it deserves that name, which took place during the regency of Olga. Though not uncommon in the annals of a barbarous people, it would have been sufficient to hand down her name with detestation to posterity, had she not, in the opinion of her panegyrists, atoned for the enormity, by attempting to introduce into her dominions the Christian religion.

Hitherto the Slavi, and the Scandinavian nations who had taken possession of their territories, were Pagans; the Slavi, and their religious ceremonies, like those of all the surrounding nations, were marked by an absurd and cruel superstition, which, under pretence of worshipping the Supreme Being, inflicted his attributes, and increased instead of lessening the miseries of human nature. Their deities seem to have been borrowed, partly from the Greeks and Romans, and partly from the Seythians; but were characterized by peculiar names, and represented by idols of complex workmanship and grotesque appearance. Thus, the god Perune, or Perkune, who was the chief among the Slavonian deities, analogous to the Zeus of the Grecian, and the Jupiter of the Roman mythology, was personated by an idol whose head was of silver, his ears and moustaches of maffy gold, his legs of iron, and his trunk of hard incorruptible wood. It was decorated with rubies and carbuncles, and held in its hand a stone carved, to represent the symbol of lightning. The sacred fire burnt continually before it; and if the priests suffered this to be extinguished, they were doomed to perish in the flames, as enemies of the god. Sacrifices of their flocks to this supreme deity were regarded as trifling; his altar smoked with the blood of captives, and even the children of his worshippers were sometimes immolated to appease his wrath or propitiate his favour. Superstition has in all ages, tinged the hands hands of its pontiffs with blood, and has everywhere represented the Deity as a cruel and malignant being, delighting in the spectacle of suffering humanity.

It is uncertain at what time the light of Christianity began to beam on the nations that occupied the banks of the Dniepr, nor are we acquainted with the circumstances that led to the conversion of the queen regent. We find, however, that about the middle of the 10th century, she undertook a journey to Constantinople for the express purpose of being initiated into the religion of Jesus. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who then sat on the imperial throne, received the royal convert with the greatest honour and respect; himself conducted her to the baptismal font, and, in the character of her sponsor, gave her the name of Helen. He dismissed her loaded with rich presents, consisting chiefly of those fine stuffs which were then fabricated only in the east, and several costly vases. In return for the honour she had received at Constantinople, Olga promised to send the emperor a quantity of furs and wax, and to furnish him with troops: but as the delayed performance of her promise, Constantine despatched an embassy to remind her of her engagements. We are told that she treated the ambassadors with disrespectful levity, and dismissed them with frigid compliments; so little change had baptism effected on the infidus disposition of the Russian princess! It is no wonder, therefore, if her example had little influence on her son, or the nation at large. The Russians do not seem to have been very ardent in their religious observations, or peculiarly attached to the opinions of their forefathers; but the nature of Christianity, and the character of its disciples, were not in their eyes sufficiently striking or alluring to produce any change in their religious system. Olga endeavoured to persuade her son Sviatolaf to embrace her new religion; but either from his contempt for the unworthy character of the Greek Christians, or through fear of the ridicule to which his conversion might subject him from his young companions, he disregarded her solicitations. He did not, however, prevent the people over whom he seems by this time to have assumed the chief dominion, from receiving baptism, and a few proflytes were made. Though the character of Olga, even after her conversion to Christianity, was by no means such as to intitle her to the rank which she afterwards attained among the Russian saints, it appears that she had given her son many wise and prudent instructions respecting the government of his future empire. She travelled with him round the country; superintended the erection of bridges and the making of roads, for the benefit of trade and commerce; built several towns and villages, and founded such laudable institutions, as sufficiently evince her talents for governing a nation. She died about the year 969, at a very advanced age.

It is probable that Olga retired from the administration of affairs soon after her conversion to Christianity; for we find Sviatolaf in full possession of the government long before his mother's death. This prince has been considered one of the Russian heroes; and if a thirst for blood, a contempt of danger, and disregard of the luxuries and conveniences of life, be admitted as the characteristics of a hero, he deserves the appellation. His private life was such as to render him the favourite of his army. Regarding the narrow inclosure of a palace as little better than a splendid prison, he took up his habitation in a camp, where he indulged himself in nothing more delicate or costly than what could be procured by the meanest soldier in his army. Without utensil for preparing his food, he contented himself with cutting up the meat which was to form his meals, and boiling it upon the coals; and this meat often consisted of horse flesh. If he kept so poor a table, he was not more delicately lodged. He had no tent, but slept in the open field, with a saddle for his pillow, a horse-cloth for his covering, and lying on the bare ground, or at most on a piece of the coarsest felt. How much influence such a mode of life must have had on the minds of the barbarous soldiers whom he commanded, is sufficiently proved by the experience of times far posterior to that of which we are now writing. The Swedish hero who, in the beginning of the 18th century, astonished the whole of Europe with his mad exploits, fared in a similar manner, and, like Sviatolaf, became the darling of his troops. Soldiers willingly flatter dangers and death with a leader who submits himself to every hardship, and denies himself every accommodation, except what he can enjoy in common with themselves.

When Sviatolaf had thus ingratiated himself with his troops, he prepared to employ them in those ambitious projects which he had long been forming. His first expedition was against the Kozares, a people who had come from the shores of the Caflan, and the sides of Mount Caucasus, and had established themselves along the eastern coast of the Black sea. These people had rendered tributary both the Kievians and the Viatches, a Slavonian nation that dwelt on the banks of the Oka and the Volga. Sviatolaf, desirous of transferring to himself the tribute which the Kozares derived from the latter people, marched against them, and appears to have succeeded in his design. He defeated them in a pitched battle, and took by storm their capital city Sarkel, or Belgorod. It is said by some historians, that he even annihilated the nation; and certain it is, that from that time no mention is made of the Kozares.

The martial fame of Sviatolaf had extended to Constantinople; and the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, who with the then harassed by the Ungarians, assisted by his Greek treacherous allies, the Bulgarians, applied for succours to the Russian chieftain. A subsidiary treaty was entered into between them, and Sviatolaf hastened with a numerous army to the assistance of his new allies. He quickly made himself master of most of the Bulgarian towns along the Danube, and was so elated with his success, that he determined to remove the seat of government from Kief to the city of Pereiallavatz, now Yamboly, seated on the shores of that river. He was soon obliged, however, to postpone the completion of this design, on receiving intelligence that his old enemies the Petchenegans had assembled in great numbers, ravaged the Kievian territory, and laid siege to the capital, within the walls of which were shut up his mother and his sons. Sviatolaf hastened to the relief of his family, but before he reached home, the Petchenegans had been induced to raise the siege by an artifice of the Kievian general. Sviatolaf on his arrival pursued the enemy, defeated them, and obliged them to sue for peace.

He now resumed his design of establishing himself on the banks of the Danube, and divided his hereditary of the principalities among his children. He gave Kief to Ya- ropolk, the Drevlian territory to Oleg, and on Vladimir, a natural son, born to him by one of the attendants of Olga, he bestowed the government of Novgorod. On his return to Bulgaria, however, he found that his affairs had assumed a very different aspect. The Bulgarians taking advantage of his absence with his troops, had recovered most of their towns, and seemed well prepared to resist the encroachments of a foreign power.

They fell on Sviatolaf as he approached the walls of Pereiallavatz, and began the attack with so much fury, that at first the Russians were defeated with great slaughter. They, however, soon rallied, and taking courage from despair, renewed the battle with so much success, that they in their turn became masters of the field. Sviatolaf took possession of the town, and soon recovered all that he had lost.

During these transactions the emperor Nicephorus had been assassinated, and John Zemifaces, his murderer, had succeeded to the imperial diadem. The new emperor sent ambassadors to the Russian monarch, requiring him to comply with the stipulations of his treaty with Nicephorus, and evacuate Bulgaria, which he had agreed to occupy as an ally, but not as a master. Sviatolaf refused to give up his newly acquired possessions, and prepared to decide the contest by force of arms. The particulars of this campaign, and the numbers of the contending armies, are very differently related by the Russian annalists, and the historians of the Grecian empire; the former stating that Sviatolaf had not more than 10,000 men, and yet was victorious over the troops of Zemifaces; while the Grecian historians affirm that the Russians amounted to 300,000, but were defeated, and compelled to abandon Bulgaria by the superior skill and discipline of the imperial troops. As far as respects the issue of the war, the Grecian writers are probably correct; for it is certain that Sviatolaf retreated towards Russia with the shattered remains of his army. He did not, however, live to reach the capital, for having, contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, attempted to return to Kief, up the dangerous navigation of the Dnieper, he was intercepted by the Petchenegans near the rocks that form the cataracts of that river. After remaining on the defensive during winter, exposed to all the horrors of famine and disease, he on the return of spring attempted to force his way through the ranks of the enemy; but his troops were defeated, and himself killed in the battle.

It is said that Sviatolaf extended the boundaries of the Russian dominions by his conquests in Bulgaria; but if his expeditions in that quarter terminated in the manner which we have related, this extension must have been merely temporary, and seems to have had little effect in increasing the power and resources of his successors.

Yaropolk the sovereign of Kief may be considered as the successor of Sviatolaf on the Russian throne; but his reign was short and turbulent. A war took place between him and his brother Oleg, on account of a base assassination committed by the latter on the son of his father's friend and privy counsellor Svenald. Oleg was defeated and slain, and the other brother, Vladimir, dreading the increased power and ambitious disposition of Yaropolk, abandoned his dominions, which were quickly seized on by the Kievian prince. Vladimir had retired among the Varagians, from whom he soon procured such succours as enabled him to make effectual head against the usurper. While his natural courage was thus increased, his enmity against Yaropolk received an additional spur from an affront put on him by a lady whom he had sought in marriage, but who despising the meanness of his birth, as being the son of a slave, had rejected his proposals, and offered her hand to Yaropolk. The vindictive Vladimir, on being informed of this insult, attacked the possessions of the lady's father, put both him and his two sons to the sword, and obliged the princes to accept his hand, yet reeking with the blood of her father. He now advanced towards Kief, where Yaropolk was by no means prepared to oppose him. The Kievian prince had indeed been lulled into security by the treacherous reports of one of his voevodes, who was in the interest of Vladimir, and who not only prevented Yaropolk from taking effectual measures for his safety, but found means to raise suspicions in his breast against the inhabitants of his capital, which he thus induced him to abandon. The Kievians, left without a leader, opened their gates to Vladimir; and the wretched Yaropolk, still misled by the treachery of his adviser, determined to throw himself on the mercy of his brother. It is probable that this would have availed him little, as Vladimir seems to have determined on his death; but before he could reach the arms of his revengeful brother, Yaropolk was assassinated by some of his Varagian followers.

By this murder, which had probably been planned by Vladimir, the conqueror acquired the undivided possession of all his father's territories, and maintained the sovereignty during a long reign, respected at home, and feared abroad. Indeed, had not the commencement of his reign been stained with the blood of his father-in-law and his brother, we might place him among the most distinguished monarchs of the age in which he lived, as he not only extended and enriched his empire, but was the means of establishing in his dominions on a firm and lasting basis, the Christian religion, which though introduced by Olga, appears hitherto to have made but a very trifling progress.

The commencement of Vladimir's reign formed but a continuation of those enormities which had conducted Vladimir to the throne. He began with removing Blude, the Great, the treacherous voevode, by whom his brother had been betrayed into his power, and to whom he had promised the highest honours and dignities. Accordingly for three days he suffered Blude to live in all the splendour of a prince. At the end of that period he thus addressed him. "I have fulfilled my promise; I have treated thee as my friend; the honours thou hast received exceed thy most fawning wishes. To day, as the judge of crimes, and the executor of justice, I condemn the traitor, and punish the assassin of his prince." Having uttered these words, he caused Blude to be put to death.

He displayed still more the perfidiousness of his character in his behaviour towards the Varagians, who had assisted in reinstating him on the throne of his ancestors; for on their requesting permission to go and seek their fortune in Greece, he granted their request, but privately advertised the emperor of their approach, and caused them to be arrested and secured.

Vladimir engaged in numerous wars, and subjected several of the neighbouring states to his dominion. He seized on part of the Polish territories, and compelled the Bulgarians who dwelt in the districts that now form the government of Kazan, to do him homage. He subdued the Petchenegans and Khazares, who lay in the immediate neighbourhood of the Kievan state; he reduced to his authority Halitch and Vladimir, countries which are now called Galicia and Lubomiria; he conquered Lithuania as far as to Memel, and took possession of a great part of the modern Livonia.

His conduct after these successes by no means prognosticated his future zeal for the Christian religion. None of the Russian monarchs appear to have been more devout in the adoration of their heathen deities than Vladimir. It was usual for him to return thanks to the gods for the success which they had granted to his arms; and to show his gratitude by offering on their altars a part of the prisoners he had taken in war. On one occasion his piety extended so far, that he resolved on selecting one of his own subjects as the object of his sacrifice, thinking that he should thus more worthily testify his gratitude for the signal favours he had received from heaven. His choice fell on a young Varagian, the son of a Christian, and who had been brought up in the new faith. The unhappy father refused the demanded victim; the people enraged at deeming their prince and their religion insulted by the refusal, assailed the house of the Christian, and having burst open the doors, butchered both the father and the son, folded in mutual embraces.

Yet this furious Pagan, and bloody warrior, afterwards became a most zealous Christian, and a shining example to his subjects of charity and benevolence. The circumstances that led to these important changes are, as well as the martial achievements of this favourite prince, related with great minuteness by the Russian annalists, and give this part of their chronicles the air rather of a historical romance, than a narrative of facts. We are told that the fame of Vladimir's military exploits had rendered him so formidable to the neighbouring nations, that each courted his alliance, and strove to render this more lasting by engaging him in the ties of the same religion with themselves. In particular the Grecian emperors sent to him a philosopher, whose exhortations, though they did not at first induce Vladimir to embrace the Greek ritual, at least succeeded in giving him a favourable opinion of it; so that the philosopher was entertained with respect, and returned home loaded with presents. We are also told, that determined to act in the most impartial manner with respect to the several religions which he had been invited to embrace, he dispatched persons remarkable for their wisdom and sagacity, to visit the surrounding nations, observe the religious tenets and ceremonies that distinguished them, and report to him the result of their observations. On the return of these deputies, the report of those who had visited the churches of Constantinople, and witnessed the imposing splendour of religious adoration, and the gorgeous decorations of the Greek priests, in the superb basilica of St Sophia, proved so satisfactory to Vladimir, that he determined on embracing the Christian religion according to the observances of the Greek church. Though he relented on baptism, he was too proud to seek from the Greek emperor a priest, by whom the solemn ordinance might be performed. With a savage ferocity worthy of the times in which he lived, he determined to gain by conquest what his haughty soul disdained to acquire by request. He assembled an army selected from all the nations of which his empire was composed, and marching to Taurida, laid siege to Theodoria, a town even then of great repute, and which commanded the whole Chernigov. On setting down before the walls of this place, he is said to have offered up the following characteristic prayer: "O God grant me thy help to take this town, that I may carry from it Christians and priests, to instruct me and my people, and convey the true religion into my dominions." His prayer was at length granted; and, rather by stratagem than force, he made himself master of the town, and through it, of the whole Crimea. He might now have received baptism; but his desire of being initiated into the Christian faith seems to have been excited more by ambition than by true devotion. His ruling passion promised to be amply gratified by an alliance with the Grecian emperors, as he would thus acquire some legal claim on the territories which they possessed. He therefore demanded in marriage, Anna, the sister of Basilus and Constantine, who jointly held the imperial dignity, threatening, that if they refused his proffered alliance, he would lay siege to Constantinople. After some deliberation, the emperors complied, on condition that Vladimir and his people should become Christians; and these conditions being accepted, the Russian monarch was baptized, took the name of Basilus, received the Grecian princess, and, as the reward of his victories, carried off several popes and archimandrites, together with sacred vessels and church books, images of saints, and consecrated relics.

Whatever might have been the considerations that His latter swayed with Vladimir in his conversion to the Christian character, faith, it is certain that his new religion had the happiest influence on his future life and conduct. He not only abjured idolatry himself, and destroyed the idols which he had caused to be raised in his dominions, but used every exertion to persuade and compel his subjects to follow his example. Before his conversion, he is said to have possessed five wives, and 800 concubines, but after he became a Christian, he maintained an unshaken fidelity towards the imperial princess. As a Pagan he had been lavish of human blood, and set but a trifling value on the life of a man; but after he had adopted the religion of Jesus, he could scarcely be persuaded to sentence to death a single highway robber. His former delight had been in storming towns and gaining battles; but he now found his greatest pleasure in building churches, and endowing seminaries of education. He encouraged the raising of new cities and towns; peopled the waste districts of his country with the prisoners whom he had taken in war; and not only conducted himself as a sovereign who consulted the welfare of his dominions, but displayed many amiable qualities that highly endeared him to his subjects. On great festivals, he was accustomed to give entertainments to the inhabitants of the capital, and to send refreshments to those who were prevented, by sickness or infirmity, from attending the public feast. By these marks of regard to the general and individual interests of his people, he contributed to win them from the old religion, and to give them a taste for the new doctrines which he professed. By showing that Christianity had made him both a milder and a wiser prince, he inflamed from his people a respect for the new religion, while the striking example of the sovereign and his nobles could not fail to influence the minds of the inferior orders. Having one day issued a proclamation, ordering all the inhabitants of Kief to repair next morning to the banks of the river to be baptized, the people cheerfully obeyed the order, observing that if it were not good to be baptized, the prince and the boyars would never submit to the ceremony.

The establishment of Christianity in the Russian dominions, forms one of the most prominent features in the reign of Vladimir, and gives him a much juster claim to the title of Great, which has been bestowed on him by historians, than all his numerous victories. We have therefore dwelt on it with the greater minuteness. Indeed the latter transactions of his reign afford but little interest. His last days were embittered by domestic vexations; his wife and one of his favourite sons died long before him, and another of his sons, Yaroslav, on whom he had bestowed the government of Novgorod, refused to acknowledge him as his liege, and applied to the Varagians for assistance against his father. The aged Vladimir, compelled to march against a rebellious son, died with grief upon the road, after a long and glorious reign of 35 years.

The character of this monarch may be easily collected from the account we have given of the transactions that marked his reign. He had certainly great, if not amiable qualities; and if he failed in communicating to his subjects the zeal for civilization and improvement which he himself possessed, it was the fault rather of the times, than of the instructor. His country remained barbarous, because barbarism was the characteristic of the age, and the monarch himself rose but little above the character of a barbarian, because the times in which he lived did not admit of superior refinement. It has been well observed by an ingenious writer on the history of Russia, that it is scarcely possible for a man to rise far above his contemporaries, and that had Vladimir lived in the 17th century, the civilization and refinement of Russia might have been imputed to him, as it is now imputed to Peter the Great.

Notwithstanding the circumstances we have noticed, the improvement which Russia owed to this prince was great and permanent. With the Christian religion he imported from Greece the arts which then flourished in that empire, and almost entirely new-modelled the language of his country, by engraving on it the more refined dialect of the Greeks, and adopting, in a great measure, the letters of their alphabet. See Philology.

The dominions of Russia, which at first consisted of two principalities, that of Novgorod, bordering on the Baltic, and that of Kief, occupying no very large space on the eastern bank of the Dnieper, were, by the victories of Vladimir, extended westward along the shores of the Baltic, into Lithuania and Poland; southward along the shores of the Euxine, so as to include the Crimea and great part of the Bulgarian territories; while to the east it extended to the Oka, the Don and the Volga. He still maintained the seat of government at Kief, of which he was styled grand prince, while the other districts were either tributary to that principality, or held of it as their superior.

Before his death, Vladimir had divided his extensive territories among his twelve sons, reserving to himself and his immediate heir, the grand principality of Kief. The consequences of this ill-judged distribution were its division, contention, and almost perpetual warfare among his sons. The most respectable, and in the end among his sons, commonly called Jarislav, prince of Novgorod. This prince finding that Sviatopolk, who had raised himself to the sovereignty of Kief after his father's death, attempted by assassination, or force of arms, to take possession of the neighbouring principalities, determined to resist him in his encroachments. Collecting an army of Novgorodians, he in 1016, drove Sviatopolk from Kief, and forced him to seek an asylum with his father-in-law, Boleslaus, duke of Poland. Boleslaus was easily persuaded to engage in the cause of his son-in-law, as he hoped to reap advantage from the quarrels among the descendants of Vladimir, and not only regain that part of his dominions which had been conquered by that prince, but enlarge his territory by encroachments on the Rusian borders. He therefore accompanied Sviatopolk into Russia with an army, retook Kief, and obliged the Novgorodian prince to retire with precipitation. While he was endeavouring to collect fresh forces to renew the war with Boleslaus and Sviatopolk, the latter, by the treachery and perfidy with which he treated his Polish allies, contributed to his own downfall. He caused great numbers of the Poles to be secretly massacred, a transaction by which Boleslaus was so incensed, that he plundered Kief, made himself master of several places on the Rusian frontiers, and then left his perfidious son-in-law to shift for himself. Sviatopolk now sought assistance from the Petchenegans, and with an army of these auxiliaries, offered battle to Yaroslav, not far from the place, where he had, four years before, caused one of his brothers to be murdered. The contest was long and bloody, but terminated in favour of Yaroslav. Sviatopolk was put to flight, and died soon after.

By this victory Yaroslav acquired possession of the greater part of his father's dominions, and testified his gratitude for the assistance given him by the Novgorodians, by the attention which he paid to the particular improvement of that state. He drew up for it a code of laws, which are still known by the appellation of the municipal law of Novgorod. He also exerted himself for the welfare of other towns, and of the country at large.

Yaroslav did not neglect the advancement of the Christian religion. He established a metropolitan in Kief, and thus gave to the Rusian clergy a head, who might watch over the morals of the inferior pastors, and provide for the general dissemination of the Christian doctrine. He collected several books in the Greek religion, and caused many of them to be translated into the Rusian language.

This monarch is supposed to have died in 1054, and to have reigned 35 years. He followed the example of his father, in dividing his territories among his sons, though he endeavoured to prevent the divisions which he himself had witnessed from such a partition, by exhorting them on his deathbed, to the most intimate concord, and endeavouring to convince them that they would be respected by their subjects, and feared by their enemies. We know little of the proceedings of Yaroslaf's successors, except that Iftialaf, his eldest son, and grand prince of Kief, had frequent disputes with his brothers, in which he was afflitted by the Poles, and supported by the influence of the Roman pontiff. During these disputes he was once expelled from his dominions, but again recovered them, and reigned till 1078.

From the death of Iftialaf to the beginning of the 13th century, the history of Russia comprises little else than a continued series of intestine commotions and petty warfare with the neighbouring states. The same system of dismemberment was continued by the succeeding princes, and was attended with the same result. There were during this period not fewer than 17 independent principalities, though these were at length reduced to seven, viz. those of Kief, Novgorod, Smolensk, Vladimir, Tver, Halitch, and Molchva (Molcho). Of these, Kief and Novgorod long continued to be the most powerful, though they could not always maintain their superiority over the other principalities; and towards the latter end of the period which we have mentioned, the district of Vladimir erected itself into a grand principality, and became at least as powerful as Kief and Novgorod.

In the supremacy of these three great principalities, we may trace the division of European Russia into Great, Little, and White Russia, a distinction which long maintained its ground, and in later times gave to the sovereign of this empire the title of monarch or emperor of all the Russias. Great Russia comprehended the principality of Novgorod, and extended northward to the White sea, eastward to the river Dvina, and the entrance of the Petchora into the Urallian mountains; while to the south it bordered on the district of Vladimir, as far as the Volga and the mouth of the Medveditzha, and to the west on Lithuania and Prussia, including the tributary tribes on the Baltic, as far as Memel. Its capital was Novgorod. Little Russia extended along the river Ager to the north above the Donetz and the Oka, on the east to the Polovtzes and the Petchenegs, while to the south it stretched as far as the Taurican Cheroneus, or the Crimea, and to the west along the banks of the river Goryn. This was the principality of Kief, and in that city was held the seat of government. The principality of Vladimir received the name of White Russia. It extended northward along the Volga, to the southern boundary of Great Russia; to the east it bordered on the possessions of the Ugres, and the territory of the Mordvines, stretching down the Volga to the mouth of the Oka; to the south it extended along the Oka to the principality of Riazan, and the Bulgarian territory. The metropolis of this division was at first Shuia, afterwards Rostof, Sufdal, and Vladimir, till at length the seat of government was transferred to Mosco.

The principality of Novgorod appears, during this interval, to have been the most respectable for its commercial intercourse with the neighbouring nations, and for the independent spirit of its internal government. This, though nominally monarchical, seems to have possessed much of a republican character. The princes were evidently dependent on the people, and some ludicrous instances of this dependence are related by the old historians. One of the grand princes had so much displeased his people, that they refused to pay him their usual obedience. As the prince seems to have been aware of the little influence which he possessed in the state, he employed the metropolitan of the principality to negotiate a reconciliation. This prelate accordingly wrote to the Novgorodians in the following terms. "The grand prince has acted wrong towards you, but he is sorry for it, defies you to forgive him, and will behave better for the future. I will be surety for him, and befriend you, you to receive him with honour and dignity."

During the intestine broils that attended the dismemberment of the Russian monarchy, the ambition of its neighbours, and partly the folly of the contending princes, who solicited their affluence against their rivals, &c., contributed to diminish the strength and resources of the empire. In particular the Poles and the Hungarians availed themselves of these circumstances. Invited into Russia by the rival princes, and allured by the hope of plunder, they readily lent their aid to any of the parties. By ravaging the towns and villages, carrying off the captives into slavery, and making a prey of whatever appeared most useful, they quickly recompensed themselves for their affluence. The Poles seem to have been most successful in their depredations, and to have fully revenged themselves for their former humiliation.

It is not surprising that a state of anarchy and confusion, such as we have described, should hold out a temptation to any powerful nation to attempt at acquiring the dominion of a people who showed that they were incapable of governing themselves. Not far from the confines of Vladimir and Kief, viz. in the neighbourhood of the sea of Aral, the wandering hordes of Mongols, or Mongol Tartars, had taken up their residence. These people appear to have descended from the ancient Scythians, and to have long dwelt on the confines of the Chinese empire. Hence they gradually marched westward, and about 1223 arrived on the shores of the sea of Aral, under the conduct of Tutechi, son of the famous Tschinghis Khan, chief of the Mogul empire, many of whose warlike exploits have been recounted under the article Mogul. From the Aral, Tutechi conducted his horde along the shores of the Caspian, and gradually approached the Dniepr. In his course he attacked and overcame the Tscherkeffes, or Circassians, who on his approach had joined with the Polovtzes, to resist the terrible enemy. The defeated Polovtzes gave notice to their neighbours the Russians, of the approaching storm, and invited them to form a common cause against the enemy. In the mean time the Tartars had sent ambassadors to the Russians, hoping to prevent their alliance with the Polovtzes, and thus the more easily subdue the disunited nations. For this time, however, the Russians were true to their own interest, and proved firm to their alliance. In concert with the Polovtzes, they assembled an army, and prepared to resist the incursions of the Tartars. Both parties met near the small river Kalka, which flows into the sea of Azof, and a furious engagement took place. The Russians fought with great intrepidity, but the Polovtzes thrown into consternation at the furious onset of the Tartars, suddenly betook themselves to flight. As they formed the van-guard, their flight put the Russian army, which was drawn up behind them, into such complete disorder, disorder, that a total rout ensued. The prince of Kief, who had kept himself aloof during the engagement, attempted to resist the victorious Tartars, but his army was attacked and defeated with great slaughter.

Had the princes who then shared among them the Russian territories firmly united against the common enemy, there is little doubt that they might have stemmed the torrent, which soon, from their state of rivalry and division, burst in and overwhelmed them. About 13 years after the defeat on the Kalka, another horde of Tartars, headed by Baty Khan, the grandson of Tchinghis-khan, penetrated into Russia, after having attacked and defeated their neighbours the Bulgarians. The Tartars soon spread far and wide the terror of their name. Wherever they came, the whole face of nature was laid waste; towns and villages were destroyed by fire; all the men capable of bearing arms were put to the sword, and the children, women, and old men, carried into captivity. If the inhabitants of the towns to which they approached offered a compromise, the faithless barbarians affected to receive their submission; but immediately broke the agreement, and treated those who surrendered to their mercy with as much rigour as those who had endeavoured to defend themselves, and had been overcome. If the inhabitants of the open towns and villages came out to meet them, and to receive them as conquerors and friends; death, torture, or the most ignominious bondage, was the reward of their spontaneous submission.

The first state which they attacked was Riazan, the prince of which applied for assistance to Yury, commonly called by historians, George Sevolditch, grand prince of Vladimir, who was then chief of the Russian princes. He sent them a few auxiliaries, but they either came too late, or their number was too small. The principality of Riazan fell, and its fall was succeeded by that of Pereiaslav, Rofof, Sudal, and several others. Like a furious torrent rushing down the mountain's side, and irresistibly carrying with it all that impedes its progress, these barbarous hordes rolled their rapid course, carrying in their train fire and sword, ravages and desolation, torments and death, and sweeping all before them in one common devastation. They now approached the principality of Vladimir, and no army appeared to resist them on the frontiers. They advanced unimpeded to the capital, which, left to its fate by the grand prince, had nothing to expect, but the same cruel treatment, which the neighbouring cities had received. Yury, with unpardonable negligence, was celebrating a marriage feast, when he ought to have been employed in collecting the means of defence against the enemy, of whose approach to his borders he had received timely intimation. The city of Vladimir, which contained the princes and two of her sons, was left to the protection of a chieftain, totally unqualified for its defence, and the inhabitants seemed to share the pusillanimity of their governor. Instead of annoying the enemy by occasional excursions, and preparing the means of defending the walls against a sudden attack, they gave themselves up to terror and despair; and as they conceived death to be inevitable, they prepared for it, by taking the habits of monks and nuns, in order to insure to themselves a blissful departure. A prey to fear and despondency, the city soon fell into the hands of the Tartars. They one morning scaled the walls, and meeting with little opposition, quickly made themselves masters of the place; when they cast aside every feeling of humanity, and like beasts of prey, glutted their appetite for blood among the wretched inhabitants. The grand princes, and other ladies of distinction, dreading the brutality of the relentless conquerors, had taken refuge in the choir of a church, an asylum which all the assurances of the Tartars that they should suffer no injury, could not prevail on them to abandon. It was therefore set on fire by the barbarians, who feasted their ears with the shrieks and groans of the women, as the flames surrounded them.

Yury, incensed almost to desperation, at the fate of his capital, and the horrible death of his wife and children, was determined to take signal vengeance on the assailants. He assembled all the forces which he could draw together, and though his army was greatly inferior in numbers to the Tartars, he marched against the enemy, and attacked them with the most determined valour. The struggle was short, but bloody; the Tartars were victorious, and the body of Yury was found among the slain.

This appears to have been the only vigorous stand made by the Russian princes. The Tartars pushed forward with rapidity, and successively overpowered the principalities of Novgorod and Kief. In the latter city they found immense booty; but this circumstance did not prevent them from repeating here the same bloody scenes which they had acted in the other capitals. The governor was preserved from the cruelties that had been inflicted on the inhabitants, by the courage he had displayed in defence of the city; and his noble demeanour, when he fell into the hands of the conqueror, acquired the esteem and affection of that chief, and enabled him to obtain a temporary repose to his country.

The Tartars had now established themselves in the successor Russian territories, and their khan or chief, though he of Russia did not himself assume the nominal sovereignty, reigned as paramount lord, and placed on the throne any of the native princes whom he found most obsequious to his will, or who had ingratiated themselves by the magnificence of their presents. The throne was successively occupied by Yaroslaf II. Alexander Yaroslavitch, Yaroslaf Yaroslavitch, Vasilii Yaroslavitch, Dimitri Alexandrovitch, Andrei, Danil, both brothers of Dimitri, Mikaila Yaroslavitch, Yury Danilovitch, Alexander Mikailovitch, Ivan Danilovitch, Simeon Ivanovitch, and Ivan Ivanovitch.

Among the princes whom we have enumerated, we must particularly notice Alexander the son of Yaroslaf der Neffsky II. This prince was installed grand prince of Russia by the Tartar khan in 1252, and continued to reign till 1264. He is remarkable chiefly for a decisive victory gained by him over the Danes on the banks of the Neva—a victory which procured him the honourable surname of Neffsky (the conqueror). This victory is said to have taken place in 1239, while Alexander was governor of Novgorod, under his father Yaroslaf, who then reigned at Vladimir. After his accession to the throne on the death of his father, he engaged in a successful war with Sweden. This prince is held in great veneration by the Russians, and several miracles are attributed to him. In particular it is said, that when the prayer of absolution was offered to his corpse previous to interment (a practice long customary in Russia), the hand... hand of the dead body opened to receive it. His reputation for sanctity occasioned him to be ranked among the tutelary saints of the Greek church, where he still holds a distinguished place, by the title of St Alexander Nevsky.

During these several reigns, which all historians have passed over for want of records concerning them, the miseries of a foreign yoke were aggravated by all the calamities of intestine discord and war; whilst the knights of Livonia, or brothers of the short-sword, as they are sometimes called, a kind of military order of religious, on one side, and the Poles on the other, catching at the opportunity, attacked Russia, and took several of its towns, and even some considerable countries. The Tartars and Russians, whose interests were in this case the same, often united to oppose their common enemy; but were generally worsted. The Livonians took Plefkow, and the Poles made themselves masters of Black Russia, the Ukraine, Podolia, and the city of Kief. Casimir the Great, one of their kings, carried his conquests still farther. He asserted his pretensions to a part of Russia, in right of his relation to Boleslaus duke of Kalitz, who died without issue, and forcibly possessed himself of the duchies of Perzemyslia, Kalitz, and Luckow, and of the districts of Sanock, Lubaczow, and Terebowla; all which countries he made a province of Poland.

The newly-conquered Russians were ill-disposed to endure the government of the Poles, whose laws and customs were more contrary to their own than those of the Tartars had been. They joined the latter to rid themselves of the yoke, and assembled an army numerous enough to overwhelm all Poland, but destitute of valour and discipline. Casimir, undaunted by this deluge of barbarians, presented himself at the head of a few troops on the borders of the Vistula, and obliged his enemies to retire.

About the year 1362 Dimitri Ivanovitch received the sovereignty from the Tartar chief, and established the seat of his government at Mosco. This prince possessed considerable ambition, and contrived to inspire the other Russian princes with so much respect for his person and government, that they consented to hold their principalities as fiefs under Dimitri. This increased the consequence of the Russian prince, excited the jealousy of Mamai the Tartar khan, who determined to take measures for maintaining his superiority. He began by demanding an increase of tribute, but when Dimitri seemed to demur at consenting to this new encroachment, the khan not only insisted on his demand, but required the grand prince to appear before him in person. This requisition Dimitri thought proper to refuse, and prepared to support his refusal by force of arms. The terror with which the Tartars had inspired the inhabitants of Russia had now considerably subsided, while the hatred which the Russians bore these haughty masters, was kept alive by the barbarity of their manners, and the difference of their religion. The Christian ministers, justly dreading that the Tartars, in their furious progress, might extirpate Christianity, contributed all in their power to confirm the spirit of revolt among the people; and they promised the crown of martyrdom to such as should fall in battle against the infidels. Thus, the contest into which the grand prince determined to enter in support his authority, became in some measure a holy war, undertaken in defence of the national religion. This combination of favourable circumstances operated so strongly in favour of Dimitri, and the princes that had confederated with him, that they soon collected an army of 200,000 men. With this force the grand prince left Mosco, and marched towards the Don, on the southern bank of which the Tartars were encamped. Arrived at this river, he left it to the choice of his troops, either to cross the river, and encounter the enemy on the other side, or to await the attack where they were. The general voice declared for passing over to the assault. The grand prince accordingly transported his battalions across the river, that he might cut off all hope of escaping by retreat. The fight now commenced, and though the numbers of the foe far exceeded their own, the Russians defended themselves valiantly against the furious onset of the Tartars; but as these barbarians were continually relieved by fresh reinforcements, they appeared to be gaining ground. Indeed, nothing but the impossibility of retreating across the river, and the firm persuasion that death would immediately transport them to the mansions of eternal bliss, restrained the Russians from a general flight. At the moment when the day seemed entirely lost, a detachment of the grand prince's army which he had stationed in reserve, and had remained out of the view of the enemy, came up with unabated force, fell on the rear of the Tartars, threw them into such terror and confusion, that they fled with Mamai at their head, and left the Russian masters of the field. This contest must have been extremely bloody, as we are told that eight days were employed by the remains of the Russian army, in burying the bodies of their slaughtered companions, while those of the Tartars were left uninterred upon the ground.

This glorious victory, which took place in 1380, was attended with numerous advantages to the Russian cause. In particular, it taught the native princes that the Tartars were not unconquerable; that nothing was wanting to relieve them from the galling yoke under which they had long groaned, but mutual union, courage, and prudence. The Tartars appear to have been too much humbled by this defeat, that for a time they left the Russians to enjoy in peace their recovered liberty. This forbearance, however, was not of long duration. Before the death of Dimitri they returned with increased numbers, laid siege to Mosco, which, after an obstinate defence, was at length induced to surrender, and Russia once more submitted to her old masters.

Dimitri died in 1389, and was succeeded by his son Vasilii Dimitrievitch. In the reign of this prince a new Reign of incursion of the Tartars took place, under the great Vasilii Timur or Tamerlane, who after having subdued all the neighbouring Tartar hordes, extended his conquests to the Russian territories, carried Mosco by assault, and carried off immense plunder.

The grand principality of Vladimir, or as it may now be called, of Mosco, had, at the end of the 14th century, attained its greatest height, while that of Kief had proportionally declined. This latter principality was at the time of which we are now writing, under the dominion of the Poles, having been seized on in 1320 by the Gedemin, duke of Lithuania.

The latter end of the 15th century forms a splendid epoch in the Russian history. At this time, viz. from RUS

1462 to 1505, reigned Ivan Vasiliivitch, or, as he is commonly called, John Baslovitz. This able prince, by his invincible spirit and refined policy, became both the conqueror and deliverer of his country, and laid the first foundation of its future grandeur. Observing with indignation the narrow limits of his power at his accession to the throne, after the death of his father Vasilii the Blind, he began immediately to resolve within himself the means of enlarging his dominions. Marriage, though he had in reality no regard or inclination for women, seemed to him one of the best expedients he could begin with; and accordingly he demanded and obtained Maria, sister of Michael duke of Twer, whom he soon after deposed, under pretence of revenging the injuries done to his father, and added this duchy to his own territories of Mosco. Maria, by whom he had a son named Ivan, who died before him, did not live long; and upon her death he married Sophia, daughter of Thomas Paleologus, who had been driven from Constantinople, and forced to seek shelter at Rome, where the Pope portioned this princess, in hopes of thus procuring great advantage to the Roman religion; but his expectations were frustrated, Sophia being obliged to conform to the Greek church after her arrival in Russia.

What could induce Ivan to seek a comfort at such a distance is nowhere accounted for, unless it be, that he hoped by this means to establish a pretension to the empire of the east, to which her father was the next heir; but however that may be, the Russians certainly owed to this alliance their deliverance from the Tartar yoke. Shocked at the servile homage exacted by these proud victors, her husband going to meet their ambassadors at some distance from the city, and standing to hear what they had to say, whilst they were at dinner; Sophia told him that she was surprised to find that she had married a servant to the Tartars. Nettled at this reproach, Ivan feigned himself ill when the next deputation from the Tartars arrived, and by means of this stratagem, avoided a repetition of the humiliating ceremonial. Another circumstance equally displeasing to this princess was, that the Tartars possessed by agreement within the walls of the palace at Mosco, houses in which their ministers resided, a stipulation which they had made, at once to shew their power, and watch the actions of the grand prince. To rid her husband and herself of these unpleasent neighbours, Sophia sent a formal embassy to the khan, to inform him, that as she had been favoured with a vision from above, commanding her to build a temple in the place where then stood the houses of the Tartar ministers, her mind could not be at ease till she had fulfilled the divine command; she therefore desired his leave to pull them down, and give his people others. The khan consented; the houses within the Kremlin (D) were demolished, and none new ones being provided, the Tartar residents were obliged to leave Mosco, an affront which their prince was not able to revenge, as he was then engaged in a war with the Poles.

Ivan taking advantage of this circumstance, and having gradually increased his forces, now openly disclaimed all subjection to the Tartars, attacked their territories, and made himself master of Kazan. Here he was solemnly crowned with a diadem which is said to be the same that is still used in the coronation of the Russian sovereigns. This took place about the year 1470, and led to a complete emancipation of Russia from the Tartar dominion. Ivan afterwards carried his arms against the neighbouring states. The province of Permia, with Asiatic Bulgaria, and great part of Lapland, soon submitted to him, and the great Novgorod, a city then so famous that the Russians were accustomed to intimate their idea of its importance by the proverbial expression, Who can resist God and the great Novgorod? was reduced by his generals after a seven years siege, and yielded immense treasure. This place was so wealthy, that Alexander Witold, prince of Lithuania, to whom the Novgorodians were then tributary, derived from it a yearly contribution of 100,000 rubles. The booty carried off by Ivan to Mosco, is said to have consisted of 300 cart loads of gold, silver, and precious stones, with a much greater quantity of furs, cloths, and other merchandise. After he quitted the city, which had been awed by his presence, the discontent excited at his violent measures broke out into acts of mutiny, on which he, in 1485, carried off 50 of the principal families, and distributed them through several of the Russian towns. He afterwards carried off some thousands of the most considerable inhabitants, and replaced them by more loyal subjects from other places. By these proceedings the flourishing commerce of this city received a considerable shock, and it suffered still more by the imprisonment of all the German merchants, and the confiscation of their effects. Indeed from this period Novgorod never recovered its former splendour.

After his reduction of Novgorod, Ivan invaded the territories of Livonia and Esthonia, in consequence, as we are told, of an affront offered to him by the inhabitants of Reval. Here, however, he met with a stout resistance, and does not seem to have made much progress. Towards the conclusion of his reign, the Kazanian Tartars, who, though humbled, had continued to inhabit that district, made a hard struggle to shake off the Russian yoke that had been imposed on them; but Ivan had established his authority too firmly for them to accomplish their purpose during his life. He died in 1505, and was succeeded by his son Vasilii Ivanovitch, commonly called Basilus III.

The Tartars of Kazan were still suffered to maintain a degree of independency, by electing their own khans; but a Russian noble, under the denomination of voivode, was associated with the khan in the government, and took care that the administration should be conducted in such a manner as to secure the interests of his master. About 14 years after the death of Ivan, however, the Tartars resolved to overturn so humiliating an administration. They murdered the Russian voivode, expelled their nominal khan, and united themselves with their brethren of the Crimea. With their assistance they assembled a mighty force, entered the Russian dominions, and carried their arms even to the gates of Mosco. The grand prince Vasilii found himself at that time unable

(D) The Kremlin is a quarter of Mosco, where stands the palace of the tzars, first built of stone by Dimitri Ivanovitch Dowski in 1367. See Mosco. unable to resist the barbarians, and therefore purchased an exemption from general pillage by great presents, and a promise of renewed allegiance. The Tartars retired, but carried off immense booty, and nearly 300,000 prisoners, the greater part of whom they sent to Theodora in the Crimea, and sold them to the Turks. This humiliation of Vasilii did not, however, long continue, and he was soon enabled to make head against the Tartars, and to recover possession of the city Kazan, and of Pskov, a city which had been built by the princess Olga, and was the great rival of Novgorod in wealth and commercial importance. Under this prince all the principalities of Russia were once more united, and they have remained ever since under the dominion of one sovereign.

It was under the son and successor of Vasilii, Ivan IV., or, as he is styled by the Russian historians, Ivan Vasilievich II., that Russia completely emancipated herself from her subjection to the Tartars, and acquired a vast accession of territory, which extended her empire into the north-east of Asia, and rendered her, for the first time, superior in extent to any state that had appeared since the Roman empire. Vasilii died in 1533, having reigned 28 years, and lived 55. His son Ivan was only three years old when he succeeded to the throne, and the queen-mother was appointed regent during his minority. During her administration the state became a prey to anarchy and confusion. She seems to have had no talents for government, and devoted herself entirely to the pursuit of pleasure, so that the ambitious nobles, and in particular the uncles of the young prince, had the most favourable opportunity for aggrandising themselves at the expense of the sovereign. The queen mother died in 1538; and though the names and characters of those who assumed the regency after her death are not known, it appears that they must have conducted the administration with considerable prudence and circumspection, as, when Ivan attained his 17th year, he was enabled to assume the reins of government without opposition; and from the important transactions in which he immediately engaged, must have been possessed of considerable resources.

In taking into his own hands the government of the state, Ivan displayed so much prudence and manly fortitude, as soon raised him very high in the estimation of his subjects. At the same time he showed marks of a tyrannical disposition, and irritability of temper, which made him rather feared than admired by his friends, while they rendered him an object of terror to his neighbours and his enemies. He saw himself surrounded on all sides by contending factions, and to suppress these was the first object of his care. In the choice of means for effecting this, he does not seem to have been very scrupulous, provided they tended to the accomplishment of his aim; and in punishing the offences of those who opposed his purpose, his violence of temper not unfrequently led him to confound the innocent with the guilty. He was, however, successful in his great design, and having secured the domestic tranquillity of his dominions, he had leisure to direct his attention to the more remote, but not less predominant objects of his ambition. He resolved to attempt liberating his country forever from the dominion of the Tartars, and he succeeded. In 1551, he marched an army in the depth of winter into the district of Kazan, and laid siege to the capital, regardless of the murmurs of his troops, who loudly and openly expressed their dislike to this expedition, declaring that no good commander would think of conducting his forces to sieges and battles during the inclemencies of winter, or attempt at such a season to attack the enemy in their quarters. Exasperated at these murmurs, he determined to punish severely the principal officers who had contributed to foment the discontent of the soldiers, and by this well-timed severity he effectually repressed all opposition to his will.

Before entering seriously on the siege of Kazan, he himself built several forts on the frontiers of the Tartar territories, by which he hoped to awe these barbarians, and prevent them from disturbing the peace of his dominions. He then invested Kazan, and in the year 1552, made himself master of it by the new, and, to the Tartars, unheard-of method of springing a mine below the walls. We are told by some historians, that the city had made an obstinate defence, and that, during the siege, which lasted above seven years, another alarming mutiny broke out in the besieging army; that Ivan was in great danger of his life, and was obliged for a time to abandon the enterprise, and retire to Mosco, where he made an example of the chief mutineers, and again returned to the siege of Kazan. How far this statement is to be relied on, it is difficult now to determine; but perhaps this mutiny is confounded with that which we have already noticed, as having taken place at the commencement of the enterprise.

As Kazan was taken by storm, the inhabitants were treated with much rigour; and the slaughter was so dreadful, that even the flinty heart of Ivan is said to have relented at the heaps of dead bodies which struck his sight on entering the city. The inhabitants that escaped slaughter, and the remains of the Tartars, were offered mercy on condition that they should embrace the Christian faith. By this important conquest the dominion of the Tartars, which had oppressed the Russians for more than three centuries, was completely and permanently overthrown.

About two years after he had abolished the power of the Tartars, he extended his conquests eastward to the shores of the Caspian, and took possession of the territory that lay on the right bank of the Volga, round the city of Astrakhan, which was also inhabited by the Tartar hordes.

Ivan, as well as his grandfather, had found it necessary to chastise the inhabitants of Novgorod; but in the year 1570, this city being suspected of forming a plot for delivering itself and the surrounding territory into the hands of the king of Poland, felt still more severely the effects of his vengeance. All who had been in any degree implicated in the conspiracy, to the number of 25,000, suffered by the hands of the executioner. The city of Pskov was threatened with a similar proscription; but Ivan, on their voluntary submission, contented himself with the execution of a few monks, and the confiscation of the property of the most opulent inhabitants. It is not surprising that acts like these should have given to this prince the names of terrible and tyrant, by which historians have occasionally distinguished him; though it is not a little extraordinary, that he should should have retained so much interest in the affections of his subjects, that when, to try their attachment, he, in 1575, abdicated the government, and retained only the title of Prince of Mosco, the majority of the nation loudly expressed their wish for him to resume the administration of affairs. We can account for this, only by considering the measures which he had adopted for the improvement and civilization of his people. These were of such a nature as in a great measure to obliterate the remembrance of his cruelty and oppression. He promulgated a new code of laws, composed partly of such ancient statutes as still were in force, and were capable of improvement, and partly of new regulations, which he either contrived himself, or adopted from the neighbouring states. He found it necessary, however, to render many of these laws extremely severe, though their execution was most frequently exemplified in the persons of his nobles, whose perverstness and obstinacy seemed unconquerable by more lenient measures.

Ivan cultivated an intercourse with several of the European states, especially with Germany, for which country he seems to have had a very particular esteem. Early in his reign, viz. in 1547, he sent a splendid embassy to the emperor Charles V, requesting him to permit a number of German artists, mechanics, and literary men, to establish themselves in Russia. Charles readily complied with his request, and several hundred volunteers were collected and assembled at Lubeck, whence they were to proceed through Livonia to Mosco. The Lubeckers, however, jealous that the improvement of the Russians in arts and manufactures might render them independent of their neighbours, and diminish the commercial intercourse that had long subsisted between their city and the principal towns of Russia, arrested the Germans in their route, and in concert with the merchants of Reval and Riga, sent a petition to Charles, requesting him to recall the permission he had granted. In consequence of these measures, many of the German artists returned home, but several of them escaped the vigilance of the Lubeckers, and reached Mosco by a circuitous route. Ivan endeavoured to revenge himself on the Livonians by invading their country. This was strenuously defended by the Teutonic knights; and these champions, finding at last that they were unable to maintain their ground, rather than submit to the Russian monarch, put their country under the protection of Poland.

The Swedes also came in for a share of the Livonian territories; and this circumstance gave rise to a war between them and the Russians. Ivan invaded Finland; but that country was bravely defended by William of Furstenberg, grand master of the Livonian knights, with the assistance of the troops of Gustavus Vasa; and it does not appear that Ivan gained much in this expedition, though we are told that the Livonian grand master ended his life in a Russian prison.

In 1553, an event happened which first led to an intercourse between Russia and England. Some Englishmen who were at that time on a voyage of discovery, landed on the shores of the White sea, where soon after was built the port of Archangel. They were hospitably received by the natives; and intimation of the circumstance being conveyed to Ivan, he sent for the strangers, and was so much pleased with their abilities and deportment, that he resolved to give every encouragement to the English commerce, and thus open a new channel of intercourse with a highly polished nation, by which his subjects might obtain fresh incitements to activity and industry. We are told, that his affection for the English proceeded so far, as to induce him to form the design of marrying an English lady. He expressed the highest esteem for Queen Elizabeth, and requested by his ambassador, that if the ingratitude of his subjects should ever compel him to quit Russia, (a circumstance by no means improbable), she would grant him an asylum in her dominions. It was in consequence of this accidental communication between the Russians and the English, that England first engaged in a trade to Russia, and promoted this new commerce by the establishment of a company of Russian merchants in London.

About twenty years after Astrakan had been annexed to the Russian empire, a new acquisition of territory next Siberia to it from the conquests of a private adventurer, in the unknown regions of Siberia. The steps that led to the acquisition of this immense tract of the Asiatic continent, are thus related by Mr Tooke.

"The grand prince, Ivan III. had already sent out a body of men, who penetrated across the Ingrian mountains, and traversed all the districts as far as the river Oby. But, amidst the urgent affairs of government, the discoveries they made insensibly fell into oblivion. Some years afterwards, a merchant, named Stroganof, who was proprietor of some salt-works on the confines of Siberia, was curious to gain a farther knowledge of that country, which was likewise inhabited by Tartars, whose khan resided in the capital Sibir. Perceiving, among the persons who came to him on affairs of trade, men who belonged to no nation with which he was acquainted, he put several inquiries to them concerning the place whence they came, and once sent a few of his people with them back to their country. These people brought with them, at their return from the regions they had now explored, and which proved to be this very Siberia, a great quantity of invaluable furs, and thus opened to their master a new road to wealth. However, not so covetous as to wish to keep this treasure to himself, he sent information of it to the court, and the attention of government was once more directed to this country. But the conquest of it, and its conjunction with Russia, was referred for an adventurer named Timofeyef Yermak. This Yermak, at the head of a gang of Don Zozaks, had made it his practice to rob and plunder the caravans and passengers that occasionally frequented the roads, as well as the inhabitants, wherever he came, and was so fortunate as to escape the search of the Russian troops that had been sent out against him and his band, which consisted of not fewer than 6000 men. On their flight, he and his people accidentally came to the dwelling of Stroganof, where, hearing much talk about Siberia, and being persons who had nothing to lose, and therefore might put all to the hazard, they soon formed a plan to penetrate farther into that country, and there seek at once their safety and their fortune. After numerous struggles and conflicts with the natives, which greatly reduced their numbers, they at length conquered the capital, and shortly after the whole country. Yermak now presented the..." fruit of his toilsome and perilous victories to his tsar (E) Ivan, in hopes of obtaining thereby, a pardon of his former depredations, which was granted him accordingly. By the building of several towns, and constructing a number of forts, the possession of this country was soon permanently secured. The less and the greater Kabardye were also added to Russia in the reign of Ivan. This tsar, however, not only enlarged the circumference of his empire, partly by force of arms and partly by accident, but he resolved to reform his people, to render them more polished, more skilful, and industrious; but this he found to be the most arduous enterprise he could possibly have undertaken. The insuperable impediments which threw themselves in the way of the execution of this grand work, were the principal incitements to those frequent acts of cruelty and despotism which have covered his memory with so deep a stain."

Towards the close of Ivan's reign, a prodigious army of Turks and Tartars entered Russia, with a design to subdue the whole country. But Zerebrinoff, the tsar's general, having attacked them in a defile, put them to flight with considerable slaughter. They then retired towards the mouth of the Volga, where they expected a considerable reinforcement; but being closely pursued by the Russians and Tartars in alliance with them, they were again defeated and forced to fly towards Azof on the Black sea. But when they came there, they found the city almost entirely ruined by the blowing up of a powder magazine. The Russians then attacked their ships there, took some, and sunk the rest; by which means almost the whole army perished with hunger or by the sword of the enemy.

From this time the empire of Russia became so formidable, that none of the neighbouring nations could hope to make a total conquest of it. The Poles and Swedes indeed continued to be very formidable enemies; and, by the instigation of the former, the Crimean Tartars, in 1577, again invaded the country with an army of 70,000 men. The Russians, who might have prevented their passing the Volga, retired before them till they came within 18 miles of the city of Mosco, where they were totally defeated. The tsar no sooner heard this news, than he retired with his most valuable effects to a well-fortified cloister; upon which the Tartars entered the city, plundered it, and set fire to several churches. A violent storm which happened at the same time soon spread the flames all over the city; which was entirely reduced to ashes in six hours, though its circumference was upwards of 40 miles. The fire likewise communicated itself to a powder magazine at some distance from the city; by which accident upwards of 50 rods of the city wall, with all the buildings upon it, were destroyed; and, according to the best historians, upwards of 120,000 citizens were burnt or buried in the ruins, besides women, children, and foreigners.

The castle, however, which was strongly fortified, could not be taken; and the Tartars, hearing that a formidable army was coming against them under the command of Magnus duke of Holstein, whom Ivan had made king of Livonia, thought proper to retire. The war, nevertheless, continued with the Poles and Swedes; and the tsar being defeated by the latter after some trifling successes, was reduced to the necessity of suing for peace; but the negotiations being broken off, the war was renewed with the greatest vigour. The Livonians, Poles, and Swedes, having united in a league against the Russians, gained great advantages over them; and in 1579, Stephen Battori, who was then raised to the throne of Poland, levied an army expressly with a design of invading Russia, and of regaining all that Poland had formerly claimed, which indeed was little less than the whole empire. As the Poles understood the art of war much better than the Russians, Ivan found his undisciplined multitudes unable to cope with the regular forces of his enemies; and their conquests were so rapid, that he was soon obliged to sue for peace, which, however, was not granted; and it is possible that the number of enemies which now attacked Russia might have overcome the empire entirely, had not the allies grown jealous of each other. The consequence of this was, that in 1582 a peace was concluded with the Poles, in which the Swedes were not comprehended. However, the Swedes finding themselves unable to effect anything of moment after the defection of their allies, were obliged to conclude a truce; shortly after which the tsar, having been worsted in an engagement with the Tartars, died in the year 1584.

The eldest son of the late tsar, Feodor (or as he is commonly called, Theodore) Ivanovitch, was by no means fitted for the government of an empire so extensive, and a people so rude and turbulent as had devolved to him by the death of his father. Ivan had seen the incapacity of his son, and had endeavoured to obviate its effects, by appointing three of his principal nobles as administrators of the empire; while to a fourth he committed the charge of his younger son Dimitri. This expedient, however, failed of success; and partly from the mutual jealousy of the administrators, partly from the envy which their exaltation had excited in the other nobles, the affairs of the empire soon fell into confusion. The weak Feodor had married a sister of Boris Gudonof, a man of considerable ambition, immense riches, and tolerable abilities. This man had contrived to make himself agreeable to Feodor, by becoming subservient to his capricious desires and childish amusements; and the wealth he had acquired through his interest with the sovereign, enabled him to carry on his ambitious designs. He had long directed his wishes towards the imperial dignity, and he began to prepare the way for its attainment by removing Dimitri the brother of Feodor. This young prince suddenly disappeared; and there is every reason to believe that he was assassinated by order of Boris Gudonof.

Previous to the reign of Vasilii, the predecessor of the monarch whose transactions we are now relating, the Russian sovereigns held the title of Velikii Kniaz, which has been translated great duke, though it more properly denotes grand prince; and by this latter appellation we have accordingly distinguished the preceding monarchs. Vasilii, near the conclusion of his reign, adopted the title of tsar, or emperor; but this title was not fully established till the successes and increasing power of his son Ivan enabled the latter to confirm it both at home and abroad; and since his time it has been universally acknowledged. reason to believe that he was assassinated by the order of Boris. Feodor did not long survive his brother, but died in 1598, not without suspicion of his having been poisoned by his brother-in-law. We are told that the tsaritsa, Irene, was so much convinced of this, that she never after held any communication with her brother, but retired to a convent, and assumed the name of Alexandra.

With Feodor ended the last branch of the family of Ruric, a dynasty which had enjoyed the supreme power in Russia ever since the establishment of the principality by the Varagian chief, viz. during a period of above 700 years. On the death of Feodor, as there was no hereditary successor to the vacant throne, the nobles assembled to elect a new tsar; and the artful Boris having, through the interest of the patriarch, a man elevated by his means, and devoted to his views, procured a majority in his favour, he was declared the object of their choice. Boris pretended unwillingness to accept the crown, declaring that he had resolved to live and die in a monastery; but when the patriarch, at the head of the principal nobles, and attended by a great concourse of people, bearing before them the cross, and the effigies of several saints, repaired to the convent, where the artful usurper had taken up his residence, he was at length prevailed on to accompany them to the palace of the tsars, and suffer himself to be crowned.

Boris affords another example, in addition to the numerous instances recorded in history, of a sovereign who became beneficial to his subjects, though he had procured the sovereignty by unjustifiable means. If we give implicit credit to the historians of those times, Boris was a murderer and a usurper, though he had the voice of the people in his favour; but by whatever means he attained the imperial power, he seems to have employed it in advancing the interests of the nation, and in improving the circumstances of his people. He was extremely active in his endeavours to extend the commerce, and improve the arts and manufactures of the Russian empire; and for this purpose he invited many foreigners into his dominions. While he exerted himself in securing the tranquillity of the country, and defending its frontiers by forts and ramparts, against the incursions of his neighbours, he made himself respected abroad, received ambassadors from almost all the powers of Europe; and after several attempts to enlarge his territories at the expense of Sweden, he concluded with that kingdom an honourable and advantageous alliance.

Soon after the commencement of his reign, the city of Moscow was desolated by one of the most dreadful famines recorded in history. Thousands of people lay dead in the streets and roads; and in many houses the fattest of their inmates was killed, to serve as food for the rest. Parents are said to have eaten their children, and children their parents; and we are told by one of the writers of that time (Petrus), that he saw a woman bite several pieces out of her child's arm as she was carrying it along. Another relates, that four women having desired a peasant to come to one of their houses, on pretence of paying him for some wood, killed and devoured both him and his horse. This dreadful calamity lasted three years; and notwithstanding all the exertions of Boris to provide for the necessities of the inhabitants of Moscow, we are assured that not fewer than 500,000 perished by the famine.

During these distresses of the capital, the power of Boris was threatened with annihilation by an adventurer, the pretender suddenly started up, and pretended to be the young prince Dimitri, whom all believed to have been assassinated, or, as Boris had given out, to have died of a malignant fever. This adventurer was a monk named Otrepief, who learning that he greatly resembled the late Dimitri, conceived the project of passing for that prince, and endeavouring, in that character, to ascend the Russian throne. He retired from Russia into Poland, where he had the dexterity to ingratiate himself with some of the principal nobles, and persuade them that he was really Prince Dimitri, the lawful heir to the crown of Russia. The better to infuse into himself the support of the Poles, he learned their language, and professed a great regard for the Catholic religion. By this last artifice he both gained the attachment of the Catholic Poles, and acquired the friendship of the Roman pontiff, whose blessing and patronage in his great undertaking he farther secured, by promising that, as soon as he should have established himself on the throne, he would make every exertion to bring the Russians within the pale of the Catholic church. To the external graces of a fine person, the pretended Dimitri added the charms of irresistible eloquence; and by these accomplishments he won the affections of many of the most powerful among the Polish nobility. In particular the voivode of Sendomir was so much captivated by his address, that he not only espoused his cause, but promised to give him his daughter in marriage, as soon as he should be placed on the throne of his fathers. This respectable man exerted himself so warmly in behalf of his intended son-in-law, that he brought over even the king of Poland to his party. The Cossacks of the Don, who were oppressed by Boris, hoped to gain at least a temporary advantage by the disturbance excited in favour of the adventurer, and eagerly embraced the opportunity of declaring in his favour. The news of Prince Dimitri being still alive, soon penetrated into Russia; and though Boris did all in his power to destroy the illusion, by prohibiting all intercourse between his subjects and the Poles, and by appealing to the evidence of the murdered prince's mother in proof of his death, the cause of the pretender continued to gain ground. Many circumstances concurred to interest the Russian people in favour of Otrepief. He had prepared a manifesto, which he caused to be dispersed through the empire, and in which he affirmed himself to be the son of Ivan, and asserted his right to the throne then usurped by Boris. The courtiers of the usurper, who had long been jealous of his elevation, pretended to believe these assertions; while those who were persuaded that the young prince had been murdered by order of the present tsar, regarded this event as a judgment from heaven. The greater part of the nation appear to have been persuaded, that the pretender was the real Dimitri; and as they believed that he had been miraculously preserved, they piously resolved to concur with the hand of Providence in afflicting him to recover his just rights. Thus, before he set foot in Russia, a numerous party was formed in his behalf. He soon made his appearance on the frontiers with a regiment of Polish troops, and a body of Cossacks. Boris sent an army to oppose him; but though the number of these troops greatly exceeded the small force of Dimitri, these latter were so animated by the eloquence of their leader, and the intrepidity and personal bravery which he displayed in the field of battle, that, after a bloody conflict, the army of Boris was defeated, and the pretended Dimitri remained master of the field.

This victory, over a superior army, served still further to strengthen the belief, that Dimitri was favoured by heaven, and consequently could not be an impostor. To confirm the good opinion which he had evidently acquired, the victor treated his prisoners with great kindness; caused the dead to be decently interred, and gave strict injunctions to his troops to behave with humanity in the towns through which he passed. This gentle behaviour, when contrasted with the horrible excesses committed by the soldiers of Boris, wherever the people appeared to shew any inclination towards the cause of the invader, gained Dimitri more adherents than even the persuasion that he was the lawful sovereign of the country. Unluckily for Boris, the superstition of the Russians was about this time directed against him, by the appearance of a comet, and by more than usual coruscations of the aurora borealis, phenomena which were immediately regarded as manifest demonstrations that the Almighty was pouring out his phials of wrath on the devoted country. It was almost universally believed, that the awful effects of these alarming appearances could be averted only by supporting the cause of Dimitri, who had hitherto been so singularly protected, and brought to light by the hand of heaven. Boris, unable to resist the torrent of public opinion in favour of his rival, is said to have taken poison, and thus hastened that fate which he foresaw awaited him, if he should fall into the hands of his enemies.

The death of Boris took place in the year 1605; and though the principal nobility at Moscow placed his son Feodor on the throne, the party of Dimitri was now so strong, that Feodor was dethroned and sent to prison with his mother and sister, within six weeks after his accession.

The successful monk had now attained the summit of his ambitious hopes, and made his entry into Moscow with the utmost magnificence, attended by his Russian adherents, and his Polish friends. Not deeming himself secure, however, while the son of Boris remained alive, he is said to have caused him to be strangled, together with one of his sisters. The new tsar, though he evidently possessed great abilities, seems to have been deficient in point of prudence. Instead of conciliating the favour of his subjects, by attention to their interests, and by conferring on the chief men among them the titles and honours that were at his disposal, he openly displayed his predilection for the Poles, on whom he conferred high posts and dignities, and even connived at the extravagance and enormities which they committed. This impolitic conduct, together with his partiality for the Catholic religion; his marked indifference towards the public worship of the national church, and his want of reverence for the Greek clergy; his marrying a Polish lady; his affection of Polish manners; his inordinate voluptuousness, and the contempt with which he treated the principal nobility; so irritated and exasperated the Russians, that discontent and insurrections arose in every quarter of the empire; and the joy with which he had been at first received, was converted into indifference, contempt, and detestation. The Russians soon discovered, from a curious circumstance, that their new sovereign could not be sprung from the blood of their ancient tzars. These had always lifted on their horses, and rode along with a slow and solemn pace, whereas Dimitri beset a furious stallion, which he mounted without the help of his attendants. In addition to these sources of discontent, it was rumoured that a timber fort which Dimitri had caused to be constructed before Moscow, was intended to serve as an engine of destruction to the inhabitants, and that at a martial spectacle which the tsar was preparing for the entertainment of his bride, the Poles, and other foreigners that composed his body guard, were, from this building, to cast firebrands into the city, and then slaughter the inhabitants. This rumour increased their hatred to fury, and they resolved to wreak their vengeance on the devoted tsar. The populace were still farther incensed by the clergy, who declaimed against Dimitri as a heretic, and by Schuiskoy, a nobleman who had been condemned to death by the tsar, but had afterwards been pardoned. This nobleman put himself at the head of the enraged mob, and led them to attack the tsar's palace. They entered by assault, put to the sword all the Poles whom they found within its walls, and afterwards extended their massacre to such as were discovered in other parts of the city. Dimitri himself, in attempting to escape, was overtaken by his pursuers, and thrust through with a spear, and his dead body being brought back into the city, lay for three days before the palace, exposed to every insult and outrage that malice could invent, or rage inflict. His father-in-law and his wife escaped with their lives, but were detained as prisoners, and the tsaritza was confined at Yaroslavl.

Schuiskoy, who had pretended to be actuated by no unsettled other motives than the purest patriotism, now aspired to state of the vacant throne, and had sufficient interest to carry his election. His reign was short and uninteresting, and indeed from this time till the accession of the house of Romanof in 1613, the affairs of Russia have little to gratify the curiosity of our readers. Schuiskoy's short reign was disturbed by the pretensions of two fictitious Dimitris, who successively started up, and declared themselves to be either the late tsar, or the prince whom he had patronized; and his neighbours the Swedes and Poles, taking advantage of the internal dissensions in the empire, made many successful incursions into Russia, set fire to Moscow, and massacred above 100,000 of the people. The Russians, dissatisfied with the reigning prince, treated with several of the neighbouring potentates for the deposition of the imperial crown. They offered it to Vladislaf, or Uladillaus, son of Sigismund, king of Poland, on condition that he should adopt the Greek profession; but as he rejected this preliminary, they turned their eyes, first on a son of Charles IX. of Sweden, and lastly, on a young native Russian, Mikhail Feodorovitch, of the house of Romanof, a family distantly related to their ancient tzars, and of which the head was then metropolitan of Rostof, and was held in great estimation. Thus, after a long series of confusion and disaster, there ascended the Russian throne a new family, whose descendants have raised the empire to a state of grandeur and importance unequalled in any former period.

We have seen the calamities brought upon the empire by the partitions of its early monarchs, and the wars to which these partitions gave birth; by the invasions and tyranny of the Tartars; and lastly, by the disturbances that prevailed from the machinations of the false Dimitri. We have observed the depression which the empire suffered under these calamities. We are now to witness its sudden elevation among the powers of Europe, and to accompany it in its hasty strides towards that importance which it has lately assumed. But before we enter on the transactions that have enriched the pages of the Russian annals since the accession of the house of Romanoff, it may not be improper or uninteresting, to take a general view of the state of the empire at the beginning of the 17th century.

At this period the government of Russia may be considered as a pure aristocracy, as all the supreme power rested in the hands of the nobles and the superior clergy. In particular the boyars, or chief officers of the army, who were also the privy counsellors of the prince, possessed a very considerable share of authority. The election of the late princes Boris, Dimitri, and Schuiskoy, had been conducted principally by them, in concert with the inhabitants of Moscow, where was then held the seat of government. The common people, especially those of the inferior towns, though nominally free, had no share in the government, or in the election of the chief ruler. The boors, or those peasants who dwelt on the noblemen's estates, were almost completely slaves, and transferable with the land on which they dwelt. An attempt to do away this barbarous vassalage had been made, both by Boris and Schuiskoy, but from the opposition of the nobles it was abandoned.

The laws in force at the time of which we are now speaking, consisted partly of the municipal laws drawn up for the state of Novgorod by Yaroslav, and partly of an amended code, called fudebnik, promulgated by Ivan Vasilievitch II. By this fudebnik the administration of the laws was made uniform throughout the empire, and particular magistrates were appointed in the several towns and districts, all subject to the tsar as their chief. The fudebnik consisted of 97 articles, all containing civil laws, as the penal statutes are only briefly mentioned in some articles, so as to appear either connected with the civil, or as serving to illustrate them. The criminal laws were contained in a separate code, called gubnaia gramota, which is now lost, but is referred to in the civil code. In neither of these codes is there any mention of ecclesiastical affairs; but these were regulated by a set of canons drawn up in 1542, under the inspection of Ivan Vasilievitch, in a grand council held at Moscow. In the civil statutes of the fudebnik, theft was punished in the first instance by restitution, or, if the thief were unable to restore the property stolen, he became the slave of the injured party, till by his labour he had made sufficient compensation. Of murder nothing is said, except where the person slain was a lord or master, when the murderer was to be punished with death. There is no mention of torture, except in cases of theft.

Before the accession of the house of Romanoff, the commercial intercourse which the cities of Novgorod and Pskov formerly held with the Hans towns, had entirely ceased; but this was in some degree compensated by the newly established trade between Russia and England, the centre of which was Archangel. This trade had been lately increased by the products derived from the acquisition of Siberia, in exchange for which the English principally supplied the Russians with broad cloth. In 1568, an English counting-house was established at Moscow, and about the same time the Russian company was incorporated. Previous to the 15th century, the trade of the Russians had been carried on merely by barter, but during that century the coinage of money commenced at Novgorod and Pskov; and from this time their commerce was placed on an equal footing with that of the other European nations.

Except in the article of commerce, the Russians were deplorably behind the rest of Europe; and though attempts had been made by Ivan I. Ivan Vasilievitch II. and Boris, to cultivate their manners and improve the state of their arts and manufactures, these attempts had failed of success. The following characteristic features of the state of Russia in the 16th century, are given by Mr Tooke.

The houses were in general of timber, and badly constructed, except that in Moscow and other great towns, there were a few houses built of brick.

That contempt for the female sex, which is invariably a characteristic of defective civilization, was conspicuous among the Russians. The women were kept in a state of perfect bondage, and it was thought a great instance of liberality, if a stranger were but permitted to see them. They durst seldom go to church, though attendance on divine worship was considered of the highest importance. They were constantly required to be within doors, so that they very seldom enjoyed the fresh air.

The men of the middle ranks always repaired about noon to the market, where they transacted business together, conversed about public affairs, and attended the courts of judicature to hear the causes that were going forward. This was undoubtedly a practice productive of much good, as the inhabitants of the towns by these means improved their acquaintance, interchanged the knowledge they had acquired, and thus their patriotic affections were nourished and invigorated.

In agreements and bargains the highest affirmation was, "If I keep not my word, may it turn to my infamy," a custom extremely honourable to the Russians of those days, as they held the disgrace of having forfeited their word to be the deepest degradation.

If the wife was so dependent on her husband, the child was still more dependent on his father; for parents were allowed to sell their children.

Masters and servants entered into a mutual contract respecting the terms of their connection, and a written copy of this contract was deposited in the proper court, where, if either party broke the contract, the other might lodge his complaint.

Single combat still continued to be the last resource in deciding a cause; and to this the judge referred in cases which he knew not otherwise to determine: but duels out of court were strictly prohibited; and when these took place, and either party fell, the survivor was regarded regarded as a murderer, and punished accordingly. Personal vengeance was forbidden under the strictest penalties.

The nobles were universally soldiers, and were obliged to appear when summoned, to assist the prince in his wars.

Till the end of the 16th century, the boor was not bound to any particular master. He tilled the ground of a nobleman for a certain time on stated conditions. Thus, he either received part of the harvest or of the cattle, a portion of wood, hay, &c.; or he worked five days for the master, and on the sixth was at liberty to till a piece of ground set apart for his use. At the expiration of the term agreed on, either party might give up the contract to the other; the boor might remove to another master, and the master dismiss the boor that did not suit him.

During the troubles and dissensions in which the empire had been involved, since the death of Feodor Ivanovitch, the chief men of the state were divided into several parties. Of these, one sought to elevate to the throne a Polish prince, while another rather favoured the succession of a Swede. A third, and by far the strongest party, were desirous to place upon the throne a native Russian; and they soon turned their eyes on Mikhail Romanof, a distant relation of the ancient family of the tzars, whose father was metropolitan of Rostov. The clergy seemed particularly interested in this choice, as they justly concluded, that a Russian born and brought up in the orthodox Greek faith, would most effectually prevent the poison of Catholic opinions or Protestant heresy, the introduction of which was to be feared from the accession of a Polish or a Swedish monarch. Accordingly, the voice of a single ecclesiastic decided the electors in favour of Mikhail. A metropolitan declared in the hall of election, that it had been announced to him by divine revelation, that the young Romanof would prove the most fortunate and prosperous of all the tzars who had filled the Russian throne. This revelation had an immediate effect on the electors, as their reverence for the superior clergy was so great, that none could presume to doubt the veracity of a person of such exalted rank and sacred function. The revelation once made public, the people too expressed so decidedly their desire to have the young Romanof for their sovereign, that all soon united in their choice. The young man himself, however, refused the proffered honour, and his mother, dreading the fate that might arise from so dangerous an elevation, with tears implored the deputies to depart. The modest refusal of Mikhail served only to persuade the people, that he was the most worthy object on which they could fix their choice; and at length the deputies returned to Moscow, bringing with them the consent of the monarch elected. The coronation took place on the 11th of June 1613, and thus the views of Poland and Sweden, as well as the designs of Marina, the widow of the first pretender Dimitri, who still contrived to keep a party in her favour, were entirely frustrated.

At the accession of Mikhail, the Swedes and Poles were in possession of several parts of the empire; and to dislodge these invaders was the first object of the new tsar. Aware of the difficulty of contending at once with both these formidable enemies, he began by negotiating a treaty of peace with Sweden. This was not effected without considerable sacrifices. Mikhail agreed to give up Ingria and Karilia, and to evacuate Esthonia and Livonia. Thus freed from his most dangerous enemy, Mikhail prepared to oppose the Poles, of whom a numerous body had entered Russia, to support the claims of their king's son, Vladislav. Mikhail proceeded, however, in a very wary manner, and instead of opposing the invaders in the open field, he entrapped them by ambuscades, or allured them into districts already depopulated, where they suffered so much from cold and hunger, that in 1619 they agreed to a cessation of hostilities for fourteen years and a half, on condition that the Russians should cede to Poland the government of Smolensk.

Thus freed from external enemies on terms which, though not very honourable, were the best that the conduct then possible of his affairs admitted, Mikhail set himself to arrange the internal affairs of his empire. He began by placing his father at the head of the church, by conferring on him the dignity of patriarch, which had become vacant. The counsels of this venerable man were of great advantage to Mikhail, and contributed to preserve that peace and tranquillity by which the reign of this monarch was in general distinguished. The tsar's next step was to form treaties of alliance with the principal commercial states of Europe. He accordingly sent ambassadors to England, Denmark, Holland, and the German empire; and Russia, which had hitherto been considered rather as an Asiatic than a European power, became respectable in the eyes of her northern neighbours, that they vied with each other in forming with her commercial treaties.

Mikhail also began those improvements of the laws which we shall presently see more fully executed by his son and successor; but the tide of party ran so high, that he could do but little in the way of reformation. He was also obliged to put his frontiers in a state of defence, to provide for the expiration of the truce with Poland, which now drew nigh; and as no permanent peace had been established, both parties began to prepare for a renewal of hostilities. Indeed the armistice was broken by the Russians, who, on the death of Sigismund, king of Poland, appeared before Smolensk, and justified the infringement of the treaty, on the pretext that it was concluded with Sigismund, and not with his successors. Nothing of consequence, however, was done before Smolensk; and the Russian commander, after having lain there in perfect indolence, with an army of 50,000 men, for two years, at length raised the siege. Mikhail attempted to engage the Swedes in an alliance with him against Poland; but failing in this negotiation, patched up a new treaty, which continued unbroken till his death. This happened in 1645.

Mikhail was succeeded by his son Alexei; but as the young prince was only 15 years of age at his father's death, a nobleman named Morofot had been appointed his governor, and regent of the empire. This man Mikhail possessed all the ambition, without the prudence and address of Boris, and in attempting to raise himself and his adherents to the highest posts in the state, he incurred the hatred of all ranks of people. Though Morofot, by properly organizing the army, provided for the defence of the empire against external enemies, he shamefully neglected internal policy, and connived at the most flagrant enormities in the administration of justice. justice. The abuses went so far, that the populace once stopped the tsar as he was returning from church to his palace, calling aloud for righteous judges. Though Alexei promised to make strict inquiry into the nature and extent of their grievances, and to inflict deserved punishment on the guilty, the people had not patience to await this tardy process, and proceeded to plunder the houses of those nobles who were most obnoxious to them. They were at length pacified, however, on condition that the author of their oppression should be brought to condign punishment. One of the most nefarious judges was put to death; and the principal magistrate of Moscow fell a victim to their rage. The life of Morosof was spared at the earnest entreaty of the tsar, who engaged for his future good behaviour.

Similar disturbances had broken out at Novgorod and Pskov; but they were happily terminated, chiefly through the exertions of the metropolitan Nicon, a man of low birth, but who, from a reputation for extraordinary piety and holiness, had raised himself to the patriarchal dignity, and was high in favour with Alexei.

These commotions were scarcely assuaged, when the internal tranquillity of the empire was again threatened by a new pretender to the throne. This man was the son of a linen-draper, but gave himself out at one time for the son of the emperor Dimitri, at another for the son of Schuiskoy. Fortunately for Alexei the Poles and Swedes, whose interest it was to have fomented these intestine disturbances, remained quiet spectators of them, and the pretender meeting with few adherents, was soon taken and hanged.

The pacific conduct of the neighbouring states did not long continue, though indeed we may attribute the renewal of hostilities to the ambition of the tsar.

The war with Poland was occasioned by Alexei's supporting the Kozaks, a military horde, who had left the northern shores of the Dniepr, and retired further to the south. Here they had established a military democracy, and during the dominion of the Tartars in Russia, had been subject to the khan of those tribes; but after the expulsion or subjugation of the Tartars, the Kozaks had put themselves under the guardianship of Poland, to which kingdom they formerly belonged.

As the Polish clergy, however, attempted to impose on them the Greek faith, they threw off their allegiance to the king of Poland, and claimed the patronage of Russia. Alexei, who seems to have sought for a pretext to break with Poland, gladly received them as his subjects, as he hoped, with their assistance, to recover the territories that had been ceded to Poland by his father. He began by negotiation, and sent an embassy to the king of Poland, complaining of some Polish publications, in which reflections had been cast on the honour of his father, and demanding that by way of compensation, the Russian territories formerly ceded to Poland should be restored. The king of Poland of course refused so arrogant a demand, and both parties prepared for war.

The Russians, assisted by the Kozaks, were so successful in this contest, that the king of Sweden became jealous of Alexei's good fortune, and apprehensive of an attack. He therefore determined to take an active part in the war, especially as the Lithuanians, who were extremely averse to the Russian dominion, had sought his protection. The war with Sweden commenced in 1656, and continued for two years, without any important advantage being gained by either party. A truce was concluded in 1658, for three years, and at the termination of this period, a solid peace was established. In the meantime the war with Poland continued, but was at length terminated by an armistice, which was prolonged from time to time, during the remainder of Alexei's reign.

The reign of this monarch is as remarkable for turbulence, as that of his predecessor had been for tranquillity. No sooner was peace established with the neighbouring states than fresh commotions shook the empire from within. The Don Kozaks, who now formed a part of the Russian population, felt themselves aggrieved by the rigour with which one of their officers had been treated, and placing at their head Radzin, the brother of the deceased, broke out into open rebellion.

Allured by the spirit of licentiousness, and the hopes of plunder, vast numbers both of Kozaks and inferior Russians flocked to the standard of Radzin, and formed an army of nearly 200,000 men. This force, however, was formidable merely from its numbers. Radzin's followers were without arms, without discipline, and were quite unprepared to stand the attack of regular troops. Radzin himself seems to have placed no reliance on the courage or fidelity of his followers, and eagerly embraced the first opportunity of procuring a pardon by submission. Having been deceived into a belief that this pardon would be granted on his surrendering himself to the mercy of the tsar, he set out for Moscow, accompanied by his brother; but when he was arrived within a short distance of the capital, whither notice of his approach had been sent, he was met by a cart containing a gallows, on which he was hanged without ceremony. His followers, who had assembled at Afrakan, were surrounded by the tsar's troops, taken prisoners, and 12,000 of them hung on the gibbets in the highways. Thus this formidable rebellion, which had threatened to subvert the authority of Alexei, was crushed almost at its commencement.

The influence which Alexei had obtained over the Donkoi Kozaks, excited the jealousy of the Sublime Porte, who justly dreaded the extension of the Russian war with territory on the side of the Crimea, a peninsula which at that time belonged to Turkey. After a successful attempt on the frontiers of Poland, a Turkish army entered the Ukraine, and the Russians made preparations to oppose them. Alexei endeavoured to form a confederacy against the infidels among the Christian potentates of Europe; but the age of crusading chivalry was over, and the tsar was obliged to make head against the Turks, assisted by his single ally the king of Poland. The Turkish arms were for some years victorious, especially on the side of Poland, but at length a check was put to their successes by the Polish general Sobieski, who afterwards ascended the throne of that kingdom. Hostilities between the Turks and Russians were not, however, terminated during the reign of Alexei, and the tsar left to his successor the prosecution of the war.

The reign of Alexei is most remarkable for the improvements introduced by him into the Russian laws. Before his time the emmanoi ulegeri, or personal orders of the sovereign, were almost the only laws of the country. These edicts were as various as the opinions, prejudices, and passions of men; and before the days of Alexei they produced endless contentions. To remedy this this evil, he made a selection from all the edicts of his predecessors, of such as had been current for 100 years; presuming that these either were founded in natural justice, or during so long a currency had formed the minds of the people to consider them as just. This digest, which he declared to be the common law of Russia, and which is prefaced by a sort of institute, is known by the title of the Ulogeiye or Selection, and was long the standard law book; and all edicts prior to it were declared to be obsolete. He soon made his new code, however, more bulky than the Selection; and the additions by his successors are beyond enumeration. This was undoubtedly a great and useful work; but Alexei performed another still greater.

Though there were many courts of judicature in this widely extended empire, the emperor was always lord paramount, and could take a cause from any court immediately before himself. But as several of the old nobles had the remains of principalities in their families, and held their own courts, the sovereign or his ministers, at a distance up the country, frequently found it difficult to bring a culprit out of one of these hereditary feudal jurisdictions, and try him by the laws of the empire. This was a very disagreeable limitation of imperial power; and the more so, that some families claimed even a right of repentence. A lucky opportunity soon offered of settling the dispute, and Alexei embraced it with great ability.

Some families on the old frontiers were taxed with their defence, for which they were obliged to keep regiments on foot; and as they were but scantily indemnified by the state, it sometimes required the exertion of authority to make them keep up their levies. When the frontiers by the conquest of Kazan were far extended, those gentlemen found the regiments no longer burdensome, because by the help of false mutters, the formerly scanty allowance much more than reimbursed them for the expense of the establishment. The consequence was, that disputes arose among them about the right of guarding certain districts, and law suits were necessary to settle their respective claims. These were tedious and intricate. One claimant showed the order of the court, issued a century or two back, to his ancestor, for the marching of his men, as a proof that the right was then in the family. His opponent proved, that his ancestors had been the real lords of the marches; but that, on account of their negligence, the court had issued an emmanoy ukase to the other, only at that particular period. The emperor ordered all the family archives to be brought to Moscow, and all documents on both sides to be collected. A time was set for the examination; a fine wooden court-house was built, every paper was lodged under a good guard; the day was appointed when the court should be opened and the claims heard; but that morning the house, with all its contents, was in two hours consumed by fire. The emperor then said, "Gentlemen, henceforward your ranks, your privileges, and your courts, are the nation's, and the nation will guard itself. Your archives are unfortunately lost, but those of the nation remain. I am the keeper, and it is my duty to administer justice for all and to all. Your ranks are not private, but national; attached to the services you are actually performing. Henceforward Colonel Buturlin (a private gentleman) ranks before Captain Viazemsky (an old prince)" (F).

The Russians owe more to this prince than many of their historians seem willing to acknowledge; and there seems no doubt that some of the improvements attributed to Peter the Great, were at least projected by his father. Under Alexei a considerable trade was opened with China, from which country silks, and other rich stuffs, rhubarb, tea, &c. were brought into Russia, and exchanged for the Siberian furs. The exportation of Russian products to other countries was also increased; and we are assured that Alexei had even projected the formation of a navy, and would have executed the design, had he not been perpetually occupied in foreign wars and domestic troubles.

Alexei died in 1676, leaving three sons and six daughters. Two of the sons, Feodor and Ivan, were by a first marriage; the third, Peter, by a second. The reign of the former, particularly Ivan, were of a delicate constitution, and some attempts were made by the relations of Peter to fet them aside. These attempts, however, proved unsuccessful, and Feodor was appointed the successor of Alexei.

The reign of this prince was short, and distinguished rather for the happiness which the nation then experienced, than for the importance of the transactions that took place. He continued the war with the Turks for four years after his father's death, and at length brought it to an honourable conclusion, by a truce for 20 years, after the Turks had acknowledged the Russian right of sovereignty over the Cossacks. Feodor died in 1682, but before his death nominated his half-brother Peter his successor.

The succession of Peter, though appointed by their favourite tsar Feodor, was by no means pleasing to the majority of the Russian nobles, and it was particularly opposed by Galitzin, the prime minister of the late tsar, of the princess Sophia. This able man had espoused the interest of Sophia, the sister of Feodor and Ivan, a young woman of eminent abilities, and the most insinuating address. Sophia, upon pretence of asserting the claims of her brother Ivan, who, though of a feeble constitution and weak intellects, was considered as the lawful heir of the crown, had really formed a design of securing the succession to herself; and, with that view, had not only insinuated herself into the confidence and good graces of Galitzin, but had brought over to her interests the Strelitzes (G). These licentious soldiers assembled for the purpose, as was pretended of placing on the throne Prince Ivan, whom they

(F) This transaction is, by most historians, placed under the reign of Alexei, as we have related it; but Mr Tooke, in his history of Russia (vol. ii, p. 37.), attributes the burning of the records of service, by which the nobles and chief courtiers held their offices, to Feodor.

(G) The Strelitzes composed the standing army of Russia, and formed the body guard of the tsars. At this time they amounted to about 14,000, and of course became a formidable engine in the hands of the enterprising princes. they proclaimed tsar by acclamation. During three days they roved about the city of Mosco, committing the greatest excesses, and putting to death several of the chief officers of state, who were suspected of being hostile to the designs of Sophia. Their employer did not, however, entirely gain her point; for as the new tsar entertained a sincere affection for his half-brother Peter, he insisted that this prince should share with him the imperial dignity. This was at length agreed to; and on the 6th of May 1682, Ivan and Peter were solemnly crowned joint emperors of all the Russias, while the princess Sophia was nominated their copartner in the government.

From the imbecility of Ivan and the youth of Peter, who was now only 10 years of age, the whole power of the government rested on Sophia and her minister Galitzin, though till the year 1687 the names of Ivan and Peter only were annexed to the imperial decrees. Scarcely had Sophia established her authority than she was threatened with deposition, from an alarming insurrection of the Strelitzes. This was excited by their commander Prince Kovankoi, who had demanded of Sophia that she would marry one of her sisters to his son, but had met with a mortifying refusal from the princess. In consequence of this insurrection, which threw the whole city of Mosco into terror and consternation, Sophia and the two young tsars took refuge in a monastery, about 12 leagues from the capital; and before the Strelitzes could follow them thither, a considerable body of soldiers, principally foreigners, was assembled in their defense. Kovankoi was taken prisoner, and instantly beheaded; and though his followers at first threatened dreadful vengeance on his executioners, they soon found themselves obliged to submit. From every regiment was selected the tenth man, who was to suffer as an atonement for the rest; but this cruel punishment was remitted, and only the most guilty among the ringleaders suffered death.

The quelling of these disturbances gave leisure to the friends of Peter to pursue the plans which they had formed for subverting the authority of Sophia; and about this time a favourable opportunity offered, in consequence of a rupture with Turkey. The Porte was now engaged in a war with Poland and the German empire, and both these latter powers had solicited the assistance of Russia against the common enemy. Sophia and her party were adverse to the alliance; but as there were in the council many secret friends of Peter, these had sufficient influence to persuade the majority, that a Turkish war would be of advantage to the state. They even prevailed on Galitzin to put himself at the head of the army, and thus removed their principal opponent. It is difficult to conceive how a man, so able in the cabinet as Galitzin, could have suffered his vanity so far to get the better of his good sense, as to accept a military command, for which he certainly had no talents. Assembling an army of nearly 300,000 men, he marched towards the confines of Turkey, and here consumed two campaigns in marches and countermarches, and lost nearly 40,000 men, partly in unsuccessful skirmishes with the enemy, but chiefly from disease.

While Galitzin was thus trifling away his time in the south, Peter, who already began to give proofs of those great talents which afterwards enabled him to act so conspicuous a part in the theatre of the north, was strengthening his party among the Russian nobles. His ordinary residence was at a village not far from Mosco, and here he had assembled round him a considerable number of young men of rank and influence, whom he called his play-mates. Among these were two foreigners, Lefort a Genevele, and Gordon a Scotchman, who afterwards signalized themselves in his service. These young men had formed a sort of military company, of which Lefort was captain, while the young tsar, beginning with the situation of drummer, gradually rose through every subordinate office. Under this appearance of a military game, Peter was secretly establishing himself in the affections of his young companions, and effectually lulled the suspicions of Sophia, till it was too late for her to oppose his machinations.

About the middle of the year 1689, Peter, who had now attained his seventeenth year, determined to make an effort to deprive Sophia of all share in the government, and to secure to himself the undivided sovereignty. On occasion of a solemn religious meeting that was held, Sophia had claimed the principal place as regent of the empire; but this claim was strenuously opposed by Peter, who, rather than fill a subordinate situation, quitted the place of assembly, and, with his friends and adherents, withdrew to the monastery of the Holy Trinity, which had formerly sheltered him and his copartners from the fury of the Strelitzes. This was the signal for an open rupture. Sophia, finding that she could not openly oppose the party of the tsar, attempted to procure his assassination; but as her design was discovered, she thought proper to solicit an accommodation. This was agreed to, on condition that she should give up all claim to the regency, and retire to a nunnery. The commander of the Strelitzes, who was to have been her agent in the assassination of Peter, was beheaded, and the minister Galitzin sent into banishment to Archangel.

Peter now saw himself in undisputed possession of the Imperial throne; for though Ivan was still nominally styled a tsar, he had voluntarily resigned all participation in military and naval administration of affairs, and retired to a life of obsequity. The first object to which the tsar directed his attention was the establishment of a regular and well-disciplined military force. He had learned by experience how little dependence was to be placed on the Strelitzes, and these regiments he determined to disband. He commissioned Lefort and Gordon to levy new regiments, which, in their whole constitution, dress, and military exercises, should be formed on the model of other European troops. He next resolved to carry into execution the design which had been formed by his father, of constructing a navy. For this purpose he first took a journey to Archangel, where he employed himself in examining the operations of the shipwrights, and occasionally taking a part in their labors; but as he learned that the art of ship-building was practiced in greater perfection in Holland, and some other maritime countries of Europe, he sent thither several young Russians to be initiated into the best methods of constructing ships of war. The other measures taken by Peter for establishing a navy, and the success with which they were attended, have been already related under his life.* See Part II., to which we may refer our readers for several circumstances relating to his life and character; as our object here is not to write a biography of this extraordinary man. man, but briefly to narrate the transactions of his reign.

The war with Turkey still languished, but Peter was resolved to prosecute it with vigour, hoping to get possession of the town of Azof, and thus open a passage to the Black sea. He placed Gordon, Lefort, and two of his nobles at the head of the forces destined for this expedition, and himself attended the army as a private volunteer. The success of the first campaign was but trifling, and Peter found that his deficiency of artillery, and his want of transports, prevented him from making an effectual attack on Azof. These difficulties, however, were soon surmounted. He procured a supply of artillery and engineers from the emperor and the Dutch, and found means to provide a number of transports. With these auxiliaries he opened the second campaign, defeated the Turks on the sea of Azof, and made himself master of the town. Peter was so elated with these successes, that on his return from the seat of war, he marched his troops into Moscow in triumphal procession, in which Lefort, as admiral of the transports, and Schein as commander of the land forces, bore the most conspicuous parts, while Peter himself was lost without distinction in the crowd of subaltern officers.

He now resolved to form a fleet in the Black sea; but as his own revenues were insufficient for this purpose, he issued a ukase, commanding the patriarch and other dignified clergy, the nobility and the merchants, to contribute a part of their income towards fitting out a certain number of ships. This proclamation was extremely unpopular, and, together with the numerous innovations which Peter was every day introducing, especially his sending the young nobles to visit foreign countries, and his own avowed intention of making the tour of Europe, contributed to raise against him a formidable party. The vigilance and prudence of the tsar, however, extricated him from the dangers with which he was threatened, and enabled him to carry into execution his proposed journey. See Peter I.

On his return to his own dominions, Peter passed through Rawa, where Augustus king of Poland then was. The tsar had determined, in conjunction with Augustus and the king of Denmark, to take advantage of the youth and inexperience of Charles XII, who had just succeeded to the Swedish throne; and in this interview with Augustus, he made the final arrangements for the part which each was to take in the war. Augustus was to receive Livonia as his part of the spoil, while Frederick king of Denmark had his eye on Holstein, and Peter had formed designs on Ingria, formerly a province of the Russian empire.

In the middle of the year 1700, Charles had left his capital, to oppose these united enemies. He soon compelled the king of Denmark to give up his designs on Holstein, and sign a treaty of peace; and being thus at liberty to turn his arms against the other members of the confederacy, he resolved first to lead his army against the king of Poland; but on his way he received intelligence that the tsar had laid siege to Narva with 100,000 men. On this he immediately embarked at Carlshamn, though it was then the depth of winter, and the Baltic was scarcely navigable; and soon landed at Pernau in Livonia with part of his forces, having ordered the rest to Reval. His army did not exceed 20,000 men, but it was composed of the best soldiers in Europe, while that of the Russians was little better than an undisciplined multitude. Every possible obstruction, however, had been thrown in the way of the Swedes. Thirty thousand Russians were posted in a defile on the road, and this corps was sustained by another body of 20,000 drawn up some leagues nearer Narva. Peter himself had set out to hasten the march of a reinforcement of 40,000 men, with whom he intended to attack the Swedes in flank and rear; but the celerity and valour of Charles baffled every attempt to oppose him. He set out with 4000 foot, and an equal number of cavalry, leaving the rest of the army to follow at their leisure. With this small body he attacked and defeated the Russian armies successively, and pushed his way to Peter's camp, for the attack of which he gave immediate orders. This camp was fortified by lines of circumvallation and contravallation, by redoubts, by a line of 150 brass cannon placed in front, and defended by an army of 80,000 men; yet so violent was the attack of the Swedes, that in three hours the entrenchments were carried, and Charles, with only 4000 men, that composed the wing which he commanded, pursued the flying enemy, amounting to 50,000, to the river Narva. Here the bridge broke down with the weight of the fugitives, and the river was filled with their bodies. Great numbers returned in despair to their camp, where they defended themselves for a short time, but were at last obliged to surrender. In this battle 30,000 were killed in the entrenchments and the pursuit, or drowned in the river; 20,000 surrendered at discretion, and were dismissed unarmed, while the rest were totally dispersed. A hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, 28 mortars, 151 pairs of colours, 20 standards, and all the Russian baggage, fell into the hands of the Swedes; and the duke de Croy, the prince of Georgia, and seven other generals were made prisoners. Charles behaved with the greatest generosity to the conquered. Being informed that the tradesmen of Narva had refused credit to the officers whom he detained prisoners, he sent 1000 ducats to the duke of Croy, and to every other officer a proportionable sum.

Peter was advancing with 40,000 men to surround the Swedes, when he received intelligence of the dreadful defeat at Narva. He was greatly chagrined; but comforting himself with the hopes that the Swedes would in time teach the Russians to beat them, he returned to his own dominions, where he applied himself with the utmost diligence to the raising of another army. He evacuated all the provinces which he had invaded, and for a time abandoned all his great projects, thus leaving Charles at liberty to prosecute the war against Poland.

As Augustus had expected an attack, he endeavoured to draw the tsar into a close alliance with him. The two monarchs had an interview at Birken, where it was agreed that Augustus should lend the tsar 50,000 German soldiers, to be paid by Russia; that the tsar should send an equal number of his troops to be trained up to the art of war in Poland; and that he should pay the king 3,000,000 of rixdollars in the space of two years. Of this treaty Charles had notice, and, by means of his minister Count Piper, entirely frustrated the scheme.

After the battle of Narva, Charles became confident and negligent, while the activity of Peter increased with exertions of his losses. He supplied his want of artillery by melting down... Rusia. down the bells of the churches, and constructed numerous small vessels on the lake of Ladoga, to oppose the entrance of the Swedes into his dominions. He took every advantage of Charles's negligence, and engaged in frequent skirmishes, in which, though often beaten, he was sometimes victorious. Thus, he proved to his soldiers, that the Swedes though conquerors, were not invincible, and kept up the spirit of his troops by liberally rewarding every instance of courage and success. He contrived to make himself master of the river Neva, and captured Nyenschantz, a fortress at the mouth of that river. Here he laid the foundation of that city which he had long projected, and which was to become the future metropolis of his empire. At length in 1704 he became master of Ingria, and appointed his favourite Prince Mensikoff to be viceroy of that province, with strict orders to make the building of the new city his principal concern. Here already buildings were rising in every quarter, and navigation and commerce were increasing in vigour and extent.

In the mean time Augustus king of Poland, though treating with Charles for the surrender of his dominions, was obliged to keep up the appearance of war, which he had neither ability nor inclination to conduct. He had been lately joined by Prince Mensikoff with 30,000 Russians; and this obliged him, contrary to his inclination, to hazard an engagement with Meyerfeldt, who commanded 10,000 men, one half of whom were Swedes. As at this time no disparity of numbers whatever was reckoned an equivalent to the valour of the Swedes, Meyerfeldt did not decline the combat, though the army of the enemy was four times as numerous as his own. With his countrymen he defeated the enemy's first line, and was on the point of defeating the second, when Stanislaus, with the Poles and Lithuanians, gave way. Meyerfeldt then perceived that the battle was lost; but he fought desperately, that he might avoid the disgrace of a defeat. At last, however, he was oppressed by numbers, and forced to surrender; suffering the Swedes for the first time to be conquered by their enemies. The whole army were taken prisoners excepting Major-general Krafft, who having repeatedly rallied a body of horse formed into a brigade, at last broke through the enemy, and escaped to Posenia. Augustus had scarcely sung Te Deum for this victory, when his plenipotentiary returned from Saxony with the articles of the treaty, by which he was to renounce all claim to the crown of Poland in favour of his rival Stanislaus. The king hesitated and scrupled, but at last signed them; after which he set out for Saxony, glad at any rate to be freed from such an enemy as the king of Sweden, and from such allies as the Russians.

The tsar Peter was no sooner informed of this extraordinary treaty, and the cruel execution of his plenipotentiary Patkul*, than he sent letters to every court in Christendom, complaining of this gross violation of the law of nations. He entreated the emperor, the queen of Britain, and the States-General, to revenge this insult on humanity. He stigmatized the complaisance of Augustus with the opprobrious name of pusillanimity; exhorted them not to guarantee a treaty so unjust, but to despise the menaces of the Swedish bully. So well, however, was the prowess of the king of Sweden known, that none of the allies thought proper to irritate him, by refusing to guarantee any treaty he thought proper. At first, Peter thought of revenging Patkul's death by massacring the Swedish prisoners at Moico; but from this he was deterred, by remembering that Charles had many more Russian prisoners than he himself had of Swedes. Giving over all thoughts of revenging himself in this way, therefore, in the year 1707 he entered Poland at the head of 60,000 men. Advancing to Leopold, he made himself master of that city, where he assembled a diet, and solemnly deposed Stanislaus with the same ceremonies which had been used with regard to Augustus. The country was now reduced to the most miserable situation; one party, through fear, adhered to the Swedes; another was gained over, or forced by Peter to take part with him; a violent civil war took place between the two, and great numbers of people were butchered; while cities, towns, and villages, were laid in ashes by the frantic multitude. The appearance of a Swedish army under King Stanislaus and General Lewenhaupt, put a stop to these disorders, Peter himself not caring to stand before such enemies. He retired, therefore, into Lithuania, giving out as the cause of his retreat, that the country could not supply him with provision and forage necessary for so great an army.

During these transactions Charles had taken up his residence in Saxony, where he gave laws to the court of Vienna, and in a manner intimidated all Europe. At Augsburg, laft, fatiuated with the glory of having dethroned one king, set up another, and struck all Europe with terror and admiration, he began to evacuate Saxony in pursuit of his great plan, the dethroning the tsar Peter, and conquering the vast empire of Russia. While the army was on full march in the neighbourhood of Dresden, he took the extraordinary resolution of visiting King Augustus with no more than five attendants. Though he had no reason to imagine that Augustus either did or could entertain any friendship for him, he was not uneasy at the consequences of thus putting himself entirely in his power. He got to the palace door of Augustus before it was known that he had entered the city. General Fleming having seen him at a distance, had only time to run and inform his master. What might be done in the present case immediately occurred to the minister, but Charles entered the elector's chamber in his boots before the latter had time to recover from his surprise. He breakfasted with him in a friendly manner, and then expressed a desire of viewing the fortifications. While he was walking round them, a Livonian, who had formerly been condemned in Sweden, and served in the troops of Saxony, thought he could never have a more favourable opportunity of obtaining pardon. He therefore begged of King Augustus to intercede for him, being fully assured that his majesty could not refuse to grant a request to a prince in whose power he then was. Augustus accordingly made the request, but Charles refused it in such a manner, that he did not think proper to ask it a second time. Having passed some hours in this extraordinary visit, he returned to his army, after having embraced and taken leave of the king he had dethroned.

The armies of Sweden, in Saxony, Poland, and Finland, now exceeded 70,000 men; a force more than marches sufficient to have conquered all the power of Russia, had they met on equal terms. Peter, who had his army dispersed in small parties, instantly assembled it on receiving ceiving notice of the king of Sweden's march, was making all possible preparations for a vigorous resistance, and was on the point of attacking Stanislaus, when the approach of Charles struck his whole army with terror. In the month of January 1708 Charles passed the Neman, and entered the south gate of Grodno just as Peter was quitting the place by the north gate. Charles at this time had advanced some distance before the army, at the head of 600 horse.

The tsar having intelligence of his situation, sent back a detachment of 2000 men to attack him, but these were entirely defeated; and thus Charles became possessed of the whole province of Lithuania. The king pursued his flying enemies in the midst of ice and snow, over mountains, rivers, and marshes, and through obstacles, which to turn seemed impossible to human power. These difficulties, however, he had foreseen, and had prepared to meet them. As he knew that the country could not furnish provisions sufficient for the subsistence of his army, he had provided a large quantity of biscuit, and on this his troops chiefly subsisted, till they came to the banks of the Berizine, in view of Borislav. Here the tsar was posted, and Charles intended to give him battle, after which he could the more easily penetrate into Russia. Peter, however, did not think proper to come to an action, but retreated towards the Dnieper, whither he was pursued by Charles, as soon as he had refreshed his army. The Russians had destroyed the roads, and defoliated the country, yet the Swedish army advanced with great celerity, and in their march defeated 20,000 Russians, though entrenched to the very teeth. This victory, considering the circumstances in which it was gained, was one of the most glorious that ever Charles had achieved. The memory of it is preserved by a medal struck in Sweden with this inscription; Sylvae, paludes, aggeres, hostis, victi.

When the Russians had re-passed the Dnieper, the tsar, finding himself pursued by an enemy with whom he could not cope, resolved to make proposals for an accommodation; but Charles answered his proposals with this arrogant reply; "I will treat with the tsar at Molcho;" a reply which was received by Peter with the coolness of a hero. "My brother Charles, said he, affects to play the Alexander, but he shall not find me a Darius." He still, however, continued his retreat, and Charles pursued so closely, that daily skirmishes took place between his advanced guard and the rear of the Russians. In these actions the Swedes generally had the advantage, though their petty victories cost them dear, by contributing to weaken their force in a country where it could not be recruited. The two armies came so close to each other at Smolenk, that an engagement took place between a body of Russians composed of 10,000 cavalry and 6000 Kalmyks, and the Swedish vanguard, composed of only six regiments, but commanded by the king in person. Here the Russians were again defeated, but Charles having been separated from the main body of his detachment, was exposed to great danger. With one regiment only, he fought with such fury as to drive the enemy before him, when they thought themselves sure of making him prisoner.

By the 3rd of October 1708, Charles had approached within 100 leagues of Molcho; but Peter had rendered the roads impassable, and had destroyed the villages on every side, so as to cut off every possibility of subsistence to the enemy. The season was far advanced, and the severity of winter was approaching, so that the Swedes were threatened with all the miseries of cold and famine, at the same time that they were exposed to the attacks of an enemy greatly superior in number, who, from their knowledge of the country, had almost constant opportunities of harassing and attacking them by surprise. For these reasons the king resolved to pass the Ukraine, where Mazepa, a Polish gentleman, was general and chief of the nation. Mazepa having been affronted by the tsar, readily entered into a treaty with Charles, whom he promised to assist with 30,000 men, great quantities of provisions and ammunition, and with all his treasures, which were immense. The Swedish army advanced towards the river Difna, where they had to encounter the greatest difficulties; a forest about 40 leagues in extent, filled with rocks, mountains, and marshes. To complete their misfortunes, they were led 30 leagues out of the right way; all the artillery was sunk in bogs and marshes; the provisions of the soldiers, which consisted of biscuit, was exhausted; and the whole army spent and emaciated when they arrived at the Difna. Here they expected to have met Mazepa with his reinforcement; but instead of that, they perceived the opposite banks of the river covered with a hostile army, and the passage itself almost impracticable. Charles, however, was still undaunted; he let his soldiers by ropes down the steep banks; they crossed the river either by swimming, or on rafts hastily put together; drove the Russians from their post, and continued their march. Mazepa soon after appeared, having with him about 6000 men, the broken remains of the army he had promised. The Russians had got intelligence of his designs, defeated and dispersed his adherents, laid his town in ashes, and taken all the provisions collected for the Swedish army. However, he still hoped to be useful by his intelligence in an unknown country; and the Cossacks, out of revenge, crowded daily to the camp with provisions.

Greater misfortunes still awaited the Swedes. When Charles entered the Ukraine, he had sent orders to General Lewenhaupt to meet him with 15,000 men, 6000 of whom were Swedes, and a large convoy of provisions. Against this detachment Peter now bent his whole force, and marched against him with an army of 65,000 men. Lewenhaupt had received intelligence that the Russian army consisted of only 24,000, a force to which he thought 6000 Swedes superior, and therefore did not attempt to entrench himself. A furious contest ensued, in which the Russians were defeated with the loss of 15,000 men. Now, however, affairs began to take another turn. The Swedes, elated with victory, prosecuted their march into the interior; but from the ignorance or treachery of their guides, were led into a marshy country, where the roads were made impassable by felled trees and deep ditches. Here they were attacked by the tsar with his whole army. Lewenhaupt had sent a detachment to dispute the passage of a body of Russians over a morass; but finding his detachment likely to be overpowered, he marched to support them with all his infantry. Another desperate battle ensued; the Russians were once more thrown into disorder, and were just on the point of being totally defeated, when Peter gave orders to the Cossacks and Kalmyks to fire upon upon all that fled; "Even kill me, said he, if I should be so cowardly as to turn my back." The battle was now renewed with great vigour; but notwithstanding the tsar's positive orders, and his own example, the day would have been lost, had not General Bauer arrived with a strong reinforcement of fresh Russian troops. The engagement was once more renewed, and continued without intermission till night. The Swedes then took possession of an advantageous post, but were next morning attacked by the Russians. Lewenhaupt had formed a fort of rampart with his wagons, but was obliged to set fire to them to prevent their falling into the hands of the Russians, while he retreated under cover of the smoke. The tsar's troops, however, arrived in time to save 500 of these wagons, filled with provisions destined for the distressed Swedes. A strong detachment was sent to pursue Lewenhaupt; but so terrible did he now appear, that the Russian general offered him an honourable capitulation. This was rejected with disdain, and a fresh engagement took place, in which the Swedes, now reduced to 4000, again defeated their enemies, and killed 5000 on the spot. After this, Lewenhaupt was allowed to pursue his retreat without molestation, though deprived of all his cannon and provisions. Prince Menzikoff was indeed detached with a body of forces to harass him on his march; but the Swedes were now so formidable, even in their distress, that Menzikoff dared not attack them, so that Lewenhaupt with his 4000 men arrived safe in the camp of Charles, after having destroyed nearly 30,000 of the Russians.

This may be said to have been the last successful effort of Swedish valour against the troops of Peter. The difficulties which Charles's army had now to undergo, exceeded what human nature could support; yet still they hoped by constancy and courage to subdue them. In the severest winter known for a long time, even in Russia, they made long marches, clothed like savages in the skins of wild beasts. All the draught horses perished; thousands of soldiers dropped down dead through cold and hunger; and by the month of February 1709 the whole army was reduced to 18,000. Amidst numberless difficulties these penetrated to Pultava, a town on the eastern frontier of the Ukraine, where the tsar had laid up magazines, and of these Charles resolved to obtain possession. Mazeppa advised the king to invest the place, in consequence of his having correspondence with some of the inhabitants, by whose means he hoped it would be surrendered. However, he was deceived; the besieged made an obstinate defence, the Swedes were repulsed in every assault, and 8000 of them were defeated, and almost entirely cut off, in an engagement with a party of Russians. To complete his misfortunes, Charles received a shot in his heel from a carbine, which shattered the bone. For six hours after, he continued calmly on horseback, giving orders, till he fainted with the loss of blood; after which he was carried into his tent.

For some days the tsar, with an army of 70,000 men, had lain at a small distance, harassing the Swedish camp, and cutting off the convoys of provision; but now intelligence was received, that he was advancing as if with a design of attacking the lines. In this situation, Charles, wounded, distressed, and almost surrounded by enemies, is said to have, for the first time, assembled a grand council of war, the result of which was, that it became expedient to march out and attack the Russians. Voltaire, however, totally denies that the king relaxed one jot of his wonted obstinacy and arbitrary temper; but that, on the 7th of July, he sent for General Renfchild, and told him, without any emotion, to prepare for attacking the enemy next morning.

The 8th of July 1709 is remarkable for the battle which decided the fate of Sweden. Charles having left 8000 men in the camp to defend the works and repel the fallies of the besieged, began to march against his enemies by break of day with the rest of the army, consisting of 26,000 men, of whom 18,000 were Cossacks. The Russians were drawn up in two lines behind their entrenchments, the horse in front, and the foot in the rear, with chains to suffer the horse to fall back in case of necessity. General Sluppenbach was dispatched to attack the cavalry, which he did with such impetuosity that they were broken in an instant. They, however, rallied behind the infantry, and returned to the charge with so much vigour, that the Swedes were disordered in their turn, and Sluppenbach made prisoner. Charles was now carried in his litter to the scene of confusion. His troops, re-animated by the presence of their leader, returned to the charge, and the battle became doubtful, when a blunder of General Creuk, who had been dispatched by Charles to take the Russians in flank, and a successful manoeuvre of Prince Menzikoff, decided the fortune of the day in favour of the Russians. Creuk's detachment was defeated, and Menzikoff, who had been sent by Peter with a strong body to post himself between the Swedes and Pultava, so as to cut off the communication of the enemy with their camp, and fall upon their rear, executed his orders with so much success as to cut off a corps de reserve of 3000 men. Charles had ranged his remaining troops in two lines, with the infantry in the centre, and the horse on the two wings. They had already twice rallied, and were now again attacked on all sides with the utmost fury. Charles in his litter, with a drawn sword in one hand, and a pistol in the other, seemed to be everywhere present; but new misfortunes awaited him. A cannon ball killed both horses in the litter; and scarcely were these replaced by a fresh pair, when a second ball stroke the litter in pieces, and overturned the king. The Swedish soldiers believing him killed, fell back in consternation. The first line was completely broken, and the second fled. Charles, though disabled, did every thing in his power to restore order; but the Russians, emboldened by success, pressed so hard on the flying foe, that it was impossible to rally them. Renfchild and several other general officers were taken prisoners, and Charles himself would have shared the same fate, had not Count Poniatowski (father of the future favourite of Catherine II.) with 500 horse, surrounded the royal person, and with desperate fury cut his way through ten regiments of the Russians. With his small guard the king arrived on the banks of the Dnieper, and was followed by Lewenhaupt with 4000 foot, and all the remaining cavalry. The Russians took possession of the Swedish camp, where they found a prodigious sum in specie; while Prince Menzikoff pursued the flying Swedes; and as they were in want of boats to cross the Dniepr, obliged them to surrender at discretion. Charles escaped with the utmost difficulty, but at length reached Otchakof on the frontiers of Turkey. See Sweden.

By this decisive victory, Peter remained in quiet possession of his new acquisitions on the Baltic, and was enabled to carry on, without molestation, the improvements which he had projected at the mouth of the Neva. His haughty rival, so long and so justly dreaded, was now completely humbled, and his ally the king of Poland was again established on his throne. During the eight years that had elapsed from the battle of Narva to that of Pultava, the Russian troops had acquired the discipline and steadiness of veterans, and had at length learned to beat their former conquerors. If Peter had decreed triumphal processions for his trifling successes at Azof, it is not surprising that he should commemorate a victory so glorious and so important as that of Pultava by similar pageants. He made his triumphal entry into Moscow for the third time, and the public rejoicings on this occasion far exceeded all that had before been witnessed in the Russian empire.

The vanquished Charles had, in the mean time, found a valuable friend in the monarch in whose territories he had taken refuge, Achmet II., who then filled the Ottoman throne, beheld with admiration the warlike achievements of the Swedish hero, and, alarmed at the late successes of his rival, determined to afford Charles the most effectual aid. In 1711, the Turkish emperor assembled an immense army, and was preparing to invade the Russian territories, when the tsar, having intimation of his design, and expecting powerful support from Cantemir, holopodar of Moldavia, a vassal of the Porte, resolved to anticipate the Turks, and to make an inroad into Moldavia. Forgetting his usual prudence and circumspection, Peter crossed the Dnieper, and advanced by rapid marches as far as Yassy or Jassy, the capital of that province, situated on the river Pruth; but his temerity had nearly cost him his liberty, if not his life. The particulars of his dangerous situation, with the manner in which he was extricated from it, by the prudent counsel of his consort Catherine, and the advantageous treaty of the Pruth, which was the result of that counsel, have been already related under Catherine I.

By this treaty, in which the interests of Charles had been almost abandoned, Peter saw himself delivered from a dangerous enemy, and returned to his capital, to prosecute those plans for the internal improvement of his empire which justly entitled him to the appellation of Great. Before we enumerate these improvements, however, we must bring the Swedish war to a conclusion. The death of Charles, in 1718, had left the Swedish government deplorably weakened, by the continual drains of men and money, occasioned by his mad enterprises, and little able to carry on a war with a monarch so powerful as Peter. At length, therefore, in 1721, this ruinous contest, which had continued ever since the commencement of the century, was brought to a conclusion by the treaty of Nystadt, by which the Swedes were obliged to cede to Russia Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, a part of Karelia, the territory of Vyborg, the isle of Oefel, and all the other islands in the Baltic, from Courland to Vyborg; for which concessions they received back Finland, that had been conquered by Peter, together with 2,000,000 of dollars, and the liberty of exporting duty free, from Riga, Reval, and Arensburg, corn to the annual amount of 50,000 rubles. In consequence of this great accession to the Russian empire, Peter received from his senate the title of emperor and autocrat of all the Russians, and the ancient title of tsar fell into disuse.

The improvements introduced by Peter into the internal policy of the empire, must be acknowledged to have been numerous and important. He organized anew the legislative assembly of the state; he greatly ameliorated the administration of justice; he new-modelled the national army; entirely erected the Russian navy; rendered the ecclesiastical government milder and less intolerant; zealously patronized the arts and sciences; erected an observatory at St Petersburg, and by publicly proclaiming the approach of an eclipse, and the precise time at which it was to take place, taught his subjects no longer to consider such a phenomenon as an omen of disaster, or an awful menace of divine judgment. He enlarged the commerce of his empire, and gave every encouragement to trade and manufactures. He formed canals, repaired the roads, instituted regular posts, and laid down regulations for a uniformity of weights and measures. Lastly, he in some measure civilized his subjects, though it is evident that he could not civilize himself.

It is the province of the historian to delineate the characters of the princes whose transactions he relates, of Peter. Various have been the characters given of Peter the Great, by those who have detailed the events of his reign. It is certain that to him the Russian empire is indebted for much of that splendour with which she now shines among the powers of Europe. As a monarch, therefore, he is entitled to our admiration, but as a private individual we must consider him as an object of detestation and abhorrence. His tyranny and his cruelty admit of no excuse; and if we were to suppose that in sacrificing the heir of his crown he emulated the patriotism of the elder Brutus, we must remember that the same hand which signed the death warrant of his son, could, with pleasure, execute the sentence of the law, or rather of his own caprice, and, in the moments of dissipation and revelry, could make the axe of justice an instrument of diabolical vengeance, and of cruel brutality.

Peter was succeeded by his consort Catherine, in An. 1725, whose favour he had, some years before his death, altered the order of succession. As the character of this princess, and the transactions of her short reign, have been fully detailed under her life*, we shall here only notice in the most cursory manner the events that took place during her reign.

From the commencement of her reign, Catherine conducted herself with the greatest benignity and gentleness, and thus secured the love and veneration of her subjects, which she had acquired during the life of the emperor. She reduced the annual capitulation tax; ordered the numerous gibbets which Peter had erected in various parts of the country to be cut down, and had the bodies of those who had fallen victims to his tyranny decently interred. She recalled the greater part of those whom Peter had exiled to Siberia; paid the troops their arrears; restored to the Kozaks those privileges and immunities of which they had been deprived during the late reign; and she continued in office most of the servants of Peter, both civil and military. She concluded a treaty with the German emperor, by which it was stipulated that in case of attack from an enemy, either party should assist the other with a force of 30,000 men, and should each guarantee the possessions of the other.

In her reign the boundaries of the empire were extended by the submission of a Georgian prince, and the voluntary homage of the Kubinikian Tartars. She died on the 17th of May 1727, having reigned about two years. She had settled the crown on Peter the son of the tsarowitch Alexei, who succeeded by the title of Peter II.

Peter was only 12 years of age when he succeeded to the imperial throne, and his reign was short and uninteresting. He was guided chiefly by Prince Menzikoff, whose daughter Catharine had decreed him to marry. This ambitious man, who, from the mean condition of a pye-boy, had risen to the first offices of the state, and had, during the late reign, principally conducted the administration of the government, was now, however, drawing towards the end of his career. The number of his enemies had greatly increased, and their attempts to work his downfall now succeeded. A young nobleman of the family of the Dolgorukis, who was one of Peter's chief companions, was excited by his relations, and the other enemies of Menzikoff, to infill into the mind of the young prince, sentiments hostile to that minister. In this commission he succeeded so well, that Menzikoff and his whole family, not excepting the young empress, were banished to Siberia, and the Dolgorukis took into their hands the management of affairs. These artful counsellors, instead of cultivating the naturally good abilities of Peter, encouraged him to waste his time and exhaust his strength in hunting, and other athletic exercises, for which his tender years were by no means calculated. It is supposed that the debility consequent on such fatigue increased the natural danger of the smallpox, with which he was attacked in January 1730, and from which he never recovered.

Notwithstanding the absolute power with which Peter I. and the empress Catharine had settled by will the succession to the throne, the Russian senate and nobility, upon the death of Peter II., ventured to set aside the order of succession which those sovereigns had established. The male issue of Peter was now extinct; and the duke of Holstein, son to Peter's eldest daughter, was by the destination of the late empress entitled to the crown; but the Russians, for political reasons, filled the throne with Anne duchess of Courland, second daughter to Ivan, Peter's eldest brother; though her eldest sister the duchess of Mecklenburg was alive. Her reign was extremely prosperous; and though she accepted the crown under limitations that some thought derogatory to her dignity, yet she broke them all, affected the prerogative of her ancestors, and punished the aspiring Dolgoruki family, who had imposed upon her limitations, with a view, as it is said, that they themselves might govern. She raised her favourite Biren to the duchy of Courland; and was obliged to give way to many severe executions on his account. Few transactions of any importance took place during the reign of Anne. She followed the example of her great predecessor Peter, by interfering in the affairs of Poland, where she had sufficient interest to establish on the throne Augustus III. This interference had nearly involved her in a war with France, and she had already sent a considerable army to the banks of the Rhine, for the purpose of acting against that power, when the conclusion of a treaty of peace rendered them unnecessary. She entered into a treaty with the shah of Persia, by which she agreed to give up all title to the territories that had been seized by Peter I. on the shores of the Caspian, in consideration of certain privileges to be granted to the Russian merchants.

In 1735, a rupture took place between Russia and Turkey, occasioned partly by the mutual jealousies that had subsisted between these powers, ever since the treaty on the Pruth, and partly by the depredations of the Tartars of the Crimea, then under the dominion of the Porte. A Russian army entered the Crimea, ravaged part of the country, and killed a considerable number of Tartars; but having ventured too far, without a sufficient supply of provisions, was obliged to retreat, after sustaining a loss of nearly 10,000 men. This ill success did not discourage the court of St Petersburg; and in the following year another armament was sent into the Ukraine, under the command of Marshal Munich, while another army under Lacy proceeded against Azof. Both these generals met with considerable success; the Tartars were defeated, and the fort of Azof once more submitted to the Russian arms. A third campaign took place in 1737, and the Russians were now assisted by a body of Austrian troops. Munich laid siege to Otchakov, which soon surrendered, while Lacy desolated the Crimea.

No material advantages were, however, gained on either side; and disputes arose between the Austrian and Russian generals. At length in 1739, Marshal Munich having crossed the Bug at the head of a considerable army, defeated the Turks in a pitched battle near Stanislav, made himself master of Yassy, the capital of Moldavia, and before the end of the campaign reduced the whole of that province under his subjection. These successes of the Russian arms induced the Porte to propose terms of accommodation; and in the latter end of 1739, a treaty was concluded, by which Russia again gave up Azof and Moldavia, and to compensate the loss of above 100,000 men, and vast sums of money, gained nothing but permission to build a fortress on the Don.

Upon the death of Anne, which took place in 1740, Ivan, the son of her niece the princess of Mecklenburg, was, by her will, entitled to the succession; but being no more than two years old, Biren was appointed regent to be administrator of the empire during his minority. Ivan VI. This nomination was disagreeable to the princesses of Mecklenburg and her husband, and unpopular among the Russians. Count Munich was employed by the princesses of Mecklenburg to arrest Biren, who was tried, and condemned to die, but was sent into exile to Siberia.

The administration of the princesses Anne of Mecklenburg and her husband was upon many accounts disagreeable, not only to the Russians, but to other powers of Europe; and notwithstanding a prosperous war they carried on with the Swedes, the princess Elizabeth, daughter by Catharine to Peter the Great, formed such a party that in one night's time she was declared and proclaimed empress of the Russians; and the princesses of Mecklenburg, her husband, and son, were made prisoners. The fate of this unhappy family was peculiarly severe. All but Ivan were sent into banishment, to an island. island at the mouth of the Dvina, in the White sea, where the princess Anne died in child-bed in 1747. Ivan's father survived till 1775, and at last ended his miserable career in prison. The young emperor Ivan was for some time shut up in a monastery at Oranienburg, when, on attempting to escape, he was removed to the castle of Schloßberg, where he was, as will hereafter be related, cruelly put to death.

The chief instrument in raising the ambition of Elizabeth, and procuring her elevation to the throne, was her physician and favourite Leibov, who, partly by his inflating address, and partly by the influence of the French ambassador, brought over to Elizabeth's interest most of the royal guards. By their assistance she made herself mistress of the imperial palace, and of the persons of the young emperor and his family, and in a few hours was established without opposition on the throne of her father.

During the short regency of Anne of Mecklenburg, a new war had commenced between Russia and Sweden; and this war was carried on with considerable acrimony and some success, by Elizabeth. The Russian forces took possession of Abo, and made themselves masters of nearly all Finland. But at length in 1743, in consequence of the negotiations that were carrying on relative to the succession of the Swedish crown, a peace was concluded between the two powers, on the condition that Elizabeth should restore the greater part of Finland.

Soon after her accession, Elizabeth determined to nominate her successor to the imperial throne, and had fixed her eyes on Charles Peter Ulric, son of the duke of Holstein-Gottorp, by Anne, daughter of Peter the Great. This prince was accordingly invited into Russia, persuaded to become a member of the Greek church, and proclaimed grand duke of Russia, and heir of the empire. The ceremony of his baptism was performed on the 18th November, 1742, and he received the name of Peter Feodorowitch. He was at this time only fourteen years of age; but before he had attained his sixteenth year, his aunt had destined him a consort in the person of Sophia Augusta Frederica, daughter of Christian Augustus prince of Anhalt-Zerbitz-Dornburg. It is unnecessary for us here to relate the circumstances that led to this marriage, and the unhappy consequences that resulted from it during the life of Elizabeth, as they have already been sufficiently detailed.*

Having thus settled the order of succession, Elizabeth began to take an active part in the politics of Europe. The death of Charles VI, emperor of Germany had left his daughter, Maria Theresa queen of Hungary, at the mercy of the enterprising king of Prussia, till a formidable party, more from jealousy of that monarch's military fame than regard to the interests of an injured princess, was formed in her behalf. To this confederacy the empress of Russia acceded, and in 1747 sent a considerable body of troops into Germany, to the assistance of the empress queen. The events of this long and bloody contest have been fully detailed under the article PRUSSIA, from No. 18 to 64, and they comprise the greater part of those transactions in the reign of Elizabeth that do not particularly regard the internal policy of the empire. The more private transactions of the court of St Petersburg, as far as they are connected with the intrigues of her niece Catharine and the follies of the grand duke Peter, have also been related in our life of CATHERINE II. Elizabeth died on the 5th January 1762, the victim of disease brought on by intemperance. With her character as a private woman we have little business here. Her merits as a sovereign will appear from the following summary drawn by Mr Tooke.

Elizabeth, as empress, governed but little of herself; character it being properly her ministers and favourites who dictated her regulations and decrees. Of this number, besides Belfort, was also Bazunofsky, to whom, it has been said, the empress was even privately married. At the beginning of her reign, it is true, she went a few times to the fitting of the senate; but the matters transacted there were by much too serious for her mind; and, accordingly, the very soon left off that practice altogether, contenting herself by confirming with her signature the resolutions of that assembly, and the determinations of her minister, in the conference, which supplied the place of the council.

Her character in general was mild, as was evident from the tears it cost her whenever she received accounts from Prussia even of victories gained by her own army, on account of the human blood by which they must necessarily have been purchased. Yet even this delicate sensibility did not restrain her from prosecuting the war into which she had entered from a species of revenge, and for the purpose of humbling the king of Prussia, and even on her deathbed from exhorting the persons who surrounded her to the most vigorous continuation of it. It also proceeded from this sensibility, that immediately on her accession to the government she made the vow never to put her signature to a sentence of death. A resolution which she faithfully kept; though it cannot be averred to have been for the benefit of the empire; since in consequence of it the number of malefactors who deserved to die was every day increasing, inasmuch that even the clergy requested the empress to retract her vow, at the same time urging proofs that they could release her from it. All the arguments they could use, however, were of no avail to move the conscientious monarch; she would not give effect to any sentence of death, although the commanders in the army particularly would have been glad that her conscience had yielded a little on that point. They declared that the soldiers were not to be refrained from their excesses by the severest corporal punishments they could employ; whereas such was their dread of a solemn execution, that a few examples of that nature would have effectually kept them in awe.

Commerce and literature, arts, manufactures, handicrafts, and the other means of livelihood, which had been fostered by the former sovereigns, continued their course under Elizabeth with increasing prosperity. The country products were obtained and wrought up in greater quantities, and several branches of profit were more zealously carried on. The sum appointed for the support of the academy of sciences founded by Peter I. at St Petersburg, was considerably augmented by Elizabeth; and moreover established in 1758 the academy, still subsisting for the arts of painting and sculpture, in which a number of young persons are brought up as painters, engravers, statuaries, architects, &c. At Molco she endowed a university and two gymnasia.

The empress Elizabeth herself having a good voice, music, music, which Anne had already much encouraged, found under her administration a perpetual accession of disciples and admirers; so that even numbers of persons of distinction at St Petersburg became excellent performers. The art of acting plays was now also more general among the Russians. Formerly none but French or Italian pieces were performed on the stage of St Petersburg, whereas now Sumarokov obtained celebrity as a dramatic poet in his native language, and in 1756 Elizabeth laid the foundation of a Russian theatre in her residence. Architecture likewise found a great admirer and patroness in her, St Petersburg and its vicinity being indebted to her for great embellishments, and numerous structures.

The magnificence which had prevailed under Anne at the court of St Petersburg was not diminished during her reign, and the court establishment therefore amounted to extraordinary sums. Elizabeth, indeed, in this respect did not imitate her great father; and accordingly in the seven years war the want of a well-stored treasury was already very sensibly felt.

The population of the empire was considerably increased under her reign; and so early as 1752, according to the statement in an account published by an official person, it was augmented by one-fifth.

Elizabeth continued the practice of her predecessors in encouraging foreigners to come to settle in her empire. Emigrant Servians cultivated a considerable tract of land, till then almost entirely uninhabited, on the borders of Turkey, where they built the town of Elizabethgorod, and multiplied so fast, that in the year 1764 a particular district was formed of these improvements, under the name of New Servia. Only the Jews Elizabeth was no less resolute not to tolerate than her father had been; insomuch that, so early in her reign as 1743, they were ordered to quit the country on pain of death.

The army was augmented under Elizabeth, but certainly not improved. There were now no longer at the head of it such men as the foreigners Munich, Keith, or Loevendal, who, besides their personal courage and intrepidity, possessed the soundest principles of the art of war; and, what is of no less consequence in a commander, kept up a strict discipline, and took care that the laws of subordination were punctually observed. The excessive licence which the regiments of guards, particularly the life company of the Preobajenskoy guards, presumed to exercise, under the very eyes of the empress in St Petersburg, afforded no good example to the rest of the army; and Elizabeth, in appointing those soldiers of that life company, who had been most guilty of flagrant disorders, and the basest conduct, to be officers in the marching regiments, gives us no very high idea of what was required in an officer, but rather serves easily to explain whence it arose that such frequent complaints were made of infubordination. A great number of excellent regulations that had been introduced into the army, and always enforced by foreigners, especially by Munich, were suffered by the Russian generals to fall into total disuse. The bad effects of this negligence were very soon perceived; and it was undoubtedly a circumstance highly favourable to the Russian troops, that for several years successively, in the war which we have had occasion so often to mention, they had to engage with such a master in the military art as the king of Prussia, and by their conflicts with him, as well as by their connection with the Austrians, and in the sequel with the Prussian soldiery, they had an opportunity of learning to many things, and of forming themselves into regular combatants.

Elizabeth tarnished her reign, however, by the institution of a political court of inquisition, under the name of a secret state chancery, empowered to examine into political intrigues and punish all such charges as related to the expression of any kind of displeasure against the measures of government. This, as is usual in such cases, opened a door to the vilest practices. The lowest and most profligate of mankind were now employed as spies and informers, and were rewarded for their denunciations and calumnies against the most virtuous characters, if these happened by a look, a shrug of the shoulders, or a few harmless words, to signify their disapprobation of the proceedings of the sovereign.

The grand duke ascended the throne by the name of Peter III. This prince's conduct has been variously represented. He entered on the government possessed of an enthusiastic admiration of the virtues of the king of Prussia, with whom he immediately made peace, and whose principles and practice he seems to have adopted as patterns for his imitation. He might have surmounted the effects even of those peculiarities, unpopular as they then were in Russia; but it is said that he aimed at reforms in his dominions, which even Peter the Great durst not attempt; and that he even ventured to cut off the beards of his clergy. He was certainly a weak man, who had no opinions of his own, but childishly adopted the sentiments of any person who took the trouble to teach him. His chief amusement was buffoonery; and he would sit for hours looking with pleasure at a merry Andrew singing drunken vulgar songs. He was a stranger to the country, its inhabitants, and their manners; and suffered himself to be persuaded by those about him, that the Russians were fools and beasts unworthy of his attention, except to make them, by means of the Prussian discipline, good fighting machines. These sentiments regulated his whole conduct, and prepared the way for that revolution which improprieties of a different kind tended to hasten.

Becoming attached to one of the Vorontzoff ladies, his mistress to the princess Dalmatoff, he disgusted his wife, who was then a lovely woman in the prime of life, of great natural talents and great acquired accomplishments; whilst the lady whom he preferred to her was but one degree above an idiot. The princess Dalmatoff, who was married to a man whose genius was not superior to that of the emperor, being dame d'honneur and lady of the bed-chamber, had of course much of the empress's company. Similarity of situations knit these two illustrious personages in the closest friendship. The princess being a zealous admirer of the French economist, could make her conversation both amusing and instructive. She retailed all her statistical knowledge; and finding the empress a willing hearer, she spoke of her in every company as a prodigy of knowledge, judgment, and philanthropy. Whilst the emperor, by his buffoonery and attachment to foreign manners, was daily incuring more and more the odium of his subjects, the popularity of his wife was rapidly increasing; and some persons about the court expressed their regret, that so much knowledge of government, such love of humanity, and Such ardent wishes for the prosperity of Russia, should only furnish conversations with Catharina Romanovna (the princess Dakhkoff). The empress and her favourite did not let these expressions pass unobserved, they continued their studies in concert; and whilst the former was employed on her famous code of laws, for a great empire, the latter always reported progress, till the middling circles of Moscow and St Peterburgh began to speak familiarly of the blessings which they might enjoy if these speculations could be realized.

Meanwhile Peter III. was giving fresh cause of discontent. He had recalled from Siberia Count Munich, who was indeed a sensible, brave, and worthy man; but as he was smarting under the effects of Russian despotism, and had grounds of resentment against most of the great families, he did not much discourage the emperor's unpopular conduct, but only tried to moderate it and give it a system. Peter, however, was impatient. He publicly ridiculed the exercise and evolutions of the Russian troops; and hastily adopting the Prussian discipline, without digesting and fitting it for the constitution of his own forces, he completely ruined himself by disfiguring the army.

In the midst of these imprudences, however, Peter was sometimes disturbed by the advice of virtuous counsellors. Among these Gudovitch, the vice-chamberlain, is said to have reproached him in the following spirited address:

"Peter Feodorovitch, I now plainly perceive that you prefer to us the enemies of your fame. You are irrecoverably subverted to them; you acknowledge them to have had good reason for saying that you were more addicted to low and degrading pleasures, than fit to govern an empire. Is it thus that you emulate your vigilant and laborious grandfathers, that Peter the Great whom you have so often sworn to take for your model? Is it thus that you persevere in the wife and noble conduct, by which, at your accession to the throne, you merited the love and the admiration of your people? But that love, that admiration, is already forgotten. They are succeeded by discontent and murmurs. Peterburgh is anxiously enquiring whether the tsar has ceased to live within her walls? The whole empire begins to fear that it has cherished only vain speculations of receiving laws that shall revive its vigour and increase its glory. The malevolent alone are triumphant; and soon will the intrigues, the cabals, which the first moments of your reign had reduced to silence, again raise their heads with redoubled insolence. Shake off then this disgraceful lethargy, my tsar! hasten to shew and to prove, by some resplendent act of virtue, that you are worthy of realizing those hopes that have been formed and cherished of you."

These remonstrances, however, produced only a temporary gleam of reformation, and Peter soon relapsed into his accustomed sensuality. What he lost in popularity was soon gained by the emissaries of Catharine. Four regiments of guards, amounting to 8000 men, were instantly brought over by the three brothers Orloff, who had contrived to ingratiate themselves with their officers. The people at large, were in a state of indifference, out of which they were roused by the following means. A little manuscript was handed about, containing principles of legislation for Russia, founded on natural rights, and on the claims of the different classes of people which had insensibly been formed, and became so familiar as to appear natural. In that performance was proposed a convention of deputies from all the classes, and from every part of the empire, to converse, but without authority, on the subjects of which it treated, and to inform the senate of the result of their deliberations. It passed for the work of her majesty, and was much admired.

While Catharine was thus high in the public esteem and affection, the emperor took the alarm at her popularity, and in a few days came to the resolution of confining her for life, and then of marrying his favourite. The servants of that favourite betrayed her to her father, who imparted the intelligence to the empress. Catharine saw her danger, and instantly formed her resolution. She must either tamely submit to perpetual imprisonment, and perhaps a cruel and ignominious death, or contrive to hurl her husband from his throne. No other alternative was left her, and the consequence was what was undoubtedly expected. The proper steps were taken; folly fell before abilities and address, and in three days the revolution was accomplished.

When the emperor saw that all was lost, he attempted to enter Cronstadt from Oranienbaum, a town on the throne gulf of Finland, 30 versts, or nearly 26 miles, from St Peterburgh. The sentinels at the harbour presented their muskets at the barge; and though they were not loaded, and the men had no cartridges, he drew back. The English sailors called from ship to ship for some person to head them, declaring that they would take him in and defend him; but he precipitately withdrew. Munich received him again, and exhorted him to mount his horse, and head his guards, swearing to live and die with him. He said, "No, I see it cannot be done without shedding much of the blood of my brave Holsteiners. I am not worthy of the sacrifice." It is unnecessary for us to be more particular in detailing the progress of the revolution that placed Catharine on the throne of Russia, as the principal circumstances attending this event are given under the life of CATHARINE; but as the conclusion of the tragedy has been there omitted, we shall relate it from the most authentic sources which we have been able to procure.

Six days had already elapsed since the revolution, and put to that great event had been apparently terminated with death, but any violence that might leave odious impressions on the mind of the public. Peter had been removed from Peterhof to a pleasant retreat called Ropkha, about 30 miles from St Peterburgh; and here he supposed he should be detained but a short time previous to his being sent into Germany. He therefore sent a message to Catharine, desiring permission to have for his attendant a favourite negro, and that she would send him a dog, of which he was very fond, together with his violin, a bible, and a few romances, telling her that, disgusted with the wickedness of mankind, he was resolved henceforth to devote himself to a philosophical life. However reasonable these requests, not one of them was granted, and his plans of wisdom were turned into ridicule.

In the mean time the soldiers were amazed at what they had done; they could not conceive by what fascination they had been hurried so far as to dethrone the grandson of Peter the Great, in order to give his crown to a German woman. The majority, without plan or sentiment sentiment of what they were doing, had been mechanically led on by the movements of others; and each individual now reflecting on its bafefens, after the pleasure of disposing of a crown had vanished, was filled only with remorse. The sailors, who had never been engaged in the insurrection, openly reproached the guards in the tippling houses with having sold their emperor for beer. Pity, which justifies even the greatest criminals, pleaded irresistibly in every heart. One night a band of soldiers attached to the empress took the alarm, from an idle fear, and exclaimed that their mother was in danger, and that she must be awakened, that they might see her. During the next night there was a fresh commotion more serious than the former. So long as the life of the emperor left a pretext for inquietude, it was thought that no tranquillity was to be expected.

On the sixth day of the emperor's imprisonment at Ropetcha, Alexey Orloff, accompanied by an officer named Teploff, came to him with the news of his speedy deliverance, and asked permission to dine with him. According to the custom of that country, wine glasses and brandy were brought previous to dinner; and while the officer amused the tsar with some trifling discourse, his chief filled the glasses, and poured a poisonous mixture, into that which he intended for the prince. The tsar, without any distrust, swallowed the potion, on which he immediately experienced the most severe pains; and on his being offered a second glass, on pretence of its giving him relief, he refused it, with reproaches against him that offered it.

He called aloud for milk, but the two monsters offered him poison again, and pressed him to take it. A French valet-de-chambre, greatly attached to him, now ran in. Peter threw himself into his arms, saying, in a faint tone of voice, "It was not enough then to prevent me from reigning in Sweden, and to deprive me of the crown of Russia! I must also be put to death."

The valet-de-chambre presumed to intercede for his master; but the two miscreants forced this dangerous witness out of the room, and continued their ill-treatment of the tsar. In the midst of this tumult the younger of the princes Baratinsky came in, and joined the two former. Orloff, who had already thrown down the emperor, was pressing upon his breast with both his knees, and firmly gripping his throat with his hand. The unhappy monarch, now struggling with that strength which arises from despair, the two other assassins threw a napkin round his neck, and put an end to his life by suffocation.

It is not known with certainty what share the empress had in this event; but it is affirmed that on the very day on which it happened, while the empress was beginning her dinner with much gaiety, an officer (supposed to be one of the assassins) precipitately entered the apartment with his hair dishevelled, his face covered with sweat and dust, his clothes torn, and his countenance agitated with horror and dismay. On entering, his eyes, sparkling and confused, met those of the empress. She arose in silence, and went into a closet, whither he followed her; a few moments afterwards she

fent for Count Panin (the former governor of Peter), who was already appointed her minister, and she informed him that the emperor was dead, and consulted him on the manner of announcing his death to the public. Panin advised her to let one night pass over, and to spread the news next day, as if they had received it during the night. This counsel being approved, the empress returned with the same countenance, and continued her dinner with the same gaiety. On the day following, when it was published that Peter had died of an hemorrhoidal colic, she appeared bathed in tears, and proclaimed her grief by an edict.

The corpse was brought to St Petersburg, there to be exposed. The face was black, and the neck excoriated. Notwithstanding these horrible marks, in order to assuage the commotions which began to excite apprehension, and to prevent impostors from hereafter disturbing the empire, he was left three days, exposed to all the people, with only the ornaments of a Holstein officer. His soldiers, disbanded and disarmed, mingled with the crowd; and, as they beheld their sovereign, their countenances indicated a mixture of compassion, contempt, and shame. They were soon afterwards embarked for their country; but, as the sequel of their cruel destiny, almost all of these unfortunate men perished in a storm. Some of them had saved themselves on the rocks adjacent to the coast; but they again fell a prey to the waves, while the commandant of Kronstadt dispatched a messenger to St Petersburg to know whether he might be permitted to fulfill them.

Thus fell the unhappy Peter III., in the 34th year of his age, after having enjoyed the imperial dignity only six months. Whatever may have been his faults or follies, it must be allowed that he suffered dearly for them. Of the violent nature of his death there can scarcely be a doubt, though there appear to be grounds for believing that, however much Catharine must have wished for his removal, she did not take an active part in his death.

On her accession, Catharine behaved with great magnanimity and forbearance towards those who had opposed her elevation, or were the declared friends of the deposed emperor. She gave to Prince George, in exchange for his title of duke of Courland conferred on him by Peter, the government of Holstein. She reinstated Biren in his dukedom of Courland; received into favour Marshal Munich, who had readily transferred his fidelity from the dead to the living, and even pardoned her rival, the Countess Vorontzoff, and permitted her to retain the tokens of her lover's munificence. She permitted Gudovitch, who, as we have seen, was high in the confidence of Peter, and had incurred her particular displeasure, to retire to his native country. Perhaps the most unexpected part of her conduct towards the friends of Peter, was her adhering to the treaty of peace which that monarch had concluded with the king of Prussia six months before. The death of his inveterate enemy Elizabeth had relieved Frederick from a load of solicitude, and had extricated him from his dangerous situation. He now, as he thought, saw himself

---

(n) The above account of Peter's assassination is taken chiefly from M. Rulhier's Histoire ou Anecdotes sur la Revolution de Russie, with some modifications from Tooke's Life of Catharine II. self again involved in a war with the same formidable power; but to his great joy he found that Catharine, from motives of policy, declined entering on a war at the commencement of her reign.

In one particular the empress showed her jealousy and her fears. She increased the vigilance with which the young prince Ivan was confined in the castle of Schluffelburg, from which Peter III. had expressed a resolution to release him. Not long after her accession, this unfortunate prince was afflammated; though whether this event was to be imputed to the empress or her counsellors, cannot be determined. The circumstances of the afflammation are thus related by Mr Tooke, from documents supplied by a manifesto published by the court of Peterburgh, and supposed to be written by the empress herself.

"A lieutenant, named Mirovitch, thinking himself neglected as an officer, conceived a plan to revenge himself on the empress Catharine II. by delivering the captive Ivan from his dungeon, and replacing him on the throne: a plan which, besides the extraordinary difficulties with which it must be attended, seemed unlikely to succeed, as the manner of life to which that prince had all along been condemned, disqualifed him forever for the station of a ruler. Yet Mirovitch, capable of any attempt, however inconsiderate, to which he was prompted by his vindictive spirit, found means to gain over a few accomplices to his rash design. The empress having gone on a journey into Livonia in 1764, and he happening to have a command at Schluffelburg, for strengthening the guard at that fortress, whereby he had frequent opportunities of making himself thoroughly acquainted with the place of Ivan's confinement, caused the soldiers of his command to be roused in the night, and read to them a pretended order from the empress commissioning him to set the prince at liberty.

"The soldiers thus taken by surprise, were induced by threats, promises, and intoxicating liquors, to believe what, however, on the slightest reflection, must have struck them as the grossest absurdity. Headed by Mirovitch, they proceeded to the cell of Ivan. The commandant of the fortress, waked out of his sleep by the unexpected alarm, immediately on his appearing, received a blow with the butt end of a musket, which struck him to the ground; and the two officers that had the guard of the prisoner were ordered to submit. Here it is to be observed, that the officers whose turn it was to have the custody of him, had uniformly, from the time of Elizabeth, secret orders given them, that if anything should be attempted in favour of the prince, rather to put him to death than suffer him to be carried off. They now thought themselves in that dreadful predicament; and the prince who, when an infant of nine weeks, was taken from the calm repose of the cradle to be placed on an imperial throne, was likewise fast locked in the arms of sleep when that throne was taken from him only one year afterwards, and now also enjoying a short respite from misery by the same kind boon of nature, when he was awakened—by the thrust of a sword; and, notwithstanding the brave resistance which he made, closed his eyes for ever by the frequent repetition of the stroke. Such was the lamentable end of this unfortunate prince! of this Russian monarch! The event excited great animadversion throughout the residence; every unbiased person bewailed the youth so innocently put to death; and incessant crowds of people flocked to see his body in the church of the fortress of Schluffelburg. The government was at length obliged to fleal it away by night for inhumation in a monastery at a considerable distance from town. Mirovitch paid the forfeit of this enterprise with his head."

Were we to offer a detailed account of the principal transactions that took place during the long reign of Catherine, we should far exceed the limits within which this article must be confined, and should at the same time repeat much of what has already been given under the reign of Catherine. As the events that distinguished the life of Catherine, however, are too important to be wholly omitted, we shall present our readers with the following chronological sketch of them, referring for a more particular account to Mr Tooke's Life of Catherine II., and to the articles Catherine II., Britain, France, Poland, Prussia, Sweden, and Turkey, in this work.

The year 1766, presented at St Petersburgh the grandest spectacle that perhaps was ever seen in Europe. At an entertainment, which the empress chose to name a carousal, the principal nobility appeared in the most sumptuous dresses sparkling with diamonds, and mounted on horses richly caparisoned, in a magnificent theatre erected for that purpose. Here all that has been read of the ancient jousts and tournaments was realized and exceeded in the presence of thousands of spectators, who seemed to vie with each other in the brilliancy of their appearance.

In 1768, the empress composed instructions for a new code of laws for her dominions; and the same year she submitted to the danger of inoculation, in order that her subjects, to whom the practice was unknown, might benefit by her example; and the experiment, under laws, Baron Dimitriev, having happily succeeded, it was commemorated by an annual thanksgiving.

In the same year a war broke out with the Ottoman War with Porte. The various events of this long and important Turkish conflict, which continued for seven years, must here be only briefly enumerated, as they will hereafter be more particularly noticed under the article Turkey. In this war, our countryman Greig, then an admiral in the Russian service, highly distinguished himself by his conduct in a naval engagement with the Turks, in the harbour of Tchernomor in the Archipelago, in which the Turkish fleet was entirely defeated, and their magazines destroyed. This took place on the 4th of November 1772.

In the beginning of the year 1769, the khan of the Crimea made an attack on the territory of Bachmut on the river Bog, where he was several times bravely repulsed, and concluded with his army of Tartars and Turks, by Major-general Romanovitch and Prince Prohorofskoi. At the same time war with fought the battles of Zekanofca and Soroca on the Dniepr, Turkey, when the large magazines of the enemy were burned. In February the Polish Cossacks in the voivodship of Bracław put themselves under the Russian sceptre. In the same month the Nifovian Saparogian Cossacks gained a battle in the deserts of Krim. In March the Polish rebels were subdued, and their town taken by Major-general Ifimiloff. April 2, the fort of Taganrook, on the sea of Azof, was taken. On the 15th the Russian army, under the general in chief Prince Galitzin, crossed the Dniepr. On the 19th a victory was gained by Prince Galitzin near Chotzim. On the 21st the Turks were defeated. not far from Chotzim by Lieutenant-general Count Solistikof. The 29th, an action was fought between the Russian Kalmucks and the Kuban Tartars, to the disadvantage of the latter. June 8th, the Turks were defeated at the mouth of the Dnieper near Otchakof. 19th, An action took place on the Dniepr, when the troops of Prince Prosofesko forced the Turks to repel the river in great disorder. Chotzim was taken September 19th. Yaffo, in Moldavia, was taken 27th September. Bucharest, in Wallachia, was taken, and the holpodar made prisoner, in November 1770. A victory was gained by the Russians under Generals Podhiliy and Potemkin, near Foktiany. The town of Shurha was taken by Lieutenant-general Von Stoffeln, Feb. 4. A Russian fleet appeared in the port of Maina in the Morea, Feb. 17. Mitra, the Laedemon of the ancients, and several other towns of the Morea, were taken in February. Arcadi in Greece surrendered, and a multitude of Turks were made prisoners, in the same month. The Turks and Tartars were driven from their entrenchments near the Pruth, by Count Romantzol, Prince Repnin, and General Bauer, 11th—16th June. Prince Prosofesko gained several advantages near Otchakof, June 18. The Russian fleet, under Count Alexey Orlof, gained a complete victory over the Turks near Tscheme, June 24th; the consequence of this victory was the destruction of the whole Turkish fleet, near Tchesme, where it was burned by Admiral Greig, June 26. A battle was fought on the Kagul, in which Count Romantzol defeated the Turkish army, consisting of 150,000 men, took their camp, and all the artillery, July 21. The fortress Bender was taken July 22. The town of Ifmail was taken by Prince Repnin, July 26. Kilia by Prince Repnin, August 21, and Ackerman in October. Brailof was taken, November 10. 1771. The fortress of Shurha by General Olitz, on February 23; the town of Kaffa by Prince Dolgoruckof, June 29; the fort of Kertchi, July 2; the fort of Yenicali, July 3; and numberless other victories were obtained by sea and land, till the peace was concluded the 13th January 1775. By this the Crimea was declared independent of the Porte, all the vast tract of country between the Bog and Dniepr was ceded to Russia, besides the Kuban and the isle of Taman, with free navigation in all the Turkish seas, including the passage of the Dardanelles, privileges granted to the most favoured nations, and stipulations in behalf of the inhabitants of Moldavia and Wallachia.

In 1779, the empress intending to divide the empire into viceroyalties, began in January with the viceroyalty of Orlof. March 21, a new treaty was signed at Constantinople between Russia and the Porte. May 13, the treaty of peace between the belligerent powers in Germany, and the French king, was signed under the mediation of her majesty. In June the establishment of hospitals for invalids at Mosco, to be confined to officers. In July, General Bauer received orders to cause a canal to be cut to supply Mosco with wholesome water. In October, a ship built at Taganrook, named the Prince Constantine, sailed to Smyrna with Russian commodities. December 3, the viceroyalty of Voronetz was instituted; and the 27th, Count Romantzof Zadunaiski opened the viceroyalty of Kuban with great solemnity.

In 1780, February 28, appeared the memorable declaration of her imperial majesty, relating to the safety of navigation and commerce of the neutral powers. May 9, the empress set out on a journey to White Russia from Zarfsco Selo, visited Narva, Plesecof, met the emperor of Germany under the title of Count Falkenstein at Mobilef, and they pursued the journey together to Smolensk. June 6, Count Falkenstein arrived at Molco. The 17th, the empress returned to Zarfsco Selo, and the count Falkenstein arrived at St Petersburgh. July 8, the emperor returned to Vienna.

In 1781, March 1, the empress became mediatrix between England and Holland. April 5, instituted the first public school in St Petersburgh. August 27, the grand dukes, Alexander and Constantine, were inoculated by Baron Dimdfalde. August 31, the first stone in the retinue of a cathedral was laid at Cherfon, dedicated to St Catherine. September 19, the grand duke, Paul Petrovitch, and his consort, Maria Feodorovna, departed from Zarfsco Selo, through Plesecof, Mohilief, and Kief, on a journey into foreign countries, under the title of Count and Countess of the North.

In 1782, by command of her majesty, dated January 18, a Roman Catholic archbishop was installed in the city of Mobilef, with authority over all the Catholic churches and convents in the Russian empire. August 7, the famous equestrian statue of Peter the Great, being finished, was uncovered to the public in presence of the empress, on which occasion she published a proclamation containing pardons for several criminals, &c. (c). November 22, the order of St Vladimir was instituted. The 27th, the empress published a new tariff. November 20, the grand duke and his duchess, having completed their travels through Germany, Italy, France, Holland, the Netherlands, &c. returned to St Petersburgh.

In 1783, May 7, the empress instituted a seminary for the education of young persons of quality at Knik. June 21, a treaty of commerce concluded with the Ottoman Porte. July, the institution of the other viceroyalties of the empire followed in succession. July 21, the Russian empress published a manifesto by her commander-in-chief Prince Potemkin, in the Krim, in regard to the taking possession of that peninsula, the Kuban, and the island of Taman. The 24th, a treaty was concluded with Heraclius II, tsar of Kartalinia and Kachetti, by which he submitted himself, his heirs and successors forever, with his territories and dominions, to the sceptre of her majesty, her heirs and successors. The 29th account was received from the camp of Prince Potemkin at Karas-Bafar, that the clergy, the beys, and other persons of distinction, with the towns of Karas-Bafar, Bachtififerai, Achmetchet, Kaffa, Koloff, with the districts of Turkanikoikut and Neubalar, and that of Pererekop, in the peninsula of the Krim, together with the hordes of Ediflank and Dhamboluk, the sultan Alim Girey, and his vassals, with all the Buddhaks and Bashkirs there, and all the tribes dwelling beyond the river Kuban, the sultan Boatur Girey and his vassals, took

(c) For a description of this extraordinary statue, see PETERSBURGH. the oath of allegiance to her imperial majesty, and with willing hearts submitted for ever to her glorious sway.

The 30th, the hospodar of Wallachia was deposed, and Dracu Sutzo set up in his place. September 22, her majesty raised Gabriel, archbishop of Novgorod and St Petersburg, to the dignity of metropolitan. October 21, in the great hall of the Academy of Sciences, the new institution of the Imperial Russian academy was opened, after a most solemn consecration by the metropolitan Gabriel, and others of the clergy, under the presidency of the princes Dalmatoff. November 7, the empress became mediatrix for accommodating the differences between the king of Prussia and the city of Danzig. The school for surgery was opened at St Petersburg on the 18th. December 13, a school commission was instituted for superintending all the public schools. The 28th, an act was concluded with the Ottoman Porte, by which the possession and sovereignty of the Krim, the Kuban, &c., were solemnly made over to the empress.

January 1, the senate most humbly thanked her majesty for the benefits which she had graciously bestowed upon the whole empire in the preceding year, in a speech by Field-marshal Count Razumofskoi. The 18th, the Roman Catholic archbishop of Mohilev, Stanislaus Theophanthevitch of Boguth, constituted by her majesty, was, with a variety of church ceremonies, solemnly invested, in the Roman Catholic church at St Petersburg, with the pallium from his holiness the pope, by the papal ambassador Count Archetti, archbishop of Chalcedon. October 14, the Lesgiers, having crossed the river Alafan, and invaded the dominions of Georgia, were repulsed with great loss by a detachment of Russian troops. December 29, Katolikos Makram, the sardar and court-marshal Prince Zorotelli, and the chief justice Konichevich, ambassadors from David, tzar of Imaretia, were admitted to a public audience of her majesty, at which they submitted, in the name of the tzar, him, and his subjects, to the will and powerful protection of her imperial majesty, as the rightful head of all the sons of the orthodox eastern church, and sovereign ruler and defender of the Georgian nations.

January 1, the senate, in the name of the empire, humbly thanked her majesty for the benefits she had bestowed upon it during the preceding year. The 8th and 15th, the empress in person, held a public examination of the young ladies educated in the Devitza Monastery. The 12th, Mauro Cordato, hospodar of Wallachia, was deposed; and Alexander Mauro Cordato, his uncle, restored to that dignity. The 21st, the empress visited the principal national school, and passed a long time in examining the classes, and the proficiency of the youth in that seminary; on which occasion a marble tablet was fixed in the wall of the fourth class, with this inscription, in gold letters: "Thou visitest the vineyard which thy own hand hath planted." January 21, 1785. April 21, the privileges of the nobility were confirmed; and, on the same day, the burghears of towns constituted into bodies corporate, by a particular manifesto. The public school in Vorontzov was opened. The 24th of May, her majesty went to inspect the famous sluices at Vithney Volotshok, and other water communications, and from thence proceeded to Mosco. June 19, her majesty returned to St Petersburg. July 3, she visited the hardware manufactories at Siferbeck, in Finland. 14th, A manifesto was issued, granting full liberty of religion and commerce, to all foreigners settling in the regions of Mount Caucasus, under the Russian government. September 15, the public school at Nithney Novgorod was opened. October 12, the Jesuits in White Russia, in a general assembly, elected a vicar-general of their order. November 1, a treaty of commerce was concluded with the emperor of Germany. The 24th, the Russian consul, in Alexandria, made his public entry on horseback (an honour never before granted to any power); erected the imperial standard on his house, with discharge of cannon, &c. December 28, a Russian mercantile frigate, fully freighted, arrived at Leghorn from Constantinople.

January 1, the senate returned thanks for the benefits conferred on the empire. From the 11th to the 16th the new election of persons to the offices in the Petersburg government, ending with masquerade and illuminations, took place. The 29th, the empress confirmed the plan of a navigation school. February 12, by a decree, the usual lavish subscriptions to petitions were to be discontinued; and, instead of them, only the words humble or faithful subject; and, in certain cases, only the roads subject were ordained to be used. March 2d, the empress granted the university of Mosco 125,000 rubles, of government and all the materials of the palace Kremlin for increasing its buildings. The 25th, a decree was passed for making and repairing the roads throughout the whole empire at the sole expense of the crown, and 4,000,000 of rubles were immediately allotted for the road between St Petersburg and Mosco. April 10th, a new war establishment for the army was signed: 23d, the hospodar of Wallachia was deposed, and Mavroyeni set up in his place. June 28th, the empress instituted a loan bank at St Petersburg, to the fund whereof the allotted 22,000,000 to be advanced to the nobility, and 11,000,000 to the burghears of the town, on very advantageous terms. August 5th, there were published rules to be observed in the public schools. October 4th, a large Russian flotilla, with Russian productions from St Petersburg, arrived at Cadiz. November 24th, the empress erected public schools at Tambov. December 14th, Prince Ypsilanti was appointed hospodar of Moldavia in the room of the deposed Mauro Cordato. December 31st, a treaty of commerce and navigation was concluded between Russia and France.

January 7, the empress departed from Zarafshani, Selon a journey to her southern dominions: 29th, Progres of her having visited the towns of Velevki-Luki, Smolenik, Catherine Sterodub, Novgorod Severikoi, Berefa, Tshernigov, through &c., leaving testimonies of her clemency and bounty in part of the each, arrived at Kief. February 6-7th, the deposed hospodar of Moldavia, Mauro Cordato, thinking his life not safe in Yaffi, found an opportunity privately to escape. March, public schools were endowed and opened at Rostov, Uglihov, Molaga, and Romanof, in the vice-royalty of Yaroslavl; also at Ufing and Arasovitz in the vice-royalty of Vologda. April 21st, a manifesto was issued for promoting peace and concord among the burghears of the empire. The 22d, her majesty purified her journey from Kief, to the Dniepr. The 25th, the concerted interview between her and the king of Poland, near the Polish town of Konief, took place. The 30th, Rusia. 30th, the empress visited Kremenshuk in the viceroyalty of Katarinodoula. The treaty of commerce with England being expired, the British factory were informed that they must henceforward pay the duties on imports in silver money, like the other nations who had no commercial treaty. May 7th, the empress hearing that the emperor of Germany was at Cherfon, proceeded thither, and met him there on the 12th. The 17th, she prosecuted her journey to the Krim. June 24, the emperor, after travelling with her majesty through the Krim, took leave of her at Boriloula, in the viceroyalty of Katarinodoula, on his way home. 23d, The empress having returned from the Krim, through Kremenshuk, Pultava, Kark, Orel, and Tula, arrived at the village of Kolomenik, seven versts from Mosco. June 28th, the 25th anniversary of her reign, she displayed various marks of her bounty. The debtors to the crown were forgiven, prisoners released, imposts taken off, soldiers rewarded, &c. July 4th, returned over Tver, Tula, Valda, Vifhnei-Volothok, and Novgorod, to Zarikoi-Selo, where she arrived the 11th. The 12th, the new built school at Riga, called Lyceum, was solemnly dedicated. August 5th, Bulgakoff, the Russian ambassador, at the Ottoman Porte, was imprisoned in the Seven Towers, contrary to the law of nations, which the empress regarded as a public declaration of war. 21st, The Turkish fleet at Otchakof, attacked the Russian frigate Skorui, and the sloop Bitingi, but was repulsed and put to flight by the bravery of the latter. Many signal advantages were gained over the Turks; several public schools founded in various parts of the empire between this and August following; during which time the war broke out with Sweden.

An. 1788. 1788. August 12th, in the expedition beyond the Kuban, the Russian troops entirely routed a company of 4000 Arutayans and Alcafinians; 800 of the enemy were slain, and five villages destroyed. 15th, The surrender of the Turkish fortres of Dubitha took place. 18th, The Turks made a violent sortie from Otchakof, but were repulsed by the Russian yagers; and, after a battle of four hours, were driven back with the loss of 500 men. 23d, A fierce battle was fought between the Russian troops and Scabuanians, in which the latter lost 1000 men. The Russian fleet kept the Swedish blockaded up in Sveaborg, ever since the battle of July 6th. The Swedish army left the Russian territory in Finland. September 18th, the town and fortres of Chotzim surrendered to the Russians, with the garrison of 2000 men, 153 cannon, 14 mortars, and much ammunition. 19th—29th, A small Russian squadron from the fleet at Sevastopol, cruising along the coast of Anatolia, destroyed many of the enemy's vessels, prevented the transporting of the Turkish troops, and returned with great booty. 20th, Uffener Shama-nachin, chief of the Bheduchovians, was, on his petition, admitted a subject of Russia. 26th, A numerous host of Kubanianians and Turks were beaten on the river Ubin, with the loss of 1500 men. November 7th, Prince Potemkin, at the head of his Kozaks, took the island Berefan, with many prisoners and much ammunition. December 6th, the town and fortres of Otchakof were taken by Prince Potemkin Tavritshekoi; 9510 of the enemy were killed, 4000 taken prisoners, 180 standards, 310 cannons and mortars. The whole of the inhabitants were taken prisoners, amounting to 25,000; the Russians lost 936 killed and 1824 wounded. December 19th, General Kamenikoff gained considerable advantages over the Turks near Ganguir.

1789. April 16th, Colonel Rimskoy Korlakoff was surrounded by the Turks, who were beaten, with great slaughter, by Lieutenant-General Von Derfelden. 17th—28th, Some Russian cruisers from Sevastopol effected a landing on Cape Karakarman, burnt five mosques, Turks and carried off great booty. 20th, General Derfelden drove the Turks from Galatth, gained a complete victory, killed 2000, took 1500 prisoners, with the feraiskier Ibrahim Pasha, and the whole camp. Several skirmishes took place between the Russians and Swedes in Finland, always to the advantage of the former. May 3rd, another victory was gained over the Swedes. June 5th, Sukloff was taken from the Swedes, and Fort St Michael on the 8th. July 13th, Admiral Tchitchagoff engaged the Swedish fleet under the command of the duke of Sudermania; but no ship was lost on either side. 21st, A battle was fought at Fokshany to the great loss of the Turks, and Fokshany was taken. August 12th, the Russian galley fleet fought the Swedish under Count Ehrenschwerdt, the former took a frigate and five other ships, and 2000 prisoners. August 21st, another sea fight took place, and Prince Nassau Siegen made good his landing of the Russian troops in sight of the king of Sweden at the head of his army. September 7th, Prince Repnin attacked the feraiskier Hal-fan Pasha near the River Selitka, and took his whole camp. 11, Count Suvaroff and prince of Sax Co-bourg engaged near the river Kymnik the grand Turkish army of nearly 100,000 men, and gained a complete victory; from which Count Suvaroff received the surname Kymnikkoi. 14th, The Russian troops under General Ribbas, took the Turkish citadel Chodihabey, in the sight of the whole of the enemy's fleet. 30th, The fortres Palanka being taken, the town of Belgorod or Akermann surrendered to Prince Potemkin Tavritshekoi. November 4th, the town and castle of Bender submitted at discretion to the same commander.

1790, April 24. General Nurnen gained a victory over the Swedes near Memel. May 2d, a sea fight took place off Reval, in which the Russians took the Prince Charles of 64 guns from the Swedes; and in this engagement those two gallant English officers, Captains Trevennin and Dennison, were killed. 23d, the fleet under Vice-admiral Cruze engaged the Swedish fleet near the island Sifkar in the gulf of Finland, without any advantage being gained on either side, though they fought the whole day. 24th, an action was fought at Savataipala, when the Swedes were forced to fly. June 6, the Swedes were defeated by Major Buxhowden, on the island Uranfari. June 22, the whole Swedish fleet, commanded by the duke of Sudermania, was entirely defeated by Admiral Tchitchagoff and the prince of Nassau Siegen; on this occasion 3000 prisoners were taken, amongst whom were the centre admiral and 200 officers. 28, General Denifoff defeated the Swedes near Davidoff. July 9, Admiral Ushakov obtained a victory over the Turkish fleet commanded by the capudan pasha, at the mouth of the straits of Yenikali. August 3, peace was concluded with Sweden, without the mediation of any other power. August 28, 29, an engagement took place on the Euxine, not far from Chodihabey, between the Russian admiral Usha-koff koff and the capudan pasha, when the principal Turkish ship, of 80 guns, was burnt, one of 70 guns, and three taken, the admiral Said Bey being made prisoner, and another ship sunk; the reft made off. September 30, a great victory was obtained over the Turks by General Germann, with much slaughter, and the séraskier Batal Bey, and the whole camp, were taken. October 18, Kilia surrendered to Major Bibbas. November 6, 7, the forts of Cultiha and the Turkish flotilla were taken. December 11, the important forts of Ifmail, after a storming for seven hours without intermission, surrendered to Count Suvaroff, with the garrison of 42,000 men; 30,816 were slain on the spot, 2000 died of their wounds, 9000 were taken prisoners, with 265 pieces of cannon, an incredible store of ammunition, &c. The Russians lost only 1815 killed, and 2450 wounded.

March 25—31, the campaign opened by the troops under Prince Potemkin, not far from Brailoff, when the Turks were defeated in several battles, in which they lost upwards of 4000 men. June 5, the troops under General Golenithof Kutusoff, near Tulttha, drove the Turks beyond the Danube, and at Babada entirely routed a body of 15,000 men, of whom 1500 were left dead upon the field. 22. The fortres Anapuas was taken by storm, when the whole garrison, consisting of 25,000 men, were put to the sword, excepting 1000 who were taken prisoners. 23. The troops under Prince Repnin attacked the Turkish army, consisting of nearly 80,000 men, commanded by the grand vizir Yuluf Pasha, eight pashas, two Tartar sultans, and two beys of Anatolia; and after a bloody battle of six hours, entirely routed them: 5000 Turks were killed in their flight. June 28, Suddok Kale was taken. July 31, Admiral Ushakov beat the Turkish fleet on the coasts of Rumelia. Prince Repnin and Yuluf Pasha signed the preliminaries of peace between the Russian empire and the Ottoman Porte, by which the Dniepr was made the boundary of the two empires, with the cession of the countries lying between the Bog and the Dniepr to Russia. August 15, 16, at Pilnitz near Dresden, a congress was held by the emperor of Germany, the king of Prussia, the elector of Saxony, the count d'Artois, &c., &c. One of the most important events in this year was the death of Prince Potemkin at Yaffa in Moldavia on the 15th October.

Early in this year Bulgakoff, the Russian minister at Warsaw, declared war against Poland; and the Polish patriots raised an army in which Thaddeus Kościuszko (or according to some Kościuszko) soon bore a conspicuous part.

In 1788, the diet of Poland had abrogated the constitution which the emperors of Russia had, in 1775, compelled that nation to adopt, and had formed an alliance with the king of Prussia, by way of defence against the further encroachments of the Russian depot. Three years after, viz. on the third of May 1791, the new constitution which was intended further to destroy the ambitions hopes of Catharine, was decreed at Warsaw. See POLAND, No. 125. These were affronts which the Russian emperors could not forgive, and in one of the conciliabula, in which the ministers of state, and the favourite for the time being, sat to regulate the affairs of the north of Europe, and to determine the fate of the surrounding nations, the annihilation of the Polish monarchy was resolved on.

The declaration of war above mentioned was denounced by Bulgakoff at an assembly of the diet. See POLAND, No. 148. That body received the declaration with a majestic calmness, and resolved to take measures for the defence of the nation. The generous enthusiasm of liberty soon spread throughout the republic, and even the king pretended to share in the general indignation. An army was hastily collected, and the command of it bestowed on Prince Joseph Poniatowski, a general whose inexperience and frivolous pursuits were but ill adapted to so important a charge.

In the mean time several Russian armies were preparing to overwhelm the small and disunited forces of the Poles. A body of 80,000 Russians extended itself along the Bog; another of 10,000 was collected in the environs of Kief, and a third of 30,000 penetrated into Lithuania. While these armies were carrying murder and desolation through the Polish territories, Catharine was employing all her arts to induce the neighbouring powers to join in the partition of Poland, and in this she was but too successful. A treaty was accordingly concluded between the emperors and the king of Prussia, by which either appropriated to itself a certain share of the remains of Poland. Stanislaus Augustus, the powerless head of that republic, was prevailed on to make a public declaration, that there was a necessity for yielding to the superiority of the Russian arms.

On the 9th of April the Polish confederation of the partizans of Russia assembled at Grodno; and on this occasion the Russian general placed himself under the canopy of that throne which he was about to declare for ever vacant, and the Russian minister Sievers, produced a manifesto, declaring the intention of his mistress to incorporate with her domains all the Polish territory which her arms had conquered.

The Russian soldiers dispersed through the provinces, committed depredations and ravages of which history furnishes but few examples. Warsaw became especially the theatre of their excesses. Their general Igelstrom, who governed in that city, connived at the disorders of the soldiery, and made the wretched inhabitants feel the whole weight of his arrogance and barbarity. The patriots of Poland had been obliged to disperse; their property was confiscated, and their families reduced to servitude. Goaded by so many calamities, they once more took the resolution to free their country from the oppression of the Russians, or perish in the attempt. Some of them assembled, and sent an invitation to Kościuszko, to come and lead them on against the invaders of their freedom.

Kościuszko had retired to Leipzig with Kolontay, Zagronchek, and Ignatius Potocky, all eminent for patriotism and military ardour. These four Poles hesitated not a moment in giving their approbation to the resolution adopted by their indignant countrymen; but they were sensible that, in order to succeed, they must begin by emancipating the peasants from the state of servitude under which they then groaned. Kościuszko and Zagronchek repaired with all expedition to the frontiers of Poland, and the latter proceeded to Warsaw, where he held conferences with the chief of the conspirators, and particularly with several officers who declared their detestation of the Russian yoke. All appeared ripe for a general insurrection, and the Russian commanders, whose suspicions had been excited by the appearance of Kościuszko Kosciuszko on the frontiers, obliged that leader and his confederates to postpone for a time the execution of their plan. To deceive the Russians, Kosciuszko retired into Italy, and Zagoneck repaired to Dresden, whither Ignatius Potocki and Kolontay had gone before him. On a sudden, however, Zagoneck appeared again at Warsaw, but was impeached by the king to General Igelfstrom, and, in a conference with the general, was ordered to quit the Polish territory. He must now have abandoned his enterprise altogether, or immediately proceeded to open insurrection. He chose the latter.

1794. Kosciuszko was recalled from Italy, and arrived at Cracow, where the Poles received him as their deliverer. Here he was joined by some other officers, and took the command of his little army, consisting of about 3000 infantry, and 1200 cavalry. On the 24th of March was published the manifesto of the patriots, in which they declared the motives for their insurrection, and called on their countrymen to unite in the glorious attempt to free the republic from a foreign yoke. Kosciuszko was soon joined by 300 peasants armed with scythes, and some other small reinforcements gradually came in. A body of 7000 Russians had collected to oppose the movements of this little army, and a battle took place, in which the patriots were successful.

While the insurrection had thus auspiciously commenced on the frontiers, the confederates of the capital were nearly crushed by the exertions of the Russian general. Hearing at Warsaw of the success of Kosciuszko, Igelfstrom caused all those whom he suspected to have any concern in the insurrection, to be arrested; but these measures served only to irritate the conspirators. On the 18th of April they openly avowed their confederacy with the patriots of the frontiers, and proceeded in great numbers to attack the Russian garrison. Two thousand Russians were put to the sword, and the general being besieged in his house, proposed a capitulation; but profiting by the delay that had been granted him, he escaped to the Prussian camp, which lay at a little distance from Warsaw.

Wilno, the capital of Lithuania, followed the example of Warsaw, but the triumph of the insurgents was there less terrible, as Colonel Yafinisky, who headed the patriots, conducted himself with so much skill, that he made all the Russians prisoners without bloodshed. The inhabitants of the cantons of Chelm and Lublin, also declared themselves in a state of insurrection, and three Polish regiments who were employed in the service of Russia, espoused the cause of their country. Some of the principal partizans of Russia were arrested, and sentenced to be hanged.

Kosciuszko exerted himself to the utmost to augment his army. He procured recruits among the peasants, and to inspire them with the more emulation, he adopted their dress, ate with them, and distributed rewards among such as appeared most to merit encouragement. All his attempts to inspire the lower orders of the Poles with the ardour of patriotism were, however, unavailing. A mutual distrust prevailed between the nobles and the peasants, and this was fomented by the arts of Stanislaus and the other partizans of Russia.

The empress had sent into Poland two of her best generals, Suvaroff and Ferzen. For some time Kosciuszko succeeded in preventing the junction of these generals, and several engagements took place between the Russian and patriots, in which the former were generally successful. At length, on the 4th of October the fate of Poland was decided by a sanguinary conflict between Kosciuszko and Ferzen, at Maciejowitch, a small town of Little Poland, about 60 miles from Warsaw. The talents, the valour, and desperation of Kosciuszko, could not prevent the Poles from yielding to superior numbers. Almost the whole of his army was either cut in pieces, or compelled to surrender at discretion, and the hero himself, covered with wounds, fell senseless on the field of battle, and was made prisoner.

The small number that escaped fled to Warsaw, and finally shut themselves up in the suburb of Praga. Hither they were pursued by Suvaroff, who immediately laid siege to the suburb, and prepared to carry it by storm. On the 2d of November, the brutal Suvaroff gave the assault, and having made himself master of the place, put to the sword both the soldiers and the peaceable inhabitants, without distinction of age or sex. It is computed that 20,000 persons fell victims to the savage ferocity of the Russian general; and, covered with the blood of the slaughtered inhabitants, the barbarian entered Warsaw in triumph.

Thus terminated the feeble resistance of the Polish patriots. The partition of the remaining provinces was soon effected, and Stanislaus Augustus, who had long enjoyed merely the shadow of royalty, and had degraded himself by becoming the instrument of Russian usurpation, retired to Grodno, there to pass the remainder of his days on a pension granted him by the empress.

1795. On the 18th of February, a treaty of defensive alliance between the empress of Russia and his Britannic majesty was signed at St Peterburgh. The offensive object of this treaty was to maintain the general tranquillity of Europe, and more especially of the north; and by it Russia agreed to furnish Great Britain with 10,000 infantry and 2000 horse in case of invasion; while Great Britain was, under similar circumstances, to send her imperial majesty a squadron consisting of two ships of 74 guns, six of 60, and four of 50, with a complement of 4,560 men. On the 18th March was signed the act by which the duchies of Courland and Semigallia, together with the circle of Piltten, all which had lately belonged to the duke of Courland, but had long retained only the shadow of independence, submitted themselves to the Russian dominion.

In this year there took place between the courts of St Peterburgh and Stockholm, a dispute which threatened to terminate in a war. Gustavus III. had been affronted by Ankerfroem at a masquerade, on the 15th March 1791, and the young king Gustavus Adolphus being still a minor, the duke of Sudermania, his uncle, had been appointed regent of the kingdom. The regent had determined to effect a marriage between his nephew and a princess of the house of Mecklenburg; but Catharine publicly declared that the late king had betrothed his son to one of her granddaughters. The misunderstanding hence originating, was increased by the rude and indecorous behaviour of the baron Von Budberg, the Russian chargé des affaires at Stockholm, and matters seemed tending to an open rupture; when in 1796, a French emigrant named Chrétien effected a reconciliation, and General Budberg, the baron's uncle, was sent In consequence of this reconciliation, the young king, attended by the regent, and a numerous train of Swedish courtiers, set out on a visit to St Petersburg, where they arrived on the 24th of August, and an interview took place between the empress and her royal visitors, for the purpose of finally adjusting the projected matrimonial alliance. Gustavus Adolphus was much pleased with the appearance of the grand duchess Alexandra; but informed the empress, that by the fundamental laws of Sweden he could not sign the marriage contract before the princess had abjured the Greek religion; and as neither the solicitations nor the flatteries of Catharine could prevail on the young monarch to depart from the received custom of his country, the negociation ended, and the next day Gustavus and his retinue quitted St Petersburg.

The last transaction of importance in the reign of Catharine was her invasion of the Persian territories, undertaken for the purpose of acquiring certain possessions on the shores of the Caspian. A Russian army entered Daghestan, and made itself master of Derbent, but was afterwards defeated by the Persians under Aga Mahmed.

The death of the empress took place, as we have elsewhere stated, on the 9th of November of this year; and the grand duke Paul Petrovitch ascended the throne under the title of Paul I.

Paul Petrovitch had attained his 42d year before the death of his mother placed him on the imperial throne; but for many years before her death, he had lived in a state of comparative obscurity and retirement, and had apparently been considered by the empress as incapable of taking any active part in the administration of affairs. It is well known that Catharine never admitted him to any participation of power, and kept him in a state of the most abject and mortifying separation from court, and in almost total ignorance of the affairs of the empire. Although by his birth he was generalissimo of the armies, president of the admiralty, and grand admiral of the Baltic, he was never permitted to head even a regiment, and was interdicted from visiting the fleet at Cronstadt. From these circumstances it is evident that the empress either had conceived some jealousy of her son, or saw in him some mental imbecility, that appeared to her to disqualify him for the arduous concerns of government. There is little doubt, from the circumstances which distinguished his short reign, that Catharine had been chiefly influenced in her treatment of the grand duke, by the latter consideration. There were certainly times at which Paul displayed evident marks of insanity, though he occasionally gave proofs of a generous and tender disposition, and even of intellectual vigour.

It is generally believed that, a short time before her death, Catharine committed to Plato Zuboff, her last favourite, a declaration of her will, addressed to the senate, desiring that Paul should be passed over in the succession, and that on her death the grand duke Alexander should ascend the vacant throne. As soon as Zuboff was made acquainted with the sudden death of the empress, he flew to Pavlovsk, about 23 miles from St Petersburg, where Paul occasionally resided, but meeting the grand duke on the road, he, after a short explanation, delivered up the important document. Paul, charmed with his zeal and loyalty, rewarded the late favourite, by permitting him to retain the wealth and honours which had been heaped on him by his mistress, while a general and rapid dispersion soon took place among the other adherents of the late sovereign. On the day following the death of his mother, Paul made his public entry into St Petersburg, amidst the acclamations of all ranks of people.

One of the first measures adopted by the new emperor was to remove the remains of Peter III. from the sepulchre in which they had been deposited in the church of St Alexander Nevski, and caused him to lie in state for three weeks, while they were watched night and day by the only two remaining conspirators who had assisted at his assassination. After this dreadful mark of his justice on the murderers of his father (surely more terrible to the guilty mind than death itself), he consigned the ashes to the sepulchre of Catharine II. in the cathedral of St Peter and St Paul, obliging the assassins to walk in the procession as chief mourners.

Few political events of any importance marked the reign of Paul previous to the year 1798, when, in consequence of a treaty between Paul and the emperor of Germany, a Russian army of 45,000 men under Field-marshal Suvaroff, joined the imperialists in the Austrian territories in Italy. The progress of Suvaroff, his successes over Moreau, and his final recall by his master, have already been related in the article FRANCE, from 498 to 506.

In 1799, Paul entered into a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance with his Britannic majesty. This treaty was signed at St Petersburg on the 22d of June, alliance being preceded by a provisional treaty between Russia and France powers at the end of the year 1798. By the provisional treaty it had been stipulated that Paul should assist the king of Prussia, if the latter could be persuaded to join his arms to the allied powers against France, with 45,000 men; and that the king of Great Britain should pay to Russia a subsidy of 75,000l. sterling per month; and in case the king of Prussia should refuse to join the coalition, the same number of troops, in consideration of the same subsidy, should be employed as occasion might require, to assist the common cause. By the new treaty, the emperor of Russia, instead of the 45,000 troops, engaged to furnish 17,593, with the necessary artillery, to be employed in an expedition against Holland; and he engaged to furnish six ships, five frigates, and two transports, for the purpose of transporting part of the invading army from Britain to the continent. In consideration of these succours, the court of London engaged to advance to Russia a subsidy of 44,000l. sterling per month; to pay the sum of 58,929l. 10s. sterling for the expenses of equipping the fleet; and after the period of three months had elapsed from such equipment, to pay a further subsidy of 19,642l. 10s. sterling per month, so long as the fleet should remain under the command of his Britannic majesty.

In consequence of this treaty, a Russian fleet joined Driven to desperation by such conduct, the second brother of the favourite one day walked up boldly to the emperor upon the parade, and with manly eloquence represented the injustice of his measures. Paul received him without anger, heard him without interruption, and restored the property; but soon after he ordered Plato Zuboff to reside on his estate. He formed an adulterous connexion with Madame Chevalier, a French actress, through whose influence Zuboff was again recalled to court, and restored to favour.

It is not surprising that these instances of folly and caprice should alarm and disgust many of the nobles. In particular, Count P——, the governor of St Petersburg, a son of the celebrated general P——, who eminently distinguished himself in the last Turkish war, Prince Y——, with some other men of rank, entered into a confederacy with Zuboff, to prevent the final ruin of their country, by removing the present emperor. In their conferences, which were managed with great prudence and discretion, it was resolved that Paul should die, and the day of the festival called Mallaintza, the eleventh of March O.S. should be the day for executing the awful deed. At the time of this confederacy, the emperor and his family resided in the new palace of St Michael, an enormous quadrangular pile standing at the bottom of the summer gardens. As Paul was anxious to inhabit this palace as soon after he was crowned as possible, the masons, carpenters, and various artificers, toiled with incredible labour by day and by torch light, under the fultry sun of the summer, and in all the severity of a polar winter, and in three years this enormous and magnificent fabric was completed. The whole is moated round, and when the stranger surveys its battions of granite, and numerous draw bridges, he is naturally led to conclude, that it was intended for the last asylum of a prince at war with his subjects. Those who have seen its maffy walls, and the capaciousness and variety of its chambers, will easily admit that an act of violence might be committed in one room, and not be heard by those who occupy the adjoining one; and that a massacre might be perpetrated at one end, and not known at the other. Paul took possession of this palace as a place of strength, and beheld it with rapture, because his imperial mother had never even seen it. While his family were here, by every act of tenderness, endeavouring to soothe the terrible perturbation of his mind, there were not wanting those who exerted every stratagem to inflame and increase it. These people were constantly insinuating that every hand was armed against him. With this impression, which added fuel to his burning brain, he ordered a secret staircase to be constructed,

(h) This paragraph is such a curious morceau of witty insanity, that we shall here give the original French, as written by Paul himself, and published by Kotzebue, in his account of his exile into Siberia. "On apprend de Peterbourg, que l'Empereur de Russie, voyant que les puissances de l'Europe ne pouvaient s'accorder entr' elles, et voulant mettre fin à une guerre qui la désole depuis onze ans, voulait proposer un lieu où il inviterait tous les autres Souverains de se rendre et y combattre en champ clos, ayant avec eux pour écouyer juge de camp et héros des armes leurs ministres les plus éclairés et les généraux les plus habiles, tels que M.M. Thugot, Pitt, Bernstorff; lui même se propoçant de prendre avec lui les généraux C.de Pahlen et Khutofof. On ne fçait si on doit y ajouter fois; toute fois la chose ne paraît pas déstituée de fondement, en portant l'empreinte de ce dont il a souvent été taxé." It was the custom of the emperor to sleep in an apartment next to the empress's, upon a sopha, in his regimentals and boots, whilst the grand duke and duchess, and the rest of the imperial family, were lodged at various distances, in apartments below the story which he occupied. On the 10th March, 1801, the day preceding the fatal night, whether Paul's apprehension, or anonymous information, suggested the idea, is not known, but conceiving that a storm was ready to burst upon him, he sent to Count P———, the governor of the city, one of the noblemen who had resolved on his destruction; I am informed, P———, said the emperor, that there is a conspiracy on foot against me, do you think it necessary to take any precaution? The count, without betraying the least emotion, replied, Sire, do not suffer such apprehensions to haunt your mind; if there were any combination forming against your majesty's person, I am sure I should be acquainted with it. Then I am satisfied, said the emperor, and the governor withdrew. Before Paul retired to rest, he, beyond his usual custom, expressed the most tender solicitude for the empress and his children, kissed them with all the warmth of farewell fondness, and remained with them for a considerable time. He afterwards visited the centinels at their different posts, and then retired to his chamber. Soon after the emperor had retired, the guard that was always placed at his chamber door was, by some pretext, changed by the officers who had the command for the night, and who were engaged in the conspiracy. One man only remained. This was a hussar whom the emperor had honoured with particular marks of attention, and who always slept at night in the anti-chamber, at his sovereign's bed-room door. This faithful soldier it was found impossible to remove, except by force, which at that time the conspirators did not think proper to employ. Silence now reigned throughout the palace, disturbed only by the pacing of the centinels, or by the distant murmurs of the Neva; and only a few straggling lights were to be seen, irregularly gleaming through the windows of the palace. In the dead of the night, Z———, and his friends, amounting to eight or nine persons, passed the drawbridge, ascended the staircase that led to the emperor's apartments, and met with no opposition till they reached the antechamber, where the faithful hussar, awakened by the noise, challenged them, and presented his fusée. Though they must have admired the brave fidelity of the guard, neither time nor circumstances would admit of an act of generosity, which might have endangered their whole plan of operations. Z——— drew his sabre, and cut the poor fellow down. In the mean time Paul, roused by the unusual bustle, sprang from his couch. At this moment the whole party rushed into his chamber. The unhappy sovereign anticipating their design, at first endeavoured to entrench himself behind the chairs and tables; but soon recovering some share of his natural courage, he assumed a high tone, told them they were his prisoners, and required them to surrender. Finding that they fixed their eyes steadily and fiercely upon him, and continued to advance, he implored them to spare his life, declared his willingness instantly to relinquish the sceptre, and to accept of any terms which they might dictate. He even offered to make them princes, and to confer on them orders and titles. Regardless alike of his threats and promises, they now began to press on him, when he made a convulsive effort to reach the window, but failed in the attempt; and, indeed, had he succeeded in his endeavour to escape that way, the height from the window to the ground was so great, that the expedient would probably have only put a more speedy period to his existence. As the conspirators drew him back, he grasped a chair, with which he knocked down one of the afflants, and a desperate conflict now took place. So great was the noise, that notwithstanding the mazy walls, and double folding doors that divided Paul's apartments from those of the empress, she was disturbed, and began to call for help, when a voice whispered in her ear, commanding her to remain quiet, and threatening that if she uttered another word, she should instantly be put to death.

Paul was now making his last struggle, when the prince Y——— struck him on the temple with his fist, and laid him prostrate on the floor. Recovering from the blow, the unhappy monarch again implored his life. At this moment the heart of one of the conspirators relented, and he observed to hesitate and tremble, when a young Hanoverian, who was one of the party, exclaimed, We have palled the Rubicon; if we spare his life, we shall, before the setting of to-morrow's sun, become his victims; on saying which he took off his hat, turned it twice round the neck of the emperor, and giving one end to Z———, himself drew the other, till the object of their attack expired*.

The afflants retired from the palace without the least molestation, and returned to their respective homes. As soon as the dreadful catastrophe was discovered, medical assistance was called in, in the hope of restoring what might be only suspended animation; but these attempts proved fruitless. At seven o'clock on the morning of the 12th, the intelligence of the death of Paul, and the accession of the grand duke Alexander were announced to the capital. By eight o'clock the principal nobility had paid their homage to the new emperor, in the chapel of the winter palace; and the great officers of state being assembled, Alexander was solemnly proclaimed emperor of all the Russias. The emperor presented himself at the parade on horseback, and was hailed by the troops with loud and cordial acclamations.

The emperor Alexander was in his 24th year when Accession he ascended the throne, and from his amiable disposition of Alexander had acquired the love and respect of all his subjects. The first measure which he adopted, his proclamation, and his first imperial orders, all tended to encourage and confirm the confidence with which the people beheld him ascend the throne of his forefathers. He solemnly promised to tread in the steps of Catharine II.; he allowed every one to dress according to their own fancy; exonerated the inhabitants of the capital from the trouble and duty of alighting from their carriages on the approach of the imperial family; dismissed the court advocate, who was universally and justly detested; suppressed the secret inquisition that had become the scourge of the country; restored to the tenants its former authority; set at liberty the state prisoners, and recalled from Siberia several of the exiles. He even extended his mercy to the afflants of the late emperor. Zuboff was ordered not to approach the imperial residence, The commerce of Russia had now recovered its former splendour. The exports from the city of Riga alone for the year ending July 1821, amounted to 6,770,638 rubles, and of these exports, England alone made up imported to the value of 2,599,853 rubles.

On the 25th of March 1802 was signed at Amiens the definitive treaty of peace between the belligerent powers of Europe, by one material article of which the Russian islands of Malta, Gozo and Comino, were to be restored to the knights of St John of Jerusalem, under the sovereignty protection and guarantee of France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Russia, and Prussia; and his Sicilian majesty was invited to furnish 2000 men, natives of his island states, to serve in garrisons at the different fortresses of the said islands, for one year after their restitution to the knights, or until they should be replaced by a force deemed sufficient by the guaranteeing powers. Some time after the conclusion of this treaty, disputes arose among the contracting powers relative to the sovereignty of Malta, which the emperor of Russia insisted should be yielded to Naples, otherwise he would not undertake to guarantee the order, and would separate from it the priories of Russia. The result of these disputes is well known, as they afforded a reason for renewing the bloody contest which has so long defoliated the face of Europe.

During the short interval of peace that was enjoyed by Europe, the emperor of Russia made several prudent regulations in the internal administration of his empire. On the 12th of September 1801, a manifesto had been published, proclaiming the union of Georgia or Russian Georgia with the empire, and on the 1st April 1802, Alexander sent a deputation to establish the new government at Tiflis, the capital of the province. This deputation was received by the natives with enthusiastic joy, especially as they brought back the image of St Nina, which their prince Wachtang at his death had left at Mofco. On the 28th May, the emperor wrote a letter to the chamberlain Wittoffoff, president of the commission for ameliorating the condition of the poor of St Petersburg, in which he recommended the commission to follow the example of a similar establishment at Hamburg, in selecting proper objects for their charitable bequests, preferring the humble and industrious pauper to the idle and sturdy beggar. He also offered considerable premiums to persons who should introduce any new or advantageous mode of agriculture, or who should bring to perfection any old invention, open any new branch of commerce, establish any new manufacture, or contrive any machine or process that might be useful in the arts.

Early in the year 1803, the emperor fitted out at his own expense, two vessels for a voyage of discovery round the world, under the command of Captain Krukenforn. These ships were provided with every necessary for accomplishing the object of the voyage; and several men of eminence for science and literature, among whom was Churchman the American astronomer, volunteered their services on this occasion. The vessels sailed in the latter end of 1803, and about a year after, intelligence was received from M. Krukenforn, who was then lying at Kamtschatka. They had touched at the Marquesas islands, where they had found a Frenchman and an Englishman, who had been left there several years before. The Englishman had completely forgotten his native language, and the governor of the city was transferred to Riga.

It is not easy to explain the motives that induced Alexander to foreign that vengeance which justice seemed to demand on the heads of his father's assassins. It has been attributed by one of his panegyrists to a forlorn and melancholy conviction that the murderers had been prompted to commit the bloody deed, solely by a regard for the salvation of the empire. This conviction might have induced the young monarch to diminish the weight of that punishment which piety and justice called on him to inflict, but can scarcely account for his total forbearance.

The emperor Alexander, on his accession to the throne, appeared desirous to cultivate the friendship of the neighbouring states, and especially that of Great Britain. His late father, among other projects, had procured himself to be elected grand master of the knights of Malta, and had laid claim to the sovereignty of that island. This claim, which had nearly produced a rupture between the courts of London and St Petersburg, Alexander consented to abandon, though he expressed a wish to be elected grand master of the order, by the free suffrages of the knights. In the meantime a confederacy had been formed among the northern powers of Europe, with a view to oppose the British claim to the sovereignty of the seas; but by the spirited interference of the British court, especially with the cabinet of St Petersburg, the good understanding between Britain and the northern states was re-established, and the embargo which had been laid on British vessels in the Russian ports was taken off.

On the 10th of June, Alexander caused to be published the following circular letter, showing his disposition to be on terms of amity with the French republic.

"All the relations of policy, commerce, and correspondence with France, which were interrupted, in consequence of the revolution in that country, have not yet been re-established in their full extent; but as at the present moment negotiations are going on to effect a reconciliation with that power by every means consistent with the dignity of the emperor and the interests of his people, his majesty has been pleased to charge his ministers to apprise his foreign ambassadors and agents, that he is willing to renew the usual course of connection with the government, and that the conferences respecting that object are in full activity. In the situation in which this matter stands, therefore, it is no longer proper that the ambassadors of his imperial majesty should continue to observe any distance towards the ambassadors of the French government."

Early in the same month there was signed at St Petersburg, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between Russia and Sweden, to continue for 12 years, by which Sweden was allowed to import into Russia, alum, salt herrings, and salt, on the payment of one-half of the duties then exacted, and into Russian Finland the produce of Swedish Finland, duty free; while the importation of Russia into Sweden, of hemp, linen, and tallow, was allowed at one-half of the existing duties, and of linseed at two-thirds. The most remarkable part of this treaty was the recognition, by the court of St Petersburg, of the northern confederacy, which the amicable adjustment with Britain appeared to have done away. native language, and the Frenchman, who had for seven years spoken nothing but the language of the natives, fearlessly retained sufficient French to inform M. Krucentern that he had made part of the crew of an American vessel which was wrecked on those coasts. The expedition was then preparing to sail for Japan, to carry thither M. de Ramanoff, who had been appointed ambassador extraordinary from the court of Russia to that of Japan.

In the beginning of 1824, the emperor established a university at Kharkof in Lithuania, for the cultivation and diffusion of the arts and sciences in that part of the Russian empire, and Mr Fletcher Campbell, a Scots gentleman, was employed to procure masters for this new institution. Some time after, the emperor ordered that meteorological observations should be regularly made at all the universities and public schools, and the results published. It appears that at the end of this year the sums allotted by the Russian government, for defraying the expenses of these institutions amounted to 2,149,213 rubles, besides a gift of nearly 60,000 rubles towards erecting the new university.

About this time an imperial ukase was published, granting to the Jews a complete emancipation from the shackles under which that devoted people had long groaned, and allowing them the privileges of educating their children in any of the schools and universities of the empire, or establishing schools at their own expense.

For some time the genius of discord, which had again actuated the minds of the European sovereigns, failed to extend her baleful influence over the Russian empire; but it was scarcely possible that the emperor should long remain an impartial spectator of the renewed disputes between his more powerful neighbours. An important change had, in the latter end of 1802, taken place in the ministry of the empire; and Count Voronozhoff, brother to the late ambassador at London, had been appointed great chancellor in chief of the department of foreign affairs, with Prince Adam Tzartoriski for his assistant. How far this change in the councils of the empire influenced the political measures of the court of St Petersburg, it is not easy to determine; but in the latter end of 1803, Alexander appeared to view with a jealous eye the presumption and violence exercised by France among the German states, and the encroachments which appeared devious of making on the freedom of the Baltic. Alexander had offered his mediation between Great Britain and France, but without effect, and both these parties strove to bring over the Russian emperor to their alliance. France seems to have held out to the ambition of Alexander the bait of a partition of the Turkish territories, the dismemberment of which had long been a favourite object with his predecessors. At length, however, the court of London prevailed, and the Russian ambassador, by his master's orders, took leave of the First Consul of the French republic, though without demonstrating any intentions of immediate hostility. A new levy of 100,000 men was immediately ordered, to recruit the Russian army, and to prevent any jealousy on the side of Turkey, assurances were given to the Sublime Porte of the amicable intentions of Russia towards that power.

On the 11th April a treaty of concert was concluded between Great Britain and Russia, in which the two governments agreed to adopt the most efficacious means for forming a general league of the states of Europe, to be directed against the power of France. The objects of this league were undoubtedly of great importance to the welfare of Europe; and it is deeply to be regretted that the circumstances of the times did not concertly admit of their being carried into execution. From the terms of the treaty, these objects appear to be—First, Great Britain and the evacuation of the country of Hanover and the north of Germany. Secondly, The establishment of the independence of the republics of Holland and Switzerland. Thirdly, The re-establishment of the king of Sardinia in Piedmont, with as large an augmentation of territory as circumstances would allow. Fourthly, The future security of the kingdom of Naples, and the complete evacuation of Italy, the island of Elba included, by the French forces. Fifthly, The establishment of an order of things in Europe, which might effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpation.

For the prosecution of the great objects of this treaty, it was proposed by the first article that an army of 500,000 men should be levied; but in a subsequent separate article, the contracting parties, after observing that it was more desirable than easy to assemble so large a force, agreed that the treaty should be carried into execution as soon as it should be possible to oppose to France an active force of 400,000 men. It was understood and stipulated that these troops should be provided by the powers of the continent who should become parties to the league, and subsidies should be granted by Great Britain in the proportion of 1,250,000 sterling for every 100,000 men, besides a considerable additional sum for the necessary expense occasioned in bringing them into the field.

About this time the occupation of Genoa by the Open French, on the pretence that that republic was too feeble to support itself against the attacks of Great Britain, was communicated to the different courts of Europe, and excited in every quarter the highest indignation. The emperor Alexander, in particular, was incensed at this new outrage. Such an open violation of those principles which were justly regarded as essential to the general safety, committed not only during the peace of the continent, but when passports had been delivered to his ambassador, in order that a negociation might be commenced for the purpose of providing for the permanent security and repose of Europe, he considered as an indecent insult to his person and crown. He issued immediate orders for the recall of M. Novofiltzoff; and the messenger dispatched upon this occasion was commanded to repair with the utmost diligence to Berlin. M. Novofiltzoff had not yet left that city; he immediately therefore returned his passports to the Prussian minister of state, Baron de Hardenberg, and at the same time delivered, by order of his court, a memorial explanatory of the object of his mission, and of the circumstances which had led to its termination.

It stated that the emperor had, in compliance with the wishes of his Britannic majesty, sent his ambassador to Bonaparte, to meet the pacific overtures which he had made to the court of London; that the existing difference between Russia and France might have placed insurmountable obstacles in the way of a negociation for peace by a Russian minister; but that his imperial majesty... majesty of Russia did not for a moment hesitate to pass over all personal displeasure, and all the usual formalities; that he had declared he would receive the passports only on condition that his minister should enter directly upon a negociation with the chief of the French government, without acknowledging the new title which he had assumed; and that Bonaparte should give explicit assurances that he was still animated by the same wish for a general peace, which he had appeared to shew in his letter to his Britannic majesty; that after his Prussian majesty had transmitted the positive answer of the court of the Thuirillers, that it persevered in the intention sincerely to lend its hand to a pacific negociation, the emperor had accepted the passports; but that by a fresh transgression of the most solemn treaties, the union of the Ligurian republic with France had been effected; that this event of itself, the circumstances which had accompanied it, the formalities which had been employed to hasten the execution of it, the moment which had been chosen to carry the same into execution, had formed an aggregate which must terminate the sacrifices which the emperor would have made at the pressing request of Great Britain, and in the hope of restoring tranquillity to Europe by the means of negociation.

The recall of the Russian envoy appeared to be the signal of hostilities on the part of Russia and Austria against France. These hostilities may be said to have commenced and terminated in the autumn of this year. The military operations that distinguished this short but bloody conflict, the rapid successes of the French, the capitulation of Ulm on the 17th of October, the occupation of Vienna by the French on the 12th of the same month, and the sanguinary battle of Austerlitz on the 27th of November, have been already noticed under France, No. 552—555, and are fresh in the memory of our readers. The consequences of these disastrous events were, first a cessation of hostilities, and at length a treaty of firm alliance between Russia and France.

Before Alexander finally stooped to the imperial eagles of Napoleon, however, he was determined to make one more effort to preserve his independence. The Russian envoy at Paris, d'Oubril, had hastily concluded a preliminary treaty of peace between his master and the emperor of the French, which he signed at Paris on the 8th of July 1806, and instantly set out for St. Peterburgh to procure the ratification of his master. The terms of this convention were laid before the privy council by Alexander; but they appeared so derogatory to the interests of Russia, that the emperor refused them his sanction, and declared that the counsellor of state, d'Oubril, when he signed the convention, had not only departed from the instructions he had received, but had acted directly contrary to the sense and intention of the commission with which he had been intrusted. His imperial majesty, however, signified his willingness to renew the negotiations for peace, but only on such terms as were consistent with the dignity of his crown, and the interests of his empire.

In the mean time, the king of Prussia began, when it was too late, to see the folly and imprudence of the neutrality which he had so long maintained, and he at length prepared to oppose his now feeble efforts to the growing power of France. He brought together in the summer of this year, an army of at least 200,000 men, near Weimar and Jena, while the French myriads assembled in Franconia, and on the frontiers of Saxony. Previous to the commencement of hostilities, his Prussian majesty issued a spirited manifesto, in which he explained his motives for abandoning his plan of neutrality, and appealed to Europe for the justice of his cause. The king of Prussia entered into an alliance with the emperor Alexander, and with the king of Sweden, and it was expected, that these united forces would at length hurl the tyrant of Europe from his throne, or at least compel him to listen to equitable terms of pacification. These expectations were, however, miserably disappointed. The same extraordinary success was still to attend the arms of France, and the north of Europe was again condemned to submit in silence to her yoke.

On the 13th October, the Prussians received a dreadful check at the battle of Jena, where, according to the French accounts, their loss amounted to 20,000 in killed and wounded, and above 30,000 prisoners; and on the 27th of the same month, Napoleon entered Berlin. While the French were thus successful, the troops of the emperor Alexander entered Prussian Poland, and took up their residence at Warsaw; but they were soon attacked by the French under the grand duke of Berg.* Murat.

On the 26th of November, the outposts of the respective armies fell in with each other, and a skirmish took place, in which the Russians were thrown into some confusion, and a regiment of Kozaks was made prisoners. On the 28th the grand duke of Berg entered Warsaw with his cavalry, and the Russians retreated across the Vistula, burning the bridge over which they had passed. On the 26th of December, a dreadful engagement took place between the Russians, commanded by General Benningfen, and the French under generals Murat, Davouil, and Laffnes. The scene of action was at Ostrolenka, about 60 miles from Warsaw, and the fighting continued for three days. The loss was immense on both sides, though the advantage appears to have been on the side of the French. According to French accounts, the Russian army lost 12,000 men in killed and wounded, together with 80 pieces of cannon, and all its ammunition wagons, while the Russian account states the loss of the French at 5000 men.

In the beginning of February 1807, the Russians obtained a partial advantage in the battle of Eylau. According to the account of this battle, given by General de Budberg, in a dispatch to the marquis of Douglas, the British ambassador at St. Peterburgh, the Russian general Benningfen, after having fallen back, for the purpose of choosing a position which he judged well adapted for manoeuvring the troops under his command, drew up his army at Preussisch Eylau. During four days successively his rear guard had to withstand several vigorous attacks; and on the 7th of February at three o'clock in the afternoon, the battle became general through the whole line of the main army. The contest was destructive, and night came on before it could be decided. Early on the following morning, the French renewed the attack, and the action was contested with obstinacy on both sides, but towards the evening of that day the assailants were repulsed, and the Russian general remained master of the field. In this action, Napoleon commanded in person, having under him An- gereau, Davoust, Soult, Ney, and Bessieres, at the head of the imperial guards. The loss of the Russians in that engagement, was by themselves stated at above 6000 men, while they estimated that of the French at nearly double that number.

This was the last important stand made by the Russian army. Several actions succeeded at Spanden, at Lamitten, at Guttstadt, and at Heilberg, in all of which the French had the advantage, till at length on the 24th of June, the Russians appeared in considerable force on the bridge of Friedland, whither the French army under Napoleon was advancing. At three in the morning, the report of cannon was first heard, and at this time Marshals Lannes and Mortier were engaged with the Russians. After various manoeuvres, the Russian troops received a check, and filed off towards Konningberg. In the afternoon, the French army drew up in order of battle, having Marshal Ney on the right, Lannes in the centre, and Mortier on the left, while Victor commanded a corps de reserve, consisting of the guards. At half past five the attack began on the side of Marshal Ney; and notwithstanding the different movements of the Russians to effect a diversion, the French soon carried all before them. The loss of the Russians, according to the usual exaggerations of the French bulletins, was estimated at from 10,000 to 15,000 men, and 25 of their generals were said to have been killed, wounded, or taken. In consequence of this victory, the French became masters of all the country round Konningberg, and Marshal Soult entered that city in triumph.

Thus concluded the campaign in Germany, in which the Russians sustained a loss of at least 30,000 of their choicest troops.

While these military operations were going forward on the continent of Europe, the emissaries of France were busily employed at Constantinople, in exciting the divan to declare against their ancient enemies. They at length succeeded; and on the 30th of December war with Russia was proclaimed, and 28 regiments of janissaries assembled under the command of the grand vizir; but the disturbances which broke out in the latter end of May 1807, prevented any operations of importance from taking place, and the pacification which was soon concluded between Russia and France, though it did not entirely put a stop to the war between the former power and Turkey, in some measure diminished their hostile preparations.

The defeats which the allied armies had sustained in Prussia and Poland, rendered peace, almost on any terms, a desirable object; and Alexander found himself constrained to meet, at least with the appearance of friendship, the conqueror of his armies. Propositions for an armistice had been made by the Prussian general to the grand duke of Berg near Tilsit, and after the battle of Friedland, the Russian prince Labanoff had a conference, on similar views, with the prince of Neufchatel, soon after which an armistice was concluded between the French and Russians. On the 25th of June an amicable meeting took place on the river Niemen, between the emperors of France and Russia, and adjoining apartments were fitted up for the reception of both courts in the town of Tilsit. This constrained friendship was soon after cemented by the treaty of Tilsit, concluded between the emperor of the French on the one part, and the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia on the other, on the 7th and 12th of July in this year.

The conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit was notified to the court of London on the 1st of August by M. Alopeus, minister plenipotentiary from the emperor of Russia; and at the same time a proposal was made from his imperial majesty for mediating a peace between France and Britain. This mediation, however, was declined on the part of Great Britain, until his Britannic majesty should be made acquainted with the stipulations of the treaty of Tilsit, and should find them such as might afford him a just hope of the attainment of a secure and honourable peace. This declining of the mediation of Russia was no doubt expected by the court of St Peterburgh; but it served as a pretext for binding more closely the alliance between that power and France, by breaking off her connection with Great Britain. Accordingly, in October, Lord Granville Leveson Gower, who had succeeded the marquis of Douglas as British envoy, received a note from the government, intimating that, as a British ambassador, he could be no longer received at the court of St Peterburgh, which he therefore soon after quitted. An embargo was laid on all British vessels in the ports of Russia, and it was peremptorily required by Napoleon and Alexander, that Sweden should abandon her alliance with Great Britain.

An additional ground of complaint against the British court was furnished by the attack on Copenhagen, and the seizure of the Danish fleet in the beginning of September; and though Lord Gower had attempted to justify these measures on the plea of anticipating the French in the same transaction, the emperor of Russia expressed, in the warmest terms, his indignation at what he called an unjust attack on a neutral power. A considerable Russian fleet joined the French, but the combined squadrons were compelled to seek for shelter in the Tagus, where they remained blocked up by the British; and another fleet of 15 sail of the line that proceeded up the Mediterranean, and advanced as far as Trieste, shared a similar fate.

On the 26th of October the emperor of Russia published a declaration, notifying to the powers of Europe that he had broken off all communication between his empire and Great Britain, until the conclusion of a peace between this power and France. In a counter-declaration, published at London on the 10th of December, his Britannic majesty repels the accusations of Russia, while he regrets the interruption of the friendly intercourse between that power and Britain. His majesty justifies his own conduct, and declares, that when the opportunity for peace between Great Britain and Russia shall

(1) By the unfortunate convention of Cintra, concluded on the 3rd of September 1808, the Russian fleet in the Tagus was surrendered to the British, to be held as a deposit, till six months after the signing of a definitive treaty of peace. In October 1808, a meeting took place at Erfurth between the emperors of France and Russia, and a letter was drawn up under their signature, addressed to his Britannic majesty. The object of this letter was, to induce the king of Great Britain to enter into negotiations for a general peace, and with that view it was dispatched by Count Romanzoff, the Russian minister at Erfurth, to Mr Canning the British secretary of state for foreign affairs. As this letter, and the official note of the British government in answer to it, supply two very important documents in the later history of the present war, we shall here introduce them. The letter of the two emperors is as follows.

"Sire.—The present circumstances of Europe have brought us together at Erfurth. Our first thought is to yield to the wish and the wants of every people, and to seek, in a speedy pacification with your majesty, the most efficacious remedy for the miseries which oppress all nations. We make known to your majesty our sincere desire in this respect by the present letter.

"The long and bloody war which has torn the continent is abandoned, without the possibility of being renewed. Many changes have taken place in Europe; many states have been overthrown. The cause is to be found in the state of agitation and misery in which the stagnation of maritime commerce has placed the greatest nations. Still greater changes may yet take place, and all of them contrary to the policy of the English nation. Peace, then, is at once the interest of the continent, and that of the people of Great Britain.

"We unite in entreating your majesty to listen to the voice of humanity, glancing that of the passions; to seek, with the intention of arriving at that object, to conciliate all interests, and by that means to preserve all the powers which exist, and so ensure the happiness of Europe and of this generation, at the head of which Providence has placed us."

(Signed) ALEXANDER—NAPOLEON.

In answer to this letter the following official note, signed by Mr Secretary Canning, was dispatched to Erfurth; and as the imperial correspondents refused to accede to the requisitions it contained, all hopes of present accommodation were at an end.

"The king has uniformly declared his readiness and desire to enter into negotiations for a general peace, on terms consistent with the honour of his majesty's crown, with fidelity to his engagements, and with the permanent repose and security of Europe. His majesty repeats that declaration.

"If the condition of the continent be one of agitation and of wretchedness; if many states have been overthrown, and more are still menaced with subversion; it is a consolation to the king to reflect that no part of the convulsions which have been already experienced, or of those which are threatened for the future, can be in any degree imputable to his majesty. The king is most willing to acknowledge that all such dreadful changes are indeed contrary to the policy of Great Britain.

"If the cause of so much misery is to be found in the stagnation of commercial intercourse, although his majesty cannot be expected to hear, with unqualified regret, that the system devised for the destruction of the commerce of his subjects has recoiled upon its authors, or its instruments, yet it is neither in the disposition of his majesty, nor in the character of the people over whom he reigns, to rejoice in the privations and unhappiness even of the nations which are combined against him. His majesty anxiously desires the termination of the sufferings of the continent.

"The war in which his majesty is engaged, was entered into by his majesty for the immediate object of national safety. It has been prolonged only because no secure and honourable means of terminating it have hitherto been afforded by his enemies.

"But in the progress of a war, begun for self-defence, new obligations have been imposed upon his majesty, in behalf of powers whom the aggressions of a common enemy have compelled to make common cause with his majesty, or who have solicited his majesty's alliance and support in the vindication of their national independence.

"The interests of the crown of Portugal and of his Sicilian majesty are confided to his majesty's friendship and protection.

"With the king of Sweden his majesty is connected by the ties of the closest alliance, and by stipulations which unite their counsels for peace as well as for war.

"To Spain his majesty is not yet bound by any formal instrument; but his majesty has, in the face of the world, contracted with that nation engagements not less sacred, and not less binding, upon his majesty's mind, than the most solemn treaties.

"His majesty, therefore, affirms that, in an overture made to his majesty for entering into negotiations for a general peace, the relations subsisting between his majesty and the Spanish monarchy have been distinctly taken into consideration; and that the government acting in the name of his Catholic majesty, Ferdinand VII., is understood to be a party to any negotiation in which his majesty is invited to engage."

The demand of concurrence in the views of France and Russia made on Sweden was formally repeated in a declaration of the emperor Alexander, published at St Peterburgh on the 10th February in this year. In this declaration his imperial majesty intimated to the king of Sweden, that he was making preparations to invade his territories; but that he was ready to change the measures he was about to take, to measures of precaution only, if Sweden would, without delay, join Russia and Denmark in shutting the Baltic against Great Britain, until the conclusion of a maritime peace. He professed that nothing could be more painful to him, than to see a rupture take place between Sweden and Russia; but that his Swedish majesty had it still in his power to avoid this event, by resolving without delay, to adopt that course which could alone preserve strict union and perfect harmony between the two states.

The king of Sweden, however, determined to abide by the measures which he had for some time pursued, and to accede to the terms of the convention which had just been concluded between him and the king of Great Britain. In consequence of this determination, a Rus- The king of Sweden continued to send reinforcements to his armies in Finland, but no advantages of any importance were obtained, and the Russians still remain in possession of a great part of that province. It was expected that the late deposition of Gustavus Adolphus, and the elevation of his uncle, the duke of Södermania, to the Swedish throne, would have produced a change of measures; but it appears that hostilities between the Swedes and Russians have not yet terminated, though nothing of moment has lately been attempted by either party.

We have now brought to a conclusion the historical part of this article, in which we have taken a comprehensive view of the principal military and political transactions of Russia, from the establishment of the monarchy under Yuri, to the present year 1809. The military power of Alexander, so much weakened in the battles of Austerlitz, of Eylau, and of Friedland, seems not to have recovered that vigour by which it was distinguished at the commencement of his reign. The boasted succours which he has been so long expected to send to his imperial ally Napoleon, have not reached the banks of the Danube; but the concentration of the Russian forces in Polish Galicia, shows that Alexander is preparing to share in the spoil of Austria, now once more on the point of subjugation to the haughty power of France. The sanguinary battle of Aspern, fought on the plain of the Marchfeld, on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd of May, though it was supposed to have paralysed the exertions of Bonaparte, had evidently so much weakened the inferior forces of the Austrians, that they could do little more than act on the defensive, and entrench themselves between Vienna and Pestburg. If the afflicting intelligence that is just published, of a second battle on the 5th and 6th of July, in which the French gained a complete victory, be correct, the fate of Austria is decided; and the dismemberment of her territories will probably be the result of her intrepid but unavailing opposition to the ambitious views of Napoleon (k).

In our remarks on the political and civil geography of Russia we shall begin with the population. To state population this with any degree of accuracy, in an empire so extensive, and where the inhabitants are, in many places, so thinly scattered, is almost impossible. It is not surprising, therefore, that the accounts given by different writers are extremely various. The population has been commonly stated at about 25,000,000, before the last partition of Poland; and as by this event the empire was supposed to have gained about 5,000,000 of inhabitants, its whole population has been estimated at 30,000,000. According to an enumeration taken several times by government during the 18th century, the population had gradually increased from 14,000,000 to 30,000,000. Thus, the number of people was,

(k) There is every reason to believe that the campaign between the French and Austrians is at an end. When this sheet was put to press, the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th bulletins of the French army on the Danube had arrived; and from these it appears, that the battle above alluded to, took place at Enzerdorf on the 5th, and was renewed at Wagrath on the 6th; that in both these actions the Austrians were defeated with great loss; that on the 11th the contest had again begun near Znaym, but was terminated by the arrival of an Austrian general in the camp of Napoleon, and that on that day, an armistice for one month was concluded between the two emperors. This measure, which seems to have been hastened by the intelligence that the Russians were rapidly approaching in the rear of the Austrians, is probably the prelude to a peace, which can scarcely be obtained without great sacrifices on the part of Austria. If these data are correct, we should, since the last partition of Poland, estimate the whole population at 35,000,000, and even this is probably below the truth. Sir John Carr, in his Northern Summer, has extended it to 40,000,000, which is perhaps not too much.

Of this population very little belongs to Asiatic Russia, to which Mr. Tooke will not allow more than 4,000,000. In estimating the degree of population by the square mile in Asiatic Russia, he reckons, but upon what data it is not easy to ascertain, a little more than 16 inhabitants for the square German mile, and he allows no more than 318 to the same surface in European Russia.

There are several facts which prove that the population of the Russian empire is still on the increase. Thus, in 1823, the number of marriages was 300,470, that of the births of the same year 1,270,341, and that of the deaths only 791,973, so that the number of births exceeded that of deaths by 478,368, and the population had of course in that year increased nearly half a million (L).

In the year 1804, the number of marriages was 311,798; of births 715,334 males, and 642,233 females, making 1,357,567, and of deaths 439,137 males, and 380,681 females, making a total of 819,818; so that in the course of that year, the number of births exceeded that of deaths by 537,749.

The government of Russia appears always to have been despotic; and we have no traces of any legislative power distinct from that of the sovereign, as what is called the senate is only the supreme court of judicature. Vasily Shuiskoy, who obtained the crown in 1606, (see No. 88.), pretended to obtain it in consequence of a free election by the senate and people; but we have seen that his coronation was produced by intrigues among the chiefs, and there appears in the Russian history no vestige of any national council, parliament, or estates of the empire, far less of a free elective diet, like that which distinguished the republic of Poland. The emperor is absolute lord, not only over all the estates of the empire, but also of the lives of his subjects. The greatest noblemen call themselves his slaves, and execute his commands with the most implicit obedience. The common people revere him as something supernatural, and never mention his name, or anything immediately belonging to him, without marks of the most profound respect and awful veneration.

During the reign of Catherine II, the immediate administration of affairs was nominally vested in what was called her imperial majesty's council. This was composed of the principal officers and persons of the empire, namely, of general field-marshal, generals in chief, and actual privy-counsellors: at present they are 14 in number; the fifteenth fills the place of a chancery-rector, and has a secretary under him. The vice-chancellor of the empire is a member of this council. The post of grand-chancellor is sometimes suffered to remain vacant.

The cabinet, to which belongs the care of the sovereign's private affairs or concerns, as likewise the reception of petitions, consists generally of ten persons, the high-steward of the household, privy-counsellors, major-generals, and state-counsellors, with their several subordinate officers and chancellories. It also examines dispatches, passes accounts, &c., takes cognizance of the produce of silver mines, &c. Whoever is not satisfied with a decision of the senate, may appeal by petition to the cabinet; and in this respect it does the office of a supreme tribunal, in which the sovereign in person decides.

In extraordinary cases it sometimes happens that a special high court of justice is appointed, not subordinate to the senate, but immediately under the sovereign. The presidents are usually taken from the imperial colleges and other eminent stations, and likewise from among the members of the synod. Where the alleged offence is of an extremely heinous nature, the examination is first made by particular persons appointed for that purpose, and the protocol is laid before the commissioners for their judgments.

In number of titles the emperor of Russia rivals the Imperial titles. proudest monarchs of the east. In the reign of Catherine II, the imperial titles, when written at length, run thus:—“By the grace of God, Catherine II, empress and autocratress of all the Russias, of Moscow, Kief, Vladimir, Novgorod; tzarina of Casan, tzarina of Astrakhan, tzarina of Siberia, tzarina of the Tauridan Chernonege, lady of Poltava, and grand duchess of Smolensk; princess of Esthonia, Livonia, Karelia, Tver, Yugoria, Permia, Viatka, Bulgaria, and other countries; lady and grand duchess of Novgorod of the low country, of Tchernigof, Reazan, Polotsk, Rostoff, Yaroslav, Bilofero, Udoria, Obdoria, Kondia, Vitepik, Mitiliall; sovereign of the whole northern region, and lady of the country of Iveria, of the Kartalinian and Grusinian tzars, and of the Kabardinian country, of the Tcherkassians, and of the mountain princes, and of others hereditary lady and sovereign.”

We probably know very little of the amount of the Revenue Russian revenues. From the most correct intelligence that Mr. Tooke could procure, he has estimated them at about 46,000,000 rubles, though it is probable that they amount to a much greater sum. Taking the ruble at an average value of four shillings, according to Mr. Tooke’s directions, we may compute the revenue at about 10,000,000 sterling, all at the entire disposal of the emperor. It does not appear that this revenue is diminished by any national debt.

The Russian empire appears to possess a very large Army, disposable armed force. The following estimate, made up from the reports of the different corps, inserted in the registers of the college of war, will show the state of

(L) It is curious to remark how many people of a very advanced age died in Russia during this year. Thus among the deaths are reckoned 1145 between 95 and 100; 158 between 100 and 105; 90 between 105 and 110; 34 between 110 and 115; 36 between 115 and 120; 15 between 120 and 125; 5 between 125 and 130; and 1 between 145 and 150. of the Russian army at the beginning of the year 1795.

| Regiment Type | Number of Men | |---------------------------------------|---------------| | 19 regiments of artillery | 38,110 | | 11 regiments of grenadiers, each | 4,075 | | 3 regiments of grenadiers, each | 1,000 to 3,000| | 51 regiments of musketeers, composed of| 2,424 men | | 10 companies of musketeers, and two | | | companies of grenadiers, each regiment | | | being composed of 2,424 men | | | 7 regiments of musketeers without grenadiers | | | 1 regiment of musketeers, of 4 battalions | 4,143 men | | New arquebusiers, so called, | | | 12 battalions of musketeers, of 1,019 men | | | 3 battalions of musketeers, of 1,475 men | | | 48 battalions infantry, in garrison on the frontiers, 10 in the country, | | | 9 corps of chasseurs of 4 battalions of 988 men each, 3,992 | | | 3 battalions of chasseurs, | | | 5 regiments of cuirassiers of 1,106 and 1,125 men, | | | 10 regiments of dragoons of 1,882 men, two with hussars mounted, | | | 8 regiments of carabiniers of 1,106 men, eight do. of 988 men, | | | 2 regiments of hussars of 1,119 men, three squadrons of hussars, one do. | | | 4 regiments of chasseurs of 1,838 men, | | | 5 regiments of light horse of 1,047 men, | | | 6 regiments of cavalry of the Ukraine, of 1,047 men, | | | 16 regiments of regular Kozak cavalry, | | | Troops to guard the country, | | | In the new provinces acquired from Poland in the first partition, six brigades of 1,819 men, | | | 5 brigades of light horse, of 1,098 men, four of infantry of 1,447, &c. in all, | | | Invalids in garrison, | | | Soldiers sons at school for service, | | | Troops to assist the commissaries, &c. | |

Total regular troops, 541,741

Irregular Kozak cavalry 21,625, Irregular troops of the Don Kozaks, Cavalry all in actual service 24,976, A great number of other irregular troops, all cavalry, as Kalmyks, Bashkirks, &c. not enrolled, but ready when called out, (they receive no pay), at least 100,000

The Russian regiments are usually encamped from the end of May to the end of August. The soldiers are allowed no straw in their tents, but each man lies on the bare and often wet ground. When he mounts guard, it is for a fortnight together; but when he is taken ill, he is attended with the greatest care by the medical officers appointed by government. No expense is spared in providing hospitals, for which purpose large buildings have been constructed in the principal towns, and a proper number of physicians and surgeons attached to each. Here the patients are supplied with medicines and diet suited to the nature of their complaints. Still, however, the Russian soldiers enter the hospitals with reluctance, and leave them as soon as possible.

Notwithstanding the great population of the Russian empire, it sometimes requires the utmost stretch of arbitrary power to raise levies for recruiting the army, as the lower orders of the people are more averse to the military profession in Russia than in almost any other country. This is the more extraordinary, as the pay is tolerably good, and they are furnished in abundance with the necessaries of life. It is true that leave of absence can seldom be obtained, and each solder is bound to serve for 25 years. The discipline is severe, and the subaltern officers may, on their own authority, inflict punishment on any private, to the extent of 20 strokes of the cane. While the soldiers remain in garrison, they are generally not allowed to marry; but when permitted to marry, there is an extra allowance for their wives and children.

There is one absurdity in the dress of the Russian foot-Cathe-diers, especially in that of the officers, which merits notice. Their waists are so pinched by the tightness of their clothes, and a leather belt over the coat, as must certainly impede their respiration, and otherwise affect their health.

Of the regular troops, the imperial foot guards are the most respectable. Their uniform consists of a green coat turned up with red, with white pantaloons, and very high caps or hats, furmounted with a black feather or tuft of hair. Of the other troops, the most remarkable are the Kozaks, which form the principal cavalry of the empire. Of those there are several varieties, but the most striking are the Donsky Kozaks. The persons, air, and appointments of these troops seem completely at variance with those of the horses on which they are mounted. The men are fierce and robust, generally dressed in a blue jacket and pantaloons or loose trousers, with a black cap furmounted by a kind of red turban. They are distinguished by formidable whiskers, and are armed with a sabre, a brace of pistols, and a long spear. Their horses are mean in shape, flouncing in motion, and have every appearance of languor and debility. They are, however, extremely hardy and tractable; will travel incalculable journeys, and remain exposed, without inconvenience, to all the vicissitudes of the weather.

The navy of Russia is respectable; but since her rupture with Great Britain, it has become nearly useless. It generally consists of several detached fleets, of which one belongs to the Baltic, and another to the Black sea; the former having its rendezvous at Cronstadt, the latter at Sevastopol and Kherson. There is also generally a small squadron on the Caspian. In 1794, the Baltic fleet consisted of 45 ships of the line, and 15 frigates; while that of the Black sea was composed of 8 ships of the line, and 12 frigates. The Caspian squadron consists of three or four small frigates, and a few corvettes. Besides these fleets, there was lately at Odesa in the Black sea, a flotilla consisting of 25 very large vessels, and 60 vessels of inferior size, to serve as transports for conveying troops. The Russians are said to be averse to a seafaring life, but the sailors are extremely brave. In point of neatness, the Russian ships are inferior to those of any other European nation.

As connected with the government of the empire, we shall here notice the coins, weights, and measures, all of which are regulated by government.

The standard according to which the value of the Russian coins is usually estimated, is the ruble; but as the value of this coin, with respect to the money of other countries, varies according to the course of exchange between these countries and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the value of the ruble as it stands at any particular time. When Sir John Carr was in Russia in 1804, the ruble was worth only 2s. 8d. of English money, and as the course of exchange between Great Britain and Russia is now against the latter country, we may perhaps estimate the ruble at about 2s. Keeping this in view, the following table by Mr Tooke will show the value of the Russian coins.

| Gold | Imperial, 10 rubles. | |------|---------------------| | | Half imperial, 5 | | | Ruble, 100 copecks | | | Half ruble, 50 | | | Quarter ruble, 25 | | Silver | Twenty-copeck piece, 20 | | | Fifteen-copeck piece, 15 | | | Givernik, 10 | | Copper | Five-copeck piece, 5 | | | Petaki, 5 | | | Grosch, 2 | | | Copeck, 1 | | | Denulika, 1/2 | | | Polushka, 1/4 |

It is not easy to compute the Russian weights, according to the standard of either avoirdupois or troy weight. The least Russian weight is called folotnik, and weighs about 68 troy grains, or a little more than one troy dram. Three folotniks make a lota, and 32 lotas or 96 folotniks, a Russian pound. Thus the Russian is to the troy pound, as 6528 is to 5760. Forty-five Russian pounds are equal to 38 Hamburgh pounds.

It is usual in Russia to estimate the parts of a pound by folotniks, and not by lotes; thus, anything that weighs 7 lotes, is said to weigh 27 folotniks.

A Russian pood weighs 40 Russian pounds, or 3840 folotniks, and is by Mr Tooke reckoned at 36 English pounds avoirdupois.

The measures of Russia, as in other countries, may be divided into measures of length and measures of capacity. The former are easily estimated in English measure, as the English foot was adopted by Peter the Great, and is now the standard for the whole empire. It is also divided into 12 inches, but every inch is divided into 10 lines, and each line into 10 teruples. Twenty-eight English inches make an arshine, and three arshines one fajéne, or Russian fathom, equal to 7 feet English.

A Russian verit is equal to 3500 English feet; and a geographical mile contains 6 verits, 475 fajénes, and 7.25 arshines.

Superficial measure is sometimes estimated by square verits and fajénes, but more commonly by desiatines; each of which is equal to 2400 square fajénes, or 217,600 English square feet.

Of dry measures of capacity, the smallest is the garniza, ofmuka, or ofmutchka, which is a measure capable of holding 5 Russian pounds of dried rye, and is used chiefly in measuring out corn for horses. A poltchetverick contains 614\(\frac{1}{2}\) Paris cubic inches, or half a pood of dried rye. A polofmina contains 8 poltchetvericks, or four tchetvericks. A tonne of corn at Reval holds 5964 French cubic inches; at Riga, 6570; at Narva, 8172; and in Viborg it is equal to the weight of 6 pood. A Riga lof measures 3285 French cubic inches, and is equal to 27 cans; and a last is equal to 24 tonnes.

Of liquid measure the vedro contains 610 French cubic inches, and is equal to 5 Riga cans; a kruzhka or ollim is \(\frac{1}{2}\), and a tehetverk \(\frac{1}{4}\) of a vedro; a flott is about 60 French cubic inches; 19 vedro make 1 hoghead, or 6 anskers, and 57 vedro amount to 152 English gallons, each containing 233 French cubic inches.

We have seen that in the earlier periods of Russian laws history, the empire was regulated by no other laws than the will of the sovereign, as promulgated in his ukase; and that even the first Russian code of laws, viz. those published by Ivan IV. in the 16th century, contain rather the arbitrary orders of that monarch, than such regulations as might have been the result of the deliberations of a national assembly. The code of Ivan was greatly improved by Alexei Mikhailovitch; but the late empress has the merit of giving to the empire a new and rational code, chiefly drawn up by her own hands. Of the precise nature of the laws contained in this code very little is known, as all conversation on the laws of the empire is either forbidden, or is considered as indecent. It is not indeed of much consequence to ascertain the present existing laws, as they are subject to continual alterations.

In 1775, the late empress made a complete new Admini-modelling of the internal government in a form of great stration of simplicity and uniformity. By that reglement the di. justice provided the whole empire into governments, as we have already mentioned, placing over each, or where they are of less extent, over two contiguous governments, a governor-general with very considerable powers. She subdivided each government into provinces and districts; and for the better administration of justice, erected in them various courts of law, civil, criminal, and commercial, analogous to those which are found in other countries. She established likewise in every government, if not in every province, a tribunal of conscience, and in every district a chamber for the protection of orphans. Amidst so many wise institutions, a chamber for the administration of her imperial majesty's revenues was not forgotten to be established in each government, and a tribunal of police in each district. The duty of the governor-general, who is not properly a judge, but the guardian of the laws, is to take care that the various tribunals in his government discharge their respective duties, to protect the oppressed, to enforce the administration of the laws; and when any tribunal shall appear to have pronounced an irregular sentence, to stop the execution till he make a report to the senate, and receive her majesty's orders. It is his business likewise to see that the taxes be regularly paid; and, on the frontiers of the empire, that the proper number of troops be kept up, and that they be attentive to their duty. This reglement contains other institutions, as well as many directions for the conducing of law-suits in the different courts, and the administration of justice, which do her majesty the highest honour; but the general want of morals, and what we call a sense of honour, in every order of men through this vast empire, must make the wisest regulations of little avail. Russia is perhaps the only nation in Europe where the law is not an incorporated profession. There are no seminaries where a practitioner may be educated. Any man who will pay the fees of office may become an attorney, and any man who can find a client may plead at the bar. The judges are not more learned than the pleaders. They are not qualified for their offices by any kind of education, nor are they necessarily chosen from those who have frequented courts, and been in the practice of pleading. A general, from a successful or an equivocal campaign, may be instantly placed at the head of a court of justice; and in the absence of the imperial court from St Petersburg, the commanding officer in that city, whoever he may be, presides ex officio in the high court of justice. The other courts generally change their presidents every year. Many inconveniences must arise from this singular constitution; but fewer, perhaps, than we are apt to imagine. The appointment to so many interior governments makes the Russian nobility acquainted with the grofs of the ordinary business of law-courts; and a statute or imperial edict is law in every case. The great obstacles to the administration of justice are the contrariety of the laws, and the venality of the judges. From inferior to superior courts there are two appeals; and in a great proportion of the causes the reversal of the sentence of the inferior court subjects its judges to a heavy fine, unless they can produce an edict in full point in support of their decision. This indeed they seldom find any difficulty in doing; for there is scarcely a case so simple that edicts may not be found clear and precise for both parties; and therefore the judges, sensible of their safety, are very seldom incorruptible. To the principle of honour, which often guides the conduct of judges, in other nations, they are such absolute strangers, that an officer has been seen sitting in state and distributing justice from a bench to which he was chained by an iron collar round his neck, for having the day before been detected in conniving at smuggling. This man seemed net to be ashamed of the crime, nor did any one avoid his company in the evening.

Few crimes are capital in Russia; murder may be atoned for by paying a sum of money; nay, the civil magistrate takes no cognizance of murder, without having previously received information at the suit of some individuals. Criminals were punished with torture and the most cruel deaths till the reign of Catherine I., when a more merciful system took place; and this the late empress confirmed by law.

The usual punishments for crimes of inferior magnitude are, imprisonment, and banishment to the deserts of Siberia; and for crimes of greater moment, that most dreadful of all corporal punishments, the knout. The exact nature of this punishment has not been well understood in this country. We shall therefore explain it, from the information of one of our latest travellers in Russia.

The apparatus for inflicting the punishment of the knout consists principally of a whip, composed of a wooden handle about a foot long, very strong, and bound tightly round with leather, and having attached to it a stout and weighty thong, longer than the handle, and formed of a tapering strip of buffalo's hide, well dried, and about half inch thick, fastened to the handle in the manner of a flail. Besides this, the executioner is furnished with a pair of iron pincers for the purpose of flitting the nose, and another instrument shaped like a round brush, strongly set with iron teeth, for marking the forehead, or any other part of the body, according to the terms of the sentence.

The infliction of the punishment, in a case where it was peculiarly severe, (viz. that of a servant who had murdered his master) is thus described by Mr Ker Porter.

"The poor wretch, attended by part of the police, had been walked through the streets, in order to shew him to the populace, and to strike them with horror at his guilt. As soon as the procession arrived in front of the troops, a circle was formed, and preparations made for the instant commencement of the execution. A paper being read aloud in the Rus language, which most probably was an account of his crime and sentence; he was speedily stripped of his clothes, leaving on his person only a pair of loose trowsers. In the midst of this silent group (and awful indeed was their silence) stood, firm and well secured, a block of wood, about three feet high, having three cavities in the top, to receive the neck and arms. Being fully prepared for his dreadful punishment, the unhappy man crooked himself, repeating his goperdian pomelia with the greatest devotion. The executioner then placed him with his breast to the board, strongly binding him to it by the neck and the upper parts of his arms, passing the rope close under the bend of both knees. Thus bowed forward, the awful moment approached. The first stroke was struck, and each repeated lash tore the flesh from the bone. A few seconds elapsed between each; and for the first ten or twelve, the poor sufferer roared most terribly; but soon becoming faint and sick, the cry died away into groans; and in a few minutes after, nothing was heard but the bloody spath of the knout, on the senseless body of the wretched man.

"After full an hour had been occupied in striking these dreadful blows (and more than 200 were given him), a signal was made from the head officer of the police, and the criminal was raised a little from the block." Not the smallest sign of life seemed to remain; indeed, so long did it appear to have died, that during the half of the lathing, he had sunk down as low as the ligatures which bound him would allow. The executioner took the pale and apparently lifeless body by the beard, while his assistant held an instrument like a brush with iron teeth, and placing it a little below his temple, struck it with the utmost force, and drove its pointed fangs into the flesh. The opposite temple and forehead received the same application. The parts thus pierced, were then rubbed with gunpowder, to remain, should the mangled sufferer survive, a perpetual mark of his having undergone the punishment.

"You would suppose that rigour had exhausted all her torments, and justice was now appeased: But no; another punishment yet remained, to deprive the nose of its nostrils. The inflicting pincers, something like monstrous..." Rusia. Strong curling irons, were inserted up the nose of him whom I supposed dead (and indeed I only endured the latter part of the fight, from having imagined that these inflictions were directed to one already past the fence of pain); the performer of this dreadful sentence, aided by his companion, actually tore each from his head in a way more shocking than can be described. The acuteness of this last torture, brought back sense to the torpid body:—What was my horror, to see the writhings of the poor mangled creature; and my astonishment, as soon as he was unbound, to see him rise by the assistance of the men, and walk to a cart ready to return him to his prison. From whence, if he did not die, he was immediately to be conveyed to Siberia, there to labour for life. His lost strength seemed to revive every moment, and he sat in the vehicle perfectly upright, being covered with his caftan, which he himself held upon his shoulders, talking very composedly with those who accompanied him.*

The established religion of Russia is that of the Greek church, which differs little from the Roman Catholic persuasion, except in a few rites and ceremonies. The people are very strict in the observance of the external forms of worship, as attendance on mass, keeping numerous fasts, performance of domestic devotions morning and evening, confession, receiving the sacrament, &c. To build churches is considered as a meritorious act, and hence even the small towns abound in these religious edifices; and as, from the severity of the winter, it is necessary to heat the churches during that season, it is not uncommon to see two churches in the same churchyard; one used for winter, and the other for summer worship. The clergy are held in great honour; and every one meeting a priest kisses his hand, in return for which he receives his blessing with the sign of the cross. From the external ceremonies of the Greek church, we shall select those of baptism, marriage, and burial.

As soon as a child is born, the priest repairs to the chamber of the mother, and offers up a thanksgiving for her and her infant. On the eighth day the child is carried to the church, and receives its name, in addition to which is given that of the saint to which the day is dedicated. Thirty-two days after this the purification of the mother takes place, after which succeeds the baptism itself. The child is dipped three times, and then immediately anointed on several parts of the body, and signed with the cross. Seven days afterunction, the body of the child is washed, and its head is thorn in the sign of the cross; and, in general, a little cross of gold or other precious material, is suspended from its neck.

The marriage ceremony in the Greek church consists of three parts. The first office is that of the espousals or betrothing. The parties pledge themselves to be true to each other, by the interchange of rings; and the priest before whom the vows are made, presents lighted tapers to the contracting pair. The liturgy being said, the priest places the parties who come to be betrothed, before the door which leads into the sanctuary, while two rings are laid on the holy table. The priest makes the sign of the cross three times on the heads of the betrothed couple; and then touching their foreheads with the lighted tapers, presents one to each. Then follows the benediction, with a few short prayers, after which the priest takes the rings, and gives one to the man, and the other to the woman, with a short address, which he repeats thrice to each, signs them on the forehead with the rings, and puts these on the forefingers of their right hands. The espoused couple then exchange their rings, and after a long prayer from the priest, are dismissed.

The second rite is called the matrimonial coronation, as in this the bride and bridegroom are crowned, to indicate their triumph over all irregular desires. The betrothed parties enter the sanctuary with lighted tapers in their hands, the priest preceding with the censer singing the nuptial psalm, in which he is accompanied by the choristers. After being assured of the inclination of each party to receive the other in wedlock, the priest gives them the holy benediction, and after three invocations, takes the crowns, and places one on the head of the bridegroom, and the other on that of the bride. After this is read St Paul's epistle on the duties of marriage, with some other portions of Scripture, and several prayers. The cup is then brought, and blessed by the priest, who gives it thrice both to the bride and bridegroom, after which he takes them by the hand, and leads them in procession, attended by bridesmen and maids, three times round a circular spot, turning from west to east. The crowns are now taken off their heads, and after proper addresses, and a short prayer, the company congratulate the parties; they salute each other, and the ceremony of coronation is terminated by a holy dismission.

The third rite is called that of dissolving the crowns, and takes place on the eighth day. It consists of little more than a prayer for the comfort and happiness of the married pair, after which the bride is conducted to the bridegroom's house.

On the death of a person, after the usual offices of funerals, cloathing the eyes and mouth, and washing the body, are performed, the priest is sent for to perfume the deceased with incense, while prayers and hymns are said and sung beside the corpse. The body is watched for a longer or shorter time, according to the rank of the deceased; and when all things are ready for the interment, those relations who are to act as mourners and pall-bearers, are called together. Before the coffin is closed, the ceremony of the kiss must be performed, as the last respect paid to the body. The priest first, and then the relations and friends, take their farewell, by kissing the body of the deceased, or the coffin in which it is contained. The funeral service then begins with the priest pouring his incense from the holy censer on the coffin and the attendants, after which he gives the benediction, and the choristers chant suitable responses. The coffin is then carried into the church, the priests preceding with a lighted taper, and the deacon with the censer. When the procession reaches the sanctuary, the body is set down; the great psalm is sung, followed by several anthems and prayers. The corpse is then laid into the grave, while the funeral anthem to the Trinity is sung over it; and the ceremony of sprinkling earth on the coffin, usual in most countries, is performed. After this oil is poured from a lamp on the coffin, and incense again diffused. The grave is next covered in, and the ceremony ends with a prayer to the Saviour for the rest and eternal happiness of the deceased.

Those who wish for a more minute account of these and other ceremonies of the Greek church, may consult Mr Ker Porter's Travelling Sketches, vol. i. letters 8, 9, and 10.

The hierarchy of the Russians consists of three metropolitans, seven archbishops, and 18 bishops. We have seen that there was originally at the head of the church a patriarch, who possessed all the power of the Roman pope. This office was abolished by Peter I. The whole number of ecclesiastics belonging to the church of Russia, is computed at 67,900, and the number of churches at 18,350.

There are several monasteries and convents in the Russian empire, where the monks and nuns, as in Roman Catholic countries, lead a life of seclusion and indolence, though their inhabitants are not subject to such severe restrictions as those of the Catholic persuasion. The heads of the monasteries are called archimandrites or hegumens, the former being nearly synonymous with abbot, the latter with prior. The superior of a nunnery is called hegumenia. The principal religious order is that of St Basil; and the chief monasteries are those of St Alexander Nefsky at St Petersburg, and Divichy at Moeco.

Formerly no religion, except the Greek, was tolerated in Russia; but, since the reign of Peter I., all religions and sects are tolerated throughout the empire. It was indeed with great difficulty that Peter could be prevailed on to allow the free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion; but this is now not only tolerated, but is dignified by the establishment of Russian Catholic bishops. Even the despised Jews are permitted to hold their synagogues, and the Mahometans their mosques.

The Russian language is a dialect of the ancient Gothic, and is extremely difficult of pronunciation by a southern European; though in the mouth of the politer Russians, it appears by no means deficient in melody. It is very difficult to acquire, as it abounds with extraordinary sounds and numerous anomalies. The characters amount to at least 36, some of which resemble those of the Greek language, while others are peculiar to the Rus. Among other singularities there is one character to express sch, and another sch, which latter sound is said to be scarcely capable of enunciation, except by the most barbarous of the Russian natives. See Philology, No. 220.

Since the accession of the emperor Alexander, the literature of Russia has undergone a material improvement. Incredible indeed, was the prejudice of the rigorous genius-destroying restrictions and prohibitory edicts under the reign of Paul, of the state of whose mind, continually tormented with suspicion, but in other respects endowed with many good qualities, so striking a picture has been drawn by Kotzebue, in The Most Remarkable Year of his Life, of which a Russian translation has been published. During that inauspicious season, only a few plants sprang up here and there in the garden of Russian literature, chiefly in Petersburg, and for the glorification of imperial institutions. Among these, for instance, may be reckoned the Cabinet of Peter the Great, written in the Russian language by Joseph Bielajew, under librarian to the Academy of Sciences, and splendidly printed in 1800, at the expense of the academy, in three large quarto volumes. It is intended to be a catalogue of the books, natural curiosities, works of art, medals, pictures, and other treasures, which the academy founded by Peter the Great possesses; but it is to be feared, that this list itself will swell to a library, if the succeeding parts should be written in the same spirit as the first three. The first volume contains only the relics of Peter the Great, with five plates, comprehending even the productions of his turning lathe, which are preserved, as is well known, in a separate apartment. The second volume gives some, but extremely defective accounts of the Academic Library, in which there are 2964 Russian works (and among them not fewer than 305 Russian romances!) and 1350 MSS. (236 of them Chinese, and 410 relating to the history of Russia). In the third volume, the cabinet of medals is illustrated. It is really astonishing how many curiosities and exquisite works of art have from every part of Europe been collected in St Petersburg, especially under the reign of Catharine II. What treasures of art and literature are to be found only in the imperial hermitage! Here, for instance, is the most valuable and complete collection of ancient engraved gems, of which the celebrated collection of the duke of Orleans comprises only a small part. Here the libraries of Voltaire and Diderot are placed, containing their MSS. and manuscript notes on the margins of the books. M. Von Kohler, a German, is the keeper of these treasures; and the antiquarian writings which he has published in the French and German languages, sufficiently prove him to be a proper person for such an office. It is, however, an unfortunate circumstance for the rest of Europe, that it is difficult to learn what has been swallowed up by these repositories on the banks of the Neva. It is therefore to be lamented, that the splendid description of the Michaelowitzian palace has since the death of Paul been discontinued. From what Kotzebue has said concerning it in the second volume of the account of his exile, one may guess what immense quantities of curiosities it contained. At present only three large engravings of the external views of the now deserted palace, are to be obtained at the price of 40 rubles. Of Gotzschitz too, the favourite residence of Paul, and which the new emperor has presented to the empress dowager, we have a view in six large sheets, engraved before the death of the late emperor, and giving us at least a general idea of the plan of the extensive pleasure grounds, &c.

There is no longer any doubt that the new university of Dorpat, which has already cost the nobility of Estonia and Livonia more than 100,000 rubles, will at length be established by authority. Several learned men were invited from foreign countries to fill the professional chairs, and some of them had arrived in the beginning of 1802. The military academy, which has likewise been erected at Dorpat, has received great favour and support from the emperor. Full permission is now again granted to visit foreign schools and universities; and in consequence, about 70 Livonians, Esthonians, and Courlanders, now prosecute their studies at the university of Jena; and proportionate numbers at the universities of Germany.

The book-trade, which had been entirely annihilated, has for the most part broken the iron fetters imposed by the licensers; it is indeed a highly beneficial change, that no Tumanikow, and other Russian zealots, but Germans, are appointed to examine German books. Here, however, many things still require to be corrected. The new emperor, notwithstanding his almost incredible activity, cannot at once discover all the abuses and improper applications of some of the laws, nor by an emmenoi ukafe, open to every innoxious book (as was the case with respect to Kotzebue's Moft Remarkable Year) the gate that had been shut against it by the licensers. For Kotzebue's work would not have been permitted to pass, if the procurator-general in St Petersburg had not laid a copy before the emperor himself, and received a particular ukafe in its favour.

Another great impediment to literature is, that all books must be imported by sea; and consequently during the winter no new publications can be procured from abroad. The greatest difficulty in procuring books, however, arises from the circumstance that a Russian ukafe always remains in full force till it be expressly repealed by another. Previous to the reign of Paul, the examination and licencing of books was entrusted to the chief magistrates of the respective capitals; but Paul appointed inferior licensers for that purpose, and the same regulation continues, unless altered by a particular ukafe. Under Paul, nothing was permitted to be printed in the large printing-office of Reval, except advertisements, playbills, hymns for the Reval hymn book, and the weekly newspaper, the articles contained in which were subjected to a strict previous examination; and the same restrictions continued to be enforced in 1832, though repugnant to the emperor's intentions, because no emmenoi ukafe had been published to abolish them. A wine merchant in Reval was desirous of having some tickets printed, for the purpose of distinguishing his different sorts of wine. At first the licenser would not permit any of the French wines to have their names printed, and when at last he relented with respect to this point, the printing of the words St Uber's wine, and bishop, a well-known drink composed of wine and oranges, was deemed by him quite inadmissible, because St denotes faintship, and ought not to be profaned by being affixed to a wine bottle, and because bishop denotes an ecclesiastical dignity, and of course should not be exposed to a similar profanation.

A new school of practical jurisprudence has lately been established at St Petersburg. Here there are four professors who give lectures on the law of nature and nations, on the Roman law, on ethics, and on the history of Russia, besides a course of lectures on the commission of legislation. All the lectures are in the Russian language.

The Academy of Sciences at St Petersburg have formed the plan of a rule for the manner of writing Russian words with foreign characters, and foreign words with Russian characters. This plan consists of a vocabulary, drawn up by a committee of the academy, and composed of two alphabets, German and French, by means of which the proper orthography and pronunciation of words in the Russian language are rendered intelligible to foreigners.

For a fuller account of the language and literature of Russia, we may refer our readers to Tooke's View of the Russian Empire, vol. iii. p. 572, and his Life of Catherine II., vol. iii. p. 394.

Notwithstanding the partiality of the court of St Petersburg for dramatic exhibitions, no idea was entertained of erecting a Russian theatre in the capital till the year 1756. Feodor Wolchof, the son of a merchant of Yaroslavl had, in 1749, erected a theatre in his native city, in consequence of the delight with which he had been inspired on witnessing the exhibitions of the German players at the capital. Accordingly, when he returned home, he fitted up a large saloon in his father's house for a theatre, and painted it himself; then mustering a small company, consisting of his four brothers and some other young persons, he represented sometimes the sacred pieces of the bishop Dimitri Rofoffschy, sometimes the tragedies of Sumarekof and Lomonosoff, which had just appeared; and at other times, comedies and farces of his own composition. The undertaking of Wolchof met with the greatest encouragement. Not satisfied with lavishing applause upon him, the neighbouring nobility furnished him in 1750 with the requisite funds for erecting a public theatre, where money was taken for admission. The report of this novelty reached St Petersburg, and in 1752 the empress Elizabeth sent for Wolchof's company. He was placed, with several of his young actors, in the school of the cadets, to improve himself in the Russian language, and in particular to practice declamation.

At length, in 1756, the first Russian theatre was formally established by the exertions of Sumarekof, and the actors paid by the court. A German company appeared in 1757, but it was broken up by the arrival of an Italian opera. The opera Buffa formed in 1759 at Mosco had no better success; its failure was favourable to that which remained at St Petersburg, and which received so much the more encouragement. The fireworks displayed on the stage after the performance, afforded great amusement to the public, and drew together more company than the music. At the coronation of the empress Catharine II., the Russian court theatre accompanied her to Mosco, but soon returned to St Petersburg, where it has been fixed ever since. The taste for dramatic exhibitions had at this period become so general, that not only the most distinguished persons of the court of the two capitals performed Russian plays, but Italian, French, German, and even English theatres arose, and maintained their ground for a longer or shorter time. Catharine the Great, desirous that the people should likewise participate in this pleasure, ordered a stage to be erected in the great place in the wood of Brumberg. There both the actors and the plays were perfectly adapted to the populace that heard them. What will seem extraordinary is, that this performance sometimes attracted more distinguished amateurs; and it is perhaps the only theatre where spectators have been seen in carriages of four and six horses. But what is still more surprising is, to see actors ennobled as a reward for their talents, as was the case in 1762, with the two brothers Feodor and Gregory Wolchof. The former died the following year, while still very young. His reputation as a great tragic and comic actor will perhaps one day be considerably abated; but the Russians will ever recollect with gratitude that he was the real founder of the Russian stage.

They will likewise remember the services of Sumarekof as a tragic poet. He first showed of what the Russian language, before neglected, was susceptible. Born at Mosco in 1727, of noble parents, he zealously devoted himself to the study of the ancient classic authors and of the French poets. This it was that roused his poetic talents. His early compositions were all on the subject of love. His countrymen admired his songs, and they were soon in the mouth of every one. Animated by this success, Sumarokoff published by degrees his other poetical productions. Tragedies, comedies, psalms, operas, epitaphs, madrigals, odes, enigmas, elegies, satires; in a word, every species of composition that poetry is capable of producing, flowed abundantly from his pen, and filled not less than ten octavo volumes. His tragedy Choruf was the first good play in the Russian language. It is written in Alexandrine verses, in rhyme, like his other tragedies, as Hamlet, Sinaw and Trumor, Ariflona, Semira, Ngaropolk and Dimifa, the false Dimitri, &c.; and this first performance showed, that in the plan, the plot, the character, and style, he had taken Corneille, Racine, and Voltaire, for his models. Though Sumarokoff possessed no very brilliant genius, he had, however, a very happy talent of giving to his tragedies a certain originality, which distinguished them from those of other nations. He acquired the unqualified approbation of his countrymen by the selection of his subjects; almost all of which he took from the Russian history, and by the energy and boldness which he gave to his characters. But his success rendered him so haughty and so vain, that he could not endure the mildest criticism. Jealous of the fame acquired by Lomonosoff, another Russian poet, he sought every opportunity of discouraging him; and it was a great triumph to Sumarokoff to observe that the public scarcely noticed the first dramatic essays of that writer, and that they were soon consigned to oblivion.

Sumarokoff has likewise written a great number of comedies, in which the manner of Moliere is discoverable. In spite of their original and sometimes low humour, they were not much liked. The principal are, the Rival Mother and her daughter; the Imaginary Cuckold; the Malicious Man, &c. He has composed some operas; among others, Cephalus and Procris, set to music by d'Araja, master of the imperial chapel, and represented for the first time at St Petersburg during the carnival of 1755. The performers of both sexes were children under the age of 14.*

The state of agriculture in the Russian empire is of course extremely various. Husbandry is scarcely known in the northern parts of the governments of Olonetz and Archangel; but in the central parts of the empire has been pursued from the earliest ages. The Russian plough is light and simple, and scarcely pierces the ground to the depth of two inches; but in the southern provinces a heavier kind is used, resembling the German. In what is called the summer field, the corn is sown and reaped in the same year; while in the winter field the corn is sown in autumn, and the produce reaped in the ensuing summer. The former yields what is called summer wheat, and rye, barley, millet, buckwheat, flax, hemp, pease, &c., the latter only wheat or rye; and the winter field is commonly left fallow to the following spring. In general agriculture is conducted with great negligence, yet the harvests are abundant. Even in the neighbourhood of St Petersburg, there are large marshes which might be easily drained, and converted into fertile land. In the north, rye is most generally cultivated; but in the middle and southern regions, wheat; in the government of Ekatarinoflaf the Armenian wheat is beautiful, the flour yellowish, the return commonly fifteen fold: nor is Turkish wheat, or maize, unknown in Taurida. Barley is a general production, and is converted into meal, as well as oats, of which a kind of porridge is composed. Rice succeeds well in the vicinity of Kilear. Potatoes are unaccountably neglected, except in the north. This invaluable root bears the cold of Archangel, and yields from 30 to 50 fold. Flax and hemp form great objects of Russian cultivation. Madder, woad, and saffron, grow wild in the south. The hop is also cultivated, and is found wild near the Uralian chain, and in Taurida. Tobacco has been produced since the year 1763, chiefly from Turkish and Persian seed. In the gardens are cultivated cabbages (of which a great number is consumed in the form of sour-kraut), and other plants common in Europe. The government of Mocho produces abundance of excellent asparagus, and sugar-melons abound near the Don and the Volga. Large orchards are seen in the middle and southern parts of Russia, yet quantities of fruit are imported. What is called the Kirekoi apple often weighs four pounds, is of an agreeable flavour, and will keep a long time. A transparent sort from China is also cultivated, called the Nalivni, melting and full of juice. The culture of the vine has been attempted in the south, and will certainly succeed in Taurida. Bees are not known in Siberia, but form an object of attention in the Uralian forests, where proprietors carry their hives to a considerable height in large trees, and they are secured from the bear by ingenious contrivances, described by Mr Tooke. Mulberry trees and silk are not unknown in the south of European Russia, especially in Taurida and the Crimea. In the Crimea, camels are very commonly used for draught, a custom which seems peculiar to that province.

The arts in Russia have received very considerable State of the improvement within the last 50 years. Most of the arts that relate to luxuries are exercised at St Petersburg, to such an extent, and in such perfection, as to render it unnecessary to import these articles from other countries. The chief works of this kind are those of gold and silver goods. Here are 44 Russian and 139 foreign, consequently in all 183 workers in gold, silver, and trinkets, as masters; and besides them several gilders and silvers. The pomp of the court, and the luxury of the rich and great, have rendered a taste in works of this kind so common, and carried the art itself to such a pitch, that the most extraordinary objects of it are here to be met with. Several of them are wrought in a fort of manufactory; in one set of premises are all the various workmen and flaps for completing the most elegant devices, ornamental and useful, from the rough bullion. Even the embroiderers in gold and silver, though they are not formed into a company, are yet pretty numerous. The works they produce are finished in so high a taste, that quantities of them are sold in the shops that deal in English or French goods, and to which they are not inferior. This business, which is a perpetual source of profit to a great number of widows and young women of slender incomes, forms a strong objection to the declamations against luxury. Perhaps the remark is not unnecessary, that sham laces and embroidery cannot here be used, even on the flags. Next to these may be ranged the host of milliners, who are mostly of French descent; and here, as in Paris, together with their industry, are endowed with a variety of agreeable agreeable and profitable talents. Their numbers are daily increasing; and the greater their multitude, the better they seem to thrive. Their works are neat, elegant, and modest; but they certainly bear an enormous price: a marchande des modes, if she understand her business, is sure to make a fortune. The generality of them, after completing this aim, return to their native country.

The coachmaker's trade is likewise here in a flourishing state. The great concerns in which this business is carried on in all its parts, from the simple screw to the finest varnish; the solidity and durability, the elegance and the taste of the carriages they turn out, the multitude of workmen, and, in short, the large sums of money that are employed in them, which would otherwise be sent abroad for these vehicles, render this business one of the most consequential of the residence. In the judgment of connoisseurs, and by the experience of such as use them, the carriages made here yield in nothing to those of Paris or London; and in the making of varnish the Russians have improved upon the English: only in point of durability the carriages are said to fall short of those built by the famous workmen of the last-mentioned nation; and the want of dry timber is given as the cause of this failure. With all these advantages, and notwithstanding the great difference in price, increased by the high duties of those carriages which come from abroad, yet these are yearly imported to a great amount. The Russians have, however, succeeded in appropriating the greater part of this business to themselves. The shape of their carriages is in the height of the mode; the varnish is excellent, and the whole outward appearance elegant and graceful; but for durability, the reputation of the Russian workmen is inferior to that of the Germans settled in this country. This censure applies to all the Russian works of art; their exterior is not to be found fault with, but they are deficient in the solidity which so much recommends the work of foreign artists. The Russians have indeed to contend with an obstacle that renders it almost impossible for them to employ so much time, labour, and expense, on their work, as are requisite for bringing it to the utmost perfection. This is the general prejudice in favour of British commodities, which is nowhere carried to so high a pitch as it was in Russia a few years ago. The Russian workman, therefore, naturally endeavours to impose his work upon the customer for foreign; and where this is not practicable, he is obliged to sacrifice solidity to outward appearance, for which alone he can expect to be paid. A chariot made by a German coachmaker will cost 600 or 700 rubles, whereas a Russian chariot can be bought for half the money; and it sometimes happens that the latter is even more durable than the former.

Joinery is exercised as well by the Russians as the Germans; but the cabinet-maker's art, in which the price of the ingenuity far exceeds the value of the materials, is at present solely confined to some foreigners, among whom the Germans distinguish themselves to their honour. The artists of that nation occasionally execute masterpieces, made at intervals of leisure under the influence of genius and taste, and for which they find a ready sale in the residence of a great and magnificent court. Thus, not long since one of these made a cabinet, which for invention, taste, and excellency of workmanship, exceeded every thing that had ever been seen in that way. The price of this piece of art was 7000 rubles; and the artist declared, that with this sum he should not be paid for the years of application he had bestowed upon it. Another monument of German ingenuity is preserved in the Academy of Sciences, in the model of a bridge after a design of the state councillor Von Gerhard. This bridge, which would be the most magnificent work of the kind, if the possibility of its construction could be proved, consists of 11 arches, a drawbridge for letting vessels pass, distinct raised footways, landing places, &c. The beauty of the model, and the excellency of its execution, leave every thing of the sort very far behind. The empress Catharine II. rewarded the artist with a present of 4000 rubles, and he was ever after employed by the court.

Both these works of art have been, however, far excelled by a writing desk made by Roentgen, a native of Neuwied, and a Moravian, who lived several years in St Peterburgh, and embellished the palaces of the empress and principal nobility with the astonishing productions of his art. In this writing desk the genius of the inventor has lavished its riches and its fertility in the greatest variety of compositions: all seems the work of enchantment. On opening this amazing desk, in front appears a beautiful group of bas-reliefs in bronze superbly gilt; which, by the slightest pressure on a spring, vanishes away, giving place to a magnificent writing-flat inlaid with gems. The space above this flat is devoted to the keeping of valuable papers or money. The bold hand that should dare to invade this spot would immediately be its own betrayer; for, at the least touch of the table part, the most charming strains of soft and plaintive music instantly begin to play upon the ear, the organ whence it proceeds occupying the lower part of the desk behind. Several small drawers for holding the materials for writing, &c., likewise start forward by the pressure of their springs, and shut again as quickly, without leaving behind a trace of their existence. If we would change the table-part of the bureau into a reading-desk, from the upper part a board springs forward, from which, with incredible velocity, all the parts of a commodious and well contrived reading-desk expand, and take their proper places. The inventor offered this rare and astonishing piece to the empress Catharine II. for 20,000 rubles; but she generously thought that this sum would be barely sufficient to pay for the workmanship; and therefore recompensed his talents with a farther present of 5000 rubles. Her majesty presented this matchless piece of art to the Academy of Sciences, in whose museum it still remains.

The Russian skill in architecture is evinced by the magnificent buildings which adorn the city of St Peterburgh, and more especially by the Taurida palace. Here is seen the largest hall of which we have any account. This prodigious hall was built after the unassisted design of Prince Potemkin, and unites to a sublime conception, all the graces of finished taste. It is supported by double rows of colossal doric pillars, opening on one side into a vast pavilion, which forms the emperor's winter garden. This garden is very extensive, the trees chiefly orange, of an enormous size, sunk in the earth in their tubs, with fine mould covering the surface between them. The walks are gravelled; wind and undulate in a very delightful manner; are neatly turfed, and lined with roses and other flowers. The whole pavilion is lighted by lofty windows, and from the ceiling are suspended several magnificent lustres of the richest cut glass. In the enormous hall of which this garden forms a part, Prince Potemkin gave the most sumptuous entertainment ever recorded since the days of Roman voluptuousness.

Among the Russian manufactories, the imperial establishments are so much distinguished for the magnitude of their plan, and the richness and excellence of their productions, that they may enter into competition with the most celebrated institutions of the same kind in any other country. The tapestry manufactory, which weaves both hangings and carpeting, produces such excellent work, that better is not to be seen from the Gobelins in Paris. The circumstance that at present only native Russians are employed, enhances the value and curiosity of the establishment. No where, perhaps, is the prosperity of the nation in civilization more striking to the foreigner than in the spacious and extensive work rooms of this manufactory. The porcelain manufactory likewise entertains, excepting the modellers and arcanaists, none but Russian workmen, amounting in all to the number of 400, and produces ware that, for taste of design and beauty of execution, approaches near to their best patterns. The clay was formerly brought from the Ural, but at present it is procured from the Ukraine, and the quartz from the mountains of Olonetz. It is carried on entirely at the expense of government, to which it annually costs 15,000 rubles in wages, and takes orders. But the price of the porcelain is high; and the general prejudice is not in favour of its durability. The Fayence manufactory has hitherto made only ineffectual attempts to drive out the queen's ware of England; but the neat and elegant chamber-stoves made there give it the consequence of a very useful establishment. Almost all the new built houses are provided with the excellent work of this manufactory, and considerable orders are executed for the provinces.

A bronze manufactory, which was established for the use of the construction of the Isaac church, but works now for the court and private persons, merits honourable mention, on account of the neatness and taste of its executions.

The stone-cutting works of Peterhof are remarkable for the mechanism of their construction. All the instruments, saws, turning lathes, cutting and polishing engines, are worked by water under the floor of the building. Fifty workmen are here employed in working foreign, and especially Russian sorts of stone, into slabs, vases, urns, boxes, columns, and other ornaments of various kinds and magnitudes. Many other imperial fabrics for the use of the army, the mint, &c. are carried on in various places; but the description of them would lead us beyond our limits.

The number of private manufactories at present subsisting in St Petersburg amounts to about 100. The principal materials on which they are employed, some on a larger and others on a smaller scale, are leather, paper, gold and silver, sugar, silk, tobacco, distilled waters, wool, glass, clay, wax, cotton and chintz. Leather, as is well known, is among the most important of their manufactures for the export trade; accordingly there are 16 tan-works. The paper manufactories amount to the like number, for hangings and general use.

Twelve gold and silver manufactories sell threads, laces, edgings, fringes, epaulets, &c. There are 8 sugar works; 7 for silk goods, gauze, cloths, hose, stuffs and several others. Here must not be forgotten the great glass-houses set on foot by Prince Potemkin, where all the various articles for use and ornament, of that material, are made; but particularly that for looking-glasses, where they are manufactured of such extraordinary magnitude and beauty, as to exceed anything of the kind produced by the famous glass-houses of Murano and Paris. Among many others which we cannot here particularize, are not fewer than five letter foundries, one manufactory for clocks and watches, &c.

In giving a general view of the commerce of the Commerce, Russian empire, it will be necessary that we should first enumerate the exports and imports, with their average amount, and we shall then be able, by comparing these, to form a just estimate of the commercial advantages enjoyed by the empire. Mr Tooke has furnished us with the following statements of the annual exports from St Petersburg, on an average of ten years, from 1780 to 1790. During that time there were annually exported,

| Item | Amount | |-----------------------|--------------| | Iron | 2,655,038 poods. | | Saltpetre | 19,528 do. | | Hemp | 2,498,950 do. | | Flax | 792,932 do. | | Napkins and linen | 2,907,876 arshines. | | Sail-cloth and flams | 214,704 pieces. | | Cordage | 106,763 poods. | | Hemp oil and linseed oil | 167,432 do. | | Linseed | 192,328 do. | | Tobacco | 52,645 do. | | Rhubarb | 129 do. | | Wheat | 105,136 do. | | Rye | 271,976 do. | | Barley | 35,864 do. | | Oats | 200,000 do. | | Mats | 1,456 | | Planks | 1,193,125 | | Boards | 85,647 | | Rofin | 7,487 do. | | Pitch | 9,720 do. | | Tar | 37,336 do. | | Train oil | 81,386 do. | | Wax | 10,467 do. | | Tallow, and tallow candles | 943,618 do. | | Potashes | 31,712 do. | | Isinglass | 5,516 do. | | Caviar | 8,958 do. | | Horse hair | 5,635 do. | | Horse tails | 69,722 | | Hogs bristles | 29,110 do. | | Russia mats | 106,045 | | Goats skins | 292,016 | | Hides and sole leather| 144,876 do. | | Pieces of peltrey | 621,327 | | Ox tongues | 9982 | | Ox bones | 73,350 |

It will be seen from the above table, that a very great proportion of the exports of Russia consists of raw materials, or of the unmanufactured products of the country. Indeed the employment of the nation, considerably as it has increased since the time of Peter I., is still directed more to production than to manufacture. This is the natural progress of every human society advancing towards civilization; and Russia must continue to confine itself to the production and to the commerce in products, till the degree of its population, and the employment of its inhabitants, be adequate to the manufacturing of its raw materials.

The buying up of the foregoing articles, and their conveyance from the remote and midland regions of the empire, form an important branch of the internal commerce. The greater part of these products is raised on the fertile shores of the Volga; and this inexorable river, which, in its course, connects the most distant provinces, is at the same time the channel of business and industry almost to the whole empire. Wherever its water laves the rich and fruitful coast, diligence and industry have fixed their abode, and its course marks the progress of internal civilization. St Petersburg, though at a distance of from 3000 to 6000 versts from the rich mines of Siberia, receives, through the medium of this river, the stores of its enormous magazines, the greater part of which are brought thither from the most eastern districts of Siberia, almost entirely by water. The Selenga receives and transfers them to the Baikal, whence they proceed by the Angara to the Yenisey, and pass from that river along the Oby into the Tobol. Hence they are transported over a tract of about 400 versts by land, to the Tchoukovaiya; from this river into the Kamma, and thence into the Volga, from which they pass through the sluices at Vilye-Volotthok into the Volkhof, and from that river into the Ladoga lake, from which lastly, after having completed a journey through two quarters of the globe, they arrive by the Neva, at the place of their destination. This afflicting transport is rendered still more interesting by the consideration that these products, thus conveyed to St Petersburg from the neighbourhood of the north-eastern ocean, remain here but for a few weeks, for the purpose of again setting out on a second, and perhaps a longer voyage, or, after being unhitched in distant countries, of returning hither under an altered form, and by a tedious and difficult navigation, coming back to their native land. Thus, how many fathoms of the Siberian boors may have gone this circuitous course!

The number of vessels which, taking the average of ten years, from 1774 to 1784, came by the Ladoga canal to St Petersburg, was 2861 barks, 797 half-barks, 508 one masted vessels, 1113 chaloupes; in all 5339. If to these we add 6739 floats of balks, we shall have a total of 12,078.

The value in money of these products is, by the want which Russia experiences of wrought commodities, and by the increasing luxury, so much lessened, that the advantage on the balance is proportionally very small. A list of the articles of trade with which St Petersburg annually furnishes a part of the empire, would afford matter for the most interesting economical commentary.

The annual imports brought to St Petersburg, on an average of ten years from 1780 to 1790, will appear from the following table.

| Articles | Rubles | |-----------------------------------|----------| | Silk and cotton stockings | 10,000 | | Trinkets | 700,000 | | Watches | 2,000 | | Hardware | 50,000 | | Looking glasses | 50,000 | | English stone-ware | 43,800 | | English horses | 250 | | Coffee | 26,300 | | Sugar | 372,000 | | Tobacco | 500 | | Oranges and lemons | 101,500 | | Fresh fruit | 65,000 | | Herrings | 14,250 | | Sweet oil | 20,000 | | Porter and English beer | 262,000 | | French brandy | 50,000 | | Champagne and Burgundy | 400 | | Other wines | 250,000 | | Mineral waters | 12,000 | | Paper of different kinds | 42,750 | | Books | 50,150 | | Copper-plate engravings | 60,200 | | Alum | 25,500 | | Indigo | 3830 | | Cochineal | 1335 | | Glass and glass wares | 64,000 | | Scythes | 325,000 |

A considerable part of these commodities remains for consumption at St Petersburg, while the rest is conveyed by land carriage to various parts of the empire. Land carriage is preferred on these occasions, as the passage of the river up the stream would be tedious and expensive. The carts or sledges made use of in this conveyance are generally drawn by one horse, and have each its own driver; though sometimes on long journeys there is only one driver to every three carts. They commonly go in caravans of from 25 to 100 carts.

According to the above tables, we are now enabled to state the value of the exports and imports, and the balance of trade, at St Petersburg, and from these to deduce pretty just conclusions with respect to the commerce of the whole empire. By the most probable estimation on this same average of 10 years from 1780 to 1790, the statement will stand as follows.

| Exports | 1,326,194 rubles | | Imports | 1,223,839 do. | | Profit | 1,023,623 rubles |

To this profit we must add for coined and uncoined gold and silver, annually imported in the last three years, viz. from 1788 to 1790,

| Profit | 337,064 rubles |

making a total profit of,

| Profit | 1,360,687 rubles |

Thus the amount of the whole commerce of St Petersburg during the above period of ten years, was annually 25,837,325 rubles. If we admit, upon the most probable computation, that the whole annual commerce of the empire amounts to about 50,000,000 of rubles, it will follow that more than the half is shared by St Petersburg. The proportion which the other principal sea ports of the Russian empire share in the general commerce, will appear from the following table, drawn up for the year 1793.

| City | Rubles | |---------------|------------| | St Petersburgh| 23,757,954 | | Riga | 8,985,929 | | Archangel | 2,525,208 | | Taganrook | 428,087 | | Eupatoria | 334,398 | | Narva | 238,555 | | Ochakof | 209,321 | | Pernau | 180,131 | | Cronstadt | 157,365 | | Kherson | 147,822 | | Vyborg | 124,832 | | Reval | 109,897 | | Theodosia | 54,281 | | Friedrichshamm| 31,374 | | Kertsch | 9,960 | | Onega | 9,552 | | Arensburg | 9,346 | | Yenikaly | 4,322 | | Sevastopol | 858 |

(M) 37,328,192

The commerce of St Petersburgh is carried on chiefly by commission in the hands of factors. This class of merchants, which consists almost entirely of foreigners, forms the most respectable and considerable part of the persons on the exchange. In the year 1790, of the foreign counting houses, not belonging to the guilds, were 28 English, 7 German, 2 Swedes, 4 Danish, several Prussian, 6 Dutch, 4 French, 2 Portuguese, 1 Spanish, and 1 Italian. Besides these, there were 12 denominated burghers, and of the first guild 106, with 46 foreign merchants, and 17 belonging to other towns, though several cause themselves to be enrolled in these guilds who are not properly merchants.

The Russian merchants from the interior of the empire repair, at a stated time, to St Petersburgh, where they bargain with the factors for the sale of their commodities. This done, they enter into contracts to deliver the goods according to the particulars therein specified, at which time they commonly receive the half or the whole of the purchase-money, though the goods are not to be delivered till the following spring or summer by the barks then to come down the Ladoga canal. The quality of the goods is then pronounced on by sworn brokers or sorters, according to the kinds mentioned in the contract. The articles of importation are either disposed of by the Russian merchants through the resident factors, or the latter deliver them for sale at foreign markets; in both cases the Russian, to whose order they came, receives them on condition of paying for them by instalments of 6, 12, and more months. The Russian merchant, therefore, is paid for his exports beforehand, and buys such as are imported on credit; he risks no damages by sea, and is exempted from the tedious transactions of the custom-house, and of loading and unloading.

The clearance of the ships, the transport of the goods into the government warehouses, the packing and unpacking, unloading and dispatching of them,—in a word, the whole of the great bustle attendant on the commerce of a maritime town is principally at Cronstadt, and that part of the residence called Vasilievsko. Here are the exchange, the custom-house; and in the vicinity of this island, namely on a small island between that and the Petersburgh island, the hemp warehouses and magazines, in which the riches of so many countries are bartered and kept. In all the other parts of the city, the tumult of business is so rare and imperceptible, that a stranger who should be suddenly conveyed hither, would never imagine that he was in the chief commercial town of the Russian empire. The opulent merchants have their dwellings and counting-houses in the most elegant parts of the town. Their houses, gateways, and courtyards, are not, as in Hamburg and Riga, blocked up and barricaded with bales of goods and heaps of timber. Here, besides the counting-house, no trace is seen of mercantile affairs. The business at the custom-house is transacted by one of the clerks, and people who are hired for that purpose, called expeditors; and the labour is performed by artelchiki, or porters belonging to a kind of guild.

The factor delivers the imported goods to the Russian merchant,

---

(M) To this table of the principal seaports of Russia, must now be added the town of Odessa, or New Odessa, which 10 years ago was scarcely known as a place of trade, but is now become a populous and important sea-port. Odessa is situated in the government of Katharinoflaf, on a small gulf of the Black Sea, between the rivers Dniepr and Dniepr, 44 miles W. by S. of Ochakof, and nearly 1000 miles S. of St Petersburgh. In 1825, this town contained a population of 10,000 persons, and its population was yearly increasing. The houses are well built of free stone; the streets are wide, and are disposed according to a regular plan, but unpaved. The town is fortified, has a secure and capacious harbour, capable of admitting vessels of considerable burden, and a mole or quay extending above one fourth of a mile into the sea, susceptible of being converted to the most useful purposes. There are several warehouses for the purpose of depositing bonded goods, at times when the market proves unfavourable. The public markets are well supplied, and there are two good theatres, besides other places of public amusement. The society of this thriving town is rendered extremely gay by the residence of the Polish nobles, who resort to it in great numbers, during the summer, for sea-bathing; and the wise and upright administration of the duke de Richelieu, who was governor in 1805, had added greatly to the prosperity of the place. The merchants are chiefly Germans and Italians, though, at the time we mention, there were established in this port two British houses of respectability. The chief exports from this place are wheat and other grain, with which 1000 ships have been loaded in a single year. Among the natural disadvantages of Odessa, must be noticed the barreness and want of wood in its immediate neighbourhood, and the dangerous navigation of the Black Sea, from the currents and want of sea room. In point of commercial importance, Odessa ranks at least on an equal footing with Taganrook. Long. 29°. 24'. E. Lat. 46°. 28'. N. See Macgill's Travels in Turkey, Italy, and Russia, vol. i. p. 257. merchant, who sends them off, in the manner already mentioned, or retails them on the spot, in the markets, ware-houses, and shops.

There is no exaggeration in affirming, that it would be difficult to point out a people that have more the spirit of trade and mercantile industry than the Russians. Traffic is their darling pursuit; every common Russian, if he can but by any means save a trifling sum of money, as it is very possible for him to do, by his frugal and poor way of living, tries to become a merchant. This career he usually begins as a rogueshile or feller of things about the streets; the profits arising from this ambulatory trade, and his parsimony, soon enable him to hire a tavka or shop; where, by lending small sums at large interest, by taking advantage of the course of exchange, and by employing little artifices of trade, he in a short time becomes a pretty substantial man. He now buys and builds houses and shops, which he either lets to others, or furnishes with goods himself, putting in persons to manage them for small wages; begins to launch out into an extensive trade, undertakes podriads, contracts with the crown, deliveries of merchandise, &c. The numerous instances of the rapid success of such people almost exceed all description. By these methods a Russian merchant, named Sava Yacovlov, who died not many years ago, from a hawker of fish about the streets, became a capitalist of several millions of rubles. Many of these favourites of fortune are at first vassals, who obtain passes from their landlords, and with these stroll about the towns, in order to seek a better condition of life, as labourers, bricklayers and carpenters, than they could hope to find at the plough tail in the country. Some of them continue, after fortune has raised them, and even with great riches, still slaves, paying their lord, in proportion to their circumstances, an olerok, or yearly tribute. Among the people of this class at St Petersburg are many who belong to Count Shemetoff, the richest private man in Russia, and pay him annually for their pass above 1000 rubles. It often happens that these merchants, when even in splendid circumstances, still retain their national habit and their long beard; and it is by no means rare to see them driving along the streets of the residence, in this dress, in the most elegant carriages. From all this it is very remarkable, that extremely few Russian houses have succeeded in getting the foreign commission trade; a striking proof that there is something besides industry and parsimony requisite to mercantile credit, in which the Russians must have been hitherto deficient.

Those who wish for a more minute account of the arts, manufactures, commerce and trade of the Russian empire, will find ample details on these important subjects, in the third volume of Mr Tooke's View of the Russian empire, during the reign of Catharine II, and to the close of the eighteenth century.

This vast empire contains within its boundaries, according to Mr Tooke's account, not fewer than 81 distinct nations, differing from each other in their origin, their language, and their manners. Without enumerating all those tribes, the names of many of which are scarcely known to civilized Europe, we shall only particularize the most remarkable. These are the descendants of the ancient Slavi, comprehending the Russians properly so called, and the neighbouring Poles; the Finns, under which denomination we may include the Laplanders, the Esthonians, the Livonians, the Permiaks, and the Ostiaks; the numerous Tartar hordes that inhabit the southern parts of the empire, comprehending the Mongol Tartars, the Kalmuks, the Derbetans, the Torgots, the Bargaburats; the Khazares, the Kangli or Petchevengans; the Siberian Tartars; the Tartars of the Crimea; the Bashkir; the Kirghishefs, and the Chevines; the inhabitants of the regions of Mount Caucasus, including the Georgians; the Mandzhurs, including the Tunguses, the Samoiedes, the Kamtschadales, and the Kozaks.

Of several of these nations we have already given an account, in the articles Cossacs, Kamtschatka, Lapland, Poland, &c. and we shall here confine ourselves chiefly to the manners and customs of the Russians, the Finns, the Samoiedes, the Bashkir, the Kozaks, the inhabitants of the Ukraine, and the Crimean Tartars.

The native Russians are of the middle size, of a strong and robust make, and in general extremely hardy. They have usually a small mouth, with thin lips and the white teeth; little eyes; a low forehead; the nose frequently small, and turned upwards, and a bushy beard. The expression of their countenance is grave, but good-natured. The gait and gestures of the body have often a peculiar and impassioned vivacity, partaking of a certain complaisance, and engaging manner. They are in general capable of bearing fatigue, want of accommodation and repose, better than the inhabitants of any other European nation. Notwithstanding the severity of the climate, their diseases are few, and there are frequent and remarkable instances of longevity.

With respect to general character, all writers allow that they are ignorant, and often brutal, not easily roused to action, and extremely addicted to drunkenness. They are also not remarkable for cleanliness.

Having thus given a general view of the Russian character, we must consider a little more particularly that of the several classes into which they may be divided, and make a few remarks on their manners and customs.

According to Mr Tooke, there is in Russia at present but one order of nobility, though it is not unusual and generally travellers to mention the higher and lower nobility. The title boyar, so common in the beginning of the 18th century, is now disused; and those of prince, count, and baron, form the principal distinctions. The Russian nobility have always enjoyed certain peculiar rights and privileges, though these have been rather derived from long usage, than sanctioned by any written law. Thus, they can exclusively possess landed estates, though they cannot alienate or sell them. If a nobleman be found guilty of any high crime, he may incur the forfeiture of his estate, his honour, or his life, but he cannot be made a vassal to the crown. The nobility can arbitrarily impose taxes and services on their vassals, and may inflict on them any corporal punishment short of death, and they are not responsible for their vassals. A nobleman cannot be compelled to raise recruits against his will, or to build a magazine or barrack for the crown; his person and landed property are exempted from taxation; he can hold assemblies, set up manufactories, and open mines on his own ground, without paying tribute to the crown. He is, however, bound to personal service in war. The Russian nobility live in great style, and support a considerable establishment of servants. As part of this establishment, they have generally a dwarf and a fool. These dwarfs are the pages and playthings of the great, and at almost all entertainments, stand for hours at their lord's chair, holding his snuff box, or awaiting his commands.

The tsar Alexei abhorred the personal abasement of the inferior classes to their superiors, which he would not accept when exhibited to himself; and it may appear surprising that Peter I., who despised mere ceremonials, should have encouraged every extravagance of this kind. In a few years of his reign, the beautiful simplicity of designation and address which his father had encouraged was forgotten, and the cumbersome and almost ineffable titles which disgrace the little courts of Germany were crowded into the language of Russia. He enjoined the lowest order of gentlemen to be addressed by the phrase, your respectable birth; the next rank, by your high good birth; the third, your excellency; the fourth, your high excellency; then came your brilliancy, and high brilliancy; highnesses and majesties were reserved for the grand duke and the emperor.

These titles and modes of address were ordered with all the regularity of the manual exercise; and the man who should omit any of them when speaking to his superior, might be lawfully beaten by the offended boyar. Before this period, it was polite and courtly to speak to every man, even the heir apparent, by adding his father's name to his own; and to the grand duke, Paul Petrovitch, would have been perfectly respectful, or a single word signifying dear father, when he was not named. Though pompous titles were unknown among them before the era of Peter, the subordination of ranks was more complete than in any other European nation; but with this simplicity peculiar to them and the Poles, that they had but three ranks, the sovereign, the noble or gentry, and the serfs. It was not till lately that the mercantile rank formed any distinction; and that distinction is no more than the freedom of the person, which was formerly a transferable commodity belonging to the boyar. Notwithstanding this simplicity, which put all gentlemen on a level, the subscription of a person holding an inferior office was not servant, but slave; and the legal word for a petition in form was tchelobitie; which signifies a beating with the forehead, or striking the ground with the forehead, which was actually done. The father of Alexei abolished the practice; but at this day, when a Russian petitions you, he touches his forehead with his finger; and if he be very earnest, he then puts his finger to the ground.

The Russian nobles formerly wore long beards, and long robes with frail sleeves dangling down to their ankles; their collars and shirts were generally wrought with silk of different colours; in place of hats, they covered their heads with furred caps, and instead of shoes, wore red or yellow leathern buskins. The dress of the women nearly resembled that of the other sex, with this difference, that their garments were looser, their caps fantastical, and their shift sleeves three or four ells in length, gathered up in folds from the shoulder to the fore arm. At present, however, the French fashions prevail among the better sort throughout all Russia.

The common people are generally tall, healthy, and robust, patient of cold and hunger, inured to hardships, and remarkably capable of bearing the most sudden transition from the extremes of hot or cold weather. Nothing is more customary than to see a Russian, who is overheated and sweating at every pore, strip himself naked, and plunge into a river; nay, when their pores are all opened in the hot bath, to which they have daily recourse, they either practise this immersion, or subject themselves to a discharge of some pailfuls of cold water. This is the custom of both men and women, who enter the baths promiscuously, and appear naked to each other, without scruple or hesitation.

A Russian will subsist for many days on a little oatmeal and water, and even raw roots; an onion is a regale; but the food they generally use in their journeys is a kind of rye-bread, cut into small square pieces, and dried again in the oven. Thence, when they are hungry, they soak in water, and eat as a very comfortable repast. Both sexes are remarkably healthful and robust, and accustom themselves to sleep every day after dinner.

The Russian women are remarkably fair, comely, strong, and well-shaped, obedient to their lordly husbands, and patient under discipline; they are even said to be fond of correction, which they consider as an infallible mark of their husbands conjugal affection; and they pout and pine if it is withheld, as if they thought themselves treated with contempt and disregard. Of this neglect, however, they have very little cause to complain; the Russian husband being very well disposed, by nature and inebriation, to exert his arbitrary power.

Such is the slavery in which the Russians of both sexes are kept by their parents, their patrons, and the emperor, that they are not allowed to dispute any match that may be provided for them by these directors, however disagreeable or odious it may be. Officers of the greatest rank in the army, both natives and foreigners, have been saddled with wives by the sovereign in this arbitrary manner. A great general some time ago deceased, who was a native of Britain, having being pressed by Elizabeth to marry one of her ladies, saved himself from a very disagreeable marriage, only by pleading the badness of his constitution.

In Russia, the authority of parents over their children is almost as great as it was among the ancient Romans, of parents and is often exercised with equal severity. Should a father, in punishing his son for a fault, be the immediate cause of his death, he could not be called to account for his conduct; he would have done nothing but what the law authorized him to do. Nor does this legal tyranny cease with the maturity of children; it continues while they remain in their father's family, and is often exerted in the most indecent manner. It was not uncommon, even in St Petersburg, to see a lady of the highest rank, and in all the pomp and pride of youthful beauty, standing in the court-yard with her back bare, exposed to the whip of her father's servants. And so little disgrace is attached to this punishment, that the same lady would sit down at table with her father and his guests immediately after she had suffered her flogging, provided its severity had not confined her to bed.

In superstitious notions and practices, the common Russians are by no means behind their neighbours. Most petitioners of them believe in ghosts, apparitions, and hobgoblins; and few of them are fond of inhabiting the houses of near relatives deceased. Hence it happens that many houses are left to fall into ruins, or sold to strangers at a very very cheap rate. Even a house whose owner has fallen into poverty, or has otherwise become unfortunate, will not easily find a purchaser, because it has ejected its master. On the Thursday before WhitSunday, the young women celebrate the festival of the Slavonian goddess Lada, and her son Dida, with singing and dancing; and at this time they decorate a birch bough with garlands and ribbons, and then throwing it with great solemnity into a river, predict from the figures the ribbons affluence in the current, whom they shall wed, and what shall be their fate in marriage. On the 5th of January they go by night into a cross street or a cellar, and fancy they hear in every sound the prediction of their destiny. This is called flyschit, to go a hearing. The day after Christmas is solemnized by the midwives, because the Virgin Mary's midwife was materially concerned in the redemption of the world. In many places they believe that some witches, by their incantations, have the power of depriving the female sex of their privilege of becoming mothers, but that others can preserve it inviolable; of course brides always apply to the latter. Their domovoi are our fairies, and their vodovots our water goblins, or wizards of the stream.

The enjoyment of the table is carried to greater excess in Russia than in almost any other country. What has a very curious appearance to a foreigner is, that in summer a course of hot meats, and another of iced meats of the same kind, are very commonly served up together. Their cookery is in general commendable, but their cooks are chiefly from foreign countries. It is usual before dinner to take, in the drawing-room, a repast consisting of savoury meats, accompanied with wines and cordials; and at these repasts it is not unusual for some of the party to forget they have to dine afterwards; nor is it thought anything remarkable to see a person enter the dining-room in a state of intoxication.

A Russian dinner among the politer classes, is thus described by Sir John Carr. It is seldom later than three o'clock. Upon a side-board in the drawing-room is always placed a table filled with fish, meats, and sausages, salted, pickled, and smoked; bread and butter, and liqueurs. These airy nothings are mere running footmen of the dinner, which is in the following order:

- A cold dish, generally of herring or some other fish, precedes, followed by soup, a number of made dishes, a profusion of roasted and boiled meats, among which the Ukraine beef is distinguishable, and abundance of excellent vegetables; then pastry and a dessert of very fine melons, and four flavourless wall fruit. The table is covered with a variety of wines, and excellent ale or beer. The master of the house, or the cook, carves; and slices of every dish are handed round to the guests. Among the most gratifying dishes in summer, is a large vase of ice broken into small pieces, with which the guests cool their wine and beer. In the yard of every Russian house, there are two large cellars, one warm for winter, and the other filled with ice for the summer. The soup, and coffee, and chocolate, are frequently iced. After a few glasses of delicious wines, the lady of the house usually rises, and the company retires to coffee in the drawing-room.

Their common drink is called kvass, and is made by pouring hot water upon rye bread. This is left to ferment, and soon produces a drink, which though at first disagreeable, becomes afterwards sufficiently grateful to the palate. Mead is also a common beverage; but the native malt liquors are very bad. The Russians consume a great quantity of tea, and are said by Mr Macgill to have the best which is drunk in Europe. This is called the flower of tea, and is brought over land by the Chinese merchants who come to the Russian fairs, and exchange their tea for other articles used in their country.

The amusements of the native Russians consist principally of fencing, dancing, drafts, and some other games; foot-ball, and more especially swinging. The swing is everywhere, and at all times, used as an amusement by persons of rank and condition; but at Easter it is the grand diversion of the holidays. The swings may be divided into three sorts; some have a vibrating motion, and these are the most common, well known in Germany and Britain; others are turned round in a perpendicular, and others again in a horizontal direction. The first of these latter species consists of two high poles, on the top of which rests an axle, having two pairs of poles fixed in its centre. Each of these pairs of poles has at its two extremities a seat suspended from a moveable axis. The proprietor, by turning the axis that rests on the two poles, makes all the eight seats go round in a perpendicular circle, so that they alternately almost touch the ground, and then are mounted aloft in the air. The last kind is composed of chairs, chariots, sledges, wooden horses, swans, goats, &c., fastened at the extremities of long poles, and forced rapidly round in a horizontal circle. In the Easter holidays all kinds of machines are set up in the public squares; and as the common people are remarkably fond of the diversion, it is a joyful season to the populace, who then devote themselves without restraint to their national propensity to mirth. The numerous concourse of persons of all ranks and descriptions, who parade in a circle with their elegant and sumptuous equipages, the honest merriment of the crowd, the hearty participation with which they enter into these amusements, the striking and singular appearances of the exhibition itself, give this popular festivity a character so peculiar, that the man of observation, who will take pains to study the nation even on this humorous stage, may catch very powerful strokes of the pencil for his delineation. He will not fail to discern the general gaiety with which old and young, children and graybeards, are possessed, and which is here not kindled for a transient moment, but is supported by every pleasant occasion, and placed in its most agreeable light. He will remark the spirit of urbanity and gallantry, appearing in a thousand little ways, as by no means an indifferent feature in the national character. Here a couple of beggars with their clothes in tatters, are saluting one another in the most decent and respectful manner; a long string of questions about their welfare opens the dialogue, which likewise concludes with a polite embrace. Yonder a young fellow is offering to hand his girl, whose cheeks are glowing with paint and brandy, into a seat in which they are both prettily to be cantoned up in the air; and even in those lofty regions their tenderest feelings never forsakes him. Only one step farther, and the eye is attracted by different scenes. The same people who were but now greeting each other in friendly terms, are engaged in a violent quarrel, exhausting the enormous store of abusive epithets with which the Russian tongue abounds. All that can de- grade and exasperate a human being finds its expression in this energetic language; yet with this vehemence of speech they never lose their temper.

While they are making the most furious gestures, straining their throats to the utmost pitch, loading one another with the most liberal profusion of insults, there is not the least danger that they should proceed to blows. The police, well knowing that with all this noise no lives will be lost, cools the heated parties by a plentiful shower from the fire engine, kept on the spot for that purpose, and which is found to be of such excellent service, that one of them is always at hand wherever a concourse of people is expected. Now, all at once the strife is over, the two vagabonds are running arm in arm to the nearest post house, to ratify their renovated friendship over a glass of brandy.

In the vicinity of the fairs, booths are usually run up with boards, in which low comedies are performed. Each representation lasts about half an hour, and the price of admittance is very trifling; but as the confluence of the people is extremely great, and the acting goes on the whole day, the profits are always considerable both to the managers and to the performers, who share the amount between them.

The principal modes of conveyance in Russia, are by means of sledges and drojekas. This latter carriage is, we believe, peculiar to Russia, and is employed in the large towns like our hackney coaches. It is described by Mr Porter as a sort of parallelogram with four leathern wings projecting at no great distance from its body, and passing in a semicircular line towards the ground. It runs on four low wheels, and is generally furnished with two seats, placed in such a manner, that two persons can fit sideways, but with their backs to each other. In some of these carriages the seat is formed, that the occupier sits as on a saddle, and for his better security holds by the driver's staff.

The Russians are fond of the bagpipe, and have a kind of violin, with a large belly like that of a lute; but their music is very barbarous and defective. Yet there are public schools in which the children are taught to sing. The very beggars ask alms in a whining cadence, and ridiculous sort of recitative. A Russian ambassador at the Hague, having been regaled with the best concert of vocal and instrumental music that could be procured, was asked how he liked the entertainment? he replied, Perfectly well; the beggars in my country sing just in the same manner. The warlike music of the Russians consists in kettle-drums and trumpets: they likewise use hunting horns; but they are not at all expert in the performance. It has been said, that the Russians think it beneath them to dance, which may have been the case formerly; but at Peterburgh dancing is at present much relished, and a minuet is nowhere so gracefully performed in Europe as by the fashionable people in that metropolis.

The Finns are rather of a short stature, have a flat face with sunk cheeks, dark gray eyes, a thin beard, tawny hair, and a fallow complexion. They are all of a strong make, and were it not for their excessive propensity to drinking spirituous liquors, would be remarkably healthy. They are universally great eaters, and in spite of their strong passion for brandy, not unfrequently attain to a very advanced age. Their dress consists of woollen kaftans, worn short to the knee, with loose black pantaloons and boots. Now and then, by way of extraordinary finery, a sort of embroidered decoration adorns their upper garments. Their caps are invariably of the same shape, round, with a broad rim turned up on all sides round the crown.

Mr Acerbi has given the following characteristic account of the Finnish peasants.

"The very beggars in other countries live in ease, and even luxury," says Mr Acerbi, "compared to the peasantry of the north; but the northern peasantry are a far happier, and far more respectable race, than the poor of more civilized countries; they are industrious, and their industry can always procure enough to support life with comfort; that abject degree of poverty is not known there, which destroys industry by destroying hope. They have a curious mode of fishing: when the fisherman observes a fish under the ice, in shallow water, he strikes the ice forcibly, immediately over the fish, with a club, and the fish, stupefied by the blow, rises to the surface. They use a spear to kill the bear, or, as they call him, the old man in the pelice: a crofs bar is fixed about a foot from the point of the spear, as otherwise the bear might fall upon the spearman: the beast, feeling himself wounded, holds the spear fast, and presses it more deeply into the wound. The proverbs of the Finlanders bear testimony to their industry and hospitality."

Their poetry is alliterative, without rhyme. The Finnish specimens translated by Mr Acerbi are very interesting poetry. The following was composed by a Finnish peasant upon his brother's death.

"The word went forth from heaven, from Him in whose hands are all things. Come hither, I will make thee my friend; approach, for thou shalt henceforth be my champion. Come down from the high hill: leave the seat of sorrow behind thee; enough hath thou suffered; the tears thou hast shed are sufficient; thou hast felt pain and disease; the hour of thy deliverance is come; thou art set free from evil days; peace hath come to meet thee, relief from grief to come.

Thus went he out to his maker: he entered into glory; he hastened to extreme bliss; he departed to enjoy liberty; he quitted a life of sorrow; he left the habitations of the earth."

The Finns have many Runic verses which are supposed to contain healing powers, and these are styled Janat, or charms; as mandanjanat, charms for the bite of a serpent; tulenjanat, charms to cure scalds or burns; randanjanat, charms to heal wounds, &c.

These charms are very numerous, and though not much esteemed by the inhabitants of the sea-coast, are in the highest repute amongst those who dwell in the interior and mountainous parts of the country. This is likely to continue to be the case as long as the practice of physic remains in the hands of itinerant empirics and ignorant old women. They jointly with charms use some simple remedies, as salt, milk, brandy, lard, &c., but attribute the cures they perform to the superior efficacy of the verses they sing during the application; the chief theory and foundation of their practice consisting in a belief with which too they impress their patients very strongly, that their complaints are occasioned by witchcraft, and can only be removed by means of these incantations.

"Of these charms it is not easy to obtain specimens," as they who are versed in them are unwilling to communicate them to literary men, especially when they see them prepare to commit them to writing, as they fear to be reported to the magistrate or clergyman, and punished, or at least chided, for their superstition. It is a pity the clergymen will not be at the pains of discriminating between the verses which are the production of superstition, and those of an innocent nature. So far are they from attending to this particular, that they do their utmost to discourage Runic poetry in general, and without exception; which, partly on that account, and more owing to the natural changes which time brings about in all human affairs, is rapidly falling into disuse, and in a few years will be found only in the relations of travellers.*

The Samoiedes are shorter and thicker than the Laplanders; in other respects they resemble them very much. They have little hair, and cover their heads with a fur cap. Their skin coat reaches to their knees, and is fastened round the waist with a girdle. They have breeches, shoes, and stockings, made of the same materials as their coats. Over their shoulders they throw a black bear's skin, with the feet hanging at the four corners. This cloak is placed obliquely on the left side, that the right arm may be more at liberty to use their bows and arrows. On their feet they wear a kind of skates two feet long, with which they glide with prodigious swiftness over the frozen snow, that incessantly covers their mountains.

The women are capable of enduring great fatigue, and affluently breed up their children in the use of the bow, which they handle with great dexterity. They are dressed nearly like the men, except about the head. A lock of twisted hair hangs down to their shoulders, at the extremity of which is a knot formed of a long strip of bark, which reaches to their heels. In this consists their finery. They hunt with their husbands, and are equally expert in the use of their weapons. Conjugal fidelity is strictly observed, and the punishment annexed to a violation of it on either side is death.

The Samoiedes have no knowledge of the Supreme Being; they use, as idols, the heads of beasts of prey, particularly those of bears, which they put up in the woods, and fervently worship. Their priests, whom they call Shamans, are chosen from among such as are advanced in years; and they imagine that these can reveal to them the will of their gods, foretell future events, and perform all kinds of magical operations.

Samoiedes, in the Russian language, signifies men-eaters, a term which denotes the barbarity of the people; but there is no good reason for believing that the term can be applied to them in its worst acceptation. They probably derived the name from the custom they have of eating their meat without dressing, and not from the habit of devouring their deceased friends or prisoners, of which they have been accused.

The Samoiedes, like the Laplanders, live in tents or caverns, according to the season of the year. Like the Ostiaks and Tungusians, they are exceedingly dirty in their persons and habits. Their marriages are attended with no other ceremony than a verbal agreement. They call their new-born children by the name of the first animal they meet; or if they happen to meet a relation, he generally names the child. Their priests use a tabor, or an instrument very much like it, either to make their conjurations, or to assist them in those arts by which they delude their countrymen.

The Balcikirs form one of the military hordes of wandering Tartars, which formerly roamed about the southern part of Siberia, under the conduct of their chiefs, and subsisted principally by plunder. They now constitute a part of the irregular troops of the Russian empire, and have taken up their residence among the Ural mountains, extending to the Tartar deserts on the borders of the rivers Obi and Tobol. In the year 1776, they consisted of about 27,000 families.

Every tribe of the Balcikirs chooses its own ruler, who is called flarchirfs. The huts which they inhabit during winter are built in the fashion of those in the Russian villages, having a chimney of a conical form of about five feet high in the middle of the principal apartment, which is furnished with large benches, used either as seats or couches. The house is usually filled with smoke, and in its whole economy seems very much to resemble an Irish cabin. In summer the Balcikirs inhabit tents covered with felt, and furnished like the huts with divisions and a chimney in the centre. A summer encampment never exceeds 20 tents, but a winter village contains from 10 to 50 huts.

The most opulent of these tribes are those which dwell on the east of the Ural chain. Some individuals of this nation possess not fewer than 4000 horses, who fatten on the richest pastures in the valley till the month of June, when they are compelled by wasps and other insects to seek for shelter in the mountains. The principal wealth of this people consists of their flocks and herds; but it is chiefly from their horses they derive the necessaries of life, milk, meat, vessels, and garments. They have some knowledge of tillage, but as they sow but little grain, their harvests are very inadequate to their wants; and in general they prefer a pastoral life. Much of their traffic consists of honey. They apply with great success to the cultivation of bees, making their hives in hollow trees, as a greater protection from accidents and wild animals. Frequently one man is the possessor of 500 or 600 of these industrious commonwealths.

The women employ themselves in weaving, dyeing, and fulling their narrow coarse cloths, and they also make the clothes of the whole family, while the men of the lower classes follow the more laborious occupation of fabricating felts, and tanning leather. Both sexes use linen spun from the down of nettles, of which they make wide drawers descending to the ankles. On their feet they wear the usual eastern slipper, and by way of outer garment, a long gown generally of a red colour bordered with fur, and fastened round the waist with a girdle, in which is hung the dagger or scymeter. The lower ranks in winter wear a pelisse of sheepskin, while the higher orders wear a horse's skin, in such a manner that the mane flows down their backs, and waves in the wind. The head is covered with a conical cloth cap, sometimes ornamented with fur, and sometimes plain. The garments of the women, among the superior classes, are of silk, buttoned before as high as the neck, and fastened by a broad steel girdle. Round their bosoms and throats they wear a shawl hung with strings of beads, shells, and coins.

Their diversions are confined to religious ceremonies, and a few peculiar festivals, and consist of singing, dancing, cing, and horse racing. In their songs they enumerate the achievements of their ancestors, or of themselves, and sometimes alternate these epic poems with love ditties. These songs are always accompanied with appropriate gestures. In their dances they make strange gesticulations, but the motion of the feet is very gentle; and the women, while using these, hold a long silk handkerchief in their hand, which they wave about in a wanton manner.

In their entertainments, the aged occupy seats of honour; and when strangers are introduced, they are placed next the old men. The language of the Bashkir is a Tartar dialect, but different from that which is spoken in the district of Kazan. Their religion is Mahometan, and they are much addicted to all the superstitions of the east.

The Bashkir soldiers are dexterous horsemen, and skilful in managing the bow. They are usually cased in shirts of mail, with shining helmets. Their ordinary weapons are a sword, a short bow, and a quiver containing 24 arrows. They also carry a long pike, adorned at the top with various coloured pendants. Their horses are small, and though hardy and active, are not at all superior in point of appearance to those of the Cossacks.

The leaders of the Bashkir have a very superb and warlike appearance. They wear a shirt of mail and a steel helmet like the common men, but over the shirt is thrown a scarlet kaftan flowing from the shoulders down over the backs of their horses. They also wear large scarlet trousers, and large boots of yellow leather. The saddle covering of the horses usually consists of a leopard's skin. See Porter's Travels, vol. ii. Plate at p. 59.

Under the article Cossacks, we have enumerated the several tribes of these people, and have made some remarks on their manners and customs; but as the Don Cossacks form a considerable part of the Russian armies, we shall here add a few remarks on these people, considered in a military capacity.

The common men among these troops have no pay, even in time of war, and their officers have but a very moderate allowance. They are obliged to provide themselves with horses, arms and clothing. Nothing is furnished them except oatmeal and flour. Frequently even nothing is given them but a sorry biscuit (fukare). Thence these hideous tatters with which most of them are covered, when they have no opportunity of plundering, and which give them the appearance of beggars and robbers; thence the ruinous condition of their arms, and the bad state of their horses; thence the murders, robberies, fires, and rapine which everywhere mark their passage, and which, doubtless, would not be so frequent, if government, less avaricious and less cruel, provided them with even the bare necessaries of life.

They are armed with a pike from 15 to 18 feet in length, which they hold vertically, resting on the right stirrup, and which they couch at the moment of attack. The Cossack makes a very dexterous use of this pike for leaping on his horse. With the left hand he grasps the mane, and as soon as he has his foot in the stirrup, instead of placing his right hand on the crupper, as is generally done; the pike which he holds serves him as a prop; he makes a spring, and in the twinkling of an eye, he is in the saddle. The Cossacks have no spurs; a large whip suspended from the left wrist supplying their place. Besides their pike, they commonly have a bad sabre, which they neither like, nor well know how to make use of; one or two pistols in a bad condition, and a carbine which they seldom employ.

Their horses are small, lean and stiff, by no means capable of a great effort, but indefatigable. Bred in the steppes, they are insensible to the inclemency of the seasons; accustomed to endure hunger and thirst; in a word, not unlike their masters. A Cossack will seldom venture to expose himself against a Turk or a Tartar, of whom he commonly has neither the address nor the vigour; besides his horse is neither sufficiently supple, nor swift, nor sure-footed; but in the end his obstinate perseverance will tire the most active horseman, and harass the most frisky steed, especially if it be in a large plain, after a defeat. All the Cossacks, however, are not badly armed and ill mounted. Several of them keep the arms and horses which they may have been able to obtain by conquest in a campaign; but, in general, they had rather sell them, preferring their patient ponies and their light pikes. As for their officers, they are almost all well mounted, and many of them have good and magnificent arms, resembling in that respect the Turks and Poles.

The Cossacks, if we except the Tchugnief brigade, never fight in a line. They are scattered by platoons, at the head, on the flanks, and in the rear of the army, sometimes at considerable distances. They do the duty of advanced guards, videttes, and patrols. Their activity and vigilance are incredible. They creep and retreat everywhere with a boldness and address of which none but those who have seen them can obtain an idea. Their numerous swarms form, as it were, an atmosphere round the camps and armies on a march, which they secure from all surprise, and from every unforeseen attack. Nothing escapes their piercing and experienced eye; they divine, as if by instinct, the places fit for ambuscades; they read on the trodden grass the number of men and horses that have passed; and from the traces, more or less recent, they know how to calculate the time of their passing. A bloodhound follows not better the scent of his game. In the immense plains from Azof to the Danube, in those monotonous solitudes covered with tufted and waving grass, where the eye meets with no tree, no object that can obstruct it, and whose melancholy uniformity is only now and then interrupted by infectious bogs and quagmires, torrents overgrown with briars, and inflated hillocks, the ancient graves of unknown generations; in those deserts, in short, the roaming Cossack never misses his way. By night, the stars direct his solitary course. If the sky is clear, he alights from his horse at the first kurgan that chance throws in his way; through a long habit of exercising his sight in the dark, or even by the help of feeling alone, he distinguishes the herbs and plants which thrive best on the declivity of the hillock exposed to the north or to the south. He repeats this examination as frequently as the opportunity offers, and, in this manner, he follows or finds again the direction which he ought to take for regaining his camp, his troop, or his dwelling, or any other place to which he is bound. By day, the sun is his surest guide; the breath of the winds, of which he knows the periodical course, (it being pretty regular in these countries), likewise serves him as a compass to steer. As a new species of augury, the Kozak not unwillingly interrogates the birds; their number, their species, their flight, their cry, indicate to him the proximity of a spring, a rivulet, or a pool; a habitation, a herd, or an army. Those clouds of Kozaks which encompass the Ruffian armies for the safety of their encampments, or of their marches, are not less formidable to the enemy. Their restless vigilance, their rash curiosity, their sudden attacks, alarm him, harass him incessantly, and incessantly watch and control his motions. In general action, the Kozaks commonly keep at a distance, and are spectators of the battle; they wait for its issue, in order to take to flight, or to let out in pursuit of the vanquished, among whom their long pike makes a great slaughter.

To the account given under Cossacks, of the inhabitants of the Ukraine, we may add the following particulars, which, though anonymous, appear to be accurately stated.

When a young woman, in the Ukraine, feels a tender passion for a young man, she goes to his parents, and says to him, "Pomagac-bog," (you blessed of God). She then sits down, and addressing herself to the object of her affection, makes her declaration of love in the following terms: "Ivan, (Theodore or whatever else may be his name) the goodnews I see written in your countenance, is a sufficient assurance to me, that you are capable of ruling and loving a wife; and your excellent qualities encourage me to hope, that you will make a good golpodar (husband or master). It is in this belief, that I have taken the resolution to come and beg you, with all due humility, to accept me for your spouse." She afterwards addresses the father and mother in words to the same effect; and solicits them earnestly to consent to the marriage. If he meets with a refusal, or apology, she answers, that she will not quit the house, till she shall have married the object of her love. Sometimes the parents persist in their refusal; but if the girl be obstinate, and have patience to stay a few days or weeks in the house, they are not only forced to give their consent, but frequently to persuade their son to marry her. Besides, the young man is generally moved by her perseverance and affection, and gradually accustoms himself to the idea of making her his wife; so that the young female peasants of the Ukraine seldom fail of being provided with a husband to their mind, if they do but possess a tolerable share of constancy. There is no fear of their being obliged to leave the house of the youth whom they prefer; the parents never think of employing force, because they believe, that by doing so, they should draw down the vengeance of heaven upon their heads; and to this consideration is added, the fear of offending the girl's family, who would not fail to resent such behaviour as a grievous affront.

It sometimes happens, that the lord of a village in the Ukraine, gives the peasants a dance before his door, and joins in it himself, with his wives and children. (Let it be observed, that most of the villages in the Ukraine are surrounded with thick woods, in which the peasantry conceal themselves in the summer, when afraid of a visit from the Tartars.) Although the peasants are ferrets, they have possessed from time immemorial, the right of carrying off any young woman they like from the dance, not excepting even the daughters of their lords, provided they do it with sufficient dexterity; for otherwise their lives pay the forfeit of their temerity. On these occasions they watch an opportunity of seizing their prey, and hasten to conceal themselves in the thickest parts of the neighbouring woods. If they can find means to stay there 24 hours undiscovered, the rape remains unpunished, and they are at liberty to marry the young woman, provided the consents, but if taken before that time expires, they are beheaded without farther ceremony.

On Easter Monday, early in the morning, the young men assemble in the streets, lay hold of all the young girls they meet with, and pour five or six buckets of water on their heads. This sport is not permitted later than 12 o'clock. The day after, the girls take their revenge; but as they are inferior in strength, they are forced to have recourse to stratagem. They hide themselves five or six in a house, with each a jug of water in her hand, a little girl standing sentry, and giving the signal, when she sees a young man approach. In an instant the others rush out; surround him with loud acclamations; two or three of the strongest lay hold on him; the neighbouring detachments arrive, and the poor devil is almost drowned with the torrents of water that are poured upon his head.

The men have also another amusement on Easter Monday. They meet in the morning, and go in a body to the lord of the manor, to whom they make a present of fowls, and other poultry. The lord, in return, knocks out the head of a cask of brandy, places it in the court-yard, and ranges the peasants around. He then takes a large ladle, fills it, and drinks to the eldest of the company, who pledges him; and thus it passes from hand to hand, and from mouth to mouth, till the cask is empty. If this happens at an early hour, the lord sends for another, which is treated in the same way; for he is bound to entertain the peasants till sunset. But as soon as the sun sinks beneath the horizon, the signal of retreat is given; and those who are able walk away. The rest pass the night in the open air; and in this manner, some have been known to sleep for upwards of 24 hours.

We have already given a general account of the Krim-Tartars of the Crimea and its inhabitants. See Crimea (o). We shall here give some account of it from the travels of Professor Falas.

The only entrance into the Crimea by land is over a bridge, and through an arched stone gate, both erected at the side of the fortresses. Contiguous to the gate, in an eastern direction, and within the precincts of the fortress, is the fortresses of Peresop. This is a model of irregular fortification, which, together with the walls of the deep ditch, here add some interesting particulars respecting the Krim- ean Tartars, from Professor Pallas.

The Crimea is inhabited by three classes of Tartars. The first of these are called Nagays, and are a remnant of that numerous horde which was lately distinguished by the name of Kubanian Tartars, as they formerly occupied the district of Kuban, to the east of the sea of Azof. These Nagays, like their kinsmen in the neighbourhood of Mount Caucasus, live in small huts constructed of felt, the largest of which are from 4 to 5½ archines in diameter, and cannot be taken to pieces, but are placed by two men on carriages, and thus removed from one place to another. They have a vent hole for an outlet to the smoke; and to this is applied a cover with a handle, from which a line is fastened, for the purpose of occasionally closing and opening the aperture. Mats of reeds and wooden work, much withered and smoked, are employed to line the sides of the huts; for as these tribes are destitute of timber, they are obliged to purchase it from Taurida at a considerable expense.

The dress of the men consists of sheep skins, and a coarse kind of cloth, with small round caps, made of lamb skins, and reaching no lower than the ears. The women are dressed in close veils, over which is worn a loose flowing gown with hanging sleeves. The girls generally wear Circassian caps, and married women have their heads covered with a veil. To their shoes are sometimes attached crofs pieces, so as to raise them considerably from the ground.

In conformity with the usage of all Asiatic nations, a kalim or marriage portion, consisting, among the opulent, of 40 mares, two horses completely caparisoned, a suit of armour, a gun, and a sabre, is delivered up to the father of the bride on the celebration of the nuptials. The language of the Nagays is said to vary in many respects from that spoken in Taurida, which latter is a Turkish dialect. These people possess more activity and vivacity than the inhabitants of Taurida, but they are also more rapacious and ungovernable, and retain a strong predilection for a wandering life. In summer they travel with their flocks along the banks of the rivulets, where they sow wheat and millet in remote places, and neglect all further cultivation till the time of harvest. On the return of winter they again approach the sea of Azof, near which they find grass preferred for forage, and perhaps a remaining supply of that hay which they had formerly made in the valleys.

The features of these people show them to be the unmixed descendants of the Mongolian Tartars, who formed the bulk of the army of Tchinghis-khan, which invaded Russia and the Crimea.

The second class of the Crimean inhabitants consists of those Tartars who inhabit the heaths or steppes, as far as the mountains, especially on the north side, and who in the district of Perekop, where they are still unmixed, retain many traces of the Mongolian countenance, with a thinly scattered beard. They devote themselves to the rearing of cattle, to a greater extent than the mountaineers, but are at the same time husbandmen, though they pay no attention to gardening.

It is constructed entirely of free-stone. It forms an oblong square, extending along the trench which terminates the line of defence. On the side adjoining this line there are no outworks; but on the other three sides the fort is strengthened by an additional deep fosse, the whole amounting to 18 fathoms in length, and 8½ in breadth, computing from the fosse of the line. At the north-western angle there is a pentagonal bastion, serving as an outwork; another of a hexagonal form on the south-west, and a third with two angles at the south-east; but at the north-eastern angle the hexagonal bastion is farther extended into the fosse, so as to cover a narrow passage leading to a deep and excellent spring, that rises between this ditch and the interior fortification. The chief entrance into the fortres is near the southern curtain, on the side of which a projecting demi-bastion has been erected; but another outlet has been contrived at the eastern extremity.

The houses of the suburbs of Perekop were formerly dispersed in a very irregular manner on the southern side of the fortres, but they are at present situated at a distance of three versts within the country. In the vicinity of the gate, however, there are only a few houses, partly within and partly without the line, inhabited by Russian officers appointed at the salt magazine, or by those belonging to the garrison. Since the year 1797, the garrison of Perekop has been considerably increased.

Although the Crimea is at present united to Russia, Perekop will, on many accounts, always remain a post of the greatest consequence; in some respects to Russia, and in others to the Crimea. If, for instance, the plague should ever spread its baneful influence into Krim-Tartary; an event which the constant trade carried on with Constantinople and Anatolia, may easily produce; or, if seditious commotions should arise among the Tartars, whose loyalty is still doubtful; in these cases Perekop would effectually secure the empire, by closely shutting the barrier. On the other hand, this fortres not only renders every attempt at defections from the Crimea into Russia very difficult; but if in future, the project of opening free ports should be realized, and thus the important commerce from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean and to Anatolia, be vigourously promoted, Perekop would then afford the most convenient situation for a custom-house. Further, if the best ports of the Crimea were appointed, in the same manner as those of Toulon and Marseilles have been selected for all the southern parts of France, in order to establish places of quarantine for all ships navigating the Black Sea and that of Azof, so that all vessels destined for Taganrog, Kherson, and Odessa, should be obliged to perform a certain quarantine at Sevastopol, Theodosia, and Kerch, as has already been twice proposed; the important ports of Perekop would forever secure the open and more populous provinces of the interior parts of the empire from that terrible scourge, the plague. Thus, all danger might be obviated, not only from the sea of Azof, the coasts of which are in every direction exposed to the contagion, so that they can with difficulty be protected; but also from the ports of Kherson, Nikolaev, and Odessa.

At the same time, the expense of maintaining various places for quarantines might be greatly reduced, and complete institutions of this nature be speedily established. See Pallar's Travels, vol. ii. p. 5. In situations destitute of stone, they build with unbaked bricks of clay, and make use of dry dung as fuel. Of this they prepare large quantities, and pile it up into stacks like peat or turf, to serve them during winter. Nearer to the mountains, these Tartars, as well as the nobles, are more intermixed with the Turkish race, and exhibit few of the Kalmuk Mongolian features. This is particularly the case with the Crimean nobility, in whom these peculiarities of feature are almost entirely obliterated. See Pallas's Travels, Vol. II. Plate 21.

The third class of Crimean Tartars comprehends the inhabitants of the southern valleys, a mixed race, which seems to have originated from the remnants of various nations crowded together in these regions at the conquest of the Crimea by the armies of the Mongolian leaders. These people generally display a very singular countenance, having a stronger beard, but lighter hair, than the other Tartars, by whom they are not considered as true descendants of the Tartar race, but are distinguished by the contemptuous name of Tat (or renegado). By their costume they are remarkably distinguished from the second class, or heath Tartars; the men among these latter wearing outer garments very like the loose coats or jackets worn by the European peasants, with round close caps; while the Tartars of the valleys wear the usual eastern dress, with turbans. The dress and veils of the women are, however, alike in both classes. See Pallas's Travels, Vol. II. Plates 12, 20, and 22. Their houses or huts are partly underground, being generally constructed against the steep precipices of mountains, with one half excavated from the earth or rock, and only the front raised with rough stones. They have also a flat roof covered with earth.

There are among these people skilful vine-dressers and gardeners, but they are too indolent to undertake new plantations, and avail themselves only of those trees which have been left by their predecessors. They also cultivate flax and tobacco; objects of culture which are unknown to the Tartars of the heaths.

In the costume of the Tartars inhabiting the plains, there is some variety. Young persons, especially those of noble or wealthy families, dress nearly in the Circassian, Polish, or Kozak fashion, with short or slit sleeves in the upper garment. The nobility of more advanced age wear unslit sleeves like the common Tartars; and old men suffer the whole beard to grow, whereas the young and middle-aged wear only whiskers. Their legs and feet are dressed in half-boots of Morocco or other leather, or they use stockings of the same material, especially in the towns; and over these are worn flippers or clogs, and in dirty weather, a sort of felt shoes, like those described in the dress of the Nagays. Their heads are either entirely shaved, or have the hair cut very short, and they wear a high cap, generally green, edged with black or gray lamb skin, and quilted at the top with cotton. This cap is never moved by way of compliment. Those who have performed their pilgrimage to Mecca, are distinguished by a white handkerchief round the edge of the cap, this being the mark of a hadibi or pilgrim.

The physiognomy of the true Tauridan Tartars bears a great resemblance to that of the Turks, and of most Europeans. There are handsome, tall, robust people among them, and few are inclined to corpulency; their complexion is rather fair, and their hair black or dark brown.

The dress of the Tartar women of these two latter classes is very different from that of the Nagays. They are in general of low stature, owing probably, to the state of confinement in which they are kept during the early part of their lives, though their features are tolerably handsome. Young women wear wide drawers, a shift reaching to their ankles, open before, and drawn together at the neck; a gown of striped silk, with long sleeves, and adorned with broad trimmings embroidered with gold. They have also an upper garment of some appropriate colour, with short thick Turkish sleeves edged with gold lace, ermine, or other fur. Both girls and married women fasten their gowns with a heavy girdle, having in front two large buckles of embossed or filigree work, such as were formerly in fashion among the Russian ladies at St Peterburgh and Moscow. Their hair is braided behind into several loose tresses, and the head is covered, either with a small red cap, or with a handkerchief crocheted below the chin. Their fingers are adorned with rings, and their nails tinged of a reddish-brown colour, with a dye stuff called kna (derived from the laurencia) imported from Constantinople for that purpose. Paint is rarely employed by young women.

Married women cut off their hair obliquely over their eyes, and leave two locks also cut transversely, hanging down their cheeks; they likewise bind a long narrow strip of cloth round the head, within the ends of which they confine the rest of the hair, and turn it up from behind, braiding it in two large tresses. Like the Persians, they dye their hair of a reddish brown with kna. Their under garment is more open below, but in other respects similar to that of the unmarried women, as are their upper dress and girdle. They paint their faces red with cochineal, and by way of white paint, they use an oxide of tin, carefully prepared in small earthen pipkins over a dung fire. They also dye the white of the eye blue, with a preparation of copper finely pulverized; and by a particular process they change the colour of their hair and eyebrows to a thinning black, which is retained for several months. At weddings, or on other solemn occasions, the wealthy females further ornament their faces with flowers of gold leaf, colour their hands and feet, as far as the wrists and ankles, of an orange hue, and destroy all the hairs on the body with a mixture of opium and lime.

Both married and single women wear yellow half-boots or stockings of Morocco leather; and for walking they use red slippers with thick soles, and in dirty weather put on felt shoes. Abroad, they wear a kind of undershirt of a loose texture, manufactured by themselves of white wool; wrap several coloured Turkey or white cotton handkerchiefs round their heads, and tie them below the chin; and over all they throw a white linen cloth reaching halfway down the arms, drawing it over the face with their right hand, so that their black eyes alone are visible. They avoid as much as possible the company of men, and when they accidentally meet a man in the street, they avert their face, or turn towards the wall.

Polygamy rarely occurs, even among the nobles, and more wealthy inhabitants of the towns, yet there are Some persons in the villages, who encumber themselves with two wives. Male and female slaves are not common in this country; but the nobility support numerous idle attendants, and thus impoverish their estates; while their chief pride consists in rich and beautiful apparel for themselves and their wives, and in handsome equipages for riding to town, being accompanied by a train of domestics, who follow them on every excursion, though the chief employment of the latter is that of giving their master his pipe at his demand, standing in his presence, or afflicting him to dress, and, in all other respects, living in the same indolent manner as their lords.

Another source of expense is the purchase of elegant swords, and especially of excellent blades; the distinction between the different sorts of which, together with their names, constitute among the nobles a complete science. They are also great admirers of beautiful and costly tobacco-pipes, together with expensive mouth-pieces of milk-white amber, that are likewise used by the Turks, and of tubes of curious woods; but the kalman, or the pride of the Persians, is scarcely known here; and the Tartars employ only small ornamental bowls made of clay, which are almost every moment filled with fine-cut leaf-tobacco. The generality of these noble lords, or Murres, were so ignorant, that they could neither read nor write; and instead of signing their names, they substituted an impression of their rings, on which a few Turkish words are engraved. Some of the young nobility, however, are beginning to study not only the Russian language, of which they perceive the necessity; but also apply themselves more sedulously to reading and writing, and thus become more civilized.

The expense of wearing apparel for the women shut up in their harems is, according to their manner and fortune, little inferior to that of Europeans; with this single difference, that the fashions among the former are not liable to change. Even the wives of the common Tartars are sometimes dressed in silks and stuffs, embroidered with gold, which are imported from Turkey. In consequence of such extravagance, and the extreme idleness of the labouring classes, there are very few wealthy individuals among the Tartars. Credulity and inactivity are the principal traits in the Tartar character. To sit with a pipe in their hands, frequently without smoking, for many hours, on a shady bank, or on a hill, though totally devoid of all taste for the beauties of nature, and looking straight before them; or, if at work, to make long pauses, and above all to do nothing, constitute their supreme enjoyments; for this mode of life, a foundation is probably laid by educating their boys in the harems. Hunting alone occasionally excites a temporary activity in the Murres, who pursue their prey with the large species of greyhound, very common in the Crimea; or with falcons and hawks.

The language and mode of writing of the real Tartars differ little from those of the Turks; but the language of the Nagays deviates considerably from that of the other Tartars, as they have retained numerous Mongolian phrases, and make use of an ancient mode of writing called sibagaltai.

The food of the Crimean Tartars is rather artificial for so unpolished a nation. Among the most esteemed delicacies are, forced meat-balls wrapped in green vine or sorrel leaves, and called farma; various fruits, as cucumbers, quinces, or apples, filled with minced meat, dolma; stuffed cucumbers; dishes of melons, badilben, and hibiscus efidentar, or bamiya, prepared in various ways with spices or saffron; all of which are served up with rice; also pelawu, or rice, boiled in meat-broth, till it becomes dry; fat mutton and lamb, both boiled and roasted, &c.; colt's flesh is likewise considered as a dainty; and horse flesh is more commonly eaten by the Nagays, who are still attached to their ancient custom.

The Tartars rarely kill horned cattle; mutton and goat's flesh constitute the food of the common people, especially in the country, together with preparations of milk and eggs; butter, (which they churn and preserve in the dry stomaches of oxen); a kind of polaw, made either of dried or bruised unripe wheat, and which they call bulgur; and, lastly, their bread is generally composed of mixed grain. Their ordinary beverage is made by triturating and distilling cheese in water; the former of which is called yufina, being prepared from coagulated milk, or yogurt; but the fashionable intoxicating drink is an ill-tasted and very strong beer, or bufa, brewed of ground millet. Many persons also drink a spirituous liquor, arraki, which the Tartar mountaineers distil from various kinds of fruit, particularly plums. It is also extracted from sloes, dogberries, elder-berries, and wild-grapes, but never from the common cherry. They likewise boil the expressed juice of apples and pears into a kind of marmalade, bekmefti, of the consistence of a syrup, or that of grapes into nordenk, as it is called; the latter preparation is a favourite delicacy, and eagerly purchased by the Tartars of the steppes; hence great quantities of it are imported in deal casks from Anatolia, at a very cheap rate, for the purpose of converting it into brandy.

In consequence of their temperate, simple, and careless habits, the warm clothing which they wear throughout the summer, and the little fatigue which they undergo, the Tartars are liable to few diseases, and, in particular, are generally exempted from the intermittent and bilious remittent fevers which commonly prove so fatal to foreigners and new settlers in the Crimea. Indeed, few disorders, except the itch and rheumatism, prevail among them, and many of them attain to a vigorous old age. The true leprosy, which is by the Ural Kazaks termed the Krimian disease, never occurs in this peninsula.

As a mithreft-market must be a curious subject to the Market for polished nations of Europe, we shall give a specimen Circassian of the manner in which it is carried on at Theodosia, in the words of Mr Keelman, a German merchant, as related by Mrs Guthrie. "The fair Circassians," says Mr Keelman, "of whom three were offered me for sale in 1768, were brought from their own chamber into mine (as we all lodged in the same inn), one after another, by the Armenian merchant who had to dispose of them. The first was very well dressed, and had her face covered in the oriental style. She kissed my hand by order of the master, and then walked backward and forward in the room, to shew me her fine shape, her pretty small feet, and her elegant carriage. She next lifted up her veil, and absolutely surprized me by her extreme beauty. Her hair was fair, with fine large blue eyes, her nose a little aquiline, with pouting red lips. Her features were regular, her complexion fair and delicate, and her cheeks covered with a fine natu- RUS

ral vermilion, of which she took care to convince me by rubbing them hard with a cloth. Her neck I thought a little too long; but, to make amends, the finest bosom and teeth in the world set off the other charms of this beautiful slave, for whom the Armenian asked 4000 Turkish piastres (about 800l. sterling), but permitted me to feel her pulse, to convince me she was in perfect health; after which she was ordered away, when the merchant assured me, that she was a pure virgin of 18 years of age.

"I was more surprised than I ought to have been at the perfect indifference with which the inhabitants of Theodosia beheld this traffic in beauty, that had shocked me so much, and at their assuring me, when I seemed affected at the practice, that it was the only method which parents had of bettering the state of their handsome daughters, destined at all events to the haram; for that the rich Asiatic gentleman who pays 4000 piastres for a beautiful mistress, treats and prizes her as an earthly houri, in perfect conviction that his success with the hours of Paradise entirely depends on his behaviour to the fitterhood on earth, who will bear testimony against him in case of ill usage; in short, that, by being deprived of rich muzzulmans, they were sure to live in affluence and ease the rest of their days, and in a state by no means degrading in Mahometan countries, where their prophet has permitted the feraglio. But that, on the contrary, if they fell into the hands of their own feudal lords, the barbarous inhabitants of their own native mountains, which it is very difficult for beauty to escape, their lot was comparatively wretched, as those rude chieftains have very little of either respect or generosity towards the fair sex."