The kingdom of Spain, which occupies situation by far the greater portion of the south-western peninsula and boun of Europe, is bounded on the north by the bay of Biscay and Pyrenean mountains, which separate it from France; on the east by the Mediterranean sea; on the south by the straits of Gibraltar, which divide it from the African kingdom of Morocco; and on the west, partly by the Atlantic ocean, but chiefly by the narrow kingdom of Portugal. This last is the only artificial boundary of the Spanish territory, and consists of ideal lines, except in three parts, where the river Minho to the north, and the Douro and the Chanca, till its junction with the Guadiana to the east, form rather more natural limits.

From Cape Ortegal in N. Lat. 43° 44', to the rock Extent of Gibraltar, in N. Lat. 35° 57', the continent of Spain extends through nearly 80° of latitude, while its extent from west to east, viz. from Cape Finisterre in Long. 9° 17' W. from Greenwich to Cape Creus, or Croix, in Long. 3° 35' E. from the same meridian, comprehends nearly 13° of longitude. In British miles, its length from north to south, viz. from Cape Penas to Gibraltar, may be estimated at 550 miles, while its medium breadth may be computed at 440. According to De Laborde, its superficial extent, exclusive of Portugal, is 25,137 square French leagues, or about 21,000 square English leagues.

Besides the continental part of Spain, this monarchy comprehends several islands in the Mediterranean, especially Majorca, Minorca, and Iviça; the Canary islands, and several places on the north-western coast of Africa; the Philippine and Ladrone islands; together with an immense territory both in North and South America, comprehending Mexico or New Spain, New Mexico, the island of Cuba, Porto Rico, &c. in North America, and in the southern part of that continent, the greatest portion of Terra Firma, Peru, Chili, almost the whole of Paraguay, with an extensive territory lying on the banks of the river Plate.

The usual division of the Spanish continent is into fourteen provinces, viz. those of CATALONIA, ARAGON, and NAVARRE, on the confines of France; BISCAY, ASTURIAS, and GALICIA, on the shores of the Atlantic; LEON and ESTREMADURA, on the side of Portugal; ANDALUSIA chiefly on the straits of Gibraltar; GRANADA, MURCIA, and VALENCIA, on the shores of the Mediterranean; OLD and NEW CASTILE in the centre.

The latest writer on the geography of Spain, De Laborde, reckons only 13 provinces, as he includes Granada under Andalusia. In the following table we have brought together the most important circumstances respecting each of these provinces, viz. the subdivisions, extent in square British miles, population at the end of the 18th century, and chief towns; and we have arranged the provinces in the order followed by Laborde. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL <table> <tr> <th>Provinces.</th> <th>Subdivisions.</th> <th>Extent in square miles.</th> <th>Population.</th> <th>Chief Towns.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Province of CATALONIA.</td> <td>County of Rouflillon</td> <td>10,400</td> <td>814,412</td> <td>BARCELONA, Tarragona, Urgel, Lerida, Gerona, Sallona, Vich, Tortola, Figueras, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Cerdagne</td> <td>7,800</td> <td>932,150</td> <td>VALENCIA, Alicant, Elche, Orihuela, Castellan, Alzira, Carcaxente, Gandia, Xaciva, Oliniente, Alcoy, Segorbe, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of VALENCIA.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>BAJADOZ, Placentia, Coria, Merida, Truxillo, Xera de los Cavalleros, Llerina, Almatona, Zafra, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Province of ESTREMADURA.</td> <td></td> <td>16,000</td> <td>416,922</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Province of ANDALUSIA.</td> <td>Kingdom of Seville</td> <td>12,600</td> <td>754,293</td> <td>SEVILLE, Xeres de la Frontera, Arcos, Cadiz, Real Ejo, Ayamonte, Nivela, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Granada</td> <td>4,500</td> <td>661,661</td> <td>GRANADA, Malaga, Loxa, Santa Fe, Antigua, Ronda, Guadix, Baza, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Cordova</td> <td>1,080</td> <td>236,016</td> <td>CORDOVA, and Archidona, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Jaen</td> <td>2,400</td> <td>177,136</td> <td>JAEN, Ubeda, Baeza, Anduxar, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td></td> <td>8,812</td> <td>337,686</td> <td>MURCIA, Cartagena, Lorca, Chinchilla, Alba Cete, Villena, Almanza, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of MURCIA.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>ZARAGOZA, Iaca, Barbaftro, Huelca, Tarazona, Albarrazin, Teruel, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of ARAGON.</td> <td></td> <td>16,500</td> <td>623,308</td> <td>PAMPALUNA, Tudela, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of NAVARRE.</td> <td>Biscay Proper</td> <td>2,287</td> <td>287,382</td> <td>BILBOA, Vermijo, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Province of BISCAY.</td> <td>Alava</td> <td>4,000</td> <td>116,242</td> <td>VITTORIA, Trevino, Onate, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Guipuzcoa</td> <td></td> <td>74,000</td> <td>ST SEBASTIAN, Fuenaraba, Tolofa, Placentia, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>12,976</td> <td>OVIEDO, Aviles, Luarca, Gijon, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Principality of the ASTURIAS.</td> <td>Oviedo</td> <td>3,375</td> <td>350,000</td> <td>SANTILLANA, San Vincente, Riva de Sella, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Santillana</td> <td>1,200</td> <td></td> <td>SAN JAGO DE COMPOSTELLA, Bayona, Lugo, Orense, Mondonedo, Corunna, Vigo, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of GALLICIA.</td> <td></td> <td>11,500</td> <td>1,350,000</td> <td>LEON, Duero, Astorga, Salamanca, Zamora, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of LEON.</td> <td>Leon</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>BURGOS, Osma, Siguenza, Avila, Valladolid, Segovia, Calahorra, Soria, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Palencia</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Zamora</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Salamanca</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of OLD CASTILE.</td> <td>Burgos</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>MADRID, Toledo, Aranjuez, Talavera della Reyna, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Avila</td> <td>10,800</td> <td>1,190,180</td> <td>CUENCA, Guete, Alacon, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Segovia</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>OCANA, Huclcs, Laguardia, Tarrazona, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of NEW CASTILE.</td> <td>Toledo</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>PALMA, Alcudia, &c.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Cuenca</td> <td>22,000</td> <td>1,146,809</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Lamanca</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>IVIÇA.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kingdom of MAJORCA.</td> <td>Islands of Majorca</td> <td>1,440</td> <td>136,000</td> <td>MAHON, Cittadella.</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Cabrera</td> <td>100</td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td>Iviça</td> <td>360</td> <td>27,000</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>10,308,505</td> <td></td> </tr> </table>

Some account of these provinces will be found under the articles ANDALUSIA, ARAGON, ASTURIAS, BISCUY, CASTILE, CATALONIA, ESTREMADURA, GALLICIA, GRANADA, LEON, MURCIA, NAVARRE, VALENCIA, IVICA, MAJORCA, and MINORCA; but, for the best view of their present state, we must refer our readers to De Laborde's View of Spain, vols i. ii. and iii. or to Playfair's Geography, vol. i.

In its general appearance, Spain presents a pleasing variety of hill and dale, mountain and valley. It must be regarded as a mountainous country, its plains being few in number and of small extent. The most remarkable of these occupies the centre of the kingdom, especially New Castile, which forms the most elevated tract of level country to be found in Europe, having a mean elevation of more than 300 fathoms above the level of the sea. The country is well wooded, and abounds with rivers; but these are often very deficient in water, and Spain, especially on its eastern coast, is remarkable for the dryness of its soil. Notwithstanding this aridity, however, most parts of the kingdom teem with fertility, and native verdure and high cultivation render the scenery delightful. Here and there, indeed, occurs a tract of desert utterly incapable of cultivation; but, in general, nature has done much more for the country than the labour of its inhabitants.

The soil is said to be in general light, and easily wrought; but on many parts of the eastern coast it is composed chiefly of a stiff loam or clay. The most fertile parts of the kingdom are in Valencia, on the coast of Granada, in the kingdom of Old Castile, and in several parts of those of New Castile and Leon. The soil of Catalonia is very discouraging, except in the valleys, and the same may be said of all the provinces bordering on the Pyrenees; the soil of Extremadura, though naturally good, has been so long abandoned to itself, that it has almost ceased to produce, and that of Andalusia has a very mixed character. The soil of Murcia is uncommonly arid; that of the Asturias cold; that of Galicia extremely wet. In the neighbourhood of Cartagena there is an extensive tract, which is so covered with stones as to form a desert as sterile and untameable as any on the sandy plains of Africa or Arabia.

We have said that Spain is a mountainous country. The chain of the Pyrenees, common to it and France, is by no means the most considerable in point either of elevation or extent; though that chain may be regarded as the common root or origin of all the rest. From the western corner of the Pyrenees a vast ridge branches off through Navarre, Biscay, Asturias, and Galicia, terminating only at Cape Finisterre, and Cape Ortegal. This ridge is the Cantabrian mountains, and is distinguished into several subordinate groups, denominated from the principal towns situated in their vicinity. Thus we have the mountains of Mondonedo in Galicia. In general, these groups are called Sierras, from the jagged or serrated appearance of their tops; as the Sierra de la Asturias, Sierra d'Avila, &c. The subordinate mountains that extend from the Sierra of the Asturias in the north, to the Alpuxaras in the south, run in parallel lines; and the same direction prevails in the mountains of Saint Andero, which join the Pyrenees.

From the mountains of Biscay arise a main ridge, which, after proceeding a little to the south, divides into three or four branches. Of these the most northerly chain separates the provinces of Old Castile and New Castile, extending to the confines of Portugal, and called the mountains of Guadarama. A second branch divides the principal part of New Castile from the province of La Mancha, running from the north east to the south-west, as far as Badajos in Extremadura. The most remarkable part of this chain is the Sierra of Guadalupe. South of these runs the Sierra Morena, or Sable mountains, rendered classical by the inimitable pen of Cervantes. This is the last chain till we reach the Alpuxaras, that extend through the provinces of Granada and Andalusia.

Of these mountains there are two points, which, in elevation, exceed Mont Perdu, the highest of the Pyrenees, viz, the Pico de Venleta, in the Sierra Nevada, or snowy mountains of Granada, which is elevated more than 1781 fathoms above the level of the ocean, and the peak of Mulaahen, in the same chain, raised above 1824 fathoms, which is within 76 fathoms of the peak of Teneriffe.

The principal capes and promontories of the Spanish continent are, Cape Creus, Cape St Antoine, opposite the island of Iviça; Cape Palas, near Cartagena; Cape de Gatte, near Almeria, and the promontory on which stands the town of Gibraltar, all on the coast of the Mediterranean; and Cape Machicaco, Cape Penas, Cape Ortegal, the promontory of Ferrol, Cape Finisterre, and Cape Trafalgar, on the coasts of the Atlantic.

The principal bays and gulfs on the coast of Spain, purfuing the same course, are the following; the bay gulf of Valencia, the bay of Alicante, the gulf of Cartagena, the bay of Almeria, the bay of Gibraltar, the harbour of Cadiz, the bay of Corunna, commonly called the Groyne, and the bay of Biscay.

The rivers of Spain are intimately connected with the mountains from which they derive their source, and between the chains of which they generally flow. The most important are, the Ebro, rising in the mountains of Santillana in the Asturias, and running in a southeaster direction between the Castiles and Valencia on the one hand, and the provinces of Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia, on the other, till it reaches the Mediterranean, at a small distance from Tortosa; the Xacar, rising in the Sierra of Cuenca in New Castile, and flowing into the Mediterranean considerably to the southward of Valencia; the Segura, rising in a mountain of the same name, traversing the province of Murcia, and meeting the Mediterranean about midway between the capital of that province and Alicante. These flow into the Mediterranean, and there are several other rivers of less note, which pour their waters into the same sea, and which we can merely enumerate. These are the Ter at Gerona, the Llobregat at Barcelona, and the Mijares, passing by Segorbe. The rivers which flow into the Atlantic are, the Guadalquivir, rising at the foot of Mount Segura, from the opposite side of which originates the river of the same name, flowing with a sluggish course through the province of Andalusia, and meeting the Atlantic a little to the north-west of Xeres; the Guadiana, rising among some lakes to the north-west of Alcaraz in New Castile, and passing between the Sierra Morena and the Sierra de Guadalupe, till, near Badajos, it enters the kingdom of Portugal, and runs nearly in a southerly direction, till it meets the Atlantic at Ayamonte; the Tagus, rising among the mountains of Albaracin in New Castile, and running westerly till, at Alcantara, it becomes a river of Portugal; the Douro, rising in Old Castile near Soria, and passing by Valladolid and Zamora, near which it forms a part of the boundary of Portugal; the Minho, rising in the mountains of Galicia, and running to the south-west, till it meets the Atlantic to the north of Carmina. The only other river of any importance in this direction is the Lima, supposed to be the Lethe of the poets, which rises in Galicia, and flows into the sea below Viara.

If we except the series of small lakes from which we have said the river Guadiana takes its rise, there are, in Spain, few lakes that merit particular notice. The most remarkable of these is the lake of Abulfera, in the province of Valencia. This lake begins near the village of Catarroija, about a league south of the city of Valencia, and extends nearly four leagues as far as Cullera. When it is full, it is about four leagues long, two in breadth, and six in circumference; but it is so shallow, that small boats can scarcely float in it. To supply the deficiency of water, an engine is employed, by which the neighbouring waters are drawn into the bed of the lake; and any superabundant water occasioned by heavy rains, is carried off into the sea by means of an artificial opening. This lake contains a great many fish, and numerous aquatic birds make it their haunt. On certain days in the year the inhabitants of Valencia make excursions hither to shoot the birds, and the surface of the lake is at these times covered with boats.

Many parts of the kingdom of Spain abound in large tracts of wood. Extensive forests are found in Catalonia, the Asturias, Galicia, and in the Sierra Morena. It is in the mountainous chains that the forests of Spain are most remarkable; and there are few of these heights, except in the snowy regions of the Sierra Nevada, but what are covered with wood almost to their summits.

The climate of Spain is as delightful as that of any part of Europe; and though at certain seasons of the year the eastern coast is subject to excessive heat and drought, and the north-western to almost perpetual rains, the temperature is in general mild, and the air salubrious.

The climate of Spain has been admirably depicted by M. A. de Humboldt; and we shall here present to our readers the substance of his remarks, as they are related by De Laborde, in his view of Spain.

No country of Europe presents a configuration so singular as Spain. It is this extraordinary form which accounts for the dryness of the soil in the interior of the Castiles, for the power of evaporation, the want of rivers, and that difference of temperature which is observable between Madrid and Naples, two towns situated under the same degree of latitude.

The interior of Spain is, as we have seen, an elevated plane, which is higher than any of the same kind in Europe, occupying so large an extent of country. The mean height of the barometer at Madrid is 26 inches 2 1/2 lines. It is therefore 1/3 lower than the mean height of the mercury at the level of the ocean. This is the difference of the pressure of the atmosphere that is experienced by all bodies exposed to the air at Madrid, and at Cadiz and Bordeaux. At Madrid the barometer falls as low as 25 inches 6 lines, and sometimes even lower.

The following is a table of the variations in the height of the barometer during the first nine months of the year 1793.

<table> <tr> <th>Months.</th> <th>Maximum.</th> <th>Minimum.</th> <th colspan="2">Mean Height of the Mercury.</th> </tr> <tr> <th></th> <th>Inches.</th> <th>Lines.</th> <th>Inches.</th> <th>Lines.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>January,</td> <td>26</td> <td>5.8</td> <td>25</td> <td>9.8</td> </tr> <tr> <td>February,</td> <td>26</td> <td>5.3</td> <td>25</td> <td>6.2</td> </tr> <tr> <td>March,</td> <td>26</td> <td>4.7</td> <td>25</td> <td>6.0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>April,</td> <td>26</td> <td>2.4</td> <td>25</td> <td>6.9</td> </tr> <tr> <td>May,</td> <td>26</td> <td>4.6</td> <td>25</td> <td>10.5</td> </tr> <tr> <td>June,</td> <td>26</td> <td>4.1</td> <td>25</td> <td>11.8</td> </tr> <tr> <td>July,</td> <td>26</td> <td>4.3</td> <td>26</td> <td>0.7</td> </tr> <tr> <td>August,</td> <td>26</td> <td>3.2</td> <td>25</td> <td>11.5</td> </tr> <tr> <td>September,</td> <td>26</td> <td>4.3</td> <td>25</td> <td>11.1</td> </tr> </table>

From the mean height of the barometer at Madrid, we find that capital to be elevated 309.6 fathoms above the level of the ocean. Madrid, consequently, stands as high as the town of Infruck, situated on one of the highest defiles of the Tyrol, while its elevation is 15 times greater than that of Paris, and three times greater than that of Geneva.

According to M. Thalacker, the mineralogist, who has taken several heights with the barometer in the environs of Madrid, the elevation of the king's palace at San Ildefonso is 593 fathoms, which is higher than the edge of the crater of Mount Vesuvius, and is, strictly speaking, in the regions of the clouds, which generally float from 550 to 600 fathoms high.

The height of the plain of the Castiles has an evident effect on its temperature. We are astonished at not finding oranges in the open air under the same latitude as that of Tarentum, part of Calabria, Thessaly, and Asia Minor; but the mean temperature of Madrid is very little superior to that of Marseilles, Paris, and Berlin, and is nearly the same with that of Genoa and Rome. The following table shews the mean temperature at Madrid and at Rome, during the first nine months of the years 1793 and 1807.

<table> <tr> <th rowspan="2">Months.</th> <th colspan="2">At Madrid.</th> <th colspan="2">At Rome.</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Deg. of Fahrenheit.</th> <th>Deg. of Fahrenheit.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>January,</td> <td>39° 3</td> <td>40° 11' 15''</td> </tr> <tr> <td>February,</td> <td>43 24</td> <td>47 49 39</td> </tr> <tr> <td>March,</td> <td>47 54</td> <td>50 15 45</td> </tr> <tr> <td>April,</td> <td>52 19 30''</td> <td>54 34 39</td> </tr> <tr> <td>May,</td> <td>59 4 30</td> <td>65 56 15</td> </tr> <tr> <td>June,</td> <td>72 32 15</td> <td>72 30</td> </tr> <tr> <td>July,</td> <td>77 13 30</td> <td>79 15</td> </tr> <tr> <td>August,</td> <td>81 34 30</td> <td>79 15</td> </tr> <tr> <td>September,</td> <td>65 45</td> <td>72 34 30</td> </tr> </table>

Thus, the mean temperature at Madrid appears to be 59° of Fahrenheit, while that of the coasts of Spain, from the 41° to the 36° of Lat. is between 63.5° and 68° of Fahrenheit. In the former climate we find that orange trees will not flourish in perfection, while in the latter we see banana trees, heliconias, and even sugar-canes, growing in situations that are sheltered from the cold winds.

Spain presents few species of animals that are not found in the other parts of southern Europe. Among the quadrupeds, we may remark, as peculiar to Spain, the genet, (viverra genetta.) The bear is found in several parts of the great Pyrenean chain, especially on some of the mountains of Aragon, as well as those of Ocar and Reynosa in Old Castile. Wolves are met with in all the higher and mountainous parts of the country, and wild boars on the mountains of Navarre, on the Pinar, and the Sierra de Carafcoy, in the kingdom of Valencia. The roebuck is found on some of the mountains of Navarre, and the lynx and the ibex on those of Cuença in New Castile, in the valleys of Aure and Giflau, as well as in the Pyrenees. The glory of Spanish zoology is the horse, for which this kingdom has been famous in all ages. The Spanish horses horses have probably originated from the Barbs of the north of Africa, supposed to be the immediate offspring of the Arabian breed. The Spanish mules are also excellent, and the ass is here no ignoble animal, though not equal to those of Arabia. There is little remarkable in the breed of cattle; but the Merino sheep have long been distinguished, and are perhaps superior to any in the world for the beauty of the fleece, if not for the delicacy of the mutton. The flocks of Merino sheep are sometimes extremely large, and Mr Townfend mentions one nobleman who possessed not fewer than 40,000. The whole number in the kingdom may be estimated at about 5,000,000. These animals were, by a special code, called the Mejía, authorized to travel from one province to another, according as the season presented the best pasturage in the mountains or the plains. The fleece of the Merino sheep is esteemed double in value to that of any other breed.

Of the birds more peculiarly found in Spain, the vulgar percnopterus, the cuculus glandarius, cuculus tridactyla, motacilla hispanica, hirundo mellia, and hirundo rupestris, are the most remarkable.

Fresh-water fishes are very plentiful in the Spanish rivers; but those in most esteem are from the small river Tormes in Old Castile, where have been taken trout of 20 lbs. weight. The tench of the lakes near Tobar in New Castile, are remarkably fine and delicate, and are taken in great abundance every year, during the months of May and June. The fish taken on the coasts are much the same as those of the other countries bordering on the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The tunny was formerly taken on the eastern coast, where it formed a particular branch of the fishery, but is now, we believe, little regarded.

Among the Spanish insects, the most remarkable are, the cantharides, (meloe reificatorius), and the kermes insect (coccus ilicis). The latter insect is much cultivated as an article of dyeing, especially in the territory of Bujalance, and of Fernan Nunes in the kingdom of Cordova, as also in the vicinity of the town of De las Aguas, four leagues from Alicant, and near the river Henares, in New Castile. The evergreen oaks on which these animals feed, present in the spring, a most singular appearance, from the red nidi of the kermes, with which their leaves are covered.

Vegetables. No country of Europe of the same extent, furnishes such an ample field for the researches of the botanist, as Spain; and indeed its botany constitutes a very important part of its natural history. The mountainous districts are clothed with the evergreen oak, the common oak, the chestnut, and in some places various species of pine; but their most useful production is the cork tree. The smaller heights produce the wild olive, the almond, the thumac, the laurel, the bay, the cypresses, Canary and Portugal broom, the yellow jessamine, and the Provence rose. The vine, the palm tree, the orange, the lemon and the olive, are so nearly naturalized as to require but little cultivation; and the fame may be said of the kali (sal/sola soda), which is produced in large quantities on the coasts, and furnishes the best kind of kelp, commonly called barilla, used in the manufacture of soap and glass. The plains and valleys are covered with many of those plants which form some of the greatest ornaments of our flower gardens, as the tulip, several species of iris, the peony, the passionflower, the orange and martagon lily, the jonquil, several species of narcissus and hyacinth, and above all the rhododendron. The mountains, however, exhibit the greatest variety of botanical riches. Those most worthy of the visits and researches of the enterprising botanist, are, the Sierra de Guadalupe in Estremadura; the mountains of Moncayo in Aragon; of Pineda, Guadarama, and Cuenca, in New Castile; of Carofooy, in the kingdom of Murcia; of Pena-Colofa, Mongi, Aytona, and Mariola, in the kingdom of Valencia, and the Pyrenees.

The sugar-cane, was, before the discovery of the West India islands, one of the most important objects of Spanish cultivation, and numerous sugar mills were established along the coast of the Mediterranean, especially in the kingdom of Granada. At the conquest of that Moorish kingdom, not fewer than fourteen sugar plantations and two mills, were found within the province. Some sugar canes are still cultivated in the kingdom of Valencia, but the manufacture of sugar is discontinued, and the canes are used only for distillation. There is, we believe, still a manufactory for sugar from Spanish canes in Granada.

Spain has long been celebrated for the riches of its mineral kingdom, and it may still be considered as the Mexico and Peru of Europe. There are few metals which may not be found in this kingdom; and, till the discovery of America put the Spaniards in possession of mines which far surpass their own in produce, the gold and silver mines of Spain were thought to be nearly the richest in the world. At present, no gold mines are wrought, but grains of that metal are found disseminated in ferruginous quartz, forming a vein that passes through a mountain near the village of San Ildefonso in Old Castile. Spangles of gold are found intermixed with emery, in a mine near Alocer in Estremadura, and in the territory of Molena in Aragon; and this metal is occasionally found in the sand of two rivers; the Agueda, in the kingdom of Leon, which rises from the mountains of Xalamo, and the Tagus in New Castile, especially in the vicinity of Toledo.

Silver is much more abundant, but most of its mines have also been abandoned. We believe the only silver mine now in work is that of the Sierra de Guadalupe, near the village of Logrozen, where the silver is found mixed with micaceous schistus. The most remarkable silver mines formerly worked are those of Alrodoval del Campo; of Zalamea on the road to Alocer in Estremadura; of Almazaron near Cartaghenza; three in the Sierra Morena, about a league from Guadalcanal, in the kingdom of Seville, and another about two leagues from Linarez, in the kingdom of Jaen. This last mine was well known both to the Carthaginians and the Romans; while Spain was under the dominion of the former it belonged to Himilca, the wife of Asdrubal. After having been long abandoned, it was again wrought in the 17th century, when a vein of ore five feet in diameter was discovered; at present, however, it is no longer in a state of activity.

Mines of copper are found near Pamplona in Navarre, near Salva Tierra in Alava; near Ezcarray, and at the foot of the mountains of Guadarama in Old Castile; near Lorea in Murcia; near the Chartreuse of the Val de Chriftó in Valencia; in the Sierra de Guadalupe in Estremadura; in the mountains near Cordova; near Riotinto, and at la Canada de los Conejos in Seville; in the district of Albuladui in Granada, and near Le- narez in the kingdom of Jaen.

There are numerous lead mines, especially near Tor- tosa in Catalonia; at Zoma, Benafques, and Plan in Aragon; near Logroño and Alcofer in Estremadura; in the mountain Guadarrama in Old Castile; near los Alumbres and Lorca in Murcia; at Alcaniz and Constantina in Seville, and at the district of Linarez in Jaen.

The mines of iron are abundant, and need not be enumerated. Of antimony there are two mines, both in the district of La Mancha. One of these is at Alen- dia, near Almodovar; the other at the foot of the Sier- ra Morena. There is only one mine of cobalt, viz. in the province of Aragon, found in the valley of Gestion. There are two mines of cinnabar in Valencia; one about two leagues from Alicant in the limestone mountains of Alcoray; the other between Valencia and San Felipe; and two others in the same province, that produce native mercury, but none of these are worked. The most abundant mine of mercury and cinnabar united is in the district of La Mancha, on the borders of Cordova. It is situated in a hill of sandstone which rests on flate. The whole length of the hill is traversed by two principal veins, both of which were wrought by the Romans. The whole of this mine was lately wrought by the agents of the king, and its produce was very abundant.

Plumbago is found in a thick vein intermixed with feldspar, about a league from the village of Real Mo- nastrio, in the kingdom of Seville. Mines of sulphur occur, both in Aragon and Murcia; yet has been found in the district of Old Colmenar, in Old Castile; and there is good evidence of the presence of coal at several places in Catalonia, in the Asturias, New Castile, and Aragon; but it is said that no coal mines have as yet been opened.

The marbles of Spain are very numerous and valuable. A black marble, veined with white, is procured near Barcelona; many dendritic marbles occur near Tortosa. Near the town of Molina, in Aragon, is found a gran- ular marble spotted with red, yellow, and white. At the village of Salinos, in the district of Guipuzcoa, is a beautiful blue pyritical marble, containing marine shells. From Monte Segarra, near Segorbia, in the province of Valencia, are procured several fine marbles, which were held in great estimation even by the Romans. The province of Granada, however, contains more valuable varieties of this beautiful mineral than all the rest of Spain; of these some of the principal are the following. A pure white flattuary marble, of which the whole mount- ain of Filabra, near Almeria, is composed; a flesh-co- loured marble from a mountain near Antiquera; an exquisitely beautiful wax-coloured alabaster, from the vicinity of the city of Granada; and a finely veined marble from the Sierra Nevada.

Of the Spanish mineral waters the following are the most celebrated. The principal cold springs are, a he- patic water in the town of Buron, in Valencia; a car- bonated water at Gerona, in Catalonia; a saline purga- tive water at Vacia-Madrid, three leagues from the ca- pital, and another of a similar nature near Toledo.

The principal hot springs are, the baths of Abu-Zu- lena, at Javal-Cohol, near Baeza; a hepatic spring used for bathing near Alhama de Granada; another near Almeria, in the province of Granada, to which are at- tached both bathing and vapour baths: all these were discovered, or at least brought into general use, by the Moors. A very copious hot spring near Merida, in Estremadura, made use of by the Romans. The Calda de Bonar, in the neighbourhood of Leon, a spring of tepid water frequented by the Romans, and still exhibi- ting the ruins of baths and ancient inscriptions. A very hot spring near Orense, in Galicia. A spring at Alhama, near Calatayud, in Aragon, formerly much frequented, but now in a state of neglect. The Fuente de Bazot, near Alicant, a saline spring of the tempera- ture of 104° Fahrenheit. A very copious and hot spring at Archena, near Murcia, where still remain the ruins of Roman and Moorish baths. A hepatic spring near Arnedillo, in Old Castile.

Among the natural curiosities of Spain, we may parti- cularize the mountain of Montferrat in Catalonia (see curiosities, Montserrat); the insulated hill of rock fast near the town of Cardona, in Catalonia (see GEOLOGY, No 102); the subterranean lake contained within a cave, in the neighbourhood of the Cava Perella, in the island of Minorca; the stalactitic cave called St Michael's, on the west side of the rock of Gibraltar, and the river Guadiana, which appears and disappears several times in the course of its progress to the sea.

The various groups of islands that are subject to Spain have long been distinguished by particular names. Thus the islands of Majorca, Minorca, Cabrera and Dragonera, were called by the ancients Insulae Baleares, and are still named the Balearic Isles; while Iviça and Formentera form a lesser group, denominated the Pitiusa Isles. Of these islands, the latter were taken possession of by the Carthaginians nearly 700 years before the Christian era; and about 200 years after that enterprising people made themselves masters of the Balearic isles. After the fall of Carthage, all these islands long maintained a state of pi- ratical independence, and only Majorca was ever com- pletely subject to the Romans. In the time of Augustus we are told that the Balearic isles were so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants sent deputies to Rome for assistance to destroy these formidable invaders of their plantations. In the year 426 of the Christian era, these islands came into the possession of the Vandals, from whom they were taken at the end of the 8th century by the African Moors. At the beginning of the 9th century they were seized on by a fleet sent into the Me- diterranean by Charlemagne; but they were soon after reconquered by the Moors, who maintained the sove- reignty in these islands till, in 1228, they were finally dispossessed by Don James grandson of Alphons II, king of Aragon.

Though Spain appears to have been known to the Names of Phoenicians nearly 1000 years before the birth of Christ, Spain it seems to have been little regarded by the Greeks till after the period when Herodotus composed his history. Some part of this country was probably the Tarshish of Scripture, from which the Phoenicians imported gold, silver, and other precious commodities into Judea. When the Greeks had established a colony at Marseilles, they must have been well acquainted with at least the northern part of this peninsula, to which they gave the names of Iberia and Celtiberia, from two nations who then inhabited the country, and of Hesperia, from its extreme situation in the west of the then known world. The name Hispania, from which its modern appellation Spain. is derived, was bestowed on it by the Romans; but the etymology of this name is uncertain.

The Aborigines of Spain were doubtless a Celtic tribe, which probably passed into this peninsula from the adjoining continent of Gaul, though at a very early period they appear to have been mixed with a colony of Mauritani, or Moors from the coast of Africa. The Celtic inhabitants, or Cetiberi, seem to have possessed the north-east of the peninsula, while the Mauritani occupied the southern and south-western districts.

Nothing certain is known respecting the early state of Spain, till the commencement of the first Punic war between the Romans and the Carthaginians, in the middle of the third century before Christ. Not long before this date, probably at the beginning of the century, the latter people had possessed themselves of Catalonia, when their general Hamilcar Barcas is said to have founded the city of Barceno, the modern Barcelona. The Carthaginian colony, however, seems to have been rather a mercantile than a warlike settlement, and the Celtiberi were more the allies than the subjects of their African neighbours. Of the contests carried on between the Carthaginians and the Romans, till the final subjugation of the former, and the consequent occupation of all their territories by the Roman republic, we have given an account under the articles Carthage and Rome. We shall here briefly consider the state of Spain at the time of its occupation by the Romans, and relate the events to which that occupation gave rise, and which are less connected with the more immediate transactions of the Punic wars.

At the time of the Roman conquest, Spain, though prodigious quantities of silver had been carried out of it by the Carthaginians and Tyrians, was yet a very rich country. In the most ancient times, indeed, its riches are said to have exceeded what is related of the most wealthy country in America. Aristotle assures us, that when the Phoenicians first arrived in Spain, they exchanged their naval commodities for such immense quantities of silver, that their ships could neither contain nor sustain its load, though they used it for ballast, and made their anchors and other implements of silver. When the Carthaginians first came to Spain, they found the quantity of silver nothing lessened, since the inhabitants at that time made all their utensils, and even mangers, of that precious metal. In the time of the Romans this amazing plenty was very much diminished; however, their gleanings were by no means despisable, since in the space of nine years they carried off 111,542 pounds of silver, and 4095 of gold, besides an immense quantity of coin and other things of value (A). The Spaniards were always remarkable for their bravery, and some of Hannibal's best troops were brought from thence; but as the Romans penetrated farther into the country than the Carthaginians had done, they met with nations whose love of liberty was equal to their valour, and whom the whole strength of their empire was scarcely able to subdue. Of these the most formidable were the Numantines, Cantabrians, and Asturians.

In the time of the third Punic war, one Viriathus, a celebrated hunter, and afterwards the captain of a gang of banditti, took upon him the command of some nations who had been in alliance with Carthage, and ventured to oppose the Roman power in that part of Spain called Lusitania, now Portugal. The praetor, named Vetellius, who commanded in those parts, marched against him with 10,000 men; but was defeated and killed, with the loss of 4000 of his troops. The Romans immediately dispatched another praetor with 10,000 foot and 1300 horse: but Viriathus having first cut off a detachment of 4000 of them, engaged the rest in a pitched battle; and having entirely defeated them, reduced great part of the country. Another praetor, who was sent with a new army, met with the same fate; so that, after the destruction of Carthage, the Romans thought proper to send a consul named Quintus Fabius, who defeated the Lusitanians in several battles, and regained two important places which had long been in the hands of the rebels. After the expiration of Fabius's consulship, Viriathus continued the war with his usual success, till the senate thought proper to send against him the consul Q. Caecilius Metellus, an officer of great valour and experience. With him Viriathus did not choose to venture a pitched battle, but contented himself with acting on the defensive; in consequence of which the Romans recovered a great many cities, and the whole of Tarraconian Spain was obliged to submit to their yoke. The other consul, named Servilius, did not meet with the fame successes; his army was defeated in the field, and his camp was nearly taken by Viriathus. Notwithstanding the good fortune of Metellus, however, he could not withstand the intrigues of his countrymen against him, and he was not allowed to finish the war he had begun with so much success. In resentment for this he took all imaginable pains to weaken the army under his command: he disbanded the flower of his troops, exhausted the magazines, let the elephants die, broke in pieces the arrows which had been provided for the Cretan archers, and threw them into a river. Yet, after all, the army which he gave up to his successor Q. Pompeius, consisting of 30,000 foot and 2000 horse, was sufficient to have crushed Viriathus if the general had known how to use it. But, instead of opposing Viriathus with success, the imprudent consul procured much more formidable enemies. The Termantines and Numantines, who had hitherto kept themselves independent, offered very advantageous terms of peace and alliance with Rome; but Pompeius insisted on their delivering up their arms. Upon this war was immediately commenced. The consul with great confidence invested Numantia; but being repulsed with considerable loss, he sat down before Termantia, where he was attended with still worse success. The very first day, the Termantines killed 700 of his legionaries; took a great convoy which was coming to

(A) In this account we must allow something for the exaggerations of fabulous historians. There is no doubt, however, that Spain was at this time immensely rich, and if we may believe Strabo, there was then a mine near Carthage which yielded every day 25,000 drams of silver, or about 300,000l. per annum. the Roman camp: and having defeated a considerable body of their horse, pushed them from post to post till they came to the edge of a precipice, where they all tumbled down, and were dashed to pieces. In the mean time Servilius, who had been continued in his command with the title of proconsul, managed matters so ill, that Viriathus surrounded him on all sides, and obliged him to sue for peace. The terms offered to the Romans were very moderate; being only that Viriathus should keep the country he at that time possessed, and the Romans remain masters of all the rest. This peace the proconsul was very glad to sign, and afterwards procured its ratification by the senate and people of Rome.

The next year Q. Pompeius was continued in his command against the Numantines in Farther Spain, while Q. Servilius Caepio, the new consul, had for his province Hither Spain, where Viriathus had established his new state. Pompeius undertook to reduce Numantia by turning aside the stream of the Durius, now the Douro, by which it was supplied with water; but, in attempting this, such numbers of his men were cut off, that, finding himself unable to contend with the enemy, he was glad to make peace with them on much worse terms than they had offered of their own accord. The peace, however, was ratified at Rome; but in the mean time Caepio, desirous of showing his prowess against the renowned Viriathus, prevailed on the Romans to declare war against him without any provocation. As Caepio commanded an army greatly superior to the Lusitanians, Viriathus thought proper to sue for peace; but finding that Caepio would be satisfied with nothing less than a surrender at discretion, he resolved to stand his ground. In the mean time, the latter having bribed some of the intimate companions of Viriathus to murder him in his sleep, he by that infamous method put an end to a war which had lasted 14 years, very little to the honour of the republic.

After the death of Viriathus, the Romans with like treachery ordered their new consul Popilius to break the treaty with the Numantines. His infamous conduct met with the reward it deserved; the Numantines falling out, put the whole Roman army to flight with such slaughter, that they were in no condition to act during the whole campaign. Mancinus, who succeeded Popilius, met with still worse success; his great army, consisting of 30,000 men, was utterly defeated by 4000 Numantines, and 20,000 of them killed in the pursuit. The remaining 10,000, with their general, were pent up by the Numantines in such a manner that they could neither advance nor retreat, and would certainly have been all put to the sword or made prisoners, had not the Numantines, with a generosity which their enemies never possessed, offered to let them depart upon condition that a treaty should be concluded with them upon very moderate terms. This the consul very willingly promised, but found himself unable to perform. On the contrary, the people not satisfied with declaring his treaty null and void, ordered him to be delivered up to the Numantines. The latter refused to accept him, unless he had along with him the 10,000 men whom they had relieved as before related. At last, after the consul had remained a whole day before the city, his successor Furius, thinking this a sufficient recompense to the Numantines for breaking the treaty, ordered him to be received again into the camp. However, Furius did not choose to engage with such a desperate and resolute enemy as the Numantines had showed themselves; and the war with them was discontinued till the year 133 B.C. when Scipio Aemilianus, the destroyer of Carthage, was sent against them. Against this renowned commander the Numantines with all their valour were then not able to contend. Scipio, having with the utmost care introduced strict discipline among his troops, and reformed the abuses which his predecessors had suffered in their armies, by degrees brought the Romans to face their enemies, which at his arrival they had absolutely refused to do. Having then ravaged all the country round the town, it was soon blocked up on all sides, and the inhabitants began to feel the want of provisions. At last they resolved to make one desperate attempt for their liberty, and either to break through their enemies, or perish in the attempt. With this view they marched out in good order by two gates, and fell upon the works of the Romans with the utmost fury. The Romans, unable to stand this desperate shock, were on the point of yielding, when Scipio, hastening to the places attacked, with no fewer than 25,000 men, the unhappy Numantines were at last driven into the city, where they sustained for a little longer the miseries of famine. Finding at last, however, that it was altogether impossible to hold out, it was resolved by the majority to submit to the pleasure of the Roman commander. But this resolution was not universally approved. Miserable Many flung themselves up in their houses, and died of hunger, while even those who had agreed to surrender peoples repented their offer, and setting fire to their houses, perished in the flames with their wives and children, so that not a single Numantine was left alive to grace the triumph of the conqueror of Carthage.

After the destruction of Numantia, the whole of Spain submitted to the Roman yoke; and nothing remarkable happened till the times of the Cimbri, when a praetorian army was cut off in Spain by the Lusitanians. From this time nothing remarkable occurs in the history of Spain till the civil war between Marius and Sylla. The latter having crushed the Marian faction, as related under the article ROME, prohibited all those that had sided against him, whom he could not immediately destroy. Among these was Sertorius, a man of consummate valour and experience in war. He had been appointed praetor of Spain by Marius; and upon the overthrow of Marius, retired to that province. Sylla no sooner heard of his arrival in that country, than he sent thither one Caius Annius with a powerful army to drive him out. As Sertorius had but few troops along with him, he dispatched one Julius Salinator with a body of 6000 men to guard the passes of the Pyrenees, and to prevent Annius from entering the country. But Salinator having been treacherously murdered by assassins hired by Annius for that purpose, he no longer met with any obstacle; and Sertorius was obliged to embark for the coast of Africa with 3000 men, being all Is driven out, and he had now remaining. With these he landed in Mauritania; but as his men were straggling carelessly about, many hard great numbers of them were cut off by the Barbarians. This new misfortune obliged Sertorius to re-embarke for Spain; but finding the whole coast lined with the troops of Annius, he put to sea again, not knowing what course to steer. In this new voyage he met with a small fleet of Cilician pirates; and having prevailed Spain. with them to join him, he made a descent on the coast of Iviça, overpowered the garrison left there by Annius, and gained a considerable booty. On the news of this victory Annius set sail for Iviça, with a considerable squadron, having 5000 land forces on board. Sertorius, not intimidated by the superiority of the enemy, prepared to give them battle. But a violent storm arising, most of the ships were driven on shore and dashed to pieces, Sertorius himself with great difficulty escaping with the small remains of his fleet. For some time he continued in great danger, being prevented from putting to sea by the fury of the waves, and from landing, by the enemy; at last, the storm abating, he passed the straits of Gades, now Gibraltar, and landed near the mouth of the river Betis. Here he met with some seamen newly arrived from the Atlantic or Fortunate islands; and was so charmed with the account which they gave him of those happy regions, that he resolved to retire thither to spend the rest of his life in quiet and happiness. But having communicated this design to the Cilician pirates, they immediately abandoned him, and set sail for Africa, with an intention to assist one of the barbarous kings against his subjects who had rebelled. Upon this Sertorius sailed thither also, but took the opposite side; and having defeated the king named Acalis, obliged him to shut himself up in the city of Tingis, now Tangier, which he closely besieged. But in the mean time Pacianus, who had been sent by Sylla to assist the king, advanced with a considerable army against Sertorius. Upon this the latter, leaving part of his forces before the city, marched with the rest to meet Pacianus, whose army, though greatly superior to his own in number, he entirely defeated; killed the general, and took all his forces prisoners.—The fame of this victory soon reached Spain; and the Lusitanians, being threatened with a new war from Annius, invited Sertorius to head their armies. With this request he very readily complied, and soon became very formidable to the Romans. Titus Didius, governor of that part of Spain called Barcia, first entered the lists with him; but he being defeated, Sylla next dispatched Metellus, reckoned one of the best commanders in Rome, to stop the progress of this new enemy. But Metellus, notwithstanding all his experience, knew not how to act against Sertorius, who was continually changing his situation, putting his army into new forms, and contriving new stratagems. On his first arrival he sent for L. Domitius, then praetor of Hither Spain, to his assistance; but Sertorius being informed of his march, detached Hirtuleius, or Herculeius, his quaestor, against him, who gave him a total overthrow. Metellus then dispatched Lucius Lollius praetor of Narbonne Gaul against Hirtuleius; but he met with no better success, being utterly defeated, and his lieutenant-general killed.

The fame of these victories brought to the camp of Sertorius such a number of illustrious Roman citizens of the Marian faction, that he formed a design of erecting Lusitania into a republic in opposition to that of Rome. Sylla was continually sending fresh supplies to Metellus; but Sertorius with a handful of men, accustomed to range about the mountains, to endure hunger and thirst, and live exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, so harassed the Roman army, that Metellus himself began to be quite discouraged. At last, Sertorius hearing that Metellus had spoken disrespectfully of his courage, challenged his antagonist to end the war by single combat; but Metellus very prudently declined the combat, as being advanced in years; yet this refusal brought upon him the contempt of the unthinking multitude, upon which Metellus resolved to retrieve his reputation by some signal exploit; and Metellus therefore laid siege to Lacobriga, a considerable city in those parts. This he hoped to reduce in two days, as there was but one well in the place; but Sertorius having previously removed all those who could be of no service during the siege, and conveyed 6000 skins full of water into the city, Metellus continued a long time before it without making any impression. At last, his provisions being almost spent, he sent out Aquinas at the head of 6000 men to procure a new supply; but Sertorius falling unexpectedly upon them, cut in pieces or took the whole detachment; the commander himself being the only man who escaped to carry the news of the disaster: upon which Metellus was obliged to raise the siege with disgrace.

And now Sertorius, having gained some intervals of civil ease in consequence of the many advantages he had obtained over the Romans, began to civilize his new sub-tanians. Their savage and furious manner of fighting he changed for the regular order and discipline of a well-formed army; he bestowed liberally upon them gold and silver to adorn their arms, and by conversing familiarly with them, prevailed with them to lay aside their own dress for the Roman toga. He sent for all the children of the principal people, and placed them in the great city of Ofca, now Hueca, in the kingdom of Aragon, where he appointed them masters to instruct them in the Roman and Greek learning, that they might, as he pretended, be capable of sharing with him the government of the republic. Thus he made them really hostages for the good behaviour of their parents; however, the latter were greatly pleased with the care he took of their children, and all Lusitanians were in the highest degree attached to their new sovereign. This attachment he took care to heighten by the power of superstition; for having procured a young hind of a milk-white colour, he made it so tame that it followed him wherever he went; and Sertorius gave out to the ignorant multitude, that this hind was inspired by Diana, and revealed to him the designs of his enemies, of which he always took care to be well informed by the great number of spies whom he employed.

While Sertorius was thus employed in establishing his authority, the republic of Rome, alarmed at his successes, resolved to crush him at all events. Sylla was now dead, and all the eminent generals in Rome solicited this honourable though dangerous employment. After much debate a decree was passed in favour of Pompey the Great, but without recalling Metellus. In the mean time, the troops of one Perperna, or Perperna, had, in spite of all that their general could do, abandoned him, and taken the oath of allegiance to Sertorius. This was a most signal advantage to Sertorius; for Perperna commanded an army of 33,000 men, and had come into Spain with a design to settle there as Sertorius had done; but as he was descended from one of the first families of Rome, he thought it below his dignity to serve under any general, however eminent he might be. But the troops of Perperna were of a different opinion; and therefore declaring that they would serve none but a general who could defend himself, they to a man joined Sertorius; upon which Perperna himself finding he could do no better, consented to serve also as a subaltern.

On the arrival of Pompey in Spain, several of the cities which had hitherto continued faithful to Sertorius began to waver: upon which the latter resolved, by some signal exploit, to convince them that Pompey could no more screen them from his resentment than Metellus. With this view he laid siege to Lauren, now Lirias, a place of considerable strength. Pompey, not doubting but he should be able to raise the siege, marched quite up to the enemy's lines, and found means to inform the garrison that those who besieged them were themselves besieged, and would soon be obliged to retire with loss and disgrace. On hearing this message, "I will teach Sylla's disciple (said Sertorius), that it is the duty of a general to look behind as well as before him." Having thus spoken, he sent orders to a detachment of 6000 men, who lay concealed among the mountains, to come down and fall upon his rear if he should offer to force the lines. Pompey, surprised at their sudden appearance, durst not stir out of his camp; and in the mean time the besieged, despairing of relief, surrendered at discretion; upon which Sertorius granted them their lives and liberty, but reduced their city to ashes.

While Sertorius was thus successfully contending with Pompey, his questor Hirtuleius was entirely defeated by Metellus, with the loss of 42,000 men; upon which Sertorius advanced with the utmost expedition to the banks of the Sucro in Tarraconian Spain, with a design to attack Pompey before he could be joined by Metellus. Pompey, on his part, did not decline the combat; but, fearing that Metellus might share the glory of the victory, advanced with the greatest expedition. Sertorius put off the battle till towards the evening; Pompey, though he knew that the night would prove disadvantageous to him, whether vanquished or victorious, because his troops were unacquainted with the country, resolved to venture an engagement, especially as he feared that Metellus might arrive in the mean time, and rob him of part of the glory of conquering so great a commander. Pompey, who commanded his own right wing, soon obliged Perperna, who commanded Sertorius's left, to give way. Hereupon Sertorius himself, taking upon him the command of that wing, brought back the fugitives to the charge, and obliged Pompey to fly in his turn. In his flight he was overtaken by a gigantic African, who had already lifted up his hand to discharge a blow at him with his broad sword; but Pompey prevented him by cutting off his right hand at one blow. As he still continued his flight, he was wounded and thrown from his horse; so that he would certainly have been taken prisoner, had not the Africans who pursued him quarrelled about the rich furniture of his horse. This gave an opportunity to the general to make his escape; so that at length he reached his camp with much difficulty. But in the mean time Arianus, who commanded the left wing of the Roman army, had entirely defeated the wing which Sertorius had left, and even pursued them so close that he entered the camp along with them. Sertorius, returning suddenly, found the Romans busy in plundering the tents; when taking advantage of their situation, he drove them out with great slaughter, and retook the camp. Next day he offered battle a second time to Pompey: but Metellus then coming up with all his forces, he thought proper to decline an engagement with both commanders. In a few days, however, Pompey and Metellus agreed to attack defeated a camp of Sertorius. The event was similar to that of the former battle; Metellus defeated Perperna, and Sertorius routed Pompey. Being then informed of Perperna's misfortune, he hastened to his relief; rallied the fugitives, and repulsed Metellus in his turn, wounded him with his lance, and would certainly have killed him, had not the Romans, alarmed to leave their general in distress, hastened to his assistance, and renewed the fight with great fury. At last Sertorius was obliged to quit the field, and retire to the mountains. Pompey and Metellus hastened to besiege him; but while they were forming their camp, Sertorius broke through their lines, and escaped into Lusitania. Here he soon raised such a powerful army, that the Roman generals, with their united forces, did not think proper to venture an engagement with him. They could not, however, resist the perpetual attacks of Sertorius, who now drove them from place to place, till he obliged them to separate; the one went into Gaul, and the other to the foot of the Pyrenees.

Thus did this celebrated commander triumph over all the power of the Romans; and there is little doubt but he would have continued to make head against all the other generals whom the republic could have sent, had he not been assassinated at an entertainment by the infamous treachery of Perperna, in 73 B. C. after he had made head against the Roman forces for almost 10 years. Pompey was no sooner informed of his death, than, without waiting for any new succours, he marched against the traitor, whom he easily defeated and took prisoner; and having caused him to be executed, thus put an end, with very little glory, to a most dangerous war.

Many of the Spanish nations, however, still continued to bear the Roman yoke with great impatience; and as the civil wars which took place first between Julius Caesar and Pompey, and afterwards between Octavianus and Antony, diverted the attention of the republic from Spain, by the time that Augustus had become sole matter of the Roman empire, they were again in a condition to assert their liberty. The Cantabrians and Asturians were the most powerful and valiant nations at that time in Spain; but, after incredible efforts, they were obliged to lay down their arms, or rather were almost exterminated by Agrippa, as related under these articles.

When the Romans first became masters of the western peninsula of Europe, to which, as we have said, they the Romans gave the name of Hispania, it was divided into two provinces, called Citerior and Ulterior, which were governed, sometimes by praetors, and sometimes by proconsuls. In the distribution of the empire by Augustus, Hispania Citerior contained the modern provinces of Galicia, the Asturias, Biscay, Navarre, Leon, the two Castiles, Aragon, Catalonia, Murcia, and Valencia; and was denominated Provincia Tarraconensis, from the city of Tarragona in Catalonia, which was then the seat of government. Hispania Ulterior was subdivided into Baetica, including the provinces now called Granada Spain. and Andalusia; and Lusitania, comprehending the greatest part of Estremadura, and the modern kingdom of Portugal. The province called Tarraconensis was then inhabited by the following tribes, viz. the Ausetani, occupying the sea coast, at the north-east, between the Ter and the Lobregat, and having for their capital Germa; the Ceretani, inhabiting the district of Cerdana, at the foot of the Pyrenees, whose capital was Julia, the modern Llivia; the Valetani, occupying the sea coast between the rivers Ter and Lobregat, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Ausetani, and whose capital was Barcelona; the Colsetani to the left of the mouth of the Ebro, with Tarragona for their capital; the Locetani, on the left bank of the river Sicoris; the Illergetes, extending from that river to the small stream Gallego, which joins the Ebro near Zaragoza, whose capital was Lerida; the Jacetani in the northern extremity of Aragon, having their seat of government at Jaca; the Valiones in Navarre, and the Vardulli in the modern Guipuzcoa. These nations occupied the southern and eastern parts of the province. The northern was possessed by the Carifii, the Ofrregones, both in Biscay; the Cantabri, cantoned near the source of the Ebro, and along the bay of Biscay; the Affures in Asturias and part of Leon; the Calleuci in Galicia; the Vaccei along the Douro; the Arebaci in Old Castile; the Celtiberi, between the Ebro and the source of the Tagus, and many others of inferior note.

Lusitania was held by three principal tribes, the Lusitani, occupying the greater part of the province, and having for their capital the modern Lisbon; the Vettones and the Celtici.

Baetica was inhabited by the Turdetani, the Turduli, the Bastitani, and the Bafuli.

All these districts, with their principal towns, are minutely treated of by Dr Playfair, in the first volume of his geography.

When incorporated with the Roman empire, Spain partook of its tranquillity, and received in exchange for her liberty, at least wise laws and a mild government. If she could not prevent herself from falling under the dominion of the masters of the world, she was at least the most powerful, the richest, and the happiest province of their empire. Columella has left us an interesting account of her agriculture under the first emperors. The tradition of her ancient population is probably exaggerated, but the ruins of several towns prove it to have been considerable. It was increased by a great many Roman families after the conquest; several legions were established in Spain; 25 colonies were distributed in the most fertile parts of the country, and intermarried with the inhabitants. After a while the Spaniards, seeing in their masters only countrymen, were the first to solicit the rights of Roman citizens, by which they were completely consolidated. Some municipal towns went so far as to desire permission to take the title of colonies, though in the change they lost their independence, nearly in the same manner as certain proprietors of lands under the feudal system converted their domains into fiefs, in order to enjoy the honours attached to them. The government was, in general, milder in Spain than in the other Roman provinces. The administration was carried on in the towns by magistrates named by themselves, and the different provinces were under the superintendence of praetors, proconsuls, and legates or deputies, according to the different eras of the Roman empire; those in their respective departments took care of all the works of public utility, the aqueducts, baths, circuses, and highways, whose magnificent ruins are still existing; but they were principally employed in collecting the revenues of the state, which were singularly analogous to those of the present times. They principally arose from dues, fines, or alienations of property, and the produce of the mines. Spain at that time drew from her own mines the fame riches she now draws from the new world, and they were distributed in nearly the same manner. One part belonged to the state, and the other to the inhabitants of the country, who paid a certain duty on the metals which they procured from the mines. Their returns went on increasing, and depended entirely on the number of hands which could be devoted to work in the mines. An employment, so laborious, however, which required a numerous population, tended to diminish that population by the excessive fatigues which it occasioned. Agriculture also suffered by the accumulation of estates in the hands of a few wealthy landholders. By the little attention paid to it by the proprietors, and by the defects inseparable from the system of cultivation by means of slaves, commerce and industry languished; and Spain, after having shared in the splendour of the Roman empire, was beginning to participate in its decline, when a new calamity, by completing her ruin, prepared her regeneration.

This calamity was the irruption of the northern hordes, which soon involved Spain in the general attack. This province was invaded first by the Franks, who in the third century had entered Gaul with a formidable force.

The Rhine, though dignified by the title of Safeguard of the Provinces, was an imperfect barrier against the daring spirit of enterprise with which the Franks were actuated. Their rapid devastations stretched from the river to the foot of the Pyrenees; nor were they stopped by those mountains. Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to resist the inroads of the Germans. During 12 years, the greatest part of the reign of Gallienus, that opulent country was the theatre of unequal and destructive hostilities. Tarragona, the flourishing capital of a peaceful province, was sacked and almost destroyed; and so late as the days of Orosius, who wrote in the 5th century, wretched cottages, scattered amidst the ruins of magnificent cities, still recorded the rage of the barbarians. When the exhausted country no longer supplied a variety of plunder, the Franks seized on some vessels, and retreated to Mauritania.

The situation of Spain, separated, on all sides, from the enemies of Rome, by the sea, by the mountains, and by intermediate provinces, had secured the long tranquillity of that remote and sequestered country; and we may observe, as a sure symptom of domestic happiness, that, in a period of 400 years, Spain furnished very few materials to the history of the Roman empire. The footsteps of the Barbarians, who, in the reign of Gallienus, had penetrated beyond the Pyrenees, were soon obliterated by the return of peace; and in the 4th century of the Christian era, the cities of Emerita or Merida, of Corduba, Seville, Bracara, and Tarragona, were numbered with the most illustrious of the Roman world. The various plenty of the animal, the vegetable, and the mineral kingdoms, was improved and manufactured by the skill of an industrious people; and the peculiar advantages of naval stores contributed to support an extensive and profitable trade. The arts and sciences flourished under the protection of the emperors; and if the character of the Spaniards was enfeebled by peace and servitude, the hostile approach of the Germans, who had spread terror and desolation from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, seemed to rekindle some sparks of military armour. As long as the defence of the mountains was intrusted to the hardy and faithful militia of the country, they successfully repelled the frequent attempts of the Barbarians. But no sooner had the national troops been compelled to resign their post to the Honorian bands, in the service of Constantine, than the gates of Spain were treacherously betrayed to the public enemy, about ten months before the fall of Rome by the Goths. The consciousness of guilt, and the thirst of rapine, prompted the mercenary guards of the Pyrenees to desert their station; to invite the arms of the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Alani; and to swell the torrent which was poured with irresistible violence from the frontiers of Gaul to the sea of Africa. The misfortunes of Spain may be described in the language of its most eloquent historian, who has concisely expressed the passion, and perhaps exaggerated, declamations of contemporary writers. "The irruption of these nations was followed by the most dreadful calamities; as the Barbarians exercised their indiscriminate cruelty on the fortunes of the Romans and the Spaniards; and ravaged with equal fury the cities and the open country. The progress of famine reduced the miserable inhabitants to feed on the flesh of their fellow creatures; and even the wild beasts, who multiplied, without control, in the desert, were exasperated by the taste of blood, and the impatience of hunger, boldly to attack and devour their human prey. Pestilence soon appeared, the inseparable companion of famine; a large proportion of the people was swept away; and the groans of the dying excited only the envy of their surviving friends. At length the Barbarians satiated with carnage and rapine, and afflicted by the contagious evil which they themselves had introduced, fixed their permanent seats in the depopulated country. The ancient Gallicia, whose limits included the kingdom of Old Castile, was divided between the Suevi and the Vandals, the Alani were scattered over the provinces of Carthagena and Lusitania, and from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic ocean; and the fruitful territory of Baetica was allotted to the Silingi, another branch of the Vandalic nation. After regulating this partition, the conquerors contracted with their new subjects some reciprocal engagements of protection and obedience: the lands were again cultivated; and the towns and villages were again occupied by a captive people. The greatest part of the Spaniards was even disposed to prefer this new condition of poverty and barbarism, to the severe opprestions of the Roman government; yet there were many who still asserted their native freedom, and who refused, more especially in the mountains of Galicia, to submit to the barbarian yoke."

The important prefet of the heads of Jovinus and Sebastian, had approved the friendship of Adolphus, and restored Gaul to the obedience of his brother Honorius. Peace was incompatible with the situation and temper of the king of the Goths. He readily accepted the proposal of taming his victorious arms against the barbarians of Spain; the troops of Constantius intercepted his communication with the sea-ports of Gaul, and gently pressed his march towards the Pyrenees. He passed the mountains, and surprised, in the name of the emperor, the city of Barcelona. The fondness of Adolphus for his Roman bride, Placidia, was not abated by time or possession; and the birth of a son, surnamed, from his illustrious grandfather, Theodosius, appeared to fix him for ever in the interest of the republic. The loss of that infant, whose remains were deposited in a silver coffin in one of the churches near Barcelona, afflicted his parents; but the grief of the Gothic king was suspended by the labours of the field: and the course of his victories was soon interrupted by domestic treason. He had imprudently received into his service one of the followers of Sarus; a barbarian of a daring spirit, but of a diminutive stature; whose secret desire of revenging the death of his beloved patron, was continually irritated by the sarcasms of his insolent master. Adolphus was affianced in the palace of Barcelona; the laws of the succession were violated by a tumultuous faction; and a stranger to the royal race, Singeric, the brother of Sarus himself, was seated on the Gothic throne. The first act of his reign was the inhuman murder of the six children of Adolphus, the issue of a former marriage, whom he tore, without pity, from the feeble arms of a venerable bishop. The unfortunate Placidia, instead of the respectful compassion, which might have excited in the most savage breasts, was treated with cruel and wanton insult. The daughter of the emperor Theodosius, confounded among a crowd of vulgar captives, was compelled to march on foot above 12 miles, before the horse of a barbarian, the assassin of a husband whom Placidia loved and lamented.

But Placidia soon obtained the pleasure of revenge; and the view of her ignominious sufferings might rouse an indignant people against the tyrant, who was affianced on the seventh day of his usurpation. After the death of Singeric, the free choice of the nation bestowed the Gothic sceptre on Wallia, whose warlike and ambitious temper appeared, in the beginning of his reign, extremely hostile to the republic. He marched, in arms, from Barcelona to the shores of the Atlantic ocean, which the ancients revered and dreaded as the boundary of the world. But when he reached the southern promontory of Spain, and, from the rock now covered by the fortres of Gibraltar, contemplated the neighbouring and fertile coast of Africa, Wallia returned the designs of conquest, which had been interrupted by the death of Alaric. The winds and waves disappointed the enterprises of the Goths; and the minds of a superstitious people were deeply affected by the repeated disasters of storms and shipwrecks. In this disposition, the successor of Adolphus no longer refused to listen to a Roman ambassador, whose proposals were enforced by the real, or supposed, approach of a numerous army, under the conduct of the brave Constantius. A solemn treaty was stipulated and observed: Placidia was honourably restored to her brother; 600,000 measures of wheat were delivered to the hungry Goths; and Wallia engaged to draw his sword in the service of the empire. A bloody war was instantly excited among the barbarians of Spain; and the contending princes are said to have Spain. have addressed their letters, their ambassadors, and their hostages, to the throne of the western emperor, exhorting him to remain a tranquil spectator of their contest; the events of which must be favourable to the Romans, by the mutual slaughter of their common enemies. The Spanish war was obstinately supported, during three campaigns, with desperate valour, and various success; and the martial achievements of Wallia diffused through the empire the superior renown of the Gothic hero. He exterminated the Silingi, who had irretrievably ruined the elegant plenty of the province of Baetica. He slew in battle the king of the Alani; and the remains of those Scythian wanderers, who escaped from the field, instead of choosing a new leader, humbly sought a refuge under the standard of the Vandals, with whom they were ever afterwards confounded. The Vandals themselves, and the Suevi, yielded to the efforts of the invincible Goths. The promiscuous multitude of barbarians, whose retreat had been intercepted, were driven into the mountains of Galicia, where they still continued, in a narrow compass, and on a barren soil, to exercise their domestic and implacable hostilities. In the pride of victory, Wallia was faithful to his engagements; he restored his Spanish conquests to the obedience of Honorius; and the tyranny of the imperial officers soon reduced an oppressed people to regret the time of their barbarian servitude. While the event of the war was still doubtful, the first advantages obtained by the arms of Wallia, had encouraged the court of Ravenna to decree the honours of a triumph to their feeble sovereign. He entered Rome like the ancient conquerors of nations; and if the monuments of servile corruption had not long since met with the fate which they deserved, we should probably find that a crowd of poets, and orators, of magistrates and bishops, applauded the fortune, the wisdom, and the invincible courage, of the emperor Honorius.

After the retreat of the Goths, the authority of Honorius had obtained a precarious establishment in Spain; except only in the province of Galicia, where the Suevi and the Vandals had fortified their camps, in mutual discord, and hostile independence. The Vandals prevailed; and their adversaries were besieged in the Nervanac hills, between Leon and Oviedo, till the approach of Count Aetius compelled, or rather provoked, the victorious barbarians to remove the scene of the war to the plains of Baetica. The rapid progress of the Vandals soon required a more effectual opposition; and the master-general Coftinus marched against them with a numerous army of Romans and Goths. Vanquished in battle by an inferior enemy, Coftinus fled with dishonour to Tarragona; and this memorable defeat, which has been represented as the punishment, was most probably the effect, of his rash presumption. Seville and Carthagena became the reward, or rather the prey, of the ferocious conquerors; and the vessels which they found in the harbour of Carthagena, might easily transport them to the isles of Majorca and Minorca, where the Spanish fugitives, as in a secure recess, had vainly concealed their families and their fortunes. The experience of navigation, and perhaps the prospect of Africa, encouraged the Vandals to accept the invitation which they received from Count Boniface; and the death of Gonderic served only to forward and animate the bold enterprise. In the room of a prince, not conspicuous for any superior powers of the mind or body, they acquired his bastard brother, the terrible Genferic; a name which, in the destruction of the Roman empire, has deserved an equal rank with the names of Alaric and Attila. Almost in the moment of his departure he was informed, that Hermanric, king of the Suevi, had preluded to ravage the Spanish territories, which he was resolved to abandon. Impatient of the insult, Genferic purposed the hasty retreat of the Suevi as far as Merida; precipitated the king and his army into the river Anas, and calmly returned to the sea shore, to embark his victorious troops. The vessels which transported the Vandals over the modern straits of Gibraltar, a channel only twelve miles in breadth, were furnished by the Spaniards, who anxiously wished their departure; and by the African general, who had implored their formidable assistance.

When Theodoric king of the Visigoths encouraged Avitus to assume the purple, he offered his person and his forces, as a faithful soldier of the republic. The exploits of Theodoric soon convinced the world, that he had not degenerated from the warlike virtues of his ancestors. After the establishment of the Goths in Aquitain, and the passage of the Vandals into Africa, the Suevi who had fixed their kingdom in Galicia, aspired to the conquest of Spain, and threatened to extinguish the feeble remains of the Roman dominion. The provincials of Carthagena and Tarragona, affrighted by an hostile invasion, represented their injuries and their apprehensions. Count Fronto was dispatched, in the name of the emperor Avitus, with advantageous offers of peace and alliance; and Theodoric interposed his weighty mediation, to declare that, unless his brother-in-law, the king of the Suevi, immediately retired, he should be obliged to arm in the cause of justice and of Rome. "Tell him," replied the haughty Rechiarius, "that I despise his friendship and his arms; but that I shall soon try, whether he will dare to expect my arrival under the walls of Thoulose." Such a challenge urged Theodoric to prevent the bold designs of his enemy; He passed the Pyrenees at the head of the Visigoths; the Franks and Burgundians served under his standard; and though he professed himself the dutiful servant of Avitus, he privately stipulated, for himself and his successors, the absolute possession of his Spanish conquests. The two armies, or rather the two nations, encountered each other on the banks of the river Urbicus, about 12 miles from Astorga; and the decisive victory of the Goths appeared for a while to have extirpated the name and kingdom of the Suevi. From the field of battle Theodoric advanced to Braga, their metropolis, which still retained the splendid vestiges of its ancient commerce and dignity. His entrance was not polluted with blood, and the Goths respected the chastity of their female captives, more especially of the consecrated virgins; but the greatest part of the clergy and people were made slaves, and even the churches and altars were confounded in the universal pillage. The unfortunate king of the Suevi, had escaped to one of the ports of the ocean; but the obstinacy of the winds opposed his flight; he was delivered to his implacable rival; and Rechiarius, who neither desired nor expected mercy, received, with manly constancy, the death which he would probably have inflicted. After this bloody sacrifice to policy or resentment, Theodoric carried his victorious arms as far as Merida, the principal town of Lusitania, without meeting any resistance, except from the miraculous powers of St Eulalia; but he was stopped in the full career of success, and recalled from Spain, before he could provide for the security of his conquests. In his retreat towards the Pyrenees, he revenged his disappointment on the country through which he passed; and in the lack of Pallentia and Astorga, he showed himself a faithless ally, as well as a cruel enemy.

Recared was the first Catholic king of Spain. He had imbibed the faith of his unfortunate brother, and he supported it with more prudence and success. Instead of revolting against his father, Recared patiently expected the hour of his death. Instead of condemning his memory, he piously supposed, that the dying monarch had abjured the errors of Arianism, and recommended to his son the conversion of the Gothic nation. To accomplish that salutary end, Recared convened an assembly of the Arian clergy and nobles, declared himself a Catholic, and exhorted them to imitate the example of their prince. The laborious interpretation of doubtful texts, or the curious pursuit of metaphysical arguments, would have excited endless controversy; and the monarch discreetly proposed to his illiterate audience, two substantial and visible arguments, the testimony of Earth and of Heaven. The Earth had submitted to the Nicene synod: the Romans, the Barbarians, and the inhabitants of Spain, unanimously professed the same orthodox creed; and the Visigoths retired, almost alone, the consent of the Christian world. A superstitious age was prepared to reverence, as the testimony of Heaven, the preternatural cures which were performed by the skill or virtue of the Catholic clergy; the baptismal fonts of Oset in Bretica, which were spontaneously replenished each year, on the vigil of Easter; and the miraculous shrine of St Martin of Tours, which had already converted the Sueve prince and people of Gallicia. The Catholic king encountered some difficulties on this important change of the national religion. A conspiracy, secretly fomented by the queen-dowager, was formed against his life; and two counts excited a dangerous revolt in the Narbonnese Gaul. But Recared disarmed the conspirators, defeated the rebels, and executed severe justice; which the Arians, in their turn, might brand with the reproach of persecution. Eight bishops, whose names betray their Barbaric origin, abjured their errors; and all the books of Arian theology were reduced to ashes, with the house in which they had been purposely collected. The whole body of the Visigoths and Suevi were allured or driven into the pale of the Catholic communion; the faith, at least, of the rising generation, was fervent and sincere; and the devout liberality of the Barbarians enriched the churches and monasteries of Spain. Seventy bishops assembled in the council of Toledo, received the submission of their conquerors; and the zeal of the Spaniards improved the Nicene creed, by declaring the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the Father, a weighty point of doctrine, which produced, long afterwards, the schism of the Greek and Latin churches. The royal prolecyte immediately saluted and consulted Pope Gregory, furnamed the Great, a learned and holy prelate, whose reign was distinguished by the conversion of heretics and infidels. The ambassadors of Recared respectfully offered on the threshold of the Vatican his rich present of gold and gems: they accepted, as a lucrative exchange, the hairs of St John the Baptist; a cross, which included a small piece of the true wood; and a key, that contained some particles of iron which had been scraped from the chains of St Peter.

After their conversion from idolatry or heresy, the Legitimate Franks and the Visigoths were disposed to embrace, with equal submission, the inherent evils, and the accidental benefits of superstition. But the prelates of Spain, France, long before the extinction of the Merovingian race, had degenerated into fighting and hunting barbarians. They disliked the use of synods, forgot the laws of temperance and chastity, and preferred the indulgence of private ambition and luxury, to the greatest interest of the sacred profession. The bishops of Spain respected themselves, and were respected by the public: their indissoluble union disguised their vices, and confirmed their authority; and the regular discipline of the church introduced peace, order, and stability into the government of the state. From the reign of Recared, the first Catholic king, to that of Witiza, the immediate predecessor of the unfortunate Roderic, fifteen national councils were successively convened. The six metropolitans, Toledo, Seville, Merida, Braga, Tarragona and Narbonne, presided according to their respective seniority; the assembly was composed of their suffragan bishops, who appeared in person, or by their proxies; and a place was assigned to the most holy, or opulent, of the Spanish abbots. During the first three days of the convocation, as long as they agitated the ecclesiastical questions of doctrine and discipline, the profane laity was excluded from their debates; which were conducted, however, with decent solemnity. But, on the morning of the fourth day, the doors were thrown open for the entrance of the great officers of the palace, the dukes and counts of the provinces, the judges of the cities, and the Gothic nobles; and the decrees of Heaven were ratified by the consent of the people. The same rules were observed in the provincial assemblies, the annual synods, which were empowered to hear complaints, and to redress grievances; and a legal government was supported by the prevailing influence of the Spanish clergy. The bishops who, in each revolution, were prepared to flatter the victorious, and to inflame the prostrate, laboured, with diligence and success, to kindle the flames of persecution, and to exalt the mitre above the crown. Yet the national councils of Toledo, in which the free spirit of the Barbarians was tempered, and guided by episcopal policy, have established some prudent laws for the benefit of the king and people. The vacancy of the throne was supplied by the choice of the bishops and palatines; and after the failure of the line of Alaric, the regal dignity was still limited to the pure and noble blood of the Goths. The clergy, who anointed their lawful prince, always recommended, and sometimes practised, the duty of allegiance; and the spiritual censures were denounced on the heads of the impious subjects, who should resist his authority, conspire against his life, or violate, by an indecent union, the chastity even of his widow. But the monarch himself, when he ascended the throne, was bound by a reciprocal oath to God and his people, that he would faithfully execute his important trust. The real or imaginary faults of his administration were subject to the control of a powerful aristocracy; and the bishops and palatines were guarded by a fundamental privilege that they should not be degraded, imprisoned, tortured, nor punished with death, exile, or confiscation, unless by the free and public judgment of their peers.

One of these legislative councils of Toledo, examined and ratified the code of laws which had been compiled by a succession of Gothic kings, from the fierce Eurice, to the devout Egica. As long as the Visigoths themselves were satisfied with the rude customs of their ancestors, they indulged their subjects of Aquitaine and Spain in the enjoyment of the Roman law. Their gradual improvement in arts, in policy, and at length in religion, encouraged them to imitate, and to supercede, these foreign institutions, and to compose a code of civil and criminal jurisprudence, for the use of a great and united people. The same obligations, and the same privileges, were communicated to the nations of the Spanish monarchy; and the conquerors, insensibly renouncing the Teutonic idioms, submitted to the restraints of equity, and exalted the Romans to the participation of freedom. The merit of this impartial policy was enhanced by the situation of Spain, under the reign of the Visigoths. The provincials were long separated from their Arian masters, by the irreconcilable difference of religion. After the conversion of Recared had removed the prejudices of the Catholics, the coasts, both of the ocean and Mediterranean, were still possessed by the Eastern emperors, who secretly excited a discontented people to reject the yoke of the barbarians, and to assert the name and dignity of Roman citizens. The allegiance of doubtful subjects is indeed most effectually secured by their own persuasion, that they hazard more in a revolt, than they can hope to obtain by a revolution; but it has appeared so natural to oppress those whom we hate and fear, that the contrary system well deserves the praise of wisdom and moderation.

The Gothic princes continued to reign over a considerable part of Spain till the beginning of the 8th century, when their empire was overthrown by the Saracens. During this period, they had entirely expelled the eastern emperors from what they possessed in Spain, and even made considerable conquests in Barbary; but towards the end of the 7th century the Saracens overran all that part of the world with a rapidity which nothing could resist; and having soon possessed themselves of the Gothic dominions in Barbary, they made a descent upon Spain about the year 711 or 712. The king of the Goths at that time was called Roderic, and by his bad conduct had occasioned great disaffection among his subjects. He therefore determined to put all to the issue of a battle, knowing that he could not depend upon the fidelity of his own people if he allowed the enemy time to tamper with them. The two armies met in a plain near Xeres in Andalusia. The Goths began the attack with great fury; but though they fought like men in despair, they were at last defeated with excessive slaughter, and their king himself was supposed to have perished in the battle, being never more heard of.

By this battle the Moors in a short time rendered themselves masters of almost all Spain. The poor remains of the Goths were obliged to retire into the mountainous parts of Asturias, Burgos, and Biscay; the inhabitants of Aragon, Catalonia, and Navarre, though they might have made a considerable stand against the enemy, chose for the most part to retire into France. In 718, however, the power of the Goths began again to revive under Don Pelagio or Pelayo, aof the prince of the royal blood, who headed those that had retired to the mountains after the fatal battle of Xeres. The place where he first laid the foundation of his government was in the Alturas, in the province of Liebana, about nine leagues in length and four in breadth. This is the most inland part of the country, full of mountains enormously high, and so much fortified by nature, that its inhabitants are capable of resisting almost any number of invaders. Alakor the Saracen governor was no sooner informed of this revival of the Gothic kingdom, than he sent a powerful army, under the command of one Alchaman, to crush Don Pelagio before he had time to establish his power. The King, though his forces were sufficiently numerous (every one of his subjects arrived at man's estate being a soldier), did not think proper to venture a general engagement in the open field; but taking post with part of them himself in a cavern in a very high mountain, he concealed the rest among precipices, giving orders to them to fall upon the enemy as soon as they should perceive him attacked by them. These orders were punctually executed, though indeed Don Pelagio himself had repelled his enemies, but not without a miracle, as the Spanish historians pretend. The slaughter was dreadful; for the troops who lay in ambuscade joining the rest, and rolling down huge stones from the mountains upon the Moors (the name by which the Saracens were known in Spain), no fewer than 124,000 of these unhappy people perished in one day. The remainder fled till they were stopped by a river, and beginning to coast it, part of a mountain suddenly fell down, stopped up the channel of the river, and either crushed or drowned, by the sudden rising of the water, almost every one of that vast army.

The Moors were not so much disheartened by this defeat, but that they made a second attempt against Don Pelagio. Their success was as bad as ever, the greatest part of their army being cut in pieces or taken; in consequence of which, they left all the Asturias, and never dared to enter the lifts with Pelagio afterwards. Indeed, their bad success had in a great measure taken from them the desire of conquering a country where little or nothing was to be gained; and therefore they rather directed their force against France, where they hoped for more plunder. Into this country they poured in prodigious multitudes; but were utterly defeated, in 732, by Charles Martel, with the loss of 300,000 men, as the historians of those times pretend.

The subsequent history of Spain is rendered so confused by the numerous kingdoms that were established either by the Christians or the Moors, that some chronological guide is necessary to make it intelligible. Before pursuing the thread of the narration, we shall lay before our readers the following chronological table of the cotemporary monarchs from Pelagio to Ferdinand VII. Chronological Table of the Kings of Spain.

<table> <tr> <th>Year.</th> <th>Asturias and Leon.</th> <th>Castile.</th> <th>Aragon.</th> <th>Navarre.</th> <th>Saracens.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>718</td> <td>Pelagius.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>737</td> <td>Favila.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>739</td> <td>Alphonso I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>755</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Abdoulrahman I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>758</td> <td>Froila I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>768</td> <td>Aurelio.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>774</td> <td>Silo.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Hiflem.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>783</td> <td>Mauregat.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Hachem.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>788</td> <td>Bermudo I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>791</td> <td>Alphonso II.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>795</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>822</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>845</td> <td>Ramiro I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Abdoulrahman II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>851</td> <td>Ordogno I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Garcias Ximenes.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>853</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Mahomet.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>862</td> <td>Alphonso III.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Fortunio I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>880</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Almundar.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>886</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Abdallah.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>888</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>905</td> <td>Garcias.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Sancho I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>910</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Abdoulrahman III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>912</td> <td>Ordogno II.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>913</td> <td>Froila II.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>923</td> <td>Alphonso IV.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Garcias II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>926</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>927</td> <td>Ramiro II.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>950</td> <td>Ordogno III.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>956</td> <td>Sancho.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Alhacan.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>961</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>967</td> <td>Ramiro III.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>976</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Hiflem.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>978</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Sancho II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>982</td> <td>Bermudo II.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Garcias III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>994</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>999</td> <td>Alphonso V.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1000</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Sancho III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1014</td> <td>Bermudo III.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Cordova overthrown</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1027</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1035</td> <td>Sancho I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Ramiro I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1037</td> <td>Ferdinand I. of Castile.</td> <td>Ferdinand I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Garcias IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1054</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Sancho IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1063</td> <td>Sancho II.</td> <td>Sancho I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1067</td> <td>Alphonso VI.</td> <td>Alphonso I.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Sancho V.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1076</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Pedro I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1094</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td>Pedro I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1104</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1109</td> <td>Urraca.</td> <td>Alphonso II.</td> <td>Alphonso I.</td> <td>Alphonso I.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1112</td> <td>Alphonso VII.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> </table> <table> <tr> <th>Year.</th> <th>Asturias and Leon.</th> <th>Castile.</th> <th>Aragon.</th> <th>Navarre.</th> <th>Saracens.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>1126</td> <td>Alphonso VIII.</td> <td>Alphonso III.</td> <td>Ramiro II.<br>Petronilla.</td> <td>Garcias V.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1134</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Sancho VI.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1157</td> <td>Ferdinand II.</td> <td>Sancho II.<br>Alphonso IV.</td> <td>Alphonso II.</td> <td>Sancho VII.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1188</td> <td>Alphonso IX.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Pedro II.</td> <td>-</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1213</td> <td>-</td> <td>Henry.</td> <td>James I.</td> <td>-</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1217</td> <td>-</td> <td>Berenger. Ferd. I.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Thibaut I.</td> <td>Mahomet.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1236</td> <td>-</td> <td>Alphonso V.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Thibaut II.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1253</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Henry.</td> <td>Muley.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1273</td> <td>-</td> <td>Sancho III.</td> <td>Pedro III.</td> <td>Joanna.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1295</td> <td>-</td> <td>Ferdinand II.</td> <td>Alphonso III.<br>James II.</td> <td>-</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1302</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Lewis.</td> <td>Mahomet II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1310</td> <td>-</td> <td>Alphonso VI.</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Nazer.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1315</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Philip.</td> <td>Ismael.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1326</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Alphonso IV.</td> <td>Joanna II.</td> <td>Mahomet III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1336</td> <td>-</td> <td>Pedro.</td> <td>Pedro IV.</td> <td>Charles II.</td> <td>Juzaf I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1349</td> <td>-</td> <td>Henry II.</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Lago I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1374</td> <td>-</td> <td>John.</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Mahomet IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1390</td> <td>-</td> <td>Henry III.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Charles III.</td> <td>Mahomet V.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1395</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Martin.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Juzaf II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1396</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Balba.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1404</td> <td>-</td> <td>John II.</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Juzaf III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1412</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Ferdinand I.<br>Alphonso V.</td> <td>-</td> <td>Elaziri.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1423</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Blanche.</td> <td>Zagair.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1427</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>Juzaf IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1441</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>John.</td> <td>Ben Osmin.</td> </tr> </table> <table> <tr> <th>Year</th> <th>Asturias and Leon.</th> <th>Castile.</th> <th>Aragon.</th> <th>Navarre.</th> <th>Saracens.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>1450</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Henry IV.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Ifmael.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1453</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1468</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>John II.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1499</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Ferdinand II.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1474</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Isabella and Ferdinand V.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1475</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Eleonora.</td> <td>Abilhuffan.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1479</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Francis.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1483</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Catherine.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1485</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>John.</td> <td>Abouabdalla.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1504</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Joan.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1506</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Philip I.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1516</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Charles I.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Henry.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1554</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Joanna III.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1556</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Philip II.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Anthony.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1572</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Henry.</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>1598</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>Philip III.</td> <td>- - -</td> <td>- - -</td> <td></td> </tr> </table>

Kings of Spain.

<table> <tr> <th>Years.</th> <th>Monarchs.</th> </tr> <tr> <th colspan="2">HOUSE OF AUSTRIA.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>1516</td> <td>Charles I. (V.).</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1556</td> <td>Philip II.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1598</td> <td>Philip III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1621</td> <td>Philip IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1665</td> <td>Charles II.</td> </tr> <tr> <th colspan="2">HOUSE OF BOURBON.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>1700</td> <td>Philip V.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1723</td> <td>Louis I.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1724</td> <td>Philip V. again.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1746</td> <td>Ferdinand VI.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1759</td> <td>Charles III.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1788</td> <td>Charles IV.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>1808</td> <td>Ferdinand VII.</td> </tr> </table>

Don Pelagio died in 737; and soon after his death such intestine divisions broke out among the Moors, as greatly favoured the increase of the Christian power. In 745 Don Alonfo the Catholic, son in law to Pelagio, in conjunction with his brother Froila, passed the mountains, and fell upon the northern part of Galicia; and meeting with little resistance, he recovered almost the whole of that province in a single campaign. Next year he invaded the plains of Leon and Castile; and before the Moors could assemble any force to oppose him, he reduced Astorgas, Leon, Saldagna, Montes de Oca, Amaya, Alava, and all the country at the foot of the mountains. The year following he pushed his conquests as far as the borders of Portugal, and the next campaign ravaged the country as far as Castile. Being sensible, however, that he was yet unable to defend the flat country which he had conquered, he laid the whole of it waste, obliged the Christians to retire to the mountains, and carried off all the Moors for slaves. Thus secured by a desert frontier, he met with no interruption for some years; during which time, as his kingdom advanced in strength, he allowed his subjects gradually to occupy part of the flat country, and to rebuild Leon and Astorgas, which he had demolished. He died in 758, and was succeeded by his son Don Froila. In his time Abdoulrahman, the khalif's vice-roy in Spain, threw off the yoke, and rendered himself independent, fixing the seat of his government at Cordova. Thus the intestine divisions among the Moors were composed; yet their success seems to have been little better than before; for, soon after, Froila encountered the Moors with such success, that 54,000 of them were killed on the spot, and their general taken prisoner. Soon after he built the city of Oviedo, which he made the capital of his dominions, in order to be in a better condition to defend the flat country, which he now determined to people.

In the year 850, the power of the Saracens received another blow by the rise of the kingdom of Navarre. This kingdom, we are told, took its origin from an accidental meeting of gentlemen, to the number of 600, at the tomb of an hermit named John, who had died among the Pyrenees. At this place, where they had met on account of the supposed sanctity of the deceased, they took occasion to converse on the cruelty of the Moors, the miseries to which the country was exposed, and the glory that would result from throwing off their yoke; which, they supposed, might easily be done, by reason of the strength of their country. On mature deliberation, the project was approved; one Don Garcia Ximenes was appointed king, as being of illustrious birth, and looked upon as a person of great abilities. He recovered Ainsa, one of the principal towns of the country, out of the hands of the infidels, and his successor Don Garcia Inigas extended his territories as far as Biscay; however, the Moors still possessed Portugal, Murcia, Andalusia, Valencia, Granada, Tortosa, with the interior part of the country as far as the mountains of Castile and Zaragoza. Their internal dissensions, which revived after the death of Abdoulrahman, contributed greatly to reduce the power of the infidels in general. In 783, Charles the Great being invited by some discontented Moorish governors, entered Spain with two great armies; one passing through Catalonia, and the other through Navarre, where he pushed his conquests as far as the Ebro. On his return he was attacked and defeated by the Moors; though this did not hinder him from keeping possession of all those places he had already reduced. At this time he seems to have been master of Navarre; however, in 831 Count Azner, revolting from Pepin son to the emperor Louis, asserted the independence of Navarre; but the sovereigns did not assume the title of kings till the time of Don Garcia, who began to reign in 857.

In the mean time, the kingdom founded by Don Pelagio, now called the kingdom of Leon and Oviedo, continued to increase rapidly in strength, and many advantages were gained over the Moors, who having two enemies to contend with, lost ground every day. In 921, however, they gained a great victory over the united forces of Navarre and Leon, by which the whole force of the Christians in Spain must have been entirely broken, had not the victors conducted their affairs so wretchedly, that they suffered themselves to be almost entirely cut in pieces by the remains of the Christian army. In short, the Christians became at length so terrible to the Moors, that it is probable they could not long have kept their footing in Spain, had not a great general, named Mohammed Ibn Amir Almanzor, appeared, in 979, to support their sinking cause. This man was visir to the king of Cordova, and being exceedingly provoked against the Christians on account of what his countrymen had suffered from them, made war with the most implacable fury. He took the city of Leon, murdered the inhabitants, and reduced the houses to ashes. Barcelona shared the same fate; Castile was reduced to a desert; Galicia and Portugal ravaged; and he is said to have overcome the Christians in fifty different engagements. At last, having taken and demolished the city of Compostella, and carried off in triumph the gates of the church of St James, a flux happened to break out among his troops, which the perfidious Christians supposed to be a divine judgment on account of his sacrilege. Taking it for granted, therefore, that the Moors were now entirely destitute of all heavenly aid, they fell upon them with such fury in the next engagement, that all the valour and conduct of Almanzor could not prevent a defeat. Overcome with shame and despair at this misfortune, he defied his followers to shift for themselves, while he himself retired to Medina Cceli, and put an end to his life by abstinence in the year 998.

During this period a new Christian principality appeared in Spain, namely that of Castile, which is now divided into the Old and New Castile. The Old Castile was recovered long before that called the New. It was separated from the kingdom of Leon on one side by some little rivers; on the other, it was bounded by the Asturias, Biscay, and the province of Rioja. On the south it had the mountains of Segovia and Avila; thus lying in the middle between the Christian kingdoms of Leon and Oviedo, and the Moorish kingdom of Cordova. Hence this district soon became an object of contention between the kings of Leon and those of Cordova; and as the former were generally victorious, some of the principal Castilian nobility retained their independence under the protection of the Christian kings, even when the power of the Moors was at its greatest height. In 884, we first hear of Don Rodriguez assuming the title of count of Castile, though it does not appear that either his territory or title were given him by the king of Leon. Nevertheless, this monarch having taken upon him to punish some of the Castilian lords as rebels, the inhabitants made a formal renunciation of their allegiance, and set up a new kind of government. The supreme power was now vested in two persons of quality styled judges; however, this method did not long continue to give satisfaction, and the sovereignty was once more vested in a single person. By degrees Castile fell entirely under the power of the kings of Leon and Oviedo; and, in 1037, Don Sancho bestowed it on his eldest son Don Ferdinand, with the title of king; and thus the territories of Castile were first firmly united to those of Leon and Oviedo, and the sovereigns were thenceforth styled kings of Leon and Castile.

Besides all these, another Christian kingdom was set up in Spain about the beginning of the 11th century. Aragon. This was the kingdom of Aragon. The inhabitants were very brave, and lovers of liberty, so that it is probable they had in some degree maintained their independence, even when the power of the Moors was greatest. The history of Aragon, however, during its infancy, is much less known than that of any of the others hitherto mentioned. We are only assured, State of that about the year 1035, Don Sancho, furnishing the Spain in Great, king of Navarre, erected Aragon into a kingdom in favour of his son Don Ramiro, and afterwards it became very powerful. At this time, then, we may truly imagine the continent of Spain divided into two unequal parts by a straight line drawn from east to west, from the coasts of Valencia to a little below the mouth of the Douro. The country north of this belonged to the Christians, who, as yet, had the smallest and least valu- able share, and all the rest to the Moors. In point of wealth and real power, both by land and sea, the Moors were much superior; but their continual disensions greatly weakened them, and every day facilitated the progress of the Christians. Indeed, had either of the parties been united, the other must soon have yielded; for though the Christians did not make war upon each other constantly as the Moors did, their mutual feuds were yet sufficient to have ruined them, had their adversaries made the proper use of the advantages thus afforded them. But among the Moors almost every city was a kingdom; and as these petty sovereignties supported one another very indifferently, they fell a prey one after another to their enemies. In 1080, the king of Toledo was engaged in a war with the king of Seville, another Moorish potentate; which being observed by Alphonso king of Castile, he also invaded his territories; and in four years made himself master of the city of Toledo, with all the places of importance in its neighbourhood; from thenceforth making Toledo the capital of his dominions. In a short time the whole province of New Castile submitted; and Madrid, the present capital of Spain, fell into the hands of the Christians, being at that time but a small place.

The Moors were so much alarmed at these conquests, that they not only entered into a general confederacy against the Christians, but invited to their assistance Mahomet Ben Joseph the sovereign of Barbary. He accordingly came, attended by an incredible multitude; but was utterly defeated by the Christians in the defiles of the Black Mountain, or Sierra Morena, on the borders of Andalusia. This victory happened on the 16th of July 1212, and the anniversary is still celebrated at Toledo. This victory was not improved; the Christian army immediately dispersed themselves, while the Moors of Andalusia were strengthened by the remains of the African army; yet, instead of being taught, by their past misfortunes, to unite among themselves, their disensions became worse than ever, and the conquests of the Christians became daily more rapid. In 1236, Don Ferdinand of Castile and Leon took the celebrated city of Cordova, the residence of the first Moorish kings; at the same time that James I. of Aragon dispossessed them of the island of Majorca, and drove them out of Valencia. Two years after, Ferdinand made himself master of Murcia, and took the city of Seville; and in 1303 Ferdinand IV. reduced Gibraltar.

In the time of Edward III. we find England, for the first time, interfering in the affairs of Spain, on the following occasion. In the year 1284 the kingdom of Navarre had been united to that of France by the marriage of Donna Joanna queen of Navarre with Philip the Fair of France. In 1328, however, the kingdoms were again separated, though the sovereigns of Navarre were still related to those of France. In 1350, Charles, farnamed the Wicked, ascended the throne of Navarre, and married the daughter of John king of France. Notwithstanding this alliance, and that he himself was related to the royal family of France, he secretly entered into a negotiation with England against the French monarch, and even drew into his schemes the dauphin Charles, afterwards farnamed the Wise. The young prince, however, was soon after made fully sensible of the danger and folly of the connections into which he had entered; and, by way of atonement, promised to sacrifice his associates. Accordingly he invited the king of Navarre, and some of the principal nobility of the same party, to a feast at Rouen, where he betrayed them to his father. The most obnoxious were executed, and the king of Navarre was thrown into prison. In this extremity, the party of the king of Navarre had recourse to England. The prince of Wales, farnamed the Black Prince, invaded France, defeated King John at Poictiers, and took him prisoner; which unfortunate event produced the most violent disturbances in that kingdom. The dauphin, now about 19 years of age, naturally assumed the royal power during his father's captivity: but possessed neither experience nor authority sufficient to remedy the prevailing evils. In order to obtain supplies, he assembled the states of the kingdom: but that assembly, instead of supporting his administration, laid hold of the present opportunity to demand limitations of the prince's power, the punishment of past malversations, and the liberty of the king of Navarre. Marcel, provost of the merchants of Paris, and first magistrate of that city, put himself at the head of the unruly populace, and pushed them to commit the most criminal outrages against the royal authority. They detained the dauphin in a kind of captivity, murdered in his presence Robert de Clermont and John de Conflans, marshals of France; threatened all the other ministers with the like fate; and when Charles, who had been obliged to temporize and dissemble, made his escape from their hands, they levied war against him, and openly rebelled. The other cities of the kingdom, in imitation of the capital, shook off the dauphin's authority, took the government into their own hands, and spread the contagion into every province.

Amidst these disorders, the king of Navarre made his escape from prison, and presented a dangerous leader to the furious malecontents. He revived his pretensions to the crown of France; but in all his operations he acted more like a leader of banditti than one who aspired to be the head of a regular government, and who was engaged by his station to endeavour the re-establishment of order in the community. All the French, therefore, who wished to restore peace to their country, turned their eyes towards the dauphin; who, though not remarkable for his military talents, daily gained by his prudence and vigilance the ascendancy over his enemies. Marcel, the feditious provost of Paris, was slain in attempting to deliver that city to the king of Navarre. The capital immediately returned to its duty; the most considerable bodies of the mutinous peasants were dispersed or put to the sword; some bands of military robbers underwent the same fate; and France began once more to assume the appearance of civil government.

John was succeeded in the throne of France by his son Charles-V. a prince educated in the school of adversity, and well qualified, by his prudence and experience, to repair the losses which the kingdom had sustained from the errors of his predecessors. Contrary to the practice of all the great princes of those times, who held nothing in estimation but military courage, he seems to have laid it down as a maxim, never to appear at the head of his armies; and he was the first European monarch that showed the advantage of policy and foresight over a rash and precipitate valour.

Before Charles could think of counterbalancing so Spain. great a power as England, it was necessary for him to remedy the many disorders to which his own kingdom was exposed. He accordingly turned his arms against the king of Navarre, the great disturber of France during that age; and he defeated that prince, and reduced him to terms, by the valour and conduct of Bertrand du Guesclin, one of the most accomplished captains of those times, whom Charles had the discernment to choose as the instrument of his victories. He also settled the affairs of Brittany, by acknowledging the title of Mountfort, and receiving homage for his dominions. But much was yet to be done. On the conclusion of the peace of Bretigny, the many military adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Edward, being dispersed into the several provinces, and possessed of strong holds, refused to lay down their arms, or relinquish a course of life to which they were now accustomed, and by which alone they could earn a subsistence. They associated themselves with the banditti, who were already inured to the habits of rapine and violence; and, under the name of companies and companions, became a terror to all the peaceable inhabitants. Some English and Gascon gentlemen of character were not ashamed to take the command of these ruffians, whose number amounted to near 40,000, and who bore the appearance of regular armies rather than bands of robbers. As Charles was not able by power to redress so enormous a grievance, he was led by necessity, as well as by the turn of his character, to correct it by policy; to discover some method of discharging into foreign countries this dangerous and intestine evil; and an occasion now offered.

Alphonso XI. king of Castile, who took the city of Algezira from the Moors, after a famous siege of two years, during which artillery are said first to have been used by the besieged, had been succeeded by his son Pedro I. named the Cruel; a prince equally perfidious, debauched, and bloody. He began his reign with the murder of his father's mistress, Leonora de Guzman: his nobles fell every day the victims of his severity: he put to death his cousin and one of his natural brothers, from groundless jealousy; and he caufed his queen Blanche de Bourbon, of the blood of France, to be thrown into prison, and afterwards poisoned, that he might enjoy in quiet the embraces of Mary de Padella, with whom he was violently enamoured.

Henry count of Trastamara, the king's natural brother, alarmed at the fate of his family, and dreading his own, took arms against the tyrant; but having failed in the attempt, he fled to France, where he found the minds of men much inflamed against Pedro, on account of the murder of the French princesses. He asked permission of Charles to enlist the companies in his service, and to lead them into Castile against his brother. The French king, charmed with the project, employed du Guesclin in negotiating with the leaders of these banditti. The treaty was soon concluded; and du Guesclin having completed his levies, led the army first to Avignon, where the pope then resided, and demanded, sword in hand, absolution for his ruffian soldiers, who had been excommunicated, and the sum of 250,000 livres for their subsistence. The first was readily promised him, but some difficulty being made with regard to the second, du Guesclin replied, "My fellows, I believe, may make a shift to do without your absolution, but the money is absolutely necessary." His molines then extorted from the inhabitants of the city and its neighbourhood the sum of 100,000 livres, and offered it to du Guesclin. "It is not my purpose (cried that generous warrior) to opprest the innocent people. The pope and his cardinals can spare me double the sum from their own pockets. I therefore insist, that this money be restored to the owners; and if I hear they are defrauded of it, I will myself return from the other side of the Pyrenees, and oblige you to make them restitution." The pope found the necessity of submitting, and paid from his own treasury the sum demanded.

A body of experienced and hardy soldiers, conducted by a able a general, easily prevailed over the king of out, but Castile, whose subjects were ready to join the enemy against their oppressor. Pedro fled from his dominions, the Biscay took shelter in Guienne, and craved the protection of the prince of Wales, whom his father had invested with the sovereignty of the ceded provinces, under the title of the principality of Aquitaine. The prince promised his assistance to the deposed monarch; and having obtained his father's consent, he levied an army, and set out on his enterprise.

The first loss which Henry of Trastamara suffered from the interposition of the prince of Wales, was the recalling of the companies from his service; and so much reverence did they pay to the name of Edward, that great numbers of them immediately withdrew from Spain, and enlisted under his standard. Henry, however, beloved by his new subjects, and supported by the king of Aragon, was able to meet the enemy with an army of 150,000 men, three times the number of those commanded by the Black Prince: yet du Guesclin, and all his experienced officers, advised him to delay a decisive action; so high was their opinion of the valour and conduct of the English hero! But Henry, trusting to his numbers, ventured to give Edward battle on the banks of the Ebro, between Najara and Navarette; where the French and Spaniards were defeated, and the losfs of above 20,000 men, and du Guesclin and other officers of distinction taken prisoners. All Castile, and other realms of Spain, were astounded at the defeat, and submitted to the victor; Pedro was restored to the throne, and Edward returned to Guienne with his usual glory; having not only overcome the greatest general of his age, but restrained the most blood-thirsty tyrant from executing vengeance on his prisoners.

This gallant warrior had soon reason to repent of his connection with a man like Pedro, lost to all sense of virtue and honour. The ungrateful monster refused the stipulated pay to the English forces. Edward abandoned him: he treated his subjects with the utmost barbarity; their animosity was roused against him; and du Guesclin having obtained his ransom, returned to Castile with the count of Trastamara, and some forces levied anew in France. They were joined by the Spanish malecontents; and having no longer the Black Prince to encounter, they gained a complete victory over Pedro I. again in the neighbourhood of Toledo. The tyrant now took refuge in a castle, where he was soon after besieged by defeated, the victors, and taken prisoner in endeavouring to make his escape. He was conducted to his brother Henry; against whom he is said to have rushed in a transport of rage, disarmed as he was. Henry flew him with his own hand, in resentment of his cruelties; and, though a bastard, was placed on the throne of Castile, which he transmitted to his posterity.

There is little doubt that the character of Pedro has been greatly misrepresented, and that what is considered by most historians as tyranny and wanton cruelty, was only an inflexible regard to justice, necessary perhaps, in those days of anarchy and rebellion. Perhaps that unfortunate monarch owes to the hatred of those he meant to reduce to order, much of the obloquy which has been so plentifully bestowed upon him by historians, who have painted him to us as a tyrant so bloody, so wicked, as almost to exceed the bounds of probability. In Andalusia, where he fixed his residence and seemed most to delight, his memory is not held in the same abhorrence. The Sevillian writers speak of him very differently; and instead of his usual appellation of Pedro el cruel, distinguish him by that of el juziciero. It is certain that his bastard-brother and murderer, Henry of Trastamara, was guilty of crimes fully as atrocious as any of those imputed to Pon Pedro; but as he destroyed him, his family and adherents, the friends of the new spurious race of monarchs were left at full liberty to blacken the characters of the adverse party, without the fear of being called to an account for calumny, or even contradicted. Truth is now out of our reach; and for want of proper proofs to the contrary, we must sit down contented with what history has left us; and allow Don Pedro to have been one of the most inhuman butchers that ever disgraced a throne.

After the death of Pedro the Cruel, nothing remarkable happened in Spain for almost a whole century; but the debaucheries of Henry IV. of Castile roused the resentment of his nobles, and produced a most singular insurrection, which led to the aggrandizement of the Spanish monarchy.

This prince, furred with the Impotent, though continually surrounded with women, began his unhappy reign in 1450. He was totally enervated by his pleasures; and every thing in his court conspired to set the Castilians an example of the most abject flattery and most abandoned licentiousness. The queen, a daughter of Portugal, lived as openly with her parasites and her gallants as the king did with his minions and his mistresses. Pleasure was the only object, and effeminacy the only recommendation to favour: the affairs of the state went every day into disorder; till the nobility, with the archbishop of Toledo at their head, combining against the weak and flagitious administration of Henry, arrogated to themselves, as one of the privileges of their order, the right of trying and passing sentence on their sovereign, which they executed in a manner unprecedented in history.

All the malecontent nobility were summoned to meet at Avila: a spacious theatre was erected in a plain without the walls of the town: an image, representing the king, was seated on a throne, clad in royal robes, with a crown on its head, a sceptre in its hand, and the sword of justice by its side. The accusation against Henry was read, and the sentence of deposition pronounced, in presence of a numerous assembly. At the close of the first article of the charge, the archbishop of Toledo advanced, and tore the crown from the head of the image; at the close of the second, the Conde de Placentia snatched the sword of justice from its side; at the close of the third, the Conde de Benavente wrested the sceptre from his hand; and at the close of the last, Don Diego Lopez de Stuniga tumbled it headlong from the throne. At the same instant, Don Alphonso, Henry's brother, a boy of about twelve years of age, was proclaimed king of Castile and Leon in his stead.

This extraordinary proceeding was followed by a civil war, which did not cease till some time after the death of the young prince, on whom the nobles had bestowed the kingdom. The archbishop and his party then continued to carry on war in the name of Isabella the king's sister, to whom they gave the title of Infanta; and Henry could not extricate himself out of these troubles, nor remain quiet upon his throne till he had signed one of the most humiliating treaties ever extorted from a sovereign; he acknowledged his sister Isabella as the only lawful heiress of his kingdom, in prejudice to the rights of his reputed daughter Joan, whom the other malecontents affirmed to be the offspring of an adulterous commerce between the queen and Don la Cueva, heretofore the grand object of the malecontent party now was the marriage of the prince's Isabella, upon which, it was evident, the security of the crown and the happiness of the people must in a great measure depend. The alliance was fought by several princes: the king of Portugal offered her his hand; the king of France demanded her for his brother, and the king of Aragon for his son Ferdinand. The malecontents very wisely preferred the Aragonian prince, and Isabella prudently made the same choice: articles were drawn up; and they were privately married by the archbishop of Toledo.

Henry was enraged at this alliance, which he foresaw would utterly ruin his authority, by furnishing his rebellious subjects with the support of a powerful neighbouring prince. He disinherited his sister, and established the rights of his daughter. A furious civil war defoliated the kingdom. The names of Joan and Isabella resounded from every quarter, and were everywhere the summons to arms. But peace was at length brought about. Henry was reconciled to his sister and Ferdinand; though it does not appear that he ever renewed Isabella's right to the succession: for he affirmed in his last moments, that he believed Joan to be his own daughter. The queen swore to the same effect; and Henry left a testamentary deed, transmitting the crown to this princess, who was proclaimed queen of Castile at Placentia. But the superior fortune and superior arms of Ferdinand and Isabella prevailed: the king of Portugal was obliged to abandon his niece and intended bride, after many ineffectual struggles, and several years of war. Joan retired into a convent; and the death of Leon and Ferdinand's father, which happened about this time, added the kingdoms of Aragon and Sicily to those of An. 1474. Leon and Castile.

Ferdinand and Isabella were persons of great prudence, and, as sovereigns, highly worthy of imitation; but they do not seem to have merited all the praises bestowed upon them by the Spanish historians. They did not live like man and wife, having all things in common under the direction of the husband; but like two princes in close alliance; they neither loved nor hated each other; were seldom in company together; had each a separate council; and were frequently jealous of one another in the administration. But they were inseparably united in their common interests; always acting upon the same principles, and forwarding the same ends. Their first object was the regulation of their government, which the civil wars had thrown into the greatest disorder. Rapine, outrage, and murder, were become so common, as not only to interrupt commerce, but in a great measure to suspend all intercourse between one place and another. These evils the joint sovereigns suppressed by their wise policy, at the same time that they extended the royal prerogative.

About the middle of the 13th century, the cities in the kingdom of Aragon, and after their example those in Castile, had formed themselves into an association, distinguished by the name of the Holy Brotherhood. They exacted a certain contribution from each of the associated towns; they levied a considerable body of troops, in order to protect travellers and pursue criminals; and they appointed judges, who opened courts in various parts of the kingdom. Whoever was guilty of murder, robbery, or any act that violated the public peace, and was seized by the troops of the Brotherhood, was carried before their judges; who, without paying any regard to the exclusive jurisdiction which the lord of the place might claim, who was generally the author or abettor of the injustice, tried, and condemned the criminals. The nobles often murmured against the fatalary institution; they complained of it as an encroachment on one of their most valuable privileges, and endeavoured to get it abolished. But Ferdinand and Isabella, sensible of the beneficial effects of the Brotherhood, not only in regard to the police of their kingdom, but in its tendency to abridge, and by degrees annihilate, the territorial jurisdiction of the nobility, countenanced the institution upon every occasion, and supported it with the whole force of royal authority; by which means the prompt and impartial administration of justice was restored, and with it tranquillity and order returned.

But at the same time that their Catholic majesties (for such was the title they now bore) were giving vigour to their civil government, and securing their subjects from violence and oppression, an intemperate zeal led them to establish an ecclesiastical tribunal, equally contrary to the natural rights of humanity and the mild spirit of the gospel. This was the court of inquisition; which decides upon the honour, fortune, and even the life, of the unhappy wretch who happens to fall under the suspicion of heresy, or a contempt of any thing prescribed by the church, without his knowing, being confronted with his accusers, or permitted either defence or appeal. Six thousand persons were burnt by order of this sanguinary tribunal within four years after the appointment of Torquemada, the first inquisitor-general; and upwards of 100,000 felt its fury. The fame furious and blinded zeal which led to the depopulation of Spain, led also to its aggrandizement.

The kingdom of Granada now alone remained of all the Mahometan possessions in Spain. Princes equally zealous and ambitious were naturally disposed to turn their eyes to that fertile territory, and to think of increasing their hereditary dominions, by expelling the enemies of Christianity, and extending its doctrines. Every thing conspired to favour their project: the Moorish kingdom was a prey to civil wars; when Ferdinand, having obtained the bull of Sixtus IV. authorizing a crusade, put himself at the head of his troops, and entered Granada. He continued the war with rapid success: Isabella attended him in several expeditions; and they were both in great danger at the siege of Malaga; an important city, which was defended with great courage, and taken in 1487. Baza was reduced in 1489, after the loss of 20,000 men. Gaudix and Almeria were delivered up to them by the Moorish king Alzagal, who had first dethroned his brother Alboacen, and afterwards been chafed from his capital by his nephew Abdali. That prince engaged in the service of Ferdinand and Isabella; who, after reducing every other place of eminence, undertook the siege of Granada. Abdali made a gallant defence; but all communication with the country being cut off, and all hopes of relief at an end, he capitulated, after a siege of eight months, on condition that he should enjoy the revenue of certain places in the fertile mountains of Alpujarras; that the inhabitants should retain the undisturbed possession of their houses, goods, and inheritances; the use of their laws, and the free exercise of their religion (a). Thus ended the empire of the Arabs in Spain, after it had continued about 800 years. They introduced the arts and sciences into Europe at a time when it was lost in darkness; they possessed many of the luxuries of life, when they were not even known among the neighbouring nations; and they seem to have given birth to that romantic gallantry which so eminently prevailed in the ages of chivalry, and which, blending itself with the veneration of the northern nations for the softer sex, still particularly distinguishes ancient from modern manners. But the Moors, notwithstanding these advantages, and the eulogies bestowed upon them by some writers, appear always to have been destitute of the essential qualities of a polished people, humanity, generosity, and mutual sympathy.

The overthrow of the last Moorish kingdom was soon followed by the expulsion of the Saracens from Spain. This expulsion did not entirely take place till the 17th century. Vast numbers of the Moors, indeed, oppressed by their conquerors, abandoned a country where they could not reside with comfort and with freedom. From the reign of Ferdinand of Castile, to that of Philip III. of Spain, more than 3,000,000 of those people quitted Spain, and carried with them, not only a great part of their acquired wealth, but that industry and love of labour which are the foundation of national prosperity.

The state of Spain has never been so flourishing at any period of its civilization, as during the period when it was chiefly possessed by the Moors. The first Sara, Spain's seen invaders, and the twenty successive lieutenants of the caliphs of Damascus, were attended by a numerous train of civil and military followers, who preferred a

(b) The particulars of the conquest of Granada are involved in much obscurity. If we were to credit the narrative of Giles Perez, as related by Mr Swinburne, the circumstances which led to that conquest were of a most romantic nature. See Swinburne's Travels, Letter xxi. distant fortune to narrow circumstances at home; the private and public interest was promoted by the establishment of faithful colonies, and the cities of Spain were proud to commemorate the tribe or the country of their eastern progenitors. Ten years after the conquest, a map of the province was presented to the caliph, shewing the seas, the rivers, and the harbours, the inhabitants and cities, the climate, the soil, and the mineral productions of the earth. In the space of two centuries the gifts of nature were improved by agriculture, the manufactures, and the commerce of an industrious people; though the effects of their diligence have been magnified by the idleness of their fancy. The first of the Omniades who reigned in Spain solicited the support of the Christians; and in his edict of peace and protection, he contents himself with a modest imposition of 12,000 ounces of gold, 10,000 pounds of silver, 10,000 horses, as many mules, 1000 cuirasses, with an equal number of helmets and lances. The most powerful of his successors derived from the same kingdom the annual tribute of 12,045,000 dinars or pieces of gold, about 6,000,000l. of sterling money; a sum which, in the 10th century, most probably surpassed the united revenues of the Christian monarchs. His royal seat of Cordova contained 600 mosques, 900 baths, and 200,000 houses; he gave laws to 80 cities of the first, to 300 of the second and third order; and the fertile banks of the Guadalquivir were adorned with 12,000 villages and hamlets. The Arabs might exaggerate the truth; but they created and they describe the most prosperous era of the riches, the cultivation, and the populousness of Spain (c).

The conquest of Granada was followed by the expulsion, or rather the pillage and banishment, of the Jews, who had engrossed all the wealth and commerce of Spain. The inquisition exhausted its rage against these unhappy people, many of whom pretended to embrace Christianity, in order to preserve their property. About the same time their Catholic majesties concluded an alliance with the emperor Maximilian, and a treaty of marriage of America, for their daughter Joan with his son Philip, archduke of Austria and sovereign of the Netherlands. About this time also the contract was concluded with Christopher Columbus for the discovery of new countries; and the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne were agreed to be restored by Charles VIII. of France, before his expedition into Italy. The discovery of America was soon followed by extensive conquests in that quarter, as is related under the articles MEXICO, PERU, CHILI, &c. which tended to raise the Spanish monarchy above any other in Europe.

On the death of Isabella, which happened in 1506, Philip archduke of Austria came to Castile in order to take possession of that kingdom as heir to his mother-in-law; but he dying in a short time after, his son Charles V. afterwards emperor of Germany, became heir to the crown of Spain. His father at his death left the king of France governor to the young prince, and Ferdinand at his death left Cardinal Ximenes sole regent of Castile, till the arrival of his grandson. This man, whose character is no less singular than illustrious, who united the abilities of a great statesman with the abject devotion of a superstitious monk, and the magnificence of a prime minister with the severity of a mendicant, maintained order and tranquillity in Spain, notwithstanding the discontents of a turbulent and high-spirited nobility. When they disputed his right to the regency, he coolly shewed them the testament of Ferdinand, and the ratification of that deed by Charles; but these not satisfying them, and argument proving ineffectual, he led them infensibly towards a balcony, whence they had a view of a large body of troops under arms, and

(c) Abdoulrahman III. monarch of Cordova, surpassed all his predecessors in splendour, riches, and expence; and his subjects vied with each other in profusion and magnificence. Some idea may be entertained of the opulence and grandeur of the Moors of Cordova in the 10th century, by perusing the following enumeration of the presents made to Abdoulrahman by Abumelik his grand vizier, on his appointment to that office. We are told that the minister caused to be brought before the throne, and laid at the feet of his master,

400 lbs. of virgin gold. Ingots of silver to the value of 420,000 sequins. 400 lbs. of lignum aloes, one piece weighing 140 lbs. 300 oz. of ambergris. 300 oz. of camphor. 30 pieces of gold tissue, so rich that none but the caliph could wear it. 10 suits of Khoraffan fables. 100 suits of fur of a less valuable sort. 48 sets of gold and silk long trappings for horses. 4000 lbs. of silk. 30 Persian carpets. 800 iron coats-of-mail for war horses. 1000 shields. 100,000 arrows. 15 led horses of Arabia, as richly caparisoned as those on which the caliph was wont to ride. 100 horses of an inferior price. 20 mules with all their accoutrements. 40 young men, and 20 girls of exquisite beauty, and most sumptuously appalled. This display of riches was accompanied with a most flattering poem, composed by the minister in praise of his sovereign, who in return for his homage, assigned him a pension of 100,000 pieces of gold, about 50,000l. sterling. and a formidable train of artillery. "Behold (said the cardinal) the powers which I have received from his Catholic majesty: by these I govern Castile; and will govern it, till the king, your master and mine, shall come to take possession of his kingdom." A declaration so bold and determined silenced all opposition; and Ximenes maintained his authority till the arrival of Charles in 1517.

The young king was received with universal acclamations of joy; but Ximenes found little cause to rejoice. He was seized with a violent disorder, supposed to be the effect of poison; and when he recovered, Charles, prejudiced against him by the Spanish grandees and his Flemish courtiers, slighted his advice, and allowed him every day to sink into neglect. The cardinal did not bear this treatment with his usual fortitude of spirit. He expected a more grateful return from a prince to whom he delivered a kingdom more flourishing than it had been in any former age, and authority more extensive and better established than the most illustrious of his ancestors had ever possessed. Conscious of his own integrity and merit, he could not therefore refrain from giving vent, at times, to indignation and complaint. He lamented the fate of his country, and foretold the calamities to which it would be exposed from the infelicity, the rapaciousness, and the ignorance of strangers. But in the mean time he received a letter from the king, dismissing him from his councils, under pretence of easing his age of that burden which he had so long and so ably sustained. This letter proved fatal to the minister; for he expired in a few hours after reading it.

While Charles was taking possession of the throne of Spain, in consequence of the death of one grandfather, get Charles another was endeavouring to obtain for him the imperial crown. With this view Maximilian assembled a diet at Augsburg, where he cultivated the favour of the electors by many acts of beneficence, in order to engage them to choose that young prince as his successor. But Maximilian himself never having been crowned by the pope, a ceremony deemed essential in that age, as well as in the preceding, he was considered only as king of the Romans, or emperor elect; and no example occurring in history of any person being chosen successor to a king of the Romans, the Germans, always tenacious of their forms, obstinately refused to confer upon Charles a dignity for which their constitution knew no name.

But though Maximilian could not prevail upon the German electors to choose his grandson of Spain king of the Romans, he had disposed their minds in favour of that prince; and other circumstances, on the death of the emperor, conspired to the exaltation of Charles. The imperial crown had so long continued in the Austrian line, that it began to be considered as hereditary in that family; and Germany, torn by religious disputes, stood in need of a powerful emperor, not only to preserve its own internal tranquillity, but also to protect it against the victorious arms of the Turks, who under Selim I. threatened the liberties of Europe. This fierce and rapid conqueror had already subdued the Mamelukes, and made himself master of Egypt and Syria. The power of Charles appeared necessary to oppose that of Selim. The extensive dominions of the house of Austria, which gave him an interest in the preservation of Germany; the rich sovereignty of the Netherlands and Franche Comté; the entire possession of the great and warlike kingdom of Spain, together with that of Naples and Sicily, all united to hold him up to the first dignity among Christian princes; and the new world seemed only to be called into existence that its treasures might enable him to defend Christendom against the infidels. Such was the language of his partisans.

Francis I. however, no sooner received intelligence of the death of Maximilian, than he declared himself a candidate for the empire; and with no less confidence of success than Charles. He trusted to his superior years and experience; his great reputation in arms; and it was farther urged in his favour, that the impetuosity of the French cavalry, added to the firmness of the German infantry, would prove irresistible, and not only be sufficient, under a warlike emperor, to set limits to the ambition of Selim, but to break entirely the Ottoman power, and prevent it from ever becoming dangerous again to Germany.

Both claims were plausible. The dominions of Francis were less extensive, but more united than those of Charles. His subjects were numerous, active, brave, lovers of glory, and lovers of their king. These were strong arguments in favour of his power, so necessary at this juncture: but he had no natural interest in the Germanic body; and the electors, hearing so much of military force on each side, became more alarmed for their own privileges than the common safety. They determined to reject both candidates, and offered the imperial crown to Frederic, surnamed the Wise, duke of Saxony. But he, undazzled by the splendour of an object courted with so much eagerness, by two mighty monarchs, rejected it with a magnanimity no less singular than great.

"In times of tranquillity (said Frederic), we with speech of an emperor who has no power to invade our liberties; Frederic times of danger demand one who is able to secure our duke of Saxony in safety. The Turkish armies, led by a warlike and victorious monarch, are now assembling: they are ready to pour in upon Germany with a violence unknown in former ages. New conjunctures call for new expedients. The imperial sceptre must be committed to some hand more powerful than mine or that of any other German prince. We possess neither dominions, nor revenues, nor authority, which enable us to encounter such a formidable enemy. Recourse must be had, in this exigency, to one of the rival monarchs. Each of them can bring into the field forces sufficient for our defence. But as the king of Spain is of German extraction, as he is a member and prince of the empire by the territories which descend to him from his grandfather, and as his dominions stretch along that frontier which lies most exposed to the enemy, his claim, in my opinion, is preferable to that of a stranger to our language, to our blood, and to our country." Charles was elected in consequence of this speech in the year 1520.

The two candidates had hitherto conducted their rivalry with emulation, but without emnity. They had even mingled in their competition many expressions of friendship and regard. Francis in particular declared with his usual vivacity, that his brother Charles and he were fairly and openly suitors to the same mistress: "The most affiduous and fortunate (added he) will win her; and the other must rest contented." But the preference was no sooner given to his rival, than Francis discovered discovered all the passions natural to disappointed ambition. He could not suppress his chagrin and indignation at being balked in his favourite pursuit, and rejected, in the face of all Europe, for a youth yet unknown to fame. The spirit of Charles resented such treatment; and from this jealousy, as much as from opposition of interests, arose that emulation between those two great monarchs which involved them in almost perpetual hostilities, and kept their whole age in constant agitation.

Charles and Francis had many interfering claims in Italy; and the latter thought himself bound in honour to restore the king of Navarre to his dominions, unjustly seized by the crown of Spain. They immediately began to negotiate; and as Henry VIII. of England was the third prince of the age in power and in dignity, his friendship was eagerly courted by each of the rivals. He was the natural guardian of the liberties of Europe. Sensible of the consequence which his situation gave him, and proud of his pre-eminence, Henry knew it to be his interest to keep the balance even between the contending powers, and to refrain both, by not joining entirely with either; but he was seldom able to reduce his ideas to practice. Vanity and resentment were the great springs of all his undertakings; and his neighbours by touching these, found an easy way to draw him into their measures, and force him upon many rash and inconsiderate enterprises.

All the impolitic steps in Henry's government must not, however, be imputed to himself; many of them were occasioned by the ambition and avarice of his prime minister and favourite Cardinal Wolsey. This man, who, by his talents and accomplishments, had risen from one of the lowest conditions in life to the highest employments both in church and state, enjoyed a greater degree of power and dignity than any English subject ever possessed, and governed the haughty, presumptuous, and untractable spirit of Henry, with absolute authority. Francis was equally well acquainted with the character of Henry and of his minister. He had successfully flattered Wolsey's pride, by honouring him with particular marks of his confidence, and bestowing upon him the appellations of Father, Tutor, and Governor; and he had obtained the restitution of Tournay, by adding a pension to those respectful titles. He now solicited an interview with the king of England near Calais; in hopes of being able, by familiar conversation, to attach him to his friendship and interest, while he gratified the cardinal's vanity, by affording him an opportunity of displaying his magnificence in the presence of two courts, and of discovering to the two nations his influence over their monarchs. Charles dreaded the effects of this projected interview between two gallant princes, whose hearts were no less susceptible of friendship than their manners were of inspiring it. Finding it impossible, however, to prevent a visit, in which the vanity of all parties was so much concerned, he endeavoured to defeat its purpose, and to pre-occupy the favour of the English monarch, and of his minister, by an act of compliance still more flattering and more uncommon. Relying wholly upon Henry's generosity for his safety, he landed at Dover, in his way from Spain to the Low Countries. The king of England, who was on his way to France, charmed with such an instance of confidence, hastened to receive his royal guest; and Charles, during his short stay, had the address not only to give Henry favourable impressions of his character and intentions, but to detach Wolsey entirely from the interest of Francis. The tiara had attracted the eye of that ambitious prelate; and as the emperor knew that the papacy was the sole point of elevation, beyond his present greatness, at which he could aspire, he made him an offer of his interest on the first vacancy.

The day of Charles's departure, Henry went over to Calais with his whole court, in order to meet Francis. Their interview was in an open plain between Guines and Ardres; where the two kings and their attendants displayed their magnificence with such emulation and profuse expense, as procured it the name of the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Here Henry erected a spacious house of wood and canvas, framed in London, on which, under the figure of an English archer, was the following motto, "He prevails whom I favour;" alluding to his own political situation, as holding in his hands the balance of power among the potentates of Europe. Feats of chivalry, however, parties of gallantry, and such exercises as were in that age reckoned manly or elegant, rather than serious business, occupied the two courts during the time that they continued together, which was 18 days.

After taking leave of this scene of dissipation, the king of England paid a visit to the emperor and Margaret of Savoy at Gravelines, and engaged them to go along with him to Calais; where the artful and politic Charles completed the impression which he had begun to make on Henry and his favourite, and effaced all the friendship to which the frank and generous nature of Francis had given birth. He renewed his affinities of afflicting Wolsey in obtaining the papacy; and he put him in present possession of the revenues belonging to the fees of Badajoz and Palencia in Spain. He flattered Henry's pride, by convincing him of his own importance, and of the justness of the motto which he had chosen; offering to submit to his sole arbitration any difference that might arise between him and Francis.

This important point being secured, Charles repaired Charles invited to Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was solemnly invested with the crown and sceptre of Charlemagne, in presence of a more splendid and numerous assembly than had appeared on any former inauguration. About the same time Solymon the Magnificent, one of the most accomplished, enterprising, and victorious of the Turkish princes, and a constant and formidable rival to the emperor, ascended the Ottoman throne.

The first act of Charles's administration was to appoint a diet of the empire, to be held at Worms, in order to concert with the princes proper measures for checking the progress of "those new and dangerous opinions which threatened to disturb the peace of Germany, and to overturn the religion of their ancestors." The opinions propagated by Luther and his followers were here meant. But all his efforts for that purpose were insufficient, as is related under the articles LUTHER and REFORMATION.

In 1521, the Spaniards, dissatisfied with the departure of their sovereign, whose election to the empire between them they foresaw would interfere with the administration of his own kingdom, and incensed at the avarice of the Flemings, to whom the direction of public affairs had been committed since the death of Cardinal Ximenes, several grandees, in order to shake off this oppression, entered into an association, to which they gave the name of the Santa Junta; and the sword was appealed to as the means of redress. This seemed to Francis a favourable juncture for reinstating the family of John d'Albert in the kingdom of Navarre. Charles was at a distance from that part of his dominions, and the troops usually stationed there had been called away to quell the commotions in Spain. A French army, under Andrew de Foix, speedily conquered Navarre; but that young and inexperienced nobleman, pushed on by military ardour, ventured to enter Castile. The Spaniards, though divided among themselves, united against a foreign enemy, routed his forces, took him prisoner, and recovered Navarre in a shorter time than he had spent in subduing it.

Hostilities thus begun in one quarter, between the rival monarchs, soon spread to another. The king of France encouraged the duke of Bouillon to make war against the emperor, and to invade Luxembourg. Charles, after humbling the duke, attempted to enter France; but was repelled and worsted before Mezieres by the famous Chevalier Bayard, distinguished among his contemporaries by the appellation of The Knight without fear and without reproach; and who united the talents of a great general to the punctilious honour and romantic gallantry of the heroes of chivalry. Francis broke into the Low Countries, where, by an excess of caution, an error not natural to him, he lost an opportunity of cutting off the whole imperial army; and, what was of still more consequence, he disgusted the constable Bourbon, by giving the command of the van to the duke of Alençon.

During these operations in the field, an unsuccessful congress was held at Calais, under the mediation of Henry VIII. It served only to exasperate the parties which it was intended to reconcile. A league was soon after concluded, by the intrigues of Wolsey, between the pope, Henry, and Charles, against France. Leo had already entered into a separate league with the emperor, and the French were fast losing ground in Italy.

The insolence and exactions of Marshal de Lautrec, governor of Milan, had totally alienated the affections of the Milanese from France. They resolved to expel the troops of that nation, and put themselves under the government of Francis Sforza, brother to Maximilian their late duke. In this resolution, they were encouraged by the pope, who excommunicated Lautrec, and took into his pay a considerable body of Swis. The papal army, commanded by Prosper Colonna, an experienced general, was joined by supplies from Germany and Naples; while Lautrec, neglected by his court, and deserted by the Swis in its pay, was unable to make head against the enemy. The city of Milan was betrayed by the inhabitants to the confederates; Parma and Placentia were united to the ecclesiastical state; and of their conquests in Lombardy, only the town of Cremona, the castle of Milan, and a few inconsiderable forts, remained in the hands of the French.

Leo X. received the accounts of this rapid success with such transports of joy, as are said to have brought on a fever, which occasioned his death. The spirit of the confederacy was broken, and its operations suspended by this accident. The Swis were recalled; some other mercenaries disbanded for want of pay; and only the Spaniards, and a few Germans in the emperor's service, remained to defend the duchy of Milan. But Lautrec, who with the remnant of his army had taken shelter in the Venetian territories, destitute both of men and money, was unable to improve this favourable opportunity as he wished. All his efforts were rendered ineffectual by the vigilance and ability of Colonna and his associates.

Meantime much discord prevailed in the conclave. Wolsey's name, notwithstanding all the emperor's magnificent promises, was scarcely mentioned there. Julio de Medici, Leo's nephew, thought himself sure of the election; when, by an unexpected turn of fortune, Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht, Charles's preceptor, who at that time governed Spain in the emperor's name, was unanimously raised to the papacy, to the astonishment of all Europe and the great disgust of the Italians.

Francis, roused by the rising consequence of his rival, resolved to exert himself with fresh vigour, in order to wrest from him his late conquests in Lombardy. Lautrec received a supply of money, and a reinforcement of 10,000 Swis. With this reinforcement he was enabled once more to act offensively, and even to advance within a few miles of the city of Milan; when money again failing him, and the Swis growing mutinous, he was obliged to attack the imperialists in their camp at Bicocca, where he was repulsed with great slaughter, having lost his bravest officers and best troops. Such of the Swis as survived set out immediately for their own country; and Lautrec, despairing of being able to keep the field, retired into France. Genoa, which still remained subject to Francis, and made it easy to execute any scheme for the recovery of Milan, was soon after taken by Colonna: the authority of the emperor and his faction was everywhere established in Italy. The citadel of Cremona was the sole fortress which remained in the hands of the French.

The affliction of Francis for such a succession of misfortunes was augmented by the unexpected arrival of an English herald, who in the name of his sovereign declared war against France. The courage of this excellent prince, however, did not forsake him; though his treasury was exhausted by expensive pleasures, no less than by hostile enterprises, he assembled a considerable army, and put his kingdom in a posture of defence for resisting this new enemy, without abandoning any of the schemes which he was forming against the emperor. He was surprised, but not alarmed, at such a denunciation.

Meanwhile Charles, willing to draw as much advantage as possible from so powerful an ally, paid a second visit to the court of England in his way to Spain, a second where his presence was become necessary. His success exceeded his most languid expectations. He not only gained the entire friendship of Henry, who publicly ratified the treaty of Bruges; but disarmed the resentment of Wolsey, by assuring him of the papacy on Adrian's death; an event seemingly not distant, by reason of his age and infirmities. In consequence of these negotiations an English army invaded France, under the command of the earl of Surrey; who, at the end of the campaign, was obliged to retire, with his forces greatly reduced, reduced, without being able to make himself master of one place within the French frontier. Charles was more fortunate in Spain : he soon quelled the tumults which had there arisen in his absence.

While the Christian princes were thus wasting each other's strength, Solyman the Magnificent entered Hungary, and made himself master of Belgrade, reckoned the chief barrier of that kingdom against the Turkish power. Encouraged by this success, he turned his victorious arms against the island of Rhodes, at that time the seat of the knights of St John of Jerusalem ; and though every prince in that age acknowledged Rhodes to be the great bulwark of Christendom in the east, so violent was their animosity against each other, that they suffered Solyman without disturbance to carry on his operations against that city and island. Lille Adam, the grandmaster, made a gallant defence ; but, after incredible efforts of courage, patience, and military conduct, during a siege of six months, he was obliged to surrender the place, having obtained an honourable capitulation from the sultan, who admired and respected his heroic qualities (see RHODES and MALTA). Charles and Francis were equally ashamed of having occasioned such a loss to Christendom by their contests; and the emperor, by way of reparation, granted to the knights of St John the small island of Malta, where they fixed their residence, and continued long to retain their ancient spirit, though much diminished in power and splendour.

Adrian VI. though the creature of the emperor, and devoted to his interest, endeavoured to assume the impartiality which became the common father of Christendom, and laboured to reconcile the contending princes, that they might unite in a league against Solyman, whose conquest of Rhodes rendered him more formidable than ever to Europe. The Italian states were no less desirous of peace than the pope : and so much regard was paid by the hostile powers to the exhortations of his holiness, and to a bull which he issued, requiring all Christian princes to consent to a truce for three years, that the imperial, the French, and the English ambassadors at Rome, were empowered to treat of that matter ; but while they waited their time in fruitless negociations, their matters were continuing their preparations for war ; and other negociations soon took place. The confederacy against France became more formidable than ever.

The Venetians, who had hitherto adhered to the French interest, formed engagements with the emperor for securing Francis Sforza in the possession of the duchy of Milan ; and the pope, from a persuasion that the ambition of the French monarch was the only obstacle to peace, acceded to the same alliance. The Florentines, the dukes of Ferrara and Mantua, and all the Italian powers, followed this example. Francis was left without a single ally, to resist the efforts of a multitude of enemies, whose armies everywhere threatened, and whose territories encompassed his dominions. The emperor in person menaced France with an invasion on the side of Guienne ; the forces of England and the Netherlands hovered over Picardy, and a numerous body of Germans was preparing to ravage Burgundy.

The dread of so many and such powerful adversaries, it was thought, would have obliged Francis to keep wholly on the defensive, or at least have prevented him from entertaining any thoughts of marching into Italy. But before his enemies were able to strike a blow, Francis had assembled a great army, with which he hoped to disconcert all the emperor's schemes, by marching it in person into Italy : and this bold measure, the more formidable because unexpected, could scarcely have marched to failed of the desired effect, had it been immediately carried into execution. But the discovery of a domestic conspiracy, which threatened the destruction of his kingdom, obliged Francis to stop short at Lyons.

Charles duke of Bourbon, lord high constable of France, was a prince of the most shining merit : his great talents equally fitted him for the council or the field, while his eminent services to the crown entitled him to its first favour. But unhappily Louisa duchess of Angouleme, the king's mother, had contracted a violent aversion against the house of Bourbon, and had taught her son, over whom she had acquired an absolute ascendant, to view all the constable's actions with a jealous eye. After repeated affronts he retired from court, and began to listen to the advances of the emperor's ministers. Meantime the duchess of Bourbon died ; and as the constable was no less amiable than accomplished, the duchess of Angouleme, still susceptible of the tender passions, formed the scheme of marrying him. But Bourbon, who might have expected every thing to which an ambitious mind can aspire, from the daunting fondness of a woman who governed her son and the kingdom, incapable of imitating Louisa in her sudden transtion from hate to love, or of meanly counterfeiting a passion for one who had so long pursued him with unprovoked malice, rejected the match with disdain, and turned the proposal into ridicule. At once despised and insulted by the man whom love only could have made her cease to persecute, Louisa was filled with all the rage of disappointed woman ; she resolved to ruin, since she could not marry Bourbon. For this purpose she commenced an iniquitous suit against him ; and by the chicanery of Chancellor du Prat, the constable was stripped of his whole family-estate. Driven to despair by so many injuries, he entered into a secret correspondence with the emperor and the king of England ; and he proposed, as soon as Francis should have crossed the Alps, to raise an insurrection among his numerous vassals, and introduce foreign enemies into the heart of France.

Happily Francis got intimation of this conspiracy before he left the kingdom ; but not being sufficiently convinced of the constable's guilt, he suffered so dangerous a foe to escape ; and Bourbon entering into the emperor's service, employed all the force of his enterprising genius, and his great talents for war, to the prejudice of his prince and his native country.

In consequence of the discovery of this plot, and the escape of the powerful conspirator, Francis relinquished his intention of leading his army in person into Italy. He was ignorant how far the infection had spread among his subjects, and afraid that his absence might encourage them to make some desperate attempt in favour of a man so much beloved. He did not, however, abandon his French design on the Milanese, but sent forward an army of 30,000 men, under the command of Admiral Bonivet, Italy. Colonna, who was entrusted with the defence of that duchy, was in no condition to resist such a force ; and the city of Milan, on which the whole territory de- pends, must have fallen into the hands of the French, had not Bonnivet, who possessed none of the talents of a general, wasted his time in frivolous enterprises, till the inhabitants recovered from their consternation. The imperial army was reinforced. Colonna died; and Lannoy, viceroy of Naples, succeeded him in the command: but the chief direction of military operations was committed to Bourbon and the marquis de Pescara, the greatest generals of their age. Bonnivet, destitute of troops to oppose this new army, and still more of the talents which could render him a match for its leaders, after various movements and encounters, was reduced to the necessity of attempting a retreat into France. He was followed by the imperial generals, and routed at Biagiaffa, where the famous Chevalier Bayard was killed.

The emperor and his allies were less successful in their attempts upon France. They were baffled in every quarter: and Francis, though stripped of his Italian dominions, might still have enjoyed in safety the glory of having defended his native kingdom against one half of Europe, and have bid defiance to all his enemies; but understanding that the king of England, discouraged by his former fruitless enterprises, and disgusted with the emperor, was making no preparations for any attempt on Picardy, his ancient ardour seized him for the conquest of Milan, and he determined, notwithstanding the advanced season, to march into Italy.

The French army no sooner appeared in Piedmont, than the whole Milanese was thrown into consternation. The capital opened its gates. The forces of the emperor and Sforza retired to Lodi: and had Francis been so fortunate as to pursue them, they must have abandoned that post, and been totally dispersed; but his evil genius led him to besiege Pavia, a town of considerable strength, well garrisoned, and defended by Antonio de Leyva, one of the bravest officers in the Spanish service; before which place he was defeated and taken prisoner on the twenty-fourth day of February 1524.

The captivity of Francis filled all Europe with alarm. Almost the whole French army was cut off; Milan was immediately abandoned; and in a few weeks not a Frenchman was left in Italy. The power of the emperor, and still more his ambition, became an object of universal terror; and resolutions were everywhere taken to fet bounds to it. Meanwhile Francis, deeply impressed with a sense of his misfortune, wrote to his mother Louisa, whom he had left regent of the kingdom, the following short but expressive letter: "All, Madam, is lost but honour." The same courier that carried this letter, carried also dispatches to Charles; who received the news of the signal and unexpected success which had crowned his arms with the most hypocritical moderation. He would not suffer any public rejoicings to be made on account of it; and said, he only valued it, as it would prove the occasion of restoring peace to Christendom. Louisa, however, did not trust to those appearances; if she could not preserve what was yet left, she determined at least that nothing should be lost through her negligence or weakness. Instead of giving herself up to such lamentations as were natural to a woman so remarkable for maternal tenderness, she discovered all the foresight, and exerted all the activity, of a consummate politician. She took every possible measure for putting the kingdom in a posture of defence, while she employed all her addresses to appease the resentment and to gain the friendship of England; and a ray of comfort from that quarter soon broke in upon the French affairs.

Though Henry VIII. had not entered into the war against France from any concerted political views, he had always retained some imperfect idea of that balance of power which it was necessary to maintain between Charles and Francis; and the preservation of which he boasted to be his peculiar office. By his alliance with the emperor, he hoped to recover some part of those territories on the continent which had belonged to his ancestors; and therefore willingly contributed to give him the ascendancy above his rival; but having never dreamt of any event so decisive and fatal as the victory at Pavia, which seemed not only to have broken, but to have annihilated the power of Francis, he now became sensible of his own danger, as well as that of all Europe, from the loss of a proper counterpoise to the power of Charles. Instead of taking advantage of the distressed condition of France, Henry therefore determined to assist her in her present calamities. Some disaffections had taken place between him and Charles, and still more between Charles and Wolsey. The elevation of the cardinal of Medici to St Peter's chair, on the death of Adrian, under the name of Clement VII. had made the English minister sensible of the insincerity of the emperor's promises, while it extinguished all his hopes of the papacy; and he resolved on revenge. Charles, too, had for ill supported the appearance of moderation which he assumed, when first informed of his good fortune, that he had already changed his usual style to Henry; and instead of writing to him with his own hand, and subscribing himself "your affectionate son and cousin," he dictated his letters to a secretary, and simply subscribed himself "Charles." Influenced by all these motives, together with the glory of raising a fallen enemy, Henry listened to the flattering submissions of Louisa; entered into a defensive alliance with her as regent of France, and engaged to use his best offices in order to procure the deliverance of her son from a state of captivity.

Meanwhile Francis was rigorously confined; and for Francis were conditions being proposed to him as the price of revery his liberty, he drew his dagger, and, pointing it at his breast, cried, "T'were better that a king should die thus!" His hand was withiheld: and flattering himself, when he grew cool, that such propositions could not come directly from Charles, he desired that he might be removed to Spain, where the emperor then resided. His request was complied with; but he languished long before he obtained a sight of his conqueror. At last he was favoured with a visit; and the emperor dreading a general combination against him, or that Francis, as he threatened, might, in the obstinacy of his heart, resign his crown to the dauphin, agreed to abate somewhat of his former demands. A treaty was accordingly concluded at Madrid; in consequence of which Francis obtained his liberty. The chief article in this treaty was, that Burgundy should be restored to Charles as the rightful inheritance of his ancestors, and that Francis's two eldest sons should be immediately delivered up as hostages for the performance of the conditions stipulated. The exchange of the captive monarch narch for his children was made on the borders between France and Spain. The moment that Francis entered his own dominions, he mounted a Turkish horse, and putting it to its speed, waved his hand, and cried aloud several times, "I am yet a king! I am yet a king!"

Francis never meant to execute the treaty of Madrid: he had even left a protest in the hands of notaries before he signed it, that his consent should be considered as an involuntary deed, and be deemed null and void. Accordingly, as soon as he arrived in France, he assembled the States of Burgundy, who protested against the article relative to their province; and Francis coldly replied to the imperial ambassadors, who urged the immediate execution of the treaty, that he would religiously perform the articles relative to himself, but in those affecting the French monarchy, he must be directed by the sense of the nation. He made the highest acknowledgments to the King of England for his friendly interposition, and offered to be entirely guided by his counsels. Charles and his ministers saw that they were over-reached in those very arts of negotiation in which they so much excelled, while the Italian states observed with pleasure, that Francis was resolved not to execute a treaty which they considered as dangerous to the liberties of Europe. Clement absolved him from the oath which he had taken at Madrid; and the kings of France and England, the pope, the Swits, the Venetians, the Florentines, and the duke of Milan, entered into an alliance, to which they gave the name of the Holy League, because his Holiness was at the head of it, in order to oblige the emperor to deliver up Francis's two sons on the payment of a reasonable ransom, and to re-establish Sforza in the quiet possession of the Milanese.

In consequence of this league, the confederate army took the field, and Italy once more became the scene of war. But Francis, who it was thought would have infold spirit and vigour into the whole body, bad gone through such a scene of distress, that he was become diffident of himself, distrustful of his fortune, and desirous of tranquillity. He flattered himself, that the dread alone of such a confederacy would induce Charles to listen to what was equitable, and therefore neglected to send due reinforcements to his allies in Italy. Meantime the duke of Bourbon, who commanded the Imperialists, had made himself master of the whole Milanese, of which the emperor had promised him the investiture; and his troops beginning to mutiny for want of pay, he led them to Rome, and promised to enrich them with the spoils of that city. He was as good as his word; for though he himself was slain in planting a scaling ladder against the walls, his soldiers, rather enraged than discouraged by his death, mounted to the assault with the utmost ardour, animated by the greatness of the prize, and, entering the city sword in hand, plundered it for several days.

Never did Rome in any age suffer so many calamities, not even from the Barbarians, by whom she was often subdued, the Huns, Vandals, or Goths, as now from the subjects of a Christian and Catholic monarch. Whatever was respectable in modesty, or sacred in religion, seemed only the more to provoke the rage of the soldiery. Virgins suffered violation in the arms of their parents, and upon those altars to which they had fled for safety. Venerable prelates, after enduring every indignity and every torture, were thrown into dungeons, and menaced with the most cruel death, in order to make them reveal their secret treasures. Clement himself, who had neglected to make his escape in time, was taken prisoner, and found that the sacredness of his character could neither procure him liberty nor respect. He was confined till he should pay an enormous ransom imposed by the victorious army, and surrender to the confined emperor all the places of strength belonging to the church.

Charles received the news of this extraordinary event with equal surprise and pleasure; but in order to conceal his joy from his Spanish subjects, who were filled with horror at the insult offered to the sovereign pontiff, and to lessen the indignation of the rest of Europe, he expressed the most profound sorrow for the success of his arms. He put himself and his court into mourning; stopped the rejoicings for the birth of his son Philip, and ordered prayers to be put up in all the churches of Spain for the recovery of the pope's liberty, which he could immediately have procured by a letter to his generals.

The concern expressed by Henry and Francis for the calamity of their ally was more sincere. Alarmed at the progress of the imperial arms, they had, even before the taking of Rome, entered into a closer alliance, and agreed to invade the Low Countries with a powerful army; but no sooner did they hear of the pope's captivity, than they changed, by a new treaty, the scene of the projected war from the Netherlands to Italy, and resolved to take the most vigorous measures for restoring him to liberty. Henry, however, contributed only money. A French army entered Italy, under the command of Marshal Lautrec; Clement obtained his freedom; and war was for a time carried on by the confederates with success; but the death of Lautrec, and the utterly revolt of Andrew Doria, a Genoese admiral in the service of France, entirely changed the face of affairs. The French army was utterly ruined; and Francis, discouraged and almost exhausted by so many unsuccessful enterprises, began to think of peace, and of obtaining the release of his sons by concessions, not by the terror of his arms.

At the same time Charles, notwithstanding the advantages he had gained, had many reasons to wish for an accommodation. Sultan Soliman having overrun Hungary, was ready to break in upon the Austrian territories with the whole force of the East; and the progress of the Reformation in Germany threatened the tranquillity of the empire. In consequence of this situation of affairs, though pride made both parties conceal or dissemble their real sentiments, two ladies were permitted to restore peace to Europe. Margaret of Austria, Charles's aunt, and Louisa, Francis's mother, cluded at met in 1529 at Cambray, and settled the terms of accommodation between the French king and the emperor. Francis agreed to pay two millions of crowns as the ransom of his two sons, to resign the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and to forego all his Italian claims; and Charles ceased to demand the restitution of Burgundy.

All the steps of this negotiation had been communicated to the king of England; and Henry was, on that occasion, so generous to his friend and ally Francis, that he sent him an acquittal of near six hundred thousand crowns, in order to enable him to fulfil his agreement Spain. with Charles. But Francis's Italian confederates were less satisfied with the treaty of Cambry. They were almost wholly abandoned to the will of the emperor; and seemed to have no other means of security left but his equity and moderation. Of these, from his past conduct, they had not formed the most advantageous idea. But Charles's present circumstances, more especially in regard to the Turks, obliged him to behave with a generosity inconsistent with his character. The Florentines alone, whom he reduced under the dominion of the family of Medici, had reason to complain of his severity. Sforza obtained the investiture of Milan and his pardon: and every other power experienced the lenity of the conqueror.

After having received the imperial crown from the hands of the pope at Bologna, Charles proceeded on his journey to Germany, where his presence was become highly necessary; for although the conduct and valour of his brother Ferdinand, on whom he had conferred the hereditary dominions of the house of Austria, and who had been elected king of Hungary, had obliged Solyman to retire with infamy and loss, his return was to be feared, and the disorders of religion were daily increasing; an account of which, and of the emperor's transactions with the Protestants, is given under the article REFORMATION.

Charles having exerted himself as much as he could against the reformers, undertook his first expedition against the piratical states of Africa. Barbary, or that part of the African continent lying along the coast of the Mediterranean sea, was then nearly in the same condition which it is at present. Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis, were its principal states; and the two last were nests of pirates. Barbarossa, a famous corsair, had succeeded his brother in the kingdom of Algiers, which he had formerly assisted him to usurp. He regulated with much prudence the interior police of his kingdom, carried on his piracies with great vigour, and extended his conquests on the continent of Africa; but perceiving that the natives submitted to his government with impatience, and fearing that his continual depredations would one day draw upon him a general combination of the Christian powers, he put his dominions under the protection of the grand seignior. Solyman, flattered by such an act of submission, and charmed with the boldness of the man, offered him the command of the Turkish fleet. Proud of this distinction, Barbarossa repaired to Constantinople, and made use of his influence with the Sultan to extend his own dominion. Partly by force, partly by treachery, he usurped the kingdom of Tunis; and being now possessed of greater power, he carried on his depredations against the Christian states with more destructive violence than ever.

Daily complaints of the piracies and ravages committed by the galleys of Barbarossa were brought to the emperor by his subjects, both in Spain and Italy; and all Christendom seemed to look up to him, as its greatest and most fortunate prince, for relief from this new and odious species of oppression. At the same time Muley Hafcen, the exiled king of Tunis, finding none of the African princes able or willing to support him in recovering his throne, applied to Charles for assistance against the usurper. Equally desirous of delivering his dominions from the dangerous neighbourhood of Barbarossa, of appearing as the protector of an unfortunate prince, and of acquiring the glory annexed in that age to every expedition against the Mahometans, the emperor readily concluded a treaty with Muley Hafcen, and set sail for Tunis with a formidable armament. The Goletta, a sea-port town, fortified with 300 pieces of cannon, was taken, together with all Barbarossa's fleet: he was defeated in a pitched battle, and 10,000 Christian slaves, having knocked off their fetters, and Tunis taken, and made themselves masters of the citadel, Tunis was prepared to surrender. But while Charles was deliberating on the conditions, his troops fearing that they would be deprived of the booty which they had expected, broke suddenly into the town, and pillaged and massacred without distinction. Thirty thousand persons perished by the sword, and 10,000 were made prisoners. The sceptre was restored to Muley Hafcen, on condition that he should acknowledge himself a vassal of the crown of Spain, put into the emperor's hands all the fortified sea-ports in the kingdom of Tunis, and pay annually 12,000 crowns for the subsistence of the Spanish garrison in the Goletta. These points being settled, and 20,000 Christian slaves freed from bondage either by arms or by treaty, Charles returned to Europe, where his presence was become necessary; while Barbarossa, who had retired to Bona, recovered new strength, and again became the tyrant of the ocean.

The king of France took advantage of the emperor's absence to revive his pretensions in Italy. The treaty of Cambry had repelled but not extinguished the flames of discord. Francis in particular, who waited only for a favourable opportunity of recovering the territories and reputation which he had lost, continued to negotiate against his rival with different courts. But all his negociations were disconcerted by unforeseen accidents. The death of Clement VII. (whom he had gained by marrying his son the duke of Orleans, afterwards Henry II., to Catharine of Medici, the niece of that pontiff), deprived him of all the support which he hoped to receive from the court of Rome. The King of England, occupied with domestic cares and projects, declined engaging in the affairs of the continent; and the Protestant princes, afflicated by the league of Smalkalde, to whom Francis had also applied, and who seemed disposed at first to listen to him, filled with indignation and resentment at the cruelty with which some of their reformed brethren had been treated in France, refused to have any connection with the enemy of their religion.

Francis was neither cruel nor bigotted: he was too indolent to concern himself about religious disputes; but his principles becoming suspected, at a time when the emperor was gaining immortal glory by his expedition against the infidels, he found it necessary to vindicate himself by some extraordinary demonstration of reverence for the established faith. The indiscreet zeal of some Protestant converts furnished him with the occasion. They had affixed to the gates of the Louvre and other public places papers containing indecent reflections on the rites of the Romish church. Six of the persons concerned in this rash action were seized; and the king, pretending to be struck with horror at their blasphemies, appointed a solemn procession, in order to avert the wrath of heaven. The holy sacrament was carried through the city of Paris in great pomp: Francis walked uncovered before it, bearing a torch in his hand; hand; the princes of the blood supported the canopy over it; the nobles walked behind. In presence of this numerous assembly, the king declared, that if one of his hands were infected with heresy, he would cut it off with the other; "and I would sacrifice (added he) even my own children, if found guilty of that crime." As an awful proof of his sincerity, the fix unhappy persons who had been seized were publicly burnt, before the procession was finished, and in the most cruel manner. They were fixed upon a machine which descended into the flames, and retired alternately, until they expired.—No wonder that the Protestant princes were incensed at such barbarity!

Francis, though unsupported by any ally, commanded his army to advance towards the frontiers of Italy, under pretence of chastising the duke of Milan for a breach of the law of nations, in putting to death his ambassador. The operations of war, however, soon took a new direction. Instead of marching directly to the Milanese, Francis commenced hostilities against the duke of Savoy, with whom he had cause to be disatisfied, and on whom he had some claims; and before the end of the campaign, this feeble prince saw himself stripped of all his dominions, except the province of Piedmont. To complete his misfortunes, the city of Geneva, the sovereignty of which he claimed, and where the reformed opinions had already got footing, threw off his yoke; and its revolt drew along with it the loss of the adjacent territory. Geneva was then an imperial city, and till lately remained entirely free*.

In this extremity the duke of Savoy saw no resource but in the emperor's protection; and as his misfortunes were chiefly occasioned by his attachment to the imperial interest, he had a title to immediate assistance. But Charles, who was just returned from his African expedition, was not able to lend him the necessary support. His treasury was entirely drained, and he was obliged to disband his army till he could raise new supplies. Mean time the death of Sforza duke of Milan entirely changed the nature of the war, and afforded the emperor full leisure to prepare for action. The French monarch's pretext for taking up arms was at once cut off; but as the duke died without issue, all Francis's rights to the duchy of Milan, which he had yielded only to Sforza and his descendants, returned to him in full force. He instantly renewed his claim to it; and if he had ordered his army immediately to advance, he might have made himself master of it. But he unfortunately waited his time in fruitless negociations, while his more politic rival took possession of the duchy as a vacant fief of the empire; and though Charles seemed still to admit the equity of Francis's claim, he delayed granting the investiture under various pretexts, and as secretly taking every possible measure to prevent him from regaining footing in Italy.

During the time gained in this manner, Charles had recruited his finances, and of course his armies; and finding himself in a condition for war, he at last threw off the mask under which he had so long concealed his designs from the court of France. Entering Rome with great pomp, he pronounced before the pope and cardinals, assembled in full consistory, a violent invective against Francis, by way of reply to his propositions concerning the investiture of Milan. Yet Francis, by an unaccountable fatality, continued to negotiate, as if it had been still possible to terminate their differences in an amicable manner; and Charles, finding him so eager to run into the snare, favoured the deception, and, by seeming to listen to his proposals, gained yet more time for the execution of his ambitious projects.

If misfortunes had rendered Francis too diffident, successes had made Charles too sanguine. He presumed on nothing less than the subversion of the French monarchy; nay, he considered it as a certain event. Having chafed the forces of his rival out of Piedmont and Savoy, he pushed forward at the head of 50,000 men, contrary to the advice of his most experienced ministers and generals, to invade the southern provinces of France; while two other armies were ordered to enter it, the one on the side of Picardy, the other on the side of Champagne. He thought it impossible that Francis could resist so many unexpected attacks on such different quarters; but he found himself mistaken.

The French monarch fixed on the most effectual but difficult plan for defeating the invasion of a powerful enemy; appointed and he prudently persevered in following it, though contrary to his own natural temper and to the genius of his people. He determined to remain altogether upon the defensive, and to deprive the enemy of subsistence by laying waste the country before them. The execution of this plan was committed to the marshal Montmorency its author, a man happily fitted for such a trust by the inflexible severity of his disposition. He made choice of a strong camp, under the walls of Avignon, at the confluence of the Rhone and Durance, where he assembled a considerable army; while the king, with another body of troops, encamped at Valence, higher up the Rhone. Marfeilles and Arles were the only towns he thought it necessary to defend; and each of these he furnished with a numerous garrison of his best troops. The inhabitants of the other towns were compelled to abandon their habitations: the fortifications of such places as might have afforded shelter to the enemy were thrown down; corn, forage, and provisions of every kind, were carried off or destroyed; the mills and ovens were ruined, and the wells filled up or rendered useless.

This devastation extended from the Alps to Marfeilles, and from the sea to the confines of Dauphiny; so that the emperor, when he arrived with the van of his army on the confines of Provence, instead of that rich and populous country which he expected to enter, beheld nothing but one vast and desert solitude. He did not, however, despair of success, though he saw that he would have many difficulties to encounter; and as an encouragement to his officers, he made them liberal promises of lands and honours in France. But all the land which any of them obtained was a grave, and their master lost much honour by this rash and presumptuous enterprise. After unsuccessfully investing Marfeilles and Arles, after attempting in vain to draw Montmorency from his camp at Avignon, and not daring to attack it, Charles having spent two inglorious months in Provence, and lost one half of his troops by disease or by famine, was under the necessity of ordering a retreat; and though he was some time in motion before the enemy suspected his intention, it was conducted with so much precipitation and disorder, as to deserve the name of a flight, since the light troops of France turned it into a perfect rout. The invasion of Spain. Picardy was not more successful: the imperial forces were obliged to retire without effecting any conquest of importance.

Charles had no sooner conducted the shattered remains of his army to the frontiers of Milan, than he set out for Genoa; and unwilling to expose himself to the scorn of the Italians after such a reverse of fortune, he embarked directly for Spain.

Meanwhile Francis gave himself up to that vain resentment which had formerly disgraced the prosperity of his rival. They had frequently, in the course of their quarrels, given each other the lie, and mutual challenges had been sent; which, though productive of no serious consequences between the parties, had a powerful tendency to encourage the pernicious practice of duelling. Charles, in his invective pronounced at Rome, had publicly accused Francis of perfidy and breach of faith; Francis now exceeded Charles in the indecency of his accusations. The dauphin dying suddenly, his death was imputed to poison: Montecuculi his cupbearer was put to the rack; and that unhappy nobleman, in the agonies of torture, accused the emperor's generals Gonzaga and de Leyva, of instigating him to the detestable act. The emperor himself was suspected; nay, this extorted confession, and some obscure hints, were considered as incontestable proofs of his guilt; though it was evident to all mankind, that neither Charles nor his generals could have any inducement to perpetrate such a crime, as Francis was still in the vigour of life himself, and had two sons besides the dauphin, grown up to a good age.

But the incensed monarch's resentment did not stop here. Francis was not satisfied with endeavouring to blacken the character of his rival by an ambiguous testimony which led to the most injurious suspicions, and upon which the most cruel confessions had been put; he was willing to add rebellion to murder. For this purpose he went to the parliament of Paris; where being feated with the usual solemnities, the advocate-general appeared, and accused Charles of Austria (to be affected to call the emperor) of having violated the treaty of Cambrai, by which he was freed from the homage due to the crown of France for the counties of Artois and Flanders; adding, that this treaty being now void, he was still to be considered as a vassal of France, and consequently had been guilty of rebellion in taking arms against his sovereign. The charge was sustained, and Charles was summoned to appear before the parliament of Paris at a day fixed. The term expired; and no person appearing in the emperor's name, the parliament gave judgment, that Charles of Austria had forfeited, by rebellion and contumacy, the counties of Flanders and Artois, and declared these fiefs reunited to the crown of France.

Francis, soon after this vain display of his animosity, marched into the Low Countries, as if he had intended to execute the sentence pronounced by his parliament; but a suspension of arms took place, through the interposition of the queens of France and Hungary, before anything of consequence was effected: and this cessation of hostilities was followed by a truce concluded at Nice, through the mediation of the reigning pontiff Paul III. of the family of Farnese, a man of a venerable character and pacific disposition.

Each of these rival princes had strong reasons to in-

Spain. cline them to peace. The finances of both were exhausted; and the emperor, the more powerful of the two, was deeply impressed with the dread of the Turkish arms, which Francis had drawn upon him by a league with Solyman. In consequence of this league, Barbajacques roffa with a great fleet appeared on the coast of Naples; with the filled that kingdom with consternation; landed without Turks, resistance near Taranto; obliged Cafiro, a place of some strength, to surrender; plundered the adjacent country; and was taking measures for securing and extending his conquests, when the unexpected arrival of Doria, the famous Genoese admiral, together with the pope's galleys and a squadron of the Venetian fleet, made it prudent for him to retire. The sultan's forces also invaded Hungary, where Mahmet the Turkish general, after gaining several inferior advantages, defeated the Germans in a great battle at Essek on the Drave. Happily for Charles and Europe it was not in Francis's power at this juncture either to join the Turks or assemble an army strong enough to penetrate into the Milanese. The emperor, however, was sensible that he could not long resist the efforts of two such powerful confederates, nor expect that the same fortunate circumstances would concur a second time in his favour; he therefore thought it necessary, both for his safety and reputation, to give his consent to a truce: and A true Francis chose rather to run the risk of disobliging his concluded new ally the sultan, than to draw on his head the indignation, and perhaps the arms of all Christendom, by obstinately obstructing the re-establishment of tranquillity, and contributing to the aggrandizement of the Infidels.

These considerations inclined the contending monarchs to listen to the arguments of the holy father; but he found it impossible to bring about a final accommodation between them, each inflexibly persisted in asserting his own claims. Nor could he prevail on them to see one another, though both came to the place of rendezvous: so great was the remains of distrust and rancour, or such the difficulty of adjusting the ceremonial! Yet, improbable as it may seem, a few days after signing the truce, between the emperor, in his passage to Barcelona, being driven on the coast of Provence, Francis invited him to come ashore; frankly visited him on board his galley, and was received and entertained with the warmest demonstrations of esteem and affection. Charles, with an equal degree of confidence, paid the king next day a visit at Agues-mortes; where these two hostile rivals and vindictive enemies, who had accused each other of every kind of baseness, conversing together with all the cordiality of brothers, seemed to vie with each other in expressions of respect and friendship.

Besides the glory of having restored tranquillity to Advantage Europe, the pope gained a point of much consequence gained to his family. He obtained for his grandson, Margaret the pope of Austria, the emperor's natural daughter, formerly from the wife of Alexander de Medici, whom Charles had raised to the supreme power in Florence. Laurenein de Medici, the kinsman and intimate companion of Alexander, had assassinated him by one of the blackest treasons recorded in history. Under pretence of having secured him an assignation with a lady of the highest rank and great beauty, he drew him into a secret apartment of his house, and there stabbed him as he lay carelessly on a couch, expecting the embrace of the lovely fair, whom he had often often solicited in vain. Laurenein, however, did not reap the fruits of his crime; for though some of his countrymen extolled him as a third Brutus, and endeavoured to seize this occasion for recovering their liberties, the government of Florence passed into the hands of Cosmo II. another kinsman of Alexander. Cosmo was desirous of marrying the widow of his predecessor; but the emperor chose rather to oblige the pope, by bestowing his daughter upon Ostaio Farnese, son of the duke of Parma.

Charles had soon farther cause to be sensible of his obligations to the holy father for bringing about the treaty of Nice. His troops everywhere mutinied for want of pay, and the ability of his generals only could have prevented a total revolt. He had depended, as his chief resource for discharging the arrears due to his soldiers, upon the subsidies which he expected from his Castilian subjects. For this purpose he assembled the Cortes of Castile at Toledo; and having represented to them the great expense of his military operations, he proposed to levy such supplies as the present exigency of affairs demanded, by a general excise on commodities; but the Spaniards, who already felt themselves oppressed by a load of taxes unknown to their ancestors, and who had often complained that their country was drained of its wealth and inhabitants, in order to prosecute quarrels in which they had no interest, determined not to add voluntarily to their own burdens. The nobles, in particular, inveighed with great vehemence against the imposition proposed, as an encroachment on the valuable and distinguishing privilege of their order, that of being exempted from the payment of any tax. After employing arguments and promises in vain, Charles dismissed the assembly with indignation; and from that period neither the nobles nor the prelates have been called to the Cortes, on pretence that such as pay no part of the public taxes should not claim a vote in laying them on. These assemblies have since consisted merely of the procurators or representatives of 18 cities, two from each; in all 36 members, who are absolutely at the devotion of the crown.

The citizens of Ghent, still more bold, broke out not long after into open rebellion against the emperor's government, on account of a tax which they judged contrary to their ancient privileges, and a decision of the council of Mechlin in favour of the imperial authority. Enraged at an unjust imposition, and rendered desperate on seeing their rights betrayed by that very court which was bound to protect them, they flew to arms, seized several of the emperor's officers, and drove such of the nobility as resided among them out of the city. Sensible, however, of their inability to support what their zeal had prompted them to undertake, and desirous of securing a protector against the formidable forces with which they might expect soon to be attacked, they offered to acknowledge the king of France as their sovereign, to put him into immediate possession of their city, and to assist him in recovering those provinces in the Netherlands which had anciently belonged to his crown. True policy directed Francis to comply with this proposal. The counties of Flanders and Artois were more valuable than the duchy of Milan, for which he had so long contended; and their situation in regard to France made it more easy to conquer or to defend them. But Francis over-rated the Milanes. He had lived in friendship with the emperor ever since their interview at Aigues-mortes, and Charles had promised him the investiture of that duchy. Forgetting, therefore, all his past injuries, and the deceitful promises by which he had been credulously so often duped, the credulous, generous Francis, not only of France, rejected the propositions of the citizens of Ghent, but communicated to the emperor his whole negotiation with the malecontents.

Judging of Charles's heart by his own, Francis hoped by this seemingly disinterested proceeding to obtain at once the investiture of Milan; and the emperor, well acquainted with the weakness of his rival, flattered him in this apprehension, for his own selfish purposes. His preference being necessary in the Netherlands, he demanded a passage through France. It was immediately granted him; and Charles, to whom every moment was precious, set out, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his council and the fears of his Spanish subjects, with a small but splendid train of 100 persons. He was met on the frontiers of France by the dauphin and the duke of Orleans, who offered to go into Spain, and remain there as hostages, till he should reach his own dominions; but Charles replied, that the king's honour was sufficient for his safety, and prosecuted his journey without any other security. The king entertained him with the utmost magnificence at Paris, and the two young princes did not take leave of him till he entered the Low Countries; yet he still found means to evade his promise, and Francis continued to believe him sincere.

The citizens of Ghent, alarmed at the approach of the emperor, who was joined by three armies, sent ambassadors to implore his mercy, and offered to throw open their gates. Charles only condescended to reply, "That he would appear among them as a sovereign and a judge, with the sceptre and the sword." He accordingly entered the place of his nativity on the anniversary of his birth; and instead of that lenity which might have been expected, exhibited an awful example of his severity. Twenty-fix of the principal citizens were put to death: a greater number was banished: the city was declared to have forfeited its privileges; a new system of laws and political administration was prescribed; and a large fine was imposed on the inhabitants, in order to defray the expense of erecting a citadel, together with an annual tax for the support of a garrison. They were not only deprived of their ancient immunities, but made to pay, like conquered people, for the means of perpetuating their own slavery.

Having thus re-established his authority in the Low Countries, and being now under no necessity of continuing that scene of falsehood and dissimulation with Francis, which he had amused the French monarch, Charles began gradually to throw aside the veil under which he had concealed his intentions with respect to the Milanes, and at last peremptorily refused to give up a territory of such value, or voluntarily to make such a liberal addition to the strength of an enemy by diminishing his own power. He even denied that he had ever made any promise which could bind him to an action so foolish, and so contrary to his own interest.

This transaction exposed the king of France to as much scorn as it did the emperor to censure. The credulous simplicity of Francis seemed to merit no other return, after experiencing so often the duplicity and artifices of his rival. He remonstrated, however, and ex- Spain.

claimed as if this had been the first circumstance in which the emperor had deceived him. The insult offered to his understanding affected him even more sensibly than the injury done to his interest; and he discovered such resentment as made it obvious that he would seize on the first opportunity of revenge, and that a new war would soon defolate the European continent.

Meanwhile Charles was obliged to turn his attention towards the affairs of Germany. The Protestants having in vain demanded a general council, pressed him earnestly to appoint a conference between a select number of divines of each party, in order to examine the points in dispute. For this purpose a diet was assembled at Ratibon: and such a conference, notwithstanding the opposition of the pope, was held with great solemnity in the presence of the emperor. But the divines chosen to manage the controversy, though men of learning and moderation, were only able to settle a few speculative opinions, all points relative to worship and jurisdiction serving to inflame the minds of the disputants. Charles, therefore, finding his endeavours to bring about an accommodation ineffectual, and being impatient to close the diet, prevailed on a majority of the members to approve of the following edict of recess; viz. that the articles concerning which the divines had agreed, should be held as points decided; that those about which they had differed, should be referred to the determination of a general council, or if that could not be obtained, to a national synod: and should it prove impracticable also to assemble a synod of Germany, that a general diet of the empire should be called within 18 months, in order to give final judgment on the whole controversy; that, in the mean time, no innovations should be attempted, nor any endeavours employed to gain proselytes.

This diet gave great offence to the pope. The bare mention of allowing a diet, composed chiefly of laymen, to pass judgment in regard to articles of faith, appeared to him no less criminal and profane than the worst of those heresies which the emperor seemed so zealous to suppress. The Protestants also were dissatisfied with it, as it considerably abridged the liberty which they at that time enjoyed. They murmured loudly against it; and Charles, unwilling to leave any seeds of discontent in the empire, granted them a private declaration, exempting them from whatever they thought injurious or oppressive in the recess, and ascertaining to them the full possession of all their former privileges.

The situation of the emperor's affairs at this juncture made these extraordinary concessions necessary. He foresaw a rupture with France to be unavoidable, and he was alarmed at the rapid progress of the Turks in Hungary. A great revolution had happened in that kingdom. John Zapol Scapus, by the affiance of Solyman, had wrested from the king of the Romans a considerable part of the country. John died, and left an infant son. Ferdinand attempted to take advantage of the minority, in order to repossess himself of the whole kingdom; but his ambition was disappointed by the activity and address of George Martinuzzi, bishop of Waradin, who shared the regency with the queen. Sensible that he was unable to oppose the king of the Romans in the field, Martinuzzi satisfied himself with holding out the fortified towns, all of which he provided with every thing necessary for defence; and at the same time he sent ambassadors to Solyman, beseeching him to extend towards the son that imperial protection which had so generously maintained the father on his throne. Ferdinand used his utmost endeavours to thwart this negotiation, and even meanly offered to hold the Hungarian crown on the fame ignominious condition by which John had held it, that of paying tribute to the Porte. But the Sultan saw such advantages from espousing the interest of the young king, that he instantly marched into Hungary; and the Germans, having formed the siege of Buda, were defeated with great slaughter before that city. Solyman, however, instead of becoming the protector of the infant sovereign whom he had relieved, made use of this success to extend his own dominions: he sent the queen and her son into Transilvania, which province he allotted them, and added Hungary to the Ottoman empire.

Happily for the Protestants, Charles received intelligence of this revolution soon after the diet at Ratibon; and by the concessions which he made them, he obtained such liberal supplies, both of men and money, as left him under little anxiety about the security of Germany. He therefore hastened to join his fleet and army in Italy, in order to carry into execution a great and favourite undertaking which he had concerted against Algiers; careful though it would certainly have been more consistent with his dignity to have conducted the whole force of the empire against Solyman, the common enemy of Christendom, who was ready to enter his Austrian dominions. But many reasons induced Charles to prefer the African expedition: he wanted strength, or at least money, to combat the Turks in so distant a country as Hungary; and the glory which he had formerly acquired in Barbary led him to hope for the like success, while the cries of his Spanish subjects roused him to take vengeance on their ravagers. But the unfortunate event of this expedition has already been related under the article ALGIERS, No 14.—20.

The loss which the emperor suffered in this calamitous expedition encouraged the king of France to begin hostilities, on which he had been for some time resolved; and an action dishonourable to civil society furnished Charles with too good a pretext for taking arms. The marquis del Guasto, governor of the Milanese, having got intelligence of the motions and destination of two ambassadors, Rincon and Fergofo, whom Francis had dispatched, the one to the Ottoman Porte, the other to the republic of Venice; knowing how much his master wished to discover the intentions of the French monarch, and of what consequence it was to retard the execution of his measures, he employed some soldiers belonging to the garrison of Pavia to lie in wait for these ambassadors as they failed down the Po, who murdered them and most of their attendants, and seized their papers. Francis immediately demanded reparation for this barbarous outrage; and as Charles endeavoured to put him off with an evasive answer, he appealed to all the courts of Europe, setting forth the heinousness of the injury, the iniquity of the emperor in disregarding his just request, and the necessity of vengeance. But Charles, who was a more profound negotiator, defeated in a great measure the effects of these representations: he secured the fidelity of the Protestant princes in Germany, by granting them new concessions; and he engaged the king of England to espouse his cause, under pretence pretence of defending Europe against the Infidels; while Francis was only able to form an alliance with the kings of Denmark and Sweden (who for the first time interested themselves in the quarrels of the more potent monarchs of the south), and to renew his treaty with Solyman, which drew on him the indignation of Christendom.

But the activity of France supplied all the defects of his negotiation. Five armies were soon ready to take the field, under different generals, and with different destinations. Nor was Charles wanting in his preparations. He and Henry a second time made an ideal division of the kingdom of France. But as the hostilities which followed terminated in nothing decisive, and were distinguished by no remarkable event, except the battle of Cerfioles (gained by Count d'Enguier over the imperialists, and in which 10,000 of the emperor's best troops fell) at last Francis and Charles, mutually tired of harassing each other, concluded at Crespy a treaty of peace, in which the king of England was not mentioned; and from being implacable enemies, became once more, to appearance, cordial friends, and even allies by the ties of blood.

The chief articles of this treaty were, that all the conquests which either party had made since the truce of Nice should be restored; that the emperor should give in marriage to the duke of Orleans, either his own eldest daughter, with the Low Countries, or the second daughter of his brother Ferdinand, with the investiture of the Milanese; that Francis should renounce all pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, as well as to the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and Charles give up his claim to the duchy of Burgundy; and that both should unite in making war against the Turks.

The emperor was chiefly induced to grant conditions so advantageous to France, by a desire of humbling the Protestant princes in Germany. With the papal jurisdiction, he foretold they would endeavour to throw off the imperial authority; and he determined to make his zeal for the former a pretence for enforcing and extending the latter. However, the death of the duke of Orleans before the consummation of his marriage, disentangled the emperor from the most troublesome stipulation in the treaty of Creppy; and the French monarch, being still engaged in hostilities with England, was unable to obtain any reparation for the loss which he suffered by this unforeseen event. These hostilities, like those between Charles and Francis, terminated in nothing decisive. Equally tired of a struggle attended with no glory or advantage to either, the contending princes concluded, at Campe, near Ardies, a treaty of peace; in which it was stipulated, that France should pay the arrears due by former treaties to England. But these arrears did not exceed one-third of the sums expended by Henry on his military operations; and Francis being in no condition to discharge them, Boulogne (a chargeable pledge) was left in the hands of the English as a security for the debt.

In consequence of the emperor's resolution to humble the Protestant princes, he concluded a dishonourable peace with the Porte, stipulating that his brother Ferdinand should pay tribute for that part of Hungary which he still possessed; while the sultan enjoyed the imperial and undisturbed possession of all the rest. At the same time he entered into a league with Pope Paul III. for the extirpation of heresy; but in reality with a view to oppress the liberties of Germany. Here, however, his ambition met with a severe check; for though he was successful at first, he was obliged in 1552 to conclude a peace with the Protestants on their own terms; as has been related under the article REFORMATION, No 26—32.

By the peace concluded on this occasion the emperor Attempts lost Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which had formed the barrier of the empire on that quarter; and therefore soon after put himself at the head of an army, in order to recover these three bishoprics. In order to conceal the destination of his army, he gave out, that he intended to lead it into Hungary, to second Maurice in his operations against the Infidels; and as that pretext failed him, when he began to advance towards the Rhine, he propagated a report that he was marching first to chastise Albert of Brandenburg, who had refused to be included in the treaty of Passau, and whose cruel exactions in that part of Germany called loudly for redress.

The French, however, were not deceived by these arts. Is obliged Henry immediately guessed the true object of Charles's to raise the armament, and resolved to defend his conquest with vigour. The defence of Metz, against which it was foreseen the whole weight of the war would be turned, was committed to Francis of Lorraine, duke of Guise, who possessed in an eminent degree all the qualities that render men great in military command. He repaired with joy to the dangerous station; and many of the French nobility, and even princes of the blood, eager to distinguish themselves under such a leader, entered Metz as volunteers. The city was of great extent, ill fortified, and the suburbs large. For all these defects the duke endeavoured to provide a remedy. He repaired the old fortifications with all possible expedition, labouring with his own hands; the officers imitated his example; and the soldiers, thus encouraged, cheerfully submitted to the most severe toils; he erected new works, and he levelled the suburbs with the ground. At the same time he filled the magazines with provisions and military stores, compelled all useless persons to leave the place, and laid waste the neighbouring country; yet such were his popular talents, as well as his arts of acquiring an ascendant over the minds of men, that the citizens not only refrained from murmuring, but seconded him with no less ardour than the soldiers in all his operations—in the ruin of their estates, and in the havoc of their public and private buildings.

Meanwhile the emperor continued his march towards Lorraine, at the head of 60,000 men. On his approach, Albert of Brandenburg, whose army did not exceed 20,000, withdrew into that principality as if he intended to join the French king; and Charles, notwithstanding the advanced season, it being towards to the end of October, laid siege to Metz, contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers.

The attention of both the besiegers and the besieged was turned for some time towards the motions of Albert, who still hovered in the neighbourhood, undetermined which side to take, though resolved to fell his service. Charles at last came up to his price, and he joined the imperial army. The emperor now flattered himself that nothing could resist his force; but he found himself deceived. After a siege of almost 60 days, du- ring which he had attempted all that was thought possible for art or valour to effect, and had lost upwards of 30,000 men by the inclemency of the weather, diseases, or the sword of the enemy, he was obliged to abandon the enterprise.

When the French fell out to attack the enemy's rear, the imperial camp was filled with the sick and wounded, with the dead and the dying. All the roads by which the army retired were fired with the same miserable objects; who, having made an effort beyond their strength to escape, and not being able to proceed, were left to perish without assistance. Happily that, and all the kind offices which their friends had not the power to perform, they received from their enemies. The duke of Guise ordered them all to be taken care of, and supplied with every necessary; he appointed physicians to attend, and direct what treatment was proper for the sick and wounded, and what refreshments for the feeble; and such as recovered he sent home, under an escort of soldiers, and with money to bear their charges. By these acts of humanity, less common in that age, the duke of Guise completed that heroic character which he had justly acquired by his brave and successful defence of Metz.

The emperor's misfortunes were not confined to Germany. During his residence at Villach, he had been obliged to borrow 200,000 crowns of Cosmo de Medici; and so low was his credit, that he was obliged to put Cosmo in possession of the principality of Piombino as a security for that inconsiderable sum; by which means he lost the footing he had hitherto maintained in Tuscany. Much about the same time he lost Sienna. The citizens, who had long enjoyed a republican government, rose against the Spanish garrison, which they had admitted as a check upon the tyranny of the nobility, but which they found was meant to enslave them; forgetting their domestic animosities, they recalled the exiled nobles; they demolished the citadel, and put themselves under the protection of France.

To these unfortunate events one still more fatal had almost succeeded. The severe administration of the viceroy of Naples had filled that kingdom with murmuring and dissatisfaction. The prince of Salerno, the head of the malecontents, fled to the court of France. The French monarch, after the example of his father, applied to the grand signior; and Solyman, at that time highly incensed against the house of Austria on account of the proceedings in Hungary, sent a powerful fleet into the Mediterranean, under the command of the corsair Dragut, an officer trained up under Barbarossa, and scarcely inferior to his master in courage, talents, or in good fortune. Dragut appeared on the coast of Calabria at the time appointed; but not being joined by the French fleet according to concert, he returned to Constantinople, after plundering and burning several places, and filling Naples with consternation.

Highly mortified by so many disasters, Charles retired into the Low Countries, breathing vengeance against France: and here the war was carried on with considerable vigour. Impatient to efface the stain which his military reputation had received before Metz, Charles laid siege to Terouane; and the fortifications being in disrepair, that important place was carried by assault. Hesdin also was invested, and carried in the same manner. The king of France was too late in assembling his forces to afford relief to either of these places; and the emperor afterwards cautiously avoided an engagement.

The imperial arms were less successful in Italy. The viceroy of Naples failed in an attempt to recover Sienna; in other and the French not only established themselves more places, firmly in Tuscany, but conquered part of the island of Corsica. Nor did the affairs of the house of Austria go on better in Hungary during the course of this year. Isabella and her son appeared once more in Transylvania, at a time when the people were ready for revolt, in order to revenge the death of Martinuzzi, whose loss they had severely felt. Some noblemen of eminence declared in favour of the young king; and the bailaw of Belgrade, by Soliman's order, espousing his cause, in opposition to Ferdinand, Caflaldo, the Austrian general, was obliged to abandon Transylvania to Isabella and the Turks.

In order to counterbalance those and other losses, the marriage between the emperor, in 1554, concerted a marriage between his son Philip and Mary of England, in hopes of adding that kingdom to his other dominions. Meanwhile the war between Henry and Charles was carried on England, with various success in the Low Countries, and in Italy much to the disadvantage of France. The French, under the command of Strozzi, were defeated in the battle of Merciano; Sienna was reduced by Medicino, the Florentine general, after a siege of ten months; and the gallant Sienese were subjected to the Spanish yoke. Much about the same time a plot was formed by the Franciscans, but happily discovered before it could be carried into execution, to betray Metz to the Imperialists. The father guardian, and twenty other monks, received sentence of death on account of this conspiracy; but the guardian, before the time appointed for his execution, was murdered by his incensed accomplices, whom he had seduced; and fix of the youngest were pardoned.

While war thus raged in Italy and the Low Countries, Germany enjoyed such profound tranquillity, as afforded the diet full leisure to confirm and perfect the plan of religious pacification agreed upon at Paffau, and referred to the consideration of the next meeting of the Germanic body. During the negotiation of this treaty, an event happened which astonished all Europe, and confounded the reasonings of the wisest politicians. The emperor Charles V., though no more than 56, an age when objects of ambition operate with full force on genius his mind, and are generally pursued with the greatest dominions ardour, had for some time formed the resolution of re-signing his hereditary dominions to his son Philip. He now determined to put it in execution. Various have been the opinions of historians concerning a resolution so singular and unexpected; but the most probable seem to be, the disappointments which Charles had met with in his ambitious hopes, and the daily decline of his health. He had early in life been attacked with the gout; and the fits were now become so frequent and severe, that not only the vigour of his constitution was broken, but the faculties of his mind were sensibly impaired. He therefore judged it more decent to conceal his infirmities in some solitude, than to expose them any longer to the public eye; and as he was unwilling to forfeit the fame, or lose the acquisitions of his better years, by attempting to guide the reins of government when he was no longer able to hold them with steadiness, he determined to seek in the tranquillity of retirement, that happiness which he had in vain pursued amidst the tumults of war and the intrigues of state.

In consequence of this resolution, Charles, who had already ceded to his son Philip the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan, assembled the states of the Low Countries at Brussels; and feating himself for the last time in the chair of state, he explained to his subjects the reasons of his resignation, and solemnly devolved his authority upon Philip. He recounted with dignity, but without ostentation, all the great things which he had undertaken and performed since the commencement of his administration. "I have dedicated (observed he) from the 17th year of my age, all my thoughts and attention to public objects, reserving no portion of my time for the indulgence of ease, and very little for the enjoyment of private pleasure. Either in a pacific or hostile manner, I have visited Germany nine times, Spain six times, France four times, Italy seven times, the Low Countries ten times, England twice, Africa as often; and while my health permitted me to discharge the duty of a sovereign, and the vigour of my constitution was equal in any degree to the arduous office of governing such extensive dominions, I never shunned labour, nor repined under fatigue; but now, when my health is broken, and my vigour exhausted by the rage of an incurable distemper, my growing infirmities admonish me to retire; nor am I so fond of reigning, as to retain the sceptre in an impotent hand, which is no longer able to protect my subjects. Instead of a sovereign worn out with diseases (continued he), and scarce half alive, I give you one in the prime of life, already accustomed to govern, and who adds to the vigour of youth all the attention and sagacity of maturer years." Then turning towards Philip, who fell on his knees, and kissed his father's hand, "It is in your power (said Charles), by a wise and virtuous administration, to justify the extraordinary proof which I give this day of my paternal affection, and to demonstrate that you are worthy of the extraordinary confidence which I repose in you. Preserve (added he) an inviolable regard for religion; maintain the Catholic faith in its purity; let the laws of your country be sacred in your eyes; encroach not on the rights of your people; and if the time should ever come when you shall wish to enjoy the tranquillity of private life, may you have a son to whom you can resign your sceptre with as much satisfaction as I give up mine to you." A few weeks after, he resigned to Philip the sovereignty of Spain and America; reserving nothing to himself out of all these vast possessions but an annual pension of 100,000 crowns.

Charles was now impatient to embark for Spain, where he had fixed on a place of retreat; but by the advice of his physicians, he put off his voyage for some months, on account of the severity of the season; and, by yielding to their judgment, he had the satisfaction before he left the Low Countries of taking a considerable step towards a peace with France. This he ardently longed for; not only on his son's account, whose administration he wished to commence in quietness, but that he might have the glory, when quitting the world, of restoring to Europe that tranquillity which his ambition had banished out of it almost from the time that he assumed the reins of government.

The great bar to such a pacification, on the part of France, was the treaty which Henry had concluded with the Pope; and the emperor's claims were too numerous to hope for adjusting them suddenly. A truce of five years was therefore proposed by Charles, during which term, without discussing their respective pretensions, each should retain what was in his possession; and Henry, through the persuasion of the con- France. stable Montmorency, who represented the imprudence of sacrificing the true interests of his kingdom to the rash engagements that he had come under with Paul, authorised his ambassadors to sign at Vaucelles a treaty, which would infuse to him for so considerable a period the important conquest which he had made on the German frontier, together with the greater part of the duke of Savoy's dominions.

The Pope, when informed of this transaction, was no less filled with terror and afflornishment than rage and indignation. But he took equal care to conceal his fear and his anger. He affected to approve highly of the truce; and he offered his mediation, as the common father of Christendom, in order to bring about a definitive peace. Under this pretext, he appointed Cardinal Rebibo his nuncio to the court of Brussels, and his nephew Cardinal Caraffa to that of Paris. The public instructions of both were the same; but Caraffa, besides these, received a private commission, to spare neither intrigues, promises, nor bribes, in order to induce the French monarch to renounce the truce and renew his engagements with the holy see. He flattered Henry with the conquest of Naples; he gained by his address the Guifes, the queen, and even the famous Diana of Poictiers, duchess of Valentinois, the king's mistress; and they easily swayed the king himself, who already leaned to that side towards which they wished to incline him. All Montmorency's prudent remonstrances were disregarded; the nuncio (by powers from Rome) abdicated Henry from his oath of truce; and that weak prince signed a new treaty with the Pope; which rekindled with fresh violence the flames of war, both in Italy and the Low Countries.

No sooner was Paul made acquainted with the suc- Quarrel be- cess of this negotiation than he proceeded to the most twixt the indecent extremities against Philip. He ordered the pope and Spanish ambassador to be imprisoned; he excommunicated the Colonnas, because of their attachment to the imperial house; and he considered Philip as guilty of high treason, and to have forfeited his right to the kingdom of Naples, which he was supposed to hold of the holy see, for afterward affording them a retreat in his dominions.

Alarmed at a quarrel with the Pope, whom he had been taught to regard with the most superstitious veneration, as the vicegerent of Christ and the common father of Christendom, Philip tried every gentle method before he made use of force. He even consulted some Spanish divines on the lawfulness of taking arms against a person so favored. They decided in his favour; and Paul continuing inexorable, the duke of Alva, to whom the negociations as well as the war had been committed, entered the ecclesiastical state at the head of 10,000 veterans, and carried terror to the gates of Rome.

The haughty pontiff, though still inflexible and undaunted himself, was forced to give way to the fears of the cardinals, and a truce was concluded for 40 days. Mean time the duke of Guise arriving with a supply of 20,000 French troops, Paul became more arrogant than ever, and banished all thoughts from his mind but those of war and revenge. The duke of Guise, however, who had precipitated his country into this war, chiefly from a desire of gaining a field where he might display his own talents, was able to perform nothing in Italy worthy of his former fame. He was obliged to abandon the siege of Civetella; he could not bring the duke of Alva to a general engagement; his army perished by diseases; and the Pope neglected to furnish the necessary reinforcements. He begged to be recalled; and France stood in need of his abilities.

Philip, though willing to have avoided a rupture, was no sooner informed that Henry had violated the truce of Vaucelles, than he determined to act with such vigour, as should convince Europe that his father had not erred in resigning to him the reins of government. He immediately assembled in the Low Countries a body of 50,000 men, and obtained a supply of 10,000 from England, which he had engaged in his quarrel; and as he was not ambitious of military fame, he gave the command of his army to Emanuel Philibert duke of Savoy, one of the greatest generals of that warlike age.

The duke of Savoy kept the enemy for some time in suspense with regard to his destination; at last he seemed to threaten Champagne; towards which the French drew all their troops; then turning suddenly to the right, he advanced by rapid marches into Picardy, and laid siege to St Quintin. It was deemed in those times a town of considerable strength; but the fortifications had been much neglected, and the garrison did not amount to a fifth part of the number requisite for its defence: it must therefore have surrendered in a few days, if the admiral de Coligny had not taken the gallant resolution of throwing himself into it with such a body of men as could be collected on a sudden. This he effected in spite of the enemy, breaking through their main body. The place, however, was closely invested; and the constable Montmorency, anxious to extricate his nephew out of that perilous situation, in which his zeal for the public had engaged him, as well as to save a town of such importance, rashly advanced to its relief with forces one half inferior to those of the enemy. His army was cut in pieces, and he himself made prisoner.

The cautious temper of Philip on this occasion saved France from devastation, if not ruin. The duke of Savoy proposed to overlook all inferior objects, and march speedily to Paris, which, in its present consternation, he could not have failed to make himself master of; but Philip, afraid of the consequences of such a bold enterprise, desired him to continue the siege of St Quintin, in order to secure a safe retreat in case of any disastrous event. The town, long and gallantly defended by Coligny, was at last taken by storm; but not till France was in a state of defence.

Philip was now sensible that he had lost an opportunity which could never be recalled, of distressing his enemy, and contented himself with reducing Horn and Catelet; which petty towns, together with St Quintin, were the sole fruits of one of the most decisive victories gained in the 16th century. The Catholic king, however, continued in high exultation on account of his success; and as all his passions were tinged with superstition, he vowed to build a church, a monastery, and a palace, in honour of St Lawrence, on the day faced to whose memory the battle of St Quintin had been fought. He accordingly laid the foundation of an edifice, in which all these were included, and which he continued to forward at a vast expense, for 22 years. The same principle which dictated the vow directed the building. It was so formed as to resemble a gridiron—on which culinary instrument, according to the legendary tale, St Lawrence had suffered martyrdom. Such is the origin of the famous Elcucial near Madrid, the royal residence of the kings of Spain.

The first account of that fatal blow which France had received at St Quentin, was carried to Rome by the courier whom Henry had sent to recall the duke of Guise. Paul remonstrated warmly against the departure of the French army; but Guise's orders were peremptory. The arrogant pontiff therefore found it necessary to accommodate his conduct to the exigency of his affairs, and to employ the mediation of the Venetians, and of Cosmo de Medici, in order to obtain peace. The first overtures of this nature were eagerly lifted to by the Catholic king, who still doubted the justice of his cause, and considered it as his greatest misfortune to be obliged to contend with the Pope. Paul agreed to renounce his league with France; and Philip stipulated on his part, that the duke of Alva should repair in person to Rome, and after asking pardon of the holy father in his own name and in that of his master, for having invaded the patrimony of the church, should receive absolution from that crime. Thus Paul, through the superstitious timidity of Philip, finnished an unpromising war not only without any detriment to the apostolic see, but saw his conqueror humbled at his feet: and so excessive was the veneration of the Spaniards in that age for the papal character, that the duke of Alva, the proudest man perhaps of his time, and accustomed from his infancy to converse with princes, acknowledged, that when he approached Paul, he was so much overawed, that his voice failed, and his presence of mind forsook him.

But though this war, which at its commencement threatened mighty revolutions, was terminated without occasioning any alteration in those states which were its immediate object, it produced effects of considerable consequence in other parts of Italy. In order to detach Octavio Farnese, duke of Parma from the French interest, Philip restored to him the city of Placentia and its territory, which had been seized by Charles V. and he granted to Cosmo de Medici the investiture of Sienna, as an equivalent for the sums due to him. By these treaties, the balance of power among the Italian states was poised with more equality, and rendered less variable than it had been since it received the first violent shock from the invasion of Charles VIII. and Italy henceforth ceased to be the theatre on which the monarchs of Spain, France, and Germany, contended for fame and dominion. Their hostilities, excited by new objects, stained other regions of Europe with blood, and made other states feel, in their turn, the miseries of war.

The duke of Guise, who left Rome the same day that his adversary the duke of Alva made his humiliating submission to the Pope, was received in France as the guardian angel of the kingdom. He was appointed lieutenant-general in chief, with a jurisdiction almost unlimited; and, eager to justify the extraordinary confidence which the king had reposed in him, as well as to perform something suitable to the high expectations of his countrymen, he undertook in winter the siege of Calais. Having taken that place, he next invested Thionville in the duchy of Luxembourg, one of the strongest towns on the frontiers of the Netherlands; and forced it to capitulate after a siege of three weeks. But the advantages on this quarter were more than balanced by an event which happened in another part of the Low Countries. The marshal de Ternes governor of Calais, who had penetrated into Flanders and taken Dunkirk, was totally routed near Gravelines, and taken prisoner by Count Egmont. This disaster obliged the duke of Guise to relinquish all his other schemes, and hasted towards the frontiers of Picardy, that he might there oppose the progress of the enemy.

The eyes of all France were now turned towards the duke of Guise, as the only general on whose arms victory always attended, and in whose conduct as well as good fortune they could confide in every danger. His strength was nearly equal to the duke of Savoy's, each commanding about 40,000 men. They encamped at the distance of a few leagues from one another; and the French and Spanish monarchs having joined their respective armies, it was expected that, after the vicissitudes of war, a decisive battle would at last determine which of the rivals should take the ascendency for the future in the affairs of Europe. But both monarchs, as if by agreement, stood on the defensive; neither of them discovering any inclination, though each had it in his power, to retake the decision of a point of such importance on the issue of a single battle.

During this state of inaction, peace began to be mentioned in each camp, and both Henry and Philip discovered an equal disposition to listen to any overture that tended to re-establish it. The private inclinations of both kings concurred with their political interests and the wishes of their people. Philip languished to return to Spain, the place of his nativity, and peace only could enable him, either with decency or safety, to quit the Low Countries. Henry was now desirous of being freed from the avocations of war, that he might have leisure to turn the whole force of his government towards suppressing the opinions of the reformers, which were spreading with such rapidity in Paris and the other great towns, that they began to grow formidable to the established church. Court intrigues conspired with the public and avowed motives to hasten the negociation, and the abbey of Cercamp was fixed on as the place of congress.

While Philip and Henry were making these advances towards a treaty which restored tranquillity to Europe, Charles V., whose ambition had so long disturbed it, but who had been for some time dead to the world, ended his days in the monastery of St Juitus in Estremadura, which he had chosen as the place of his retreat, as is particularly related under the article CHARLES V.

SPA

After the death of Charles, the kingdom of Spain soon lost great part of its consequence. Though Charles had used all his interest to get his son Philip elected emperor of Germany, he had been totally disappointed; and thus the grandeur of Philip II. never equalled that of his father. His dominions were also considerably abridged by his tyrannical behaviour in the Netherlands. In consequence of this, the United Provinces revolted; and after a long and bloody war obtained their liberty. Revolt of In this quarrel Elizabeth of England took part against the United Philip, which brought on a war with Spain. The great Provinces. lofes he sustained in these wars exhausted the kingdom of both men and money, notwithstanding the great sums imported from America. Indeed the discovery of that country has much impoverished, instead of enriching Spain; for thus the inhabitants have been rendered lazy and averse to every kind of manufacture or traffic, which only can be a durable source of riches and strength to any nation. The ruin of the kingdom in this respect, however, was completed by Philip III. who, at the instigation of the inquisition, and by the advice of his prime minister the duke of Lerma, expelled from the kingdom all the Moriscos or Moors, descendants of the ancient conquerors of Spain. Thirty days only were allowed them to prepare for their departure, and it was death to remain beyond that time. The reason for this barbarous decree was, that these people were still Mahometans in their hearts, though they conformed externally to the rites of Christianity, and thus might corrupt the true faith. The Moreccos, however, chose themselves a king, and attempted to oppose the royal mandate; but, being almost entirely unprovided with arms, they were soon obliged to submit, and were all banished the kingdom. By this violent and impolitic measure, Spain lost almost a million of industrious inhabitants; and as the kingdom was already depopulated by bloody wars, by repeated emigrations to America, and enervated by luxury, it now sank into a state of languor from which it has never recovered.

The reign of Philip IV. the successor of Philip III. Philip IV. commenced in 1621. He had not been long seated on the throne before the expiration of the 12 years truce which Philip III. had concluded with the United Provinces, again involved Spain in the calamities of war. The renewed contest was carried on with vigour by both the contending powers, till in the year 1648 the Spanish monarch was compelled to sign the treaty of Munster, by which the United Provinces were declared free and independent. From this period the power of the Spanish monarchy began to decline, as it had already been severely shaken by the loss of Portugal.

This event took place in 1640, when the Portuguese Revolt finally threw off the Spanish yoke, and that country remained an independent kingdom, till the power of Bonaparte compelled its lawful monarch to abandon his European territories. Philip IV. also prosecuted an unsuccessful war with France. This war was terminated in 1659, and Philip died about five years after.

The new monarch, Charles II. was only four years old when he succeeded to the throne. He was of a feeble constitution, and a weak capacity. The war which had been occasioned by the revolt of Portugal, continued till the year 1668, when a peace was concluded, and the independence of that kingdom was acknowledged. Hostilities had been renewed with France, but but greatly to the disadvantage of the Spaniards, who lost some of the richest and best fortified towns which they still possessed in Flanders. The peace of Nimeguen between France and Spain was signed in the year 1678. Charles II. died in 1700, and with him ended the male line of the house of Austria; a dynasty to which Spain owes less than to any other race of its monarchs.

Historians have been fond of representing the dominion of the Austrian princes in Spain as productive of the greatest glory and advantage to that kingdom. The reign of Charles V. may indeed be said to have been a glorious reign; but little of its glory belonged to Spain, and the emperor certainly neglected her interests in advancing those of his more favoured territories. The picture given by the Spanish historians of the state of Spain at the accession and during the reign of Philip II. fully evinces how little that kingdom had profited by the change in the line of its succession. Agriculture was neglected; commerce was fettered by enormous duties, and the people were held in the chains of ignorance and superstition.

Charles II. was succeeded by Philip V. duke of Anjou, and grandson to Louis XIV. of France, who had been nominated heir to the Spanish throne by the late monarch. The transactions of the war which was soon declared against France and Spain, by England, Holland, and the empire, assisted by Savoy, Portugal, and Prussia, have been already related under the article BRITAIN, from No. 345 to No. 371. The treaty of Utrecht, which terminated the differences between the principal contending powers, was signed in 1713, and in 1715 a permanent peace was concluded between Spain and Portugal. Hostilities, however, still continued with Savoy and Sardinia, and in 1715 the island of Sardinia was taken by a Spanish fleet, and the year following another fleet belonging to the same nation invaded Sicily, but was defeated by the British admiral Byng. By a new treaty in 1720, Sardinia was given to the duke of Savoy, and Sicily to the emperor; and by the treaty of Seville, concluded in 1729, the duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, were ceded to Spain. In 1731, the Spanish king invaded Naples, took possession of that kingdom, and conferred it on his son Don Carlos, in consequence of which war was declared between Spain and the empire in 1733. At the end of that year the palace of Madrid was consumed by fire, and all the archives relating to the Indies perished in the flames.

In 1739, hostilities were renewed between Spain and Britain, (see BRITAIN, No. 403); but the only successes acquired by the latter power were the capture of Porto Bello by Admiral Vernon, and that of the Manilla galleon by Commodore Anson. After a long and turbulent reign, Philip V. died in 1746.

Ferdinand VI., a mild, prudent, and beneficent prince, reformed abuses in the administration of justice, and management of the finances. He revived commerce, established manufactures, and promoted the prosperity of his kingdom. In April A.D. 1755, Quito in South America was destroyed by an earthquake.

Charles III. succeeded Ferdinand in 1759. The famous family compact was concluded at Versailles, A.D. 1761, among the four kings of the house of Bourbon. The English, alarmed by the naval preparations of Spain, declared war in 1762 (see BRITAIN, No. 450), and took Havannah in the island of Cuba, and Manilla in the East Indies. Notwithstanding this success, peace was hastily concluded at Fontainebleau, in November, by which the Havannah was restored. In 1767 the Jesuits were expelled from Spain. An unsuccessful expedition was concerted against Algiers, A.D. 1775, the particulars of which are related in M. Swinburne's Travels, letter v. In the war between Great Britain and her American colonies, Spain, by the intrigues of the French court, was prevailed on to take up arms in support of the latter. At the conclusion of that calamitous war, Great Britain, in a treaty with Spain, ceded to this power, East and West Florida, and the island of Minorca. Charles died in 1788, and was succeeded by his second son Charles Anthony prince of Asturias, the eldest having been declared incapable of inheriting the crown.

Charles IV. had not been long seated on the throne before the portentous revolution in France involved Europe in a general scene of political and military contest. The king of Spain joined the general confederacy against the new republic, and in consequence was numbered among the objects of its resentment, by a declaration of war in 1793. The military operations of Spain, however, were extremely languid; and after two campaigns, the conflict in which the might be laid to carry on rather a deploration five than offensive war, against the republican armies of France, (see FRANCE, No. 411), he was compelled to conclude a treaty of peace, which was signed at Paris on the 22d July 1795. By this treaty the French republic restored to the king of Spain all the conquests which he had made from him since the commencement of hostilities, and received in exchange all right and property in the Spanish part of St Domingo.

This treaty was soon followed by a rupture with Great Britain. On 5th October 1796, the court of Spain published a manifesto against this country, to which the court of London made a spirited reply; and about the same time was published a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance, which had been concluded about two months before, between the king of Spain and the French republic. In the war which followed between Spain and Great Britain, his Catholic majesty could boast of but little honour or success; and the French republic gained little from its new ally, but the contributions of money, which he from time to time compelled him to advance. On the 14th of February 1797, a Spanish fleet of 27 sail of the line was defeated by Sir John Jervis off Cape St Vincent (see FRANCE, No. 482); and four of the Spanish line of battle ships were left in the hands of the victors. From this time till the temporary termination of hostilities by the peace of Amiens in 1802, there is nothing remarkable in the transactions of Spain.

On the renewal of the war in 1803, Spain was again compelled, by the overbearing power of France, to take an active part against Great Britain, and fitted out a formidable fleet, which was united to a considerable naval force of the new-made emperor of the French. The Spanish declaration of war against Britain is dated at Madrid on the 12th of December 1804; and on the 21st of October 1805, the combined fleets of France and Spain were nearly annihilated by Lord Nelson's decisive victory off Cape Trafalgar.

After this terrible blow to the naval power of Spain, nothing nothing of importance took place till 1808, when the designs of Bonaparte against the independence of Spain, which had been long suspected, were openly avowed, in consequence of a domestic dispute, probably fomented by the emigrantes of France, which took place between Charles IV. and the prince of Asturias. During the winter of 1807-8 the public mind in Spain had been greatly agitated. Some accused the prince of the Peace, Don Manuel Godoy, (who had long held the helm of state, and was the richest and most powerful subject in the kingdom), of having concerted with the queen to destroy the prince of Asturias. Others accused the prince of Asturias of being at the head of a party to dethrone his father. Solemn councils and long proceedings, followed up by exiles and violent acts, far from calming opinions, served to agitate them still more.

In March 1808, several disturbances happened at Aranjuez. These disturbances were excited by a report that the royal family were about to quit Spain and emigrate to America. In consequence of this report, the populace of the neighbouring villages repaired in crowds to Aranjuez, where they found the attendants of the court packing up the baggage of the royal household; and underfoot that relays of horses were stationed on the road to Seville, and that every thing was prepared for the departure of the royal fugitives, who were to take shipping at that port. It was supposed that Don Manuel Godoy, or, as he has commonly been called, the prince of the Peace, was the chief instigator of this unpopular measure; and the fury of the people was directed chiefly against that nobleman, whose palace they attacked on the 18th of March. He, however, found means to escape for the present, but was afterwards arrested in a garret of his own house. In the mean time the king issued two decrees with a view to allay the popular ferment; but as this still continued, he on the 19th took the extraordinary resolution of abdicating the throne in favour of the prince of Asturias. This revolution was made known by a royal decree, in which Charles declared that, as his natural infirmities no longer permitted him to support the weight of government, and the re-establishment of his health required a change of climate, he had after the most mature deliberation resolved to abdicate his crown in favour of his heir the prince of Asturias; and this resolution he declared to be the result of his own free will.

The new sovereign was accordingly proclaimed by the title of Ferdinand VII. and issued an edict confiscating the effects of Don Manuel Godoy, and announcing the appointment of the duke of Infantado, a nobleman deservedly popular for his talents and virtues, to the presidency of Castile and the command of the royal guards.

These disturbances have commonly been attributed to the machinations of the French emperor, who had gained a complete ascendancy over the weak Charles; and had rendered the prince of the Peace entirely subservient to the views which he had formed on the independence and the liberties of Spain. How far this supposition is correct, it is impossible for us at this time to determine; but it is rendered probable by the active measures taken about this time by Napoleon to awe by a French force the Spanish nation. Murat the grand duke of Berg was at this time on his march towards the capital with a body of French troops; and his march was hastened by the information which he had received of the tumults at Aranjuez. This general caused it to be intimated to Ferdinand, that the emperor of the French was on his journey to Spain, and advised him to meet his master on the road. In the mean time he was tampering with the self-deposed monarch, whom he assured of the affluence of Bonaparte in reinflating him on the throne. Charles accordingly addressed a letter to Bonaparte, in which he contradicts the assertion of his decree of the 19th; and declares that his abdication was a measure of compulsion; and throws himself on the protection of that great monarch, his friend and ally, from whom alone he and his subjects can hope to derive tranquillity and happiness.

It appears to have been the design of Murat to draw Designs of out of Spain the whole of the royal family, and in this Bonaparte-design he completely succeeded. Ferdinand set out on the independence meeting Bonaparte, accompanied by the French general Savary, and had advanced as far as Vittoria, where he was left by Savary, and where he found himself surrounded by French troops. He was compelled to remain at Vitoria, until Savary, who had proceeded to Bayonne, where Bonaparte then was, should return and intimate to him the pleasure of his master. When the general returned, he brought with him a letter from Napoleon to Ferdinand. In this letter, which is addressed to Ferdinand as prince of Asturias, and not as king of Spain, Bonaparte assured the prince, that the sole object of his journey into Spain was to make such reforms in that kingdom as would be agreeable to the public feelings. Without pretending to judge respecting the late revolution, he cautions Ferdinand against the danger to be apprehended from sovereigns permitting their subjects to take justice into their own hands. After intimating his own power over the royal family of Spain, and adverting to the tumults that had taken place, in which some of his troops had fallen, he makes use of the following expression, "a few of my soldiers may be murdered; but the subjugation of Spain shall be the consequence of it."

Ferdinand confounded at the conduct of the French emperor, and alarmed for his own personal safety, was compelled to proceed on his journey. When he arrived at Bayonne he was received by the prince of Neufchatel and Duroc, and was conducted to a place by no means suited to his rank or his character as ally of Bonaparte. He however dined with the emperor; but after he had retired, General Savary brought a message from his master, intimating his determination that the present royal family of Spain should give up to him all right and title to the crown of that kingdom, and that they should be succeeded by a branch of his own family. Astonished at this intimation, Ferdinand sent his prime minister Cevallos, to canvass the matter with M. Champagny, the confidential secretary of Napoleon. The conference was held in an apartment adjoining the cabinet of the emperor, and, as it appeared, within his hearing: for when Cevallos was arguing with great warmth and strength of reasoning on the injustice and even impolicy of the proposed measures, both he and Champagny were ordered into the emperor's presence; and the former was reviled in the grossest terms, branded with the appellation of a traitor, accused of having maintained that the recognition of Bonaparte was not necessary to the validity of his master's title to the throne of Spain, and of Spain having affirmed that if the French dared to attack the independence of the Spanish monarchy, three hundred thousand men would rise to defend it and repel the invaders. After Napoleon had thus indulged the violence of his temper, he entered in a harsh and arrogant style on a discussion of the points in dispute between his secretary and Cevallos; and finding that he could neither convince nor silence the Spanish minister, he abruptly concluded with the following peremptory declaration: "I have a system of policy of my own; you ought to adopt more liberal ideas, to be less susceptible on the point of honour, and not sacrifice the prosperity of Spain to the interest of the House of Bourbon." From this time the destiny of the Spanish royal family was fixed. Ferdinand the monarch of the people's choice was already a captive, and not many days elapsed before the rest of the royal family was in the same situation. On the first of May, Ferdinand had made a conditional renunciation of his crown in favour of his father, and on the fifth of the same month Bonaparte had a long conversation with Charles the Fourth and his queen. Ferdinand was called in by his father, to hear, in the presence of him and the queen, the disgusting and humiliating expressions which were uttered by the French emperor, expressions of such a nature, that Cevallos says he dares not record them. All the parties were seated except Ferdinand; he was ordered by his father to make an absolute renunciation of the crown, on pain of being treated as an usurper and a conspirator against the right of his parents. With this requisition Ferdinand complied, and thus completed the abdication of his family; for it appeared that on the preceding day Charles had executed the deed of resignation, which transferred to the emperor of the French his title to the crown of Spain, on consideration of receiving during his life an annuity of eighty millions of reals, of a dowry to his queen of two millions of reals, and to the infantes of Spain the annual sum of four hundred thousand livres.

Thus had Bonaparte effected the transference of the Spanish nation from the Bourbon dynasty to his own family, so far at least as that transference could be effected by the formal renunciation in his favour of the royal family, and by a strong but suspicious recommendation from them to the Spanish nation to receive their new sovereign, whoever he should be, with submission and obedience. Filled as the annals of mankind are with examples of treachery, perfidy, and violence, it would be difficult to point out a deed which in every part of its performance, in its own nature, or in the character of the means by which it was effected, bears such strong marks of unjust and lawless tyranny.

It was soon understood that Napoleon designed the crown of Spain for his brother Joseph, who had some time before been placed on the throne of Naples. In an address to the Spanish nation, which Bonaparte published immediately after the abdication of Charles and Ferdinand, he informed them that he did not mean to reign over them in person, but that he would give them a sovereign every way resembling himself. In the beginning of June Joseph Bonaparte arrived in the neighbourhood of Bayonne, where he was received by a deputation of the grandees of Spain and from the council of Castile, and presented with a congratulatory address, written in the most fulsome style of adulation, on his accession to the Spanish throne.

But though the nomination of Joseph Bonaparte was easily effected, it was not so easy to place him on the throne in opposition to the almost unanimous will of the Spanish nation. Ferdinand the Seventh was the darling of the people; and his accession to the crown had been indirectly hailed by them, both as placing them under the dominion of a beloved monarch, and as releasing them from the tyranny of Godoy, who was an object of almost universal detestation. They had hitherto submitted with patience to the influence and power of France, hopeless of refusing themselves while Charles possessed the throne, and while the prince of the Peace directed his councils; but the accession of Ferdinand, and the consequent disgrace of the favourite, had led them to hope that they should now find a sovereign willing to direct and assist their efforts to regain their independence. Under these expectations, a great part of the nation had come forward to offer their assistance in supporting the claims of the new monarch. The province of Catalonia, the most industrious and the most warlike of the Spanish nation, particularly distinguished itself by the promptitude and extent of its offers. Soon after Ferdinand had ascended the throne, the captain-general of Catalonia, relying on the well-known resources and dispositions of the inhabitants, had come forward with an offer of a military force of above a hundred thousand men; and other provinces would have followed this example, but Ferdinand had discouraged these military preparations, and appeared willing to submit quietly to French bondage.

The spirit which had animated the Spaniards thus boldly to support their favourite sovereign, was not of a nature to be chilled and repressed by his timidity or example. The hatred which they had conceived against the French daily found fresh sources of nourishment. They saw Ferdinand, who had rejected their proffered services left he should expose himself to the fulspection or displeasure of Bonaparte, enticed by deceit, or compelled by violence, to relinquish his kingdom and commit himself to the power of his enemy. They anticipated the consequences, and prepared to resist them with vigour and unanimity. The renunciation of the royal family in favour of Bonaparte was no sooner known in Spain, than the northern provinces burst into open insurrection. Asturias and Galicia set the glorious example; and it was soon followed by almost every part of Spain, not immediately occupied or overawed by the armies of France.

One of the first steps taken by the leaders of the insurrection was, to assemble the juntas or general assemblies of the provinces. When these were organized, they issued proclamations, calling on the Spaniards to rise in defence of their sovereign, and in the assertion of their own independence. Besides these proclamations from the provincial juntas, addresses were published in almost every province by the leaders of the popular cause; in particular, the province of Aragon was addressed by Palafax, a name celebrated in the annals of the Spanish revolution, in a bold and spirited manifesto. The junta of Seville, which assembled on the 27th of May, formed itself into a supreme junta of government, caused Ferdinand to be proclaimed king of Spain, took possession of the military stores, and issued an order for all males from 16 to 45, who had not children, to enroll themselves in the national armies.

It was natural that, when entering on so determined an opposition to the measures of Bonaparte, the Spaniards should turn their eyes towards that nation, by whom alone the ambitious views of that potentate had been successfully combated. A peace and alliance with Britain was evidently not only a measure of policy, but would afford them the most effectual assistance in the formidable struggle in which they were about to engage. Accordingly, deputies were dispatched to Great Britain from several of the provinces, to solicit the aid and friendship of that country, and to concert measures with the British ministry for executing the plans which had been contrived for freeing the kingdom from the French yoke. The junta of Seville issued a declaration of war with France, and declared the Spanish nation on terms of peace and amity with Britain. The Spanish deputies were empowered to solicit supplies of arms, ammunition, clothing and money; but it was thought that a supply of British troops would be unnecessary, the Spanish patriots considering themselves as fully equal to the defence of their country. The cause of the Spanish patriots was eagerly embraced by the court of London, and by the British nation at large, and the most active measures were quickly taken to lend them effectual aid.

While these preparations were making on the part of the Spaniards, the French forces were collecting in great numbers, both on the frontiers, and in the neighbourhood of the capital. Above 25,000 men, under the command of Bessieres and Laffols, threatened the provinces of Asturias and Biscay, or occupied the plains of Castile. Ten thousand men were shut up in the citadel of Barcelona; and, to relieve them, a strong body of French troops had marched from the frontiers, and laid siege to Zaragoza. A considerable body under General Moncey attacked the city of Valencia; while the grand duke of Berg, after having detached General Dupont at the head of 20,000 men, to quiet the insurrection of the southern provinces, held Madrid with about 15,000 troops. Junot, with about 25,000 men, had entered Portugal, and taken possession of the capital. The whole French force at this time in Spain cannot be computed at less than 100,000 men. These were opposed by a very numerous, but undisciplined force, commanded by generals of acknowledged bravery, but differing widely from each other in experience and military prudence. General Palafox commanded in Aragon; General Castanos in the southern provinces; and General Blake in the north.

The first exertions of the Spanish patriots were eminently successful, though they have been greatly exaggerated in the newspapers published under authority of the juntas. The harbour of Cadiz, which contained a numerous and well-appointed fleet, was under the command of the marquis de Solano, a man notoriously attached to the French interest; and here lay a French fleet, consisting of five ships of the line and a frigate. One of the first efforts of the patriots was, to obtain possession both of Cadiz and the French fleet, and in this they completely succeeded. Solano was arrested and put to death, and Don Morla was appointed in his room. In the beginning of June the French fleet was summoned to surrender, and on the admiral's refusal, was furiously attacked by the batteries on shore, and obliged to capitulate. The force detached by Murat, under Dupont, was attacked near Baylen on the 22d July by Major-general Reding, second in command under Castanos, and after having been defeated, was compelled to surrender at discretion. The French force besieging Zaragoza, was repeatedly attacked by General Palafox, and suffered considerable losses, while that city held out with the most heroic bravery. Perhaps there are few instances in the annals of modern warfare, in which such persevering and successful courage has been displayed, as by the defenders of Zaragoza. All the means of attack which were in possession of the French, directed by the skill with which their long experience and success had supplied them, were made use of. The inhabitants were obliged continually to be upon their guard, and to be prepared to resist the most unexpected and secret, as well as the most open and violent assaults. The city was frequently bombarded in the middle of the night, at the same time that the gates were attempted to be forced, under cover of the shells. More than once the French got into some parts of the town; but they were received with so much coolness and bravery, that they were never able to preserve what they had with so much difficulty and loss acquired. The women vied with their husbands, sons, and brothers, in the display of patriotism and contempt of danger: regardless of the fire of the enemy, they rushed into the very middle of the battle, administering support and refreshment to the exhausted and wounded, and animating, by their exhortations and example, all ranks to such a display of firmness and bravery as long secured this important city. When it is recollected, that the attacks of the French were numerous and varied, that they were constantly repeated with fresh, and generally with increasing forces, and that the sole defence of the city relied with its spirited inhabitants and the army of Palafox; some idea may be formed of the difficulties they must have undergone and surmounted, and of the glory to which they are so justly entitled. The patriots had gained possession of most of the sea ports in the bay of Biskay, and headed by the bishop of St Andere, repelled the French in several attacks. The French force under General Moncey was also repelled before Valencia, and the patriots were equally successful in several other quarters; so that by the end of July there did not remain above 40,000 French forces within the Spanish territory.

In the meantime preparations were making at Madrid for the reception of the new sovereign Joseph; and Murat, under pretence of ill health, quitted the capital, to give way to the brother of his master. Joseph Bonaparte arrived at Madrid in the latter end of July, with a guard of 10,000 men; but soon after his arrival the news of the defeat and capitulation of Dupont reached Madrid, and threw the new court into the utmost consternation. They understood that the victorious army of Castanos was on its march towards the capital; and if he did not speedily retire from so dangerous a position, King Joseph dreaded either falling into the hands of the conqueror of Dupont, or of being intercepted in his retreat by the army of General Blake. In this situation he found himself under the necessity of quitting the capital which he had so lately entered, and before the end of the month he had reached Burgos in his precipitate flight towards the frontiers. Thus, within the space of two months, did the people of Spain behold their country almost entirely freed from the presence of the French; and this glorious and happy issue had been brought about by their own intrepidity. At a time when their situation was the most dispiriting and for- lorn; when their king had been compelled to forsake them, and to make over his right to the throne to a foreign potentate; when they beheld scarcely any troops surrounding them on all sides, but those of that potentate, they rose in arms, and opposed themselves, unskilled as they were in war, and totally unprepared for it, to a man before whom the mightiest empires in Europe had fallen.

The successes of the Spanish arms, though brilliant and important, were but transient. The leaders of the insurrection appear to have been but ill calculated to oppose the system of tactics which had been so often practised with success by the conqueror of Marengo, of Jena, and of Austerlitz. Though the conquests of Austria and Prussia had been effected by the same system which the French were now pursuing in Spain, the military men of this kingdom were incapable of analyzing them, or of adopting effectual measures of opposition or defence. In a series of about 30 bulletins, published from the French army of Spain, comprehending from the beginning of November 1808 to the middle of January 1809, we read of nothing but the rapid movements and successes of the French, and the defeat and annihilation of the best appointed armies of the insurgents. In Galicia, General Blake, after having withstood the duke of Dantzick (Marshal Ney), in several encounters, was at length defeated, and his army dispersed. A division of the army of Estremadura, under Count Belvider, which had marched from Madrid to support the city of Burgos, was attacked and defeated by a division of the French army under the dukes of Istria and Dalmatia; while the army of General Caftanos was in a great measure dispersed, after a severe conflict on the heights of Tudela. According to the French account, the army of Caftanos consisted of 45,000 men. It was opposed by the duke of Montebello, and entirely defeated, with the loss of nearly 4000 killed, and 5000 taken prisoners.

In the meantime Bonaparte had entered Spain, and taken the command of the French army. He advanced by rapid marches towards Madrid, and at the end of November his advanced guard reached the important pass of Somosierra. This pass was defended by a body of 13,000 Spaniards, with fifteen pieces of cannon. They were attacked by the French under the duke of Belluno, and after making a considerable stand, were entirely defeated. On the 2d of December Bonaparte arrived in the neighbourhood of Madrid, and on the 5th he was master of that capital.

While the Spanish patriots were thus pursuing their plan of opposition to French tyranny with various successes, the British cabinet were fitting out formidable expeditions to the coasts of Spain and Portugal. The result of the expedition under Sir Harry Burrard and Sir Arthur Wellesley, the battle of Vimiera, the convention of Cintra, and the consequent evacuation of Portugal by the French, in the month of August 1808, have been already noticed under Portugal, No 49 and 50. After these transactions, the greater part of the British army under the command of Lieutenant-general Sir John Moore, proceeded on their march to the frontiers of Spain. The progress and operations of this army will be detailed afterwards. About the middle of the same month, a body of 13,000 British troops, under the command of Sir David Baird, arrived at Corunna, and proceeded through the interior of the country, intending to join Sir John Moor in the neighbourhood of Madrid. A brigade of 10,000 men under General Hope, reached that capital, and established themselves at the Escorial; but on the approach of Bonaparte, were under the necessity of retiring.

Experience has shown that in their military campaigns on the continent, British forces have to contend with numerous difficulties, surmountable only by the utmost prudence and vigilance on the part of the commanding officers, and by a considerable degree of skill and foresight on that of the projectors of such undertakings. Never perhaps were these difficulties more severely felt than in the march of Sir John Moore from Portugal to the centre of the Spanish territory. It was found that in whatever direction he might prosecute his march, he would encounter either bad roads or scanty supplies of provisions. In particular, the difficulty of transporting the artillery over the Portuguese mountains was extreme; and the Portuguese at Lisbon were either egregiously ignorant of the state of the roads which led through their own country to the Spanish frontiers, or were unwilling to communicate the information which they really possessed. Under these circumstances it was found necessary to divide the British army; and it was determined to send forward one division consisting of 6000 men under the command of Lieutenant-General Hope, which was directed to march by Elvas, to enter Spain by Badajos, and to proceed along the Madrid road by way of Epinhar. Another division, consisting of two brigades under General Paget, was detached by way of Elvas and Alcantara, where it was to pass the Tagus. Two brigades under General Beresford moved through Portugal by way of Coimbra and Almezyda towards Salamanca, while three brigades under General Fraser marched towards the frontiers of Spain by Abrantes and Almezyda.

Burgos had been recommended by the Spanish government as the point of union for the British troops, and Madrid and Valladolid were appointed for magazines. The British had been led to expect that they would find between 60,000 and 70,000 Spaniards assembled under General Blake and the marquis de la Romana in the provinces of Asturias and Galicia, and that a much greater number was ready to co-operate with them under the command of Caftanos on the front and left of the principal French position. The Spaniards had been represented as unanimous in their enthusiasm for the cause of liberty, and as ready to treat the British troops as the favourites of their country. How far this information was correct, will be seen presently.

In marching through the Portuguese territory, the troops first encountered difficulties which they were not prepared to expect. The contractor at Lisbon, who had agreed to supply the divisions with rations on the march, failed in his contract, and excessive inconvenience was experienced from the want of money. The divisions under Generals Fraser and Beresford were obliged to halt, and it was some time before they could again set forward. The proceedings of the central junta, on which all the movements both of the British and Spanish armies chiefly depended, were languid, tardy, and irresolute; and before the British troops could assemble in any force in Spain, the principal armies of the patriots had been defeated and dispersed in almost every every quarter. On the 8th of November Sir John Moore reached Almeyda. The weather was at this time extremely unfavourable, and the troops were exposed to almost incessant rain. They entered Spain on the 11th of November, and on the 13th Sir John arrived with his advanced guard at Salamanca, where he halted, intending to assemble there all the troops which were on their march through Portugal. While he remained at Salamanca, he was informed that a considerable French force had assembled and taken possession of Valladolid, at the distance of only twenty leagues, by which one of the places that had been intended for magazines was lost. At this time Sir John had with him only three brigades of infantry without artillery, and it would be at least ten days before the whole of the divisions could come up. He was thus exposed to almost an immediate attack by the French without any effectual support from the boasted patriotism of the Spaniards.

The situation of affairs in Spain had now become extremely critical; and every account sent to Sir John Moore by men of sound judgment, was filled with convincing proofs that the Spanish government had concealed from their ally the very desperate state of their affairs. General Hope, by a long and tiresome march, had reached the neighbourhood of Madrid, whence he wrote a letter to Sir John, stating that every branch was affected by the disjointed and inefficient construction of the government. On the 28th of November Sir John was advertised of the late defeat and dispersion of Caffanos, and of the little probability there was of his being able to march forward, so as to effect anything of advantage. He therefore determined to fall back, though this determination was evidently in opposition to the wishes and advice of his officers. Fresh dispatches, however, from the seat of government, diminishing the losses which had been sustained by the patriots, and exaggerating the ardour with which the people were actuated, induced him to delay his retreat, especially as he had now a complete, though small corps, with cavalry and artillery, and could, by a movement to the left, easily effect a junction with Sir David Baird, while the division under General Hope had, by rapid marches, arrived in the neighbourhood of Salamanca.

In addition to the misrepresentations by which the commanders of the British forces, and the British envoy at Aranjuez, had been deceived, they had now to contend with two designing men, who, it soon appeared, were in the French interest. These were Don Morla, the late governor of Cadiz, and a M. Charmilly. By the machinations of these men, Mr Frere was led to advise, and Sir John Moore strongly incited to undertake, bringing the whole of the British force to the neighbourhood of Madrid, where they would soon have been completely within the power of the enemy. Though by these arts Sir John was effectually misled, he did not suffer himself to be drawn into so dangerous a snare. He, however, advanced beyond Salamanca, and sent forward the reserve and General Beresford's brigade towards Toro on the Douro, where they were to unite with the cavalry under Lord Paget, who had advanced thither from Astorga. On December 12th, Lord Paget, with the principal part of the cavalry, marched from Toro to Tordefillas, while the brigade under General Stewart moved from Arivolo. In the vicinity of Tordefillas, near the village of Rueda, the British forces were first opposed by the French, a small party of whom were attacked and defeated.

While Sir John Moore was at Toro, he received intelligence that the duke of Dalmatia was at Saldana with a considerable body of French troops, that Junot, duke of Abrantes, was marching with another towards Burgos, and that a third under the duke of Trevilo was destined for Zaragoza. He was very desirous that the first of these generals should advance to meet him, and with this view he had come forward to Toro, which he reached on the 16th of December. He had hoped for effectual assistance from the corps commanded by the marquis de la Romana, but he soon found that this general could render him no support. He had now resolved to threaten the communication between France and Madrid; and, if a favourable opportunity offered, to attack the duke of Dalmatia's corps, or any of the covering divisions that should present themselves. He foresaw that this would necessarily draw upon him a large French force, and of course would prove an important diversion in favour of the Spaniards; who would by this means have the opportunity of collecting in the south, and restoring their affairs. The army was now near the French position. The cavalry under Lord Paget were pushed forward, that their patrols reached as far as Valladolid, and had frequent successful skirmishes with the enemy. Colonel Otway met a detachment of French cavalry, charged them, and made the whole prisoners.

On the 18th of December, Sir John's head-quarters were at Castro Nuevo, and Sir David Baird's at Benevente, on the road to join him. On the 20th Sir John reached Majorga, where he was joined by Sir David Baird. The united British army now amounted to rather fewer than 26,000 men, of whom about 2000 were cavalry. The weather was extremely cold, and the ground covered with deep snow. Still the exertions of the troops were indefatigable, and the cavalry in particular attacked and defeated a considerable body of French horse. On the 21st the army reached Sahagun, where Sir John established his head-quarters, and determined to halt for some time, to refresh his troops, after the fatigues which they had undergone.

Sir John had now arrived within a very short distance from Saldana, where the duke of Dalmatia was posted, with the flower of the French army; and preparations were made for an attack, which was waited for with all the ardour and impatience which distinguished British troops. In the mean time, however, repeated couriers arrived at head-quarters, the bearers of unpleasant intelligence. Certain information was received, that a strong French reinforcement had arrived at Carrion, a little to the right of Sahagun, that the French corps, which was marching to the south, had halted at Talavera, and that the enemy were advancing from Madrid in considerable force. Sir John now saw that his motions had been watched by Bonaparte, and that all the arts of this experienced general had been preparing to entrap him. To advance was madness; to retreat, almost in the face of an enemy, was a measure of the utmost danger, but it was the only alternative.

On the 24th of December Sir John began silently His retreat. and secretly to prepare for his retreat, and to provide, as far as possible, for the defence of these parts of the country country which were still held by the patriots. With this latter view, he directed Sir David Baird to take the route towards Valencia de Don Juan, while the rest of the army was to proceed by Castro Gonzalo. By this division the magazines and stores which had been deposited at Benevente and Zamora, were also effectually secured.

According to the arrangement made, General Fraser, followed by General Hope, marched with their divisions on the 24th December to Valderos and Majorga, and Sir David Baird proceeded with his to Valencia. To conceal this movement, Lord Paget was ordered to push on strong patrols of cavalry close to the advanced posts of the enemy. The reserve, with two light corps, did not retire from Sahagun till the morning of the 25th, following General Hope. Lord Paget was ordered to remain with the cavalry until evening, and then follow the reserve. These last were accompanied by Sir John. The retreat commenced in this deliberate manner. On the 26th of December, Sir David Baird reached the Eflar, and passed the ferry with less difficulty than was expected. He took post, according to his orders, at Valencia, and wrote to the marquis of Romana, urging him to blow up the bridge of Manilla. The other divisions of infantry proceeded unmolested to Castro Gonzalo. On the 24th the advanced guard of Bonaparte's army marched from Tordecillas, 120 miles from Madrid, and strong detachments of cavalry had been pushed forward to Villalpando and Majorga. On the 26th, Lord Paget fell in with one of these detachments at the latter place. His lordship immediately ordered Colonel Leigh, with two squadrons of the 10th hussars, to attack this corps, which had halted on the summit of a steep hill. One of Colonel Leigh's squadrons was kept in reserve; the other rode briskly up the hill; on approaching the top, where the ground was rugged, the colonel judiciously reined-in to refresh the horses, though exposed to a severe fire from the enemy. When he had nearly gained the summit, and the horses had recovered their breath, he charged boldly and overthrew the enemy; many of whom were killed and wounded, and above 100 surrendered prisoners. Nothing could exceed the coolness and gallantry displayed by the British cavalry on this occasion. The 18th dragoons had signalized themselves in several former skirmishes; they were successful in six different attacks. Captain Jones, when at Palencia, had even ventured to charge 100 French dragoons with only 30 British; 14 of the enemy were killed, and six taken prisoners. The cavalry, the horse-artillery, and a light corps, remained on the night of the 26th, at Castro Gonzalo; and the divisions under Generals Hope and Fraser marched to Benevente. On the 27th, the rear guard crossed the Eflar, and followed the same route, after completely blowing up the bridge.

We shall not attempt any farther detail of this dangerous and calamitous retreat, in which our army suffered extremely, from the fatigues of constant marching, from the badness of the weather, and even from the brutality of the Spaniards, in whose cause they had embarked. Before they reached Astorga, it was found necessary to divide the army. A body of 3000 men, under Brigadier general Crawford, was detached on the road to Orense towards Vigo, while the main body, under the command of Sir John Moore, marched by Astorga and Lugo, on the road to Corunna. They left Astorga on the 30th of December, and on the 11th An. 1812 of January came in sight of Corunna. The army had now reached the sea port from which they were to embark, but adverse winds had detained the transports, or the whole of the troops would have been speedily and safely on board. Only a few frigates lay in the harbour, and in these some sick men and a few stragglers, under pretence of sickness, had immediately embarked.

During the whole march from Sahagun to Corunna, the British army was closely followed by the French, led by Bonaparte and the duke of Dalmatia; and the two armies were often so near each other, that the French patrols fell in, during the night, with the cavalry pickets of the British. The duke of Dalmatia had joined Bonaparte at Astorga, and had increased his force to nearly 70,000 men, while the whole force of the British did not exceed 26,000. When Sir John's army reached Lugo, it was found that three divisions of the French were arranged in front, and it was thought advisable, on the 8th of January, to offer the enemy battle. This offer, however, the French thought proper to decline, and the duke of Dalmatia stirred not from his post. When the army reached Corunna, the French were far in the rear, and it was hoped that the transports might arrive before the enemy could come up.

The retreat of the British, considering the circumstances under which it was effected, was a brilliant and successful achievement. Two hundred and fifty miles of country had been traversed in 11 days, during the worst season of the year, through bad roads, over mountains, defiles, and rivers, and in almost daily contact with an enemy nearly three times their numbers. Though often engaged, the rear guard of the British had never been beaten, nor even thrown into confusion. Many losses had indeed been sustained, in baggage, artillery, and horses, and many stragglers had fallen into the hands of the enemy; but neither Napoleon nor the duke of Dalmatia could boast of a single military trophy taken from the retreating army. The greatest danger was still to be incurred; the position of Corunna was found to be extremely unfavourable; the transports had not arrived, and the enemy began to appear upon the heights. The situation of the army was by most of the officers thought so desperate, that they advised the general to propose terms to the duke of Dalmatia, that they might be suffered to embark unmolested; but this advice Sir John, without hesitation, rejected.

On the 12th of January, the French were seen moving in considerable force on the opposite side of the river Mero. They took up a position near the village of Perillo, on the left flank of the British, and occupied the houses along the river. In the mean time Sir John was incessantly occupied in preparing for the defence of his post, and in making every arrangement for the embarkation of the troops.

On the 13th, Sir David Baird marched out of Corunna with his division, and took post on a rising he army ground, where he determined to remain all night. A division under General Hope was sent to occupy a hill on the left, which commanded the road to Betanzos, forming a semicircle with Sir David Baird's division on the right. General Fraser's division was drawn up near the road to Vigo, about half a mile from Corunna, and communicated communicated with that under Sir David Baird, by means of the rifle corps attached to the latter, which formed a chain across the valley. The reserve under Major-general Paget occupied a village on the Betanzos road, about half a mile from the rear of General Hope. The higher grounds on the rear and flanks of the British were possessed by the French, a situation which gave the latter a considerable advantage.

In the evening the transports from Vigo hove in sight; but the enemy was now so near, and had, during this day, shewn so much disposition to molest the British, that a general action was become inevitable. On the 15th, the enemy had advanced to a height where, the day before, a magazine, containing nearly 4000 barrels of gunpowder, had been blown up, and which was immediately opposite to the position of the British. On this day some skirmishes took place.

On the 16th, every thing was prepared for a general action. Most of the artillery had been embarked, as it was found that, from the nature of the ground, much artillery could not be employed with advantage. During the 13th and 14th, the sick, the dismounted cavalry and horses, were also nearly all embarked. On the morning of the 16th, the French on the hills were apparently quiet, and it was hoped that the embarkation might be effected in the course of that night; but about noon the enemy, who had in the morning received reinforcements, and had placed some guns in front of the right and left of his line, was observed to be getting under arms, to be moving troops towards his left flank, and forming various columns of attack at that extremity of the strong and commanding position which he had taken on the 15th, in front of the British line. This indication of his intention was immediately succeeded by a rapid and determined attack on the division under Sir David Baird, which formed the right wing, and was the weakest part of the line. The first effort of the enemy was met by Sir John Moore and Sir David Baird at the head of the 42d regiment, and the brigade under Lord William Bentinck. The village on the right became an object of obstinate contest. While leading on his division to support this position, Sir David had his arm shattered with a grape shot.

Not long after, while Sir John Moore was riding from post to post, everywhere encouraging his troops, and pointing out the most advantageous opportunities for attack or defence, his conspicuous situation had exposed him to the fire of the enemy. A cannon-ball struck his left shoulder, and beat him to the ground. He raised himself, and sat up with an unaltered countenance, looking intently at the Highlanders, who were warmly engaged. Captain Hardinge threw himself from his horse, and took him by the hand; then, observing his anxiety, he told him the 42d were advancing, upon which his countenance immediately brightened. His friend Colonel Graham now dismounted to assist him; and, from the composure of his features, entertained hopes that he was not even wounded: but observing the horrid laceration and effusion of blood, he rode off for surgeons. The general was carried from the field on a blanket, by a sergeant of the 42d, and some soldiers. On the way he ordered Captain Hardinge to report his wound to General Hope, who assumed the command. Many of the soldiers knew that their two chiefs were carried off: yet they continued to fight with undiminished courage; and, by the most determined bravery, not only repelled every attempt of the enemy to gain ground, but actually forced him to retire, though he had brought up fresh troops in support of those originally engaged.

The enemy finding himself foiled in every attempt to force the right of the position, endeavoured by numbers to turn it. A judicious and well-timed movement, which was made by Major-general Paget, with the reserve, which corps had moved out of its cantonments to support the right of the army, by a vigorous attack, defeated this intention. The major-general having pushed forward the 95th (rifle corps) and 1st battalion 52d regiment, drove the enemy before him; and, in his rapid and judicious advance, threatened the left of the enemy's position. This circumstance, with the position of Lieutenant-general Fraser's division (calculated to give still farther security to the right of the line) induced the enemy to relax his efforts in that quarter. They were, however, more forcibly directed towards the centre, where they were again successfully resisted by the brigade under Major-general Manningham, forming the left of Sir David Baird's division, and a part of that under Major-general Leith, forming the right of the division under General Hope. Upon the left the enemy at first contented himself with an attack upon our picquets, which, however, in general, maintained their ground. Finding, however, his efforts unavailing on the right and centre, he seemed determined to render the attack on the left more serious, and had succeeded in obtaining possession of the village through which the great road to Madrid passes, and which was situated in front of that part of the line. From this point, however, he was soon expelled with considerable loss, by a gallant attack of some companies of the 2d battalion of the 14th regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel Nicholls. Before five in the evening, the British had not only successfully repelled every attack made upon the position, but had gained ground in almost all points, and occupied a more forward line than at the commencement of the action, whilst the enemy confined his operations to a cannonade, and the fire of his light troops, with a view to draw off his other corps. At fix the firing ceased. The different brigades were reassembled on the ground which they occupied in the morning, and the picquets and advanced posts resumed their original stations.

Notwithstanding the decided and marked superiority which at this moment the gallantry of the troops had given them over an enemy, who, from his numbers and the commanding advantages of his position, no doubt expected an easy victory, General Hope did not, on reviewing all circumstances, conceive that he should be warranted in departing from what he knew was the previous and fixed determination of the late commander of the forces, to withdraw the army on the evening of the 16th, for the purpose of embarkation, the previous arrangements for which had already been made by his order, and were in fact far advanced at the commencement of the action. The troops quitted their position about 10 at night, with a degree of order that did them credit. The artillery that remained unembarked, having been withdrawn, the troops followed in the order prescribed, and marched to their respective points of embarkation in the town and neighbourhood of Corunna. The picquets remained at their posts till five in the morning of the 17th, when they were also withdrawn with similar order, and without the movement having been discovered by the enemy.

By the unremitting exertion of the captains of the royal navy, who had been entrusted with the service of embarking the army, and in consequence of the arrangements made by the agents for transports, the whole of the forces were embarked with an expedition which has been seldom equalled. The brigades under Major-generals Hill and Beresford were destined to remain till daylight, in order to watch the movements of the enemy. The brigade under General Beresford, which was alternately to form the rear-guard, occupied the land in front of Corunna, while that under General Hill was stationed on the promontory in the rear of the town by way of reserve.

The enemy pushed his light troops towards the town, soon after eight o'clock in the morning of the 17th, and shortly after occupied the heights of St Lucia, which commanded the harbour. But notwithstanding this circumstance, and the manifold defects of the place, there being no apprehension that the rear-guard could be forced, and the disposition of the Spaniards appearing to be good, the embarkation of Major-general Hill's brigade was commenced and completed by three in the afternoon. After having fully explained, to the satisfaction of the Spanish governor, the nature of the movement, and having made every previous arrangement, General Beresford withdrew his corps from the land in front of the town soon after dark, and was, with all the wounded that had not previously been removed, safely embarked before one o'clock of the morning of the 18th.

In this action the British troops had come off with glory, and there can be no doubt, from the repulse of the French forces, and their subsequent inactivity, that the honour of the victory belonged to the British. The victory had indeed cost them dear. They had lost one of their best generals; and probably nearly 1000 men had been killed or wounded during the action. It had been achieved at the termination of a long and harassing service. The superior numbers, and advantageous position of the enemy, not less than the actual situation of the British army, did not admit of any advantage being reaped from success. The lustre of the British arms had, however, been maintained under the most disadvantageous circumstances. The army which had entered Spain amidst the fairest prospects, had no sooner completed its junction, than owing to the multiplied disasters that dispersed the native armies around it, it was left to its own resources. The advance of the British troops from the Douro afforded the best hope, that the south of Spain might be relieved; but this generous effort to save an unfortunate people, also afforded the enemy the opportunity of directing every effort of his numerous troops, and concentrating all his principal resources for the destruction of the only regular force in the north of Spain. These circumstances had produced the necessity of rapid and harassing marches, which had diminished the numbers, exhausted the strength, and impaired the equipment of the army. Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, and those more immediately attached to a defensive position, which the imperious necessity of covering the harbour of Corunna, for a time, had rendered indispensable to assume, the native and un-

daunted valour of British troops was never more conspicuous.

At daybreak on the 18th, the English convoy was under sail, and on the 19th it had entirely left the Spanish coasts.

Notwithstanding the ill success which had thus attended the expedition under Sir John Moore, the spirit of patriotism which appeared still to actuate the southern provinces of Spain, and the hope that the common cause might there be supported to greater advantage, induced the British ministry to send another military force to the western peninsula of Europe, to co-operate with the patriots who still continued in arms. Accordingly a body of about 15,000 forces, under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, whose bravery and good conduct in the battle of Vimiera, had recommended him, in a particular manner, both to the ministry and the nation, was dispatched towards the coast of Portugal, where Marshal Beresford still maintained a British force; while General Hill, with about 3000 infantry, and 400 cavalry, sailed from Ireland with the fame destination. General Hill arrived at Lisbon on the 4th of April, and soon after Sir Arthur landed with the main body. On the 7th of April the army moved forward towards the Douro, and crossed that river during the night of the 11th, a little above Oporto. Here they fell in with a French detachment from the army of the duke of Dalmatia, which they routed and put to flight, after a short but well-contested action.

After this action the duke of Dalmatia found it necessary to retreat. He passed through the defiles of Salamonde, and thus gained considerably on the British army, though he was obliged to leave behind him part of his artillery. On the 19th of May he was at Allariz, and on the 20th he continued his retreat across the Minho, which he passed at Orense, thus leaving Portugal once more in possession of the British forces.

Sir Arthur Wellesley, after having remained for some time in the Portuguese territory, to refresh his men after the fatigues which they had undergone, advanced into Spain, and effected a junction with General Cuesta, who then commanded a considerable part of the remains of the patriotic army. In the latter end of July, the allied army had advanced to Talavera de la Reyna, in the neighbourhood of which they were encountered by a formidable French force, consisting of a corps commanded by Marshal Victor, another under General Sebastiani, the guards of Joseph Bonaparte, amounting to 8000 men, and the garrison of Madrid. This large force was commanded by Joseph Bonaparte in person, assisted by Marshals Jourdan and Victor, and General Sebastiani.

On the 27th of July, an attack was made by the French army on that of the allies, who had taken up their position at Talavera. The attack was vigorous, but was repelled with great spirit and success, though not without considerable loss on the part of the British.

The defeat of this attempt was followed about noon of the 28th by a general attack of the enemy's whole force, on the whole of that part of the position which was occupied by the British army. The general attack began by the march of several columns of infantry into the valley, with a view to attack the height occupied by Major general Hill. These columns were immediately charged by the 1st German light dragoons, and 23d dragoons, under the command of General Anson, and supported by General Fane's brigade of heavy artillery; and although the 23d dragoons suffered considerable loss, the charge had the effect of preventing the execution of that part of the enemy's plan. At the same time an attack was directed upon Brigadier-general Alexander Campbell's position in the centre of the combined armies, and on the right of the British. This attack was most successfully repelled by Brigadier-general Campbell, supported by the king's regiment of Spanish cavalry, and two battalions of Spanish infantry; and the allies were left in possession of the enemy's cannon.

An attack was also made at the same time on Lieutenant-general Sherbrooke's division, which was on the left and centre of the first line of the British army. This attack was most gallantly repelled by a charge with bayonets, by the whole division; but the brigade of guards which were on the right, having advanced too far, were exposed on their left flank to the fire of the enemy's battery, and of their retiring columns; and the division was obliged to retire towards the original position, under cover of the second line of General Cotton's brigade of cavalry, which had moved from the centre, and the 1st battalion 48th regiment. This regiment was removed from its original position on the heights, as soon as the advance of the guards was perceived, and formed in the plain; it advanced upon the enemy, and covered the formation of Lieutenant-general Sherbrooke's division. Shortly after the repulse of this general attack, in which apparently all the enemy's troops were employed, he commenced his retreat across the Alberche, which was conducted in the most regular manner, and effected during the night, leaving in the hands of the British 20 pieces of cannon, ammunition, tumbrils, and some prisoners.

Though the French were defeated in this engagement, and, according to Sir Arthur Wellesley's account, must have lost at least 10,000 men, the loss of the British was very great. By the official returns it is stated to exceed 5000, namely, in killed, 34 officers, 28 sergeants, 2 drummers, and 735 rank and file; in wounded 105 officers, 165 sergeants, 16 drummers, and 3537 rank and file; and in missing 9 officers, 15 sergeants, 9 drummers, and 620 rank and file. The action, though brilliant, does not appear to have been attended with much advantage to the allies, as, from the reinforcements which the French army was daily receiving, Sir Arthur Wellesley (now Lord Wellington) was soon compelled to fall back towards the frontiers of Portugal, leaving behind him much of his baggage, and the whole of his sick and wounded. It must be recorded to the honour of the French commander, into whose hands these unfortunate men had fallen, that, in consequence of a representation in their favour by Lord Wellington, he treated them with the utmost humanity, and afforded them every accommodation which the nature of their situation admitted.

Since the battle of Talavera, nothing of importance has transpired respecting the state of affairs in Spain. It appears that the patriots still continue to make a stand against their invaders; but it cannot be expected that their opposition shall be ultimately attended with success. The resources of the French are so numerous and extensive, and the force which he is able to draw towards the Spanish peninsula, has been so much increased in consequence of the peace lately concluded between France and Austria, that the liberties of Spain must, we fear, fall a sacrifice, and that kingdom must contribute to swell the already exorbitant power of the house of Bonaparte (a).

We shall conclude the historical part of this article with a summary recapitulation of the principal revolutions which have taken place in Spain.

From the year 240 B. C. to the year 206 B. C. Spain was in some degree under the dominion of the Carthaginians. From the year 206 B. C. to the commencement of the fifth century of the Christian era, it continued almost entirely in possession of the Romans. The Goths reigned in Spain from the year 411 to 711; the Moors from the year 711 till 716, in part of the Asturias; till 820 in Catalonia; till 750 in Sobrarba; till 923 in Leon; till 1073 in different parts of the two Castiles; till 1118 in Aragon; till 1236 in Cordova and Jaen; till 1248 in Seville; till 1264 in the kingdom of Valencia; till 1265 in that of Murcia; and even so late as 1492 in Granada. During the wars against the Moors, the Goths reigned in the Asturias, Galicia, and, finally, in the kingdom of Leon till 1338.

The house of Navarre, descended from the French house of Bigorre, which had previously reigned in Castile for 10 years, united with it the crown of Leon till the year 1126. This was succeeded by the family of Bourbon, descended from the royal family of France, which reigned over these countries till 1555. The house of Charlemagne, a French family descended from that prince, ruled over Catalonia from the year 802 till 1132. The French family of Bigorre first reigned in Sobrarba, and afterwards in Aragon from the year 750 to 1162; at that period the French family of Barcelona succeeded to the government, and united to the crown of Aragon that of Catalonia, and afterwards the kingdom of Valencia, over which it reigned till the year 1430. These parts of Spain then came into the possession of the princes of the French branch of Navarre, which reigned in Castile, and continued in their descendants to 1515; at which time the different states of the Spanish monarchy were united under the government of Joanna the Foolish, who reigned over them till her death, which happened in 1555. The Austrian family then possessed the throne till 1700, since which time it has been occupied by a branch of the house of Bourbon, till the late revolution, by placing the Spanish monarchs in the power of the French, has given rise to a new dynasty of princes in the person of Joseph Bonaparte.

The earliest Spanish antiquities which can be with certainty ascertained, belong to the Roman period; and of these the examples are extremely numerous. They abound in the provinces of Catalonia, Valencia, and those which border on the Pyrenees. We cannot here enumerate, much less describe, all the remains of Roman antiquity

(a) This prediction is not yet verified. The French, excepting a small army in Catalonia, have been totally expelled from Spain. Lord Wellington has entered France, and forced the French lines on their own soil (October 1813.) antiquity mentioned by Swinburne, Townsend, De Laborde, and other travellers in Spain. The most remarkable are, the aqueduct at Segovia, in Old Castile, consisting of 159 arches, extending about 740 yards, and being at least 94 feet high, where it crosses the valley; the amphitheatre of the ancient Saguntum, near the modern Morviedro in Valencia, which was hewn out of the solid rock, and appears to have been capable of containing 10,000 spectators; a superb Roman arch, supported by Corinthian pillars, and having a very lofty gateway, not far from Tarragona; a monument near the same place, supposed to be the tomb of the father and uncle of Scipio Africanus; and a considerable amphitheatre on an eminence near Seville. It is supposed that the ancient city of Italica, built by Scipio Africanus for the reception of his wounded soldiers, stood near this spot; but we are assured by Mr Swinburne, that no traces of it now remain.

Of the Gothic edifices, no certain remains are to be found; but the Moorish antiquities are numerous and splendid. Of these, the most remarkable are the palace of the Alhambra in the city of Granada, and the mosque of Cordova. Of the former we have already given an account under ALHAMBRA. The mosque, now the cathedral of Cordova, was begun by Abdoulrahman I. caliph of Cordova, and is computed to contain not fewer than 800 columns. The architecture of its doors, windows, and arches, especially those of the chapel of the Koran, at least equals that of the Alhambra in grandeur of design, and beauty of execution, and exceeds that palace in variety of decoration. This superb edifice has been minutely described by Mr Swinburne, in his Travels into Spain, Letter 35. Not far from Cordova stood the magnificent city of Zehra, built by Abdoulrahman III. and which is said to have employed 25 years in building, and to have cost more than 2,500,000l. of our present sterling money. In this city was a palace containing 1173 columns, of African, Spanish, Italian, and Asiatic marbles. This splendid palace, and the city in which it stood, were entirely destroyed during the wars by which Spain was defoliated in the middle ages.

It has been computed, that under the dominion of the Romans, Spain contained a population of nearly 50,000,000 of people; but this calculation is, by De Laborde, diminished to 20,000,000.

At the close of the 14th century, the population is stated by most Spanish writers as follows:

<table> <tr> <th>In the states of Castile,</th> <td>11,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <th>States of Aragon,</th> <td>7,700,000</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Kingdom of Granada,</th> <td>3,000,000</td> </tr> <tr> <th></th> <th>21,700,000</th> </tr> </table>

On what De Laborde deems better authority, he reduces this number to 16,000,000.

In the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, at the end of the 15th century, the total population of Spain has generally been estimated at 20,000,000, but this too is reduced by Laborde to 14,000,000 or 15,000,000.

The population was reduced

<table> <tr> <th>in 1688 to</th> <td>10,000,000</td> </tr> </table>

in 1700 - - - 8,000,000 1715 - - - 6,000,000 In 1768 it had risen to - - 9,307,800 1788 - - - 10,143,975

According to the table of the provinces, collected chiefly from De Laborde, it amounted, at the end of the 18th century, to 10,308,505; by the last census, taken in the years 1797 and 1798, the statements of which have not been published, but were lately locked up in the office belonging to the minister of finance, it appears that the population, at the end of the 18th century, exceeded 12,000,000.

From these statements we observe, that the population of Spain had gradually diminished from its conquest by the Romans, to the reign of Philip V. in the beginning of the 18th century; but that during the last hundred years it has rapidly increased.

Various causes have been assigned for the remarkable depopulation that had taken place in the Spanish dominions. Perhaps the following by Dr Playfair are sufficiently plausible. "The pestilential fevers and epidemical diseases, which carried off one-third of the inhabitants in the year 1347, and have produced great mortality during the two last centuries; almost incessant struggles for dominion, from 714 till the conquest of Granada, and union of the two crowns of Castile and Aragon; the expulsion of about 400,000 Jews by Ferdinand and Isabella, and of 900,000 Moors, A. D. 1610; the discovery of South America in 1493, which has gradually drained the country of its inhabitants and its industry; the calamities of war, during two centuries, from the accession of the emperor Charles V.; the form of government, and national prejudices, which discourage foreigners from settling in the kingdom, and are inimical to manufactures, commerce, and agriculture; the debauchery that prevails among all ranks; the great number of convents; the celibacy of the clergy; religious oppression, and numerous festivals, which lessen the number of working days, and so abridge the labour of the people."

Of the number above stated, the clergy are reckoned at least 147,722: viz. of secular clergy, 60,240; of monks 49,270; of nuns and friars, 22,337; and of subaltern ministers of the church 15,875. The numbers of the clergy have indeed diminished by more than 27,000, during the last 30 years of the 18th century, as in the year 1768 they amounted to 176,057.

According to a calculation in the year 1776, the cities, towns, villages, and hamlets, amounted to 84,459 (D); and public edifices and temples to 30,496.

It appears that there exist in Spain 2,628,557 individuals of both sexes, who do not contribute, or at least are not supposed to contribute, to the population. From this view, and the progress we have already stated, it will be easy to discover, by comparative calculations with the detailed statements of population in other countries, the proportionate number of births, deaths, marriages, &c. which annually take place in Spain.

The Spanish government, which was of a limited nature, during the dynasties of the kings of Castile and Aragon, afterwards became an absolute monarchy. At that period the royal prerogative was confined both by the express tenor of the laws and the forms of their administration. The peculiar privileges of the two states of Castile and Aragon continued to exist long after their reunion; but the royal authority was constantly taking umbrage at their exercise. The princes of the Austrian family did not openly attack them, but had recourse to the more effectual method of secretly undermining them; and thus they were so far diminished, that at the close of the 17th century they amounted to little more than mere forms. The attachment of Aragon to the cause of the archduke Charles, induced the first sovereign of the royal family of France to abolish them entirely. Philip V., having subdued Aragon, suppressed the states-general, the last meeting having been held at Zaragoza in the year 1720, on which occasion Queen Isabella of Savoy presided in the absence of her husband, who was at that time in Italy. Since that period no further power is left the Cortes of Castile and Aragon, but the privilege of nominating deputies to the states-general of the kingdom, whenever they are summoned by the monarch.

The whole authority, previous to the late revolution, centered in the king and his ministers; the national affairs were conducted by the different councils, appointed by the crown, which deliberated and formed their plans in the capital. Some of these possessed both legislative and executive power, and exercised the double function of advising the king and administering justice. The council of Castile, in this distribution of power, was paramount; its decrees being decisive in the courts, but its judgments were under the control of the king. The resolutions were transmitted to the monarch by a certain number of members, under the title of the Chamber of Castile, whose influence was prodigiously great. This council was so denominated, because the members chosen by the king formerly co-operated with ministers in expediting the affairs of state in the royal chamber, and for this purpose they attended the court wherever it was held.

Besides the council of Castile, there was the royal and supreme council of the Indies, invested with the same powers, and exercising similar functions with respect to the American colonies, as the council of Castile with respect to the European territory.

It is not easy to ascertain the amount of the revenues under the late government. They arose from a tax on imports and exports; from the chief objects of internal consumption; from the monopolies of the crown; from landed estates; from tythes of church and abbey lands; from the sale of indulgences; and from the trade with the American colonies. Their total amount has been variously stated. M. Jordan has computed it to exceed 7,000,000l. sterling; by M. de Laborde, the revenues for the European continent alone, are calculated to exceed 8,000,000l. sterling.

It would be absurd to attempt any estimate of the military strength of Spain in its present state of disorganization and confusion. During the latter part of the 18th century, the land forces in time of peace seldom exceeded 50,000 ill disciplined troops; but in time of war, the army was capable of being augmented to a formidable force. In the year 1793 the standing force of the Spanish monarchy amounted to 100,000 effective men.

Till of late the Spanish navy was highly respectable, both as to strength and discipline. In the year 1778 the Spanish fleet consisted of 148 vessels of all descriptions; and of these more than 60 were ships of the line. In 1788, the number of ships of the line amounted to 68, and that of large frigates to 47. In the present long contest among the powers of Europe, the navy of Spain has been greatly diminished; and the only fleet of any importance now existing is that in the harbour of Cadiz.

There are in Spain several orders of knighthood, or Orders as they are called, military orders. The principal is knighthood, that of the Golden Fleece, instituted in the year 1430, by Duke Philip the Good. The order of St Jago di Compostella was instituted by Ferdinand II. in the year 1175, and its badge is a red uniform cross in twelve departments. The order of Calatrava, instituted by Sancho III. of Castile, has for its badge a red cross in five departments. The order of Alcantara was instituted by Ferdinand II.; and its badge is a lily placed crossways. The order of Montesa, instituted in the year 1317, by James III. king of Aragon, is composed of 19 commanderies.

The money of Spain is either real or imaginary; the former serving for the purpose of exchange, the latter for keeping accounts and transacting business. Both these are common through the whole kingdom; but several kinds of both are to be found in the different provinces.

Two kinds of real money, both in gold and silver, are distinguished in Spain; the old, that is, such as were coined before the year 1772, and those coined subsequent to that period. None of the former are uniform, but consist of small pieces of different sizes unequally cut, and their currency is only by weight. The latter uniformly bear the head of the sovereign on the obverse, and on the reverse side the arms of Spain; the ancient gold coins are more intrinsically valuable than the modern. The last only will be here described.

Modern Gold Coins.

<table> <tr> <th>Coins.</th> <th>Value in Sterling money.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Durito</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Escudo chico de oro</td> <td>4s. 2d. (E)</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Vientento de oro</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Escudo de oro</td> <td>8s. 4d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Doblon senzillo</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Doblon de oro</td> <td>16s. 8d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Doblon de quatre</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Medio doblon de a ocho</td> <td>1l. 13s. 4d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Media onza de oro</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Doblon de ocho</td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Onza de oro</td> <td>3l. 6s. 8d.</td> </tr> </table>

Modern

(e) In computing the value of the Spanish coins in sterling money, we have employed M. de Laborde's tables; in which their value is estimated in money tournois, computing the livre tournois at 10d. sterling, and the sol at ½d. sterling. Modern Silver Coins.

<table> <tr> <th>Coins.</th> <th>Value in sterling money.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Real</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Real de vellon</td> <td>2 1/2d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Medio real de plata</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Real de plata</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Media pecata</td> <td>5d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pecata</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Real de a dos</td> <td>10d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Esfudo</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Medio duro</td> <td>2s. 1d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Duro</td> <td>-</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pezoduro</td> <td>4s. 2d.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Real de a ocho</td> <td>-</td> </tr> </table>

The Spanish weights and measures vary considerably in different parts of the kingdom, as almost every province has both peculiar to itself. The pound generally consists of 16 ounces in that part of the kingdom formerly belonging to the crown of Castile, and of 12 ounces in those annexed to the crown of Aragon; viz. in Aragon, in the kingdom of Valencia, and in Catalonia; but the ounce is not the same. We shall here only particularize the weights of Castile.

In the Castiles they reckon by charges, quintals, arobas, arrelles, pounds, ounces, and drams. The following table gives the proportional value of the Castilian weights.

<table> <tr> <th>The charge contains</th> <th>lb.</th> <th>oz.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>quintal</td> <td>3</td> <td>quintals</td> <td>300</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>aroba</td> <td>4</td> <td>arobas</td> <td>100</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>arrelde</td> <td>25</td> <td>pounds</td> <td>25</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>pound</td> <td>4</td> <td>pounds</td> <td>4</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>ounce</td> <td>16</td> <td>ounces</td> <td>1</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>dram</td> <td>16</td> <td>drams</td> <td>1</td> <td>0</td> </tr> <tr> <td>grain</td> <td>30</td> <td>grains</td> <td>1</td> <td>7/8</td> </tr> </table>

The measures are still more complicated than the weights; and especially the measures of capacity will require to be considered rather more in detail. We shall, as usual, distinguish them into long measure, superficial or land measure, and measures of capacity.

Long measure.—The standard lineal measure in Spain is the royal foot, consisting of 153 4/9 inches; and bearing to the English foot the proportion of about 153 to 144, or of 17 to 16. This foot, however, is not in general use, almost every province having its own foot, which is generally rather less than the royal foot. Thus, the foot in Castile is 8 lines less, and that of Valencia about 9 1/2 lines less than the standard.

Of royal feet 100 are equivalent to 102 feet 7 inches of Catalonia, to 107 feet of Valencia, to 115 feet 10 inches and 4 lines of Castile.

One hundred feet of Catalonia are equal to 92 feet 2 inches 3 lines of the royal foot, to 97 feet 5 1/8 lines of Valencia, and 104 feet 11 inches 11 lines of Castile.

In Valencia 100 feet are equivalent to 93 feet 4 inches 10 lines of the royal foot, to 98 feet 9 inches of Catalonia; and 107 feet 2 inches 6 lines of Castile.

In Castile, 100 feet are equal to 86 feet 1 inch 5 lines of the royal foot; to 93 feet 4 inches 9 1/8 lines of Valencia; and 98 feet 2 inches 3 lines of Catalonia.

Cloths and stuffs in Catalonia, are measured by canas, in other parts of the kingdom by varas; the cana is divided into 8 pams, the vara into four. The proportions which these bear to the royal foot will be seen from the following table:

<table> <tr> <th></th> <th>F. et. Inche</th> <th>nes.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Pam of Catalonia,</td> <td>0</td> <td>7</td> <td>4 1/2</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Cana of Catalonia,</td> <td>4</td> <td>10</td> <td>8</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Six pams make the Paris ell,</td> <td>0</td> <td>7</td> <td>8</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pam of Castile,</td> <td>2</td> <td>6</td> <td>8</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Vara of Castile,</td> <td>2</td> <td>9</td> <td>4</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pam of the kingdom of Valencia,</td> <td>2</td> <td>9</td> <td>4</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Five pams and a little more than 1/3 th, or one vara one pam and a little more than 1/3 th, make a Paris ell.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pam of Aragon,</td> <td>0</td> <td>6</td> <td>7 1/2</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Vara of the Asturias,</td> <td>2</td> <td>5</td> <td>9</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Vara of Aragon,</td> <td>2</td> <td>2</td> <td>5 1/2</td> </tr> <tr> <td>A little less than 6 pams, or one vara two pams, make a Paris ell.</td> <td></td> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Pam of Galicia for linen drapery,</td> <td>0</td> <td>9</td> <td>2</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Vara of Galicia for ditto,</td> <td>2</td> <td>6</td> <td>8</td> </tr> </table>

Land Measure.—Land in the provinces belonging to the crown of Castile is measured by ungadas, fanegas, efadades, braffes, varas, par, and aranzadas. Of these the ungada contains 50 fanegas, about 204 8/9 feet; the fanega 400 efadades = about 47 8/9 feet; the efadade two braffes = about ten feet; the braf two varas, or about 5 feet 1 inch 4 lines; the pas about 1 1/2d of a vera, and the aranzada about 73 varas. This last is only used for measuring vineyards.

In Biscayland is measured by carros, plazas, and cemeines; and in Valencia by yugadas, cahizadas, fanegas, braffes, and pams.

Measures of Capacity.—Corn is measured in the provinces belonging to the crown of Castile by cahizas, fanegas, cemeines, and quartillos; and in Biscay the same measures are used, with the exception of the cahiza. The cahiza contains 12 fanegas, and is = about 1 1/2 lb. French; the fanega contains 12 cemeines = 124 lb.; the cemeine 4 quartillos = 10 lb. 5 1/2 ounces, and the quartillo = 2 lb. 7 1/2 ounces.

In Catalonia grain is measured by falmas, charges, quarteras, cantars, and picotas. The falma contains 2 charges or 6 quintals = 546 lb.; the charge contains 2 quarteras or 3 quintals = 273 lb.; and the quartero 12 cantars or 1 quintal = 136 lb. 8 oz.: the cortan contains 4 picotas or 13 lb. of 12 oz. = 11 lb. 6 oz.; and the picoti 3 1/2 lb. of 12 oz. = 2 lb. 13 1/2 oz.

The measures for liquids vary exceedingly, according to the liquid they are intended to contain. Thus, at Madrid, honey is measured by arobas and quartillos, the quartillo being about 1 1/2 lbs. and the aroba containing 32 quartillos. Oil is measured in New Castile also by arobas and quartillos, but the quartillo is = 6 1/2 lbs.; and the aroba contains 4 quartillos, or 25 lbs. In Seville, oil is measured by the pipe and aroba, the pipe containing 34 arobas; while in Valencia it is measured by charges, arobas, and cantars, the charge containing 12 arobas, and the cantaro equal 28 lbs. 1 oz.

Wine in New Castile is measured by moyos, an imaginary measure, cantaras, azumbres, quartillos, and sexarios. tations. The moyo contains 16 cantaras, the cantara 12 azumbres, the azumbre 4 quartillos, each equal to 1 lb. At Cadiz wine is measured by tonneaux, arobas, azumbres, and quartillos. The tonneaux contains 30 arobas, the aroba 8 azumbres, the azumbre 4 quartillos, each of which is equal to 1 lb. 1 oz. At Seville the measures for wine are cantaras, azumbres, and quartillos. The cantara contains 8 azumbres, the aroba the fame, the azumbre 4 quartillos, each of which is equal to 17 ounces. In Valencia these measures are, botas or tonneaux, charges, arobas, or cantaras, and azumbres or cuentas; and in Catalonia, pipes, charges, quintals, arobas, quarteros, and quartos, of which the pipe contains 4 charges, the charge 3 quintals, the quintal 4 arobas, the aroba 22 quarteros, the quartero 4 quartos, and the quarto is equal to nearly 3 ounces of Catalan measure.

The laws of Spain, which for a long time varied greatly in the different states of the monarchy, are at present reduced to a considerable degree of uniformity. Navarre and Biscay have retained their ancient laws and constitution; but the revolution which took place in Spain at the beginning of the 18th century, enabled Philip V. to introduce into Catalonia and the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia the laws of Castile; which, excepting a few alterations, rendered necessary by local peculiarities, still continue in full effect.

The laws of Castile, which are thus become those of almost all Spain, are contained in the codes known by the titles of the Fuero juzgo, Ley de las fide partidas, Ordenamiento real, Fuero real, and Recopilacion; of these the last is a collection of occasional edicts of the Kings of Spain, and enjoys the highest authority.

The Roman law has no validity in Spain, and though it may be studied by a few lawyers, as containing first principles universally applicable; yet it is never quoted in the courts, and is expressly excepted against by some of the old laws of Castile.

The conducting of a law suit in Spain is subject to very complicated forms; whence necessarily results a flowness of progress. The whole business is carried on by writers, a peculiar branch of the legal profession. In the superior tribunals, the management of causes is in like manner committed to a kind of subaltern magistrates, called reporters (relatores), who contrive to render their own department a situation of much greater emolument than that of the judge.

In all the branches of civil, military, ecclesiastical, and judicial administration, in Spain, is evident a spirit of mildness and paternal indulgence, which often degenerates into great abuse. By multiplying courts for the administration of justice, and by establishing the long series of appeals from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, in order that each case may be heard and re-heard, and receive an equitable sentence, the still more important advantages of prompt decision are sacrificed, and a door is opened for chicane.

It is universally acknowledged that the courts of exception are far too numerous; they enfeeble the authority of the established judges, and withdraw a number of individuals from the superintendence of magistrates who reside among them, and are readily accessible, to confine them to the care of distant and dilatory tribunals.

A considerable degree of jealousy and opposition also subsists among many of the tribunals; hence they mutually weaken each other's authority, and the clients are consigned over from court to court; so that lawsuits become intolerably protracted, and a family is held in suspense for two or three generations. The consequence of this is, that the rich wear out those of inferior fortune.

Even the ordinary and regular forms of civil process are slow and complicated. The husbandman is called from his labour, the merchant from his commercial concerns, the artist from his work, and all from their domestic affairs. Nearly an equal tardiness takes place in criminal processes, so that witnesses die, and means of proof are lost, while the guilty often escape unpunished; and those who have been formally acquitted, are still subject to a long detention in prison, whence they are at length dismissed without indemnity, and irretrievably ruined.

In consequence of the great number of courts, the facility of appeal from one to the other, and the tediousness of law suits; the multitude of judges, advocates, writers, and other subordinate officers employed in the administration of justice is prodigious. The number of persons employed in the different law establishments has been estimated at 100,000, which is nearly an hundredth part of the population of the country; and the very last general enumeration of the inhabitants of Spain makes the number of advocates amount to 5675, and of writers to 9351; besides the judges and their secretaries, the attorneys and their clerks, and the innumerable host of alguazils and inferior officers.

Another serious inconvenience in the administration of Spanish law, is the necessity of reposing entire and blind confidence in a class of subaltern officers of the courts, called writers. This appears to be a branch of the profession wholly peculiar to Spain; the writer exercising at the same time the functions of secretary, solicitor, notifier, registrar, and being the sole medium of communication between the client and the judge.

It is not customary in Spain to allow either of the parties concerned any copy of the documents requisite for carrying on a suit, except by the express order of the judge. All the writings on both sides are collected together and bound up into a volume, which remains steadily in the possession of the writer, who entrusts it for a certain time to the attorneys of the parties for the instruction of advocates. The writer, to whose care the documents of any suit are committed, also registers the decrees and sentences of the judges on the case, and notifies to the parties concerned, each step of the process, by reading to them the proper instrument; without, however, allowing them to have a copy of it.

The union of so many important functions in the same person, necessarily affords various opportunities for dishonesty; and the chance of being imposed upon is still further increased by an unwise regulation which obliges the defendant, in any action, to choose the same writer as is employed by the plaintiff.

It may be remarked that scarcely any other persons are under equal temptations to dishonesty on account of the almost total impunity that they enjoy in consequence of the following regulation. In all those districts where there are either a corregidor and superior alcade, or two superior alcades; each of these officers has an independent tribunal for the decision of law suits; and the right of pronouncing sentence in any particular case belongs to him of the two at whose tribunal the first applica- tion was made. Now the established salaries of these officers are so small, that the largest part of their emoluments arises from their fees; this portion of their income depends wholly on the writers, who have the power of instituting suits in which of the two courts they please. The natural consequence is, that the judges are induced to overlook and pass by in silence those malpractices of the writers which they cannot prevent without incurring a serious personal loss. Finally, the authority of the writers is irrefragably established by the entire control that they execute over all causes. They alone receive the declarations and personal answers of the parties concerned; they alone receive the depositions of the witnesses on each side; put what questions to them they please; and record the answers without the interposition, and even in the absence, of the judges.

Another serious defect in the administration of justice in Spain, is, that the party condemned, however clearly unjust may have been his demand, or however weak may have been his defence, is scarcely ever obliged to pay his adversary's costs of suit; whence it perpetually happens, that the expenses of gaining a just cause are much greater than the loss of submitting to an unjust demand; hence also it is in the power of a rich villain to oppress and ruin all those who are unable to support the expenses of a law suit; which in Spain are enormous, and perhaps the more so, because the established charges are very light.

The religion of Spain is the Roman Catholic; which, in this country and Portugal, has been carried to a pitch of fanaticism unknown to the Italian states, or even in the papal territory. The inquisition, has in these unhappy kingdoms, been invested with exorbitant power, and has produced the most ruinous effects; having been formerly conducted with a spirit totally the reverse of the mildness and charity of Christianity. This evil has been recently subdued in a considerable degree; but one fanatic reign would suffice to revive it. A yet greater evil, which has sprung from fanaticism, is the destruction of morals; for the monks being extremely numerous, and human passions ever the same, those ascetics atone for the want of marriage by the practice of adultery; and the husbands, from dread of the inquisition, are constrained to connive at this enormous abuse. The conscience is feared by the practice of absolution, and the mind becomes reconciled to the strangest of all phenomena, theoretic piety and practical vice united in bonds almost indissoluble.

According to the returns made to the government, the Spanish clergy then stood as follows.

<table> <tr> <th>Parochial clergy, called curas</th> <td>16,689</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Assistants, called tenientes curas</th> <td>5,771</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Sacristans or sextons</th> <td>10,873</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Acolitos to assist at the altar</th> <td>5,503</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Ordinados de patrimonio, having a patrimony of three rials per day</th> <td>13,244</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Ordinados de menores, with inferior ecclesiastical orders</th> <td>10,774</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Beneficiados, or canons of cathedrals, and other beneficiaries</th> <td>23,692</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Monks</th> <td>61,617</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Carry forward</th> <td>148,163</td> </tr> </table>

<table> <tr> <th></th> <th>Brought over</th> <th>Spain</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Nuns</th> <td>-</td> <td>32,500</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Beatas</th> <td>-</td> <td>1,130</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Syndics to collect for the mendicants</th> <td>-</td> <td>4,127</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Inquisitors</th> <td>-</td> <td>2,795</td> </tr> <tr> <th></th> <th></th> <th>188,625</th> </tr> </table>

The archbishoprics were eight in number; and the bishoprics 46. The most opulent see was that of Toledo, supposed to yield annually about 90,000l. The Mozarabic Missal, composed by St Isidora for the Gothic church, after the conversion from Arianism to the Catholic faith, continued to be used in Spain till the Moors were subdued, when the Roman form was introduced.

The Spanish clergy, in proportion to the population of the country, is less numerous than was the clergy of France prior to the revolution; even their wealth is less considerable, but better administered; and their contribution to the public revenue is much greater. As to the general conduct of the Spanish church, and its influence on the state, we may remark that after all the perverted and malicious industry that has been exerted in the examination of this question, the result has turned out highly favourable to the superior orders of the Spanish clergy, who are, for the most part, free from those irregularities which are charged on the clergy of other countries. The conspicuous situations in the Spanish church are by no means considered as the patrimony of the rich and noble, but as the well-merited reward of irreproachable conduct. Whatever may be the rank of an ecclesiastic in the sacerdotal hierarchy, he never habitually absents himself from his proper place of residence, where he expends the revenue of his benefice in alms or public works. From the period of the reconquest of Spain from the Moors, most of the public establishments owe their foundation to the clergy, by whom also whole towns have been rebuilt and raised from their ruins. The most beautiful aqueducts, fountains, and public walks in the cities, have been constructed at the expense of their bishops; from them also the poor have received the most effectual relief in times of scarcity, epidemic disease, and war. The bishop of Orense converted his episcopal palace into an almshouse, where were lodged and supported 300 French ecclesiastics, condemned to transportation during the furies of the revolution; the prelate himself took his place at their table, and refused to partake of any indulgence that he could not also procure for his guests. Cardinal Orenzana, archbishop of Toledo, converted the alcazar of that city into an establishment wherein are received 200 children, and 700 poor persons of all ages. The bishop of Cordova, during the scarcity of 1804, and for a long time afterwards, made a daily distribution of 1200 rations of bread to the poor inhabitants of his diocese. The aqueduct which conveys water to the city of Tarragona is the work of their archbishop, who has thus conferred upon the place the inappreciable benefits of cleanliness and health; to both of which it was long a stranger. Similar instances of public merit may be found in almost every diocese.

With regard to the religious orders, their conduct is certainly less exemplary, though by no means meriting the reproaches that have been so liberally cast upon them. them. The reforms that have taken place at various periods have stopped the progress of the abuses introduced by length of time; and as the numbers of the monks have diminished, their pernicious influence on public opinion has proportionably declined. Some progress has been made in the desirable policy of uniting the different orders of the same rule into a single order; and from the present prohibition to receive novices, it is probable that several orders are about to be totally suppressed.

The Spanish language is one of the great southern dialects which spring from the Roman; but many of the words become difficult to the French or Italian student, because they are derived from the Arabic used by the Moors. The speech is grave, sonorous, and of exquisite melody, containing much of the flow and formal manner of the orientals.

The Spanish language is, in some respects, very rich; it abounds in compound words, in superlatives, derivatives, augmentatives, diminutives, and frequentative verbs; it has many quite synonymous words, and others which well express the different shades of meaning. In the technical terms of arts and sciences it is, however, extremely poor; a few of these it has borrowed from the Latin, and almost all the rest from the French.

On the whole, the Spanish is one of the finest of the European languages. It is dignified, harmonious, energetic, and expressive; and abounds in grand and sonorous expressions, which unite into measured periods, whose cadence is very agreeable to the ear. It is a language well adapted to poetry; but it also inclines to exaggeration, and its vehemence easily degenerates into bombast. Though naturally grave, it easily admits of pleasantry. In the mouth of well educated men it is noble and expressive; lively and pointed in that of the common people; sweet, seductive, and persuasive, when uttered by a female. Amongst the orators it is touching and imposing, though rather diffuse; at the bar and in the schools it is barbarous, and is spoken about the court in a concise and agreeable manner.

The literature of Spain is highly reputable, though little known to the other countries of Europe since the decline of Spanish power. The Bibliotheca Hispanica of Antonio will completely satisfy the curious reader on this subject. Among the fathers of literature in this country must be named Isidore of Seville, many of whose works are extant, and inferior in merit to few of that epoch. Lives of saints, and chronicles, are also found among the earliest productions; and successive writers may be traced to the 11th century, when they become numerous; but before mentioning some Spanish authorities posterior to that period, it will be proper to recollect that Arabian learning flourished under the caliphs of Cordova, and produced many illustrious names well known to the oriental scholar, as Aben Roe, or Averroes, Aben Zoar, Rhazes, &c. nor must it be forgotten that Aben Nazan wrote a book on the learning and authors of Spain. On this subject the inquisitive are referred to the work of Casiri.

In the 11th century, the Spanish authors began to increase in number, and the native language begins to appear. This was the epoch of the famous Cid, Roderic Didac de Bivar, whose actions against the Moors were celebrated in contemporary songs, and by a long poem written in the following century. After the 13th century, it would be idle to attempt enumerating all the Spanish authors, among whom are Alphonso the Wise, who wrote the Libro del Terolo, a treatise on the Three Parts of Philosophy; and at whose command were compiled the famous Alphonsine Tables of Astronomy. Raymond Lully is said to have written not fewer than 319 books, full of metaphysical froth. In the 15th century appeared Juan de Mena, a poet of surprising powers, since which time a department of literature can scarcely be mentioned in which the Spaniards have not excelled. It would be unnecessary to repeat the well-known names of Cervantes, Quevedo, Lopez de Vega, and others, whose works are known to all Europe. The history of Mexico has been celebrated as a composition; but in fact it is defective and erroneous. The name of Bayer in learning, and of Feyjos in general knowledge, have recently attracted deserved respect; nor has the *Pimpernel* line of royal authors failed, an elegant translation of Don't Geor Sallust having been published by the heir apparent to the monarchy, the present Ferdinand VII *.

As the rudiments of education are in Spain generally imparted by the monks, it can scarcely be expected that useful knowledge should be common in that country. The accounts given on this subject by travellers, have thrown so little light on the state of education in Spain, that it can be generally understood only by comparison with other Catholic countries. In this comparison Spain will be found inferior to France and Italy, but in many respects superior to Austria and the German states.

The number of universities in Spain was formerly 24, but only the following 17 now remain, viz. that of Pamplona, in Navarre; of Oviedo, in the Asturias; of San Jago, in Galicia; of Seville, and of Granada, in the provinces of the same name; of Huesca and Zaragoza, in Aragon; of Avila, Ofima, and Valladolid, in Old Castile; of Toledo, Siguenza, and Alcala de Henares, in New Castile; of Cervera, in Catalonia; of Orihuela and Valencia, in Valencia; and of Salamanca, in the province of Leon. Of these the most celebrated, are the universities of Zaragoza, Toledo, Alcala, Cervera, and Salamanca.

The university of Zaragoza has 22 professors, and that of Toledo has 24; about 900 students attend the classes of the former, and nearly 3000 those of the latter; yet neither of these establishments is known in Europe, or regarded as of high reputation even in Spain.

The university of Alcala, established at a prodigious expense by Cardinal Ximenes, answered for nearly a century the views of its illustrious founder. This splendid institution consists of 31 general professors, and 13 colleges, each of which has its particular establishment of masters and professors, and of students, who receive gratuitous support and instruction. At present, however, this university is gone so entirely to decay, that scarcely a vestige of its ancient splendour remains, and the whole number of students scarcely amounts to 500.

The university of Cervera, founded at the commencement of the 18th century, with a magnificence truly royal, possesses 43 professors, five colleges, about 900 students; but it partakes of the radical fault of all the Spanish universities; the course of study is incomplete and antiquated, and the very name of the institution is scarcely known beyond the boundaries of Catalonia. The university of Salamanca, the most ancient of any in Spain, has enjoyed a degree of celebrity which entitles it to a particular description.

It was founded by Alphons IX. between the years 1230 and 1244, and was considerably enlarged by Ferdinand III. his grandson. But its most magnificent patron was Alphons X. furnawed the Wise, son and successor of the last-mentioned sovereign. This prince richly endowed it, and drew up a set of statutes for its government. He established a professorship of civil law, with a salary of 500 maravedies; a professorship of canon law, with a salary of 300 maravedies; two professorships of decrets with salaries of 500 maravedies; two professors of natural philosophy, and as many of logic, with salaries of 200 maravedies each; and two matters of grammar, with salaries of 300 maravedies. It experienced also the liberality of many succeeding sovereigns, and received from the popes a vast extent of privileges.

For many years this university enjoyed a high reputation; its fame extended over all Europe; it was consulted by kings and by popes, and its deputies were received into the general councils, where they well sustained the character of the body which they represented. Students flocked to it not only from all the provinces of Spain and Portugal, and from the islands of Majorca and the Canaries, but also from the West Indies and New Spain, and even from France, Flanders, and England. The number of students who attended the classes amounted nearly to 15,000. The whole of this vast establishment consisted of 25 colleges, a library, and an hospital, called Del Estudio, intended for the amelioration of poor scholars.

The celebrity of Salamanca continued in full vigour during many ages; but, at length, as rival institutions sprang up, declined by slow degrees, so that by the year 1595, the number of students did not exceed 7000*.

After the evacuation of Spain by the Romans, theatrical representations were discontinued till they were restored by the Moors, and from them adopted by the Gothic Spaniards, who soon became passionately fond of the stage, a taste which they have ever since preserved.

They had at first neither theatres nor a stage, their dramas were acted in a court, a garden, or the open field; the actors and spectators were mingled, and were equally exposed to the injuries of the weather.

At a subsequent period the stage was marked out by a kind of boarded platform, and was surrounded by old clothes, drawn back, on occasion, by means of cords, which formed the only decorations, and behind which the actors dressed. Their properties consisted only of crooks, some wigs and false beards, and a few white skins, trimmed with gold fringe.

Theatrical exhibitions became more regular and decent towards the end of the 16th century, when a new form was given to them by the exertions of Bartholomew Nahirro, a middling dramatic poet. Theatres were then erected, but the greatest part were upon trestles, and two parallel pieces of canvas formed their scenes, which were sometimes chequered with various colours, sometimes covered with miserable paintings, or adorned with foliage, trees, or flowers.

During all these periods, the prompter, with a candle in his hand, stationed himself on the stage by the side of the performers who were speaking, and jumped from side to side whenever the actors changed their places,

This custom prevailed at the end of the 17th century, and even still prevails among the strolling companies of small towns.

Theatres have at length, however, assumed a handsomer appearance in this country, and customs more conformable to the rest of Europe. Handsome theatres have been multiplied, and their stages are now well arranged and decorated; all the great cities are well provided with them, and many of the smaller towns may boast of elegant and not ill furnished playhouses.

The prompter no longer runs from one side of the stage to the other; he is placed in the middle before the scenes, in a kind of well, where he no longer offends the sight and taste of the spectator: but an old custom which is still observed, greatly injures the interest and effect of the representation. The prompter, who has the piece before him, does not wait till the actor is at a loss to prompt him, but recites the whole drama aloud, so that the actor appears to follow him in his declamation. By this means two voices are heard in the theatre pronouncing the same words, which are confounded, and often produce a discord, and the spectator who has first heard the piece recited, no longer takes an equal interest in the same verses, phrases, and words, which the actor afterwards declaims.

The Spanish theatres are divided into a patio, or area, and boxes called balco and epolentos. The orchestra, where the musicians are stationed, adjoins the stage; an inclosure between it and the pit is let round with arm chairs, and defined for the reception of the higher class: the patio, or pit, is placed behind, and filled with benches, and the gradas consist of two rows of benches disposed amphitheatrically on each side below the boxes, and sometimes also across the lower end of the theatre. This last division is found only in a few theatres; in the others, the space beneath the boxes is empty, and persons stand in it. The patio and the gradas contain the common people, the most numerous, most noisy, and most imperious part of the public.

There are commonly only two tiers of boxes, sometimes three; they extend on each side from the stage to the end of the theatre. The form is the usual one, but they are divided from each other by partitions, which completely shut them up on each side, a circumstance which greatly injures the beauty of the general effect.

There is commonly at the end of the theatre fronting the stage, a large box with seats placed semicircularly behind one another, which is called the cazuela. No man is allowed to enter it, and only women muffled up in their mantelar are admitted.

There are several things very singular and amusing in this cazuela. Women of every age and condition are there united; the married are confounded with the single; the wives of the common people with those of tradesmen and the ladies of the court; the poor woman with the rich one who would not be at the trouble of dressing to appear in her box. Their appearance is most curious; they are all covered with their mantelas, a kind of white or black veil, and give the idea of a choir of nuns. It is the place for chattering, and between the acts there proceeds from the cazuela a confused noise like the hum of bees, which astonishes and diverts all who hear it for the first time. Scarcely is the performance ended, when the door of this box, its galleries, passages, and the staircase leading to it, are all all besieged by a great crowd of men of every condition; fame attracted by curiosity; others coming to wait upon the women who are in it.

Notwithstanding all that has been done for its improvement, the Spanish stage is still far from the celebrity which it once possessed; and the people do not second the efforts of their best writers. The acting is in a still lower state. The performers possess neither that dignity which characterizes great personages, and ennobles a subject without injuring its interest; nor that sweet expression of voice and gesture which goes to the heart, and awakens the sentiments it expresses. In their acting every thing is violent or inanimate; every thing departs from nature. Their recitation is a feat of strength, and is performed at the full expense of the lungs. Cries and shrieks are its most impressive part, and the most applauded by the majority of the audience. They put nothing in its proper place: all their action is exaggerated; when they threaten they roar; when they command they thunder; when they sigh, it is with an effort which completely exhausts the breath. They substitute anger for dignity, violence for spirit, infidelity for gallantry. Their gestures rarely correspond with the sentiments they ought to express; but resemble their recitation; and are usually monotonous, capricious, ignoble, and almost always violent. The women, in their bursts of passion, become furies; warriors become villains; generals robbers; and heroes bravo. Nothing, as they manage it, is pathetic; nothing makes any impression on the audience. The spectators, equally unmoved at the end of the piece, as at the beginning, feel it, without having experienced a single moment of interest or emotion*.

As labour and culture are reckoned derogatory to the Spanish character, a sufficient quantity of grain for the support of the inhabitants is not raised, though societies for the encouragement of agriculture have been established in different parts of the kingdom. The principal products are wine, delicious fruits, oil, silk, honey, and wax. A considerable proportion of the mountains and valleys is pastured by immense flocks of sheep, whose wool is extremely fine and valuable. Extremadura is noted for its excellent pastures; and the wool in Old Castile is reputed the finest in the kingdom. In Catalonia the hills are covered with forest and fruit trees. Valencia is celebrated for its silk, and for the exquisite flavour of its melons. Murcia abounds in mulberry trees; and the southern provinces yield the most delicious wines and fruits. Upon the whole, it has been observed of Spain, that few countries owe more to nature, and less to industry.

The soil in general repose on beds of gypsum, which is an excellent manure. The common course of husbandry about Barcelona begins with wheat; which being ripe in June, is immediately succeeded by Indian corn, hemp, millet, cabbage, kidney beans, or lettuce. The second year these same crops succeed each other as before. The next year they take barley, beans, or vetches; which coming off the ground before midsummer, are followed, as in the former years, by other crops, only changing them according to the season, so as to have on the same spot the greatest possible variety. Near Cartagena the course is wheat, barley, and fallow. For wheat they plough thrice, and sow from the middle of November to the beginning of December; in July they reap from 10 to 100 for one, as the season happens to be humid. The rich vale of Alicant yields a perpetual succession of crops. Barley is sown in September, reaped in April; succeeded by maize, reaped in September; and by a mixed crop of eculents which follow. Wheat is sown in November, and reaped in June; flax in September, pulled in May. In the vale of Valencia wheat yields from 20 to 40; barley from 18 to 24; oats from 20 to 30; maize 100; rice 40. The Spanish plough is generally light; and is drawn by oxen with the yoke over the horns; the most proper and natural mode, as the chief strength of the animal centres in the head. For a very minute account of agriculture in Spain, see De Laborde's View, vol. iv. chap. 2.

That prejudice which regards the mechanic arts as State of base, is not yet extinguished in Spain: hence it happens the arts, that these arts are either neglected, or abandoned to such unskilful hands, as in general to render the Spaniards much behind their neighbours in the useful arts of life. The influence of this prejudice is least in the province of Catalonia, where the laws, customs, and opinions are favourable to artisans; and it is accordingly in this province that the mechanic arts have made the greatest progress. Foreign artists experience great difficulties in this country. They are not allowed to practice without gaining admission into some incorporation or company, and this has almost always been refused them.

Some arts have, however, made considerable progress in Spain, especially those of gilding leather, and printing, which has lately acquired a great degree of perfection.

The fabrication of articles of gold and silver might become an important object in a country where these metals abound; but it is neglected, and the demand is almost entirely supplied from foreign markets. What little they perform in this way at home is usually very ill executed, and exorbitantly dear. Madrid, however, begins to possess some good workmen in this way; encouragement would increase their number, and facilitate the means of improvement; but manual labour is there excessively dear. Hence the Spaniards prefer foreign articles of this kind, which, notwithstanding the expense or carriage, the enormous duties which are paid on these articles, and the profits of the merchants, are still cheaper than those made at home.

The liberal arts are cultivated in this country with more avidity and success. The 16th century was the most brilliant period of the arts in Spain, as well as of the sciences, of literature, and of the power and grandeur of the monarchy. A crowd of able architects appeared at once under Charles V. and Philip II. They erected numerous edifices, which will immortalize the reigns of these princes and the names of the artists. John de Herrera and Cepedes displayed the highest talents; Pedro de Urin constructed the magnificent bridge of Almaraz, in Extremadura; John-Baptist-Mongro of Toledo, assisted in the building of the Escorial, and of the church of St Peter at Rome.

The structures of that age are the finest in Spain, and perhaps the only ones in the country which deserve to fix the attention of the skilful spectator. There are some among them which, in regularity, solidity, and magnificence, deserve to be compared with the finest buildings of the Romans. The bridges of Badajoz over the Guadiana, and of Toledo, over the Manzanares, are of this period; as are also the grand house or palace, now the council-house at Madrid, and the beautiful edifices which adorn Toledo; the palace of Los Vargas; the hospital of St John the Baptist, and that of the Holy Cross. During the same time, the alcazar of this city, built under Alphonso X., was restored with the grandeur and magnificence which it still displays; and the noble palace was erected, known under the name of the House of Pilate, at Madrid.

That magnificent building the Escorial, which the Spaniards called the eighth wonder of the world, which used to lodge at once the king and his court, and 200 monks. This famous palace, which astonishes us by its mass and extent, by the strength of its structure, the regularity of its proportions, and the splendour of its decorations, as much as by the repulsive appearance of its site and neighbourhood, also belongs to the same period, having been erected in the reign of Philip II.

The decline of architecture became as complete in the 17th century as its state had been flourishing in the preceding age. From this period no architect occurs worthy of remembrance; and the buildings are monstrous masses, destitute of order, taste, and regularity. One only deserves notice, the prison of Madrid, called Carcel de Conte, the work of a happy genius, who knew how to profit by the bright examples of the preceding period.

About the middle of the 18th century, however, architecture began again to be cultivated with success. The academy of San-Fernando, at Madrid, has already produced several able men in this branch, who pursue their art with credit. The handsome bridge built over the Xarama, between Aranjuez and Madrid, in the reign of Charles III., displays the talents of Mark de Vierna, his architect; the custom-house of Valencia, and the temple-church of the same city, constructed on the plan of Michael Fernandez; the exchange of Barcelona; the triumphal arch which forms the gate of Alcalá, at Madrid, and the snuff manufactory at Seville, do honour to the Spanish architecture of the present day.

Spain justly boasts of many eminent sculptors; but of all the liberal arts, painting is that which has been most cultivated in Spain, and in which its natives have best succeeded. The Spanish school is much less known than it deserves: it holds a middle place between the Italian and Flemish schools; it is more natural than the former, more noble than the latter, and partakes of the beauties of both. It has particularly excelled in sacred subjects; and we recognise in the Spanish pictures the feelings usually experienced by the people of the mysteries of religion. By none have devout ecstasy, fervour, and genuine piety, been so well expressed, or the mystic passion given with so much truth. It is not in correctness of design, or nobleness of form, that the Spanish artists usually excel, but in the pure imitation of nature, in grace, truth, effect, and the expression of feelings.

The Spaniards have at length opened their eyes to the utility of the arts; they acknowledge them to be advantageous and deserving of respect, and have begun to give them such encouragement as is likely to promote a taste for them, and to insure their advancement. Government has done something by affording protection and countenance to the new establishments; but the strongest impulse has been given by individuals, or private associations.

Spain now possesses an academy of painting, at Seville, and two academies of the fine arts, one at Madrid, and the other at Valencia. The first owes its origin to an association of the painters of Seville formed by themselves, about the year 1660; Charles III. revived it, and established there a school of the fine arts. That of Madrid was founded by Philip V. The last was established by the exertions of some private persons, assisted by the benefaction of Andrew Marjoral, archbishop of Valencia, and the protection of the municipal body. Charles III. came to its assistance 26 years after its establishment, with an annual gift of nearly 700l. These academies have for their object the study and improvement of painting, sculpture, and architecture; they give public lessons on these three arts, and distribute annual prizes among their pupils. That of Madrid, or San-Fernando, sends its pupils to Rome at the expense of government, to complete their studies.

Public and gratuitous schools for drawing have been established within the last 20 years in different places; at Madrid, Cordova, Valencia, Seville, Zaragoza, Barcelona, &c. The last of these is supported by the merchants; that of Vergara was founded by the patriotic society of Biscay; and those of Zaragoza and Cordova owe their birth to the zeal and generosity of two individuals; the first to Don Martin Noy Cochevar, the last to Don Antonio Cavallero, the present bishop of Cordova. Those of Madrid, Seville, and Valencia, depend on the academies of these cities.

The manufactures of Spain were more flourishing during the government of the Moors in that country, than they have been at any subsequent period. So completely had the kingdom declined in this respect at the end of the 16th century, when Philip V. ascended the throne, that it is said by De Laborde to have been absolutely destitute of trade. The intestine wars which ravaged the kingdom during the first 14 years of that reign, and the low state to which the national finances were reduced, prevented the government from paying attention to manufactures; and it was not till after tranquillity had been restored, and regulations adopted with respect to the public revenue, that the natives were induced to wear articles of their own manufacture. Since the reigns of Ferdinand VI. and Charles III. this part of the internal trade of the kingdom has greatly improved, and the manufactures of Spain are now once more on a respectable footing.

The Spanish manufactures enumerated by De Laborde, in his View of Spain, are those of cloth and other woollen goods; silks; brocaded stuffs in gold and silver; linens and other articles formed from flax or hemp; cottons; leather, and other articles manufactured from skins and hides; paper; china and delft ware; brandies; beer; aquafortis; salt of lead; shears for the woollen trade; copper, iron, and brass goods; glass and mirrors; soap; hats; articles for the marine; military implements; arms and ammunition; tobacco and snuff. Of these, the most important are, the woollen and silk manufactures; leather; brandy; military weapons; soap and tobacco.

The principal places for the woollen manufactures are, Aulot, Arens, Vich, and the convent of Gironne in Catalonia; Jaca, and the district of Cincavilla in Aragon, and Burgos in Old Castile, for woollen stockings; Barcelona, Zaragoza, and Burgos, for blankets; Junquera, Segovia, Burgos, and many others for baizes and flannels; Estella in Navarre, Escoray in Biscay, Grazoletna in Seville, Toledo, &c. for coarse cloths, which last article is manufactured in large quantities throughout the kingdom. The woollen stuffs fabricated in Spain, are in general of a very inferior quality, the wool being imperfectly scoured, and the dyeing so ill executed, that the colours are never permanent.

The chief manufactures for filken articles are those for blonde lace throughout Catalonia, and at Almagro in La Mancha; for silk stockings, at Malaga, Zaragoza, Valencia, Talavera, and Barcelona; and for silk taffeties, sargas, damasks, and velvets, at Jaen, Granada, Murcia, Valencia, Malaga, Zaragoza, Toledo, Talavera, and Barcelona. The articles of this manufacture are in general stout and excellent; but they do not possess that brilliancy of appearance so remarkable in the French silks.

Tanning, currying, and dressing hides, skins, and all kinds of leather, are very general throughout Spain; but the skins and hides prepared at Arevala and Pozuelo, are in greatest repute. The greatest quantity of sole leather is manufactured in the provinces of Aragon and Catalonia; and in the latter province are made and exported a prodigious number of shoes.

The manufacture of brandy is confined chiefly to the flats belonging to the crown of Aragon, especially at Torres in Aragon; at Selva, Mataro, &c. in Catalonia; and in Valencia.

Spain has long been famous for its manufacture of military weapons; and it is well known that the swords, sabres, hangers, and bayonets, made at Toledo and Barcelona, are of a very superior temper. Large manufactories for fire-arms occur in the district of Guipuzcoa, and two royal founderies for brass cannon, are established at Barcelona and Seville.

There is only one manufactory for tobacco and snuff in Spain, viz. at Seville; but this is on a most extensive scale, and is supposed to yield of annual profits about 800,000l. sterling. Here are employed 202 mills, turned by 300 horses or mules; and the various operations call for the daily labour of above 1400 persons.

Considering the extent of sea coast belonging to the kingdom of Spain, its commerce is but inconsiderable, and principally takes place between the mother-country and the American colonies. Spain, indeed, carries on a foreign trade with every country in Europe; but its principal transactions are, with England, Holland, Italy, and France. Its exports to these countries consist almost entirely of raw produce, as, if we except oil, wine, brandy, shoes, salt, and a few coarse cloths and filken articles, the trade in manufactured goods is almost wholly confined to the interior of the country. Its chief exports, and the amount yielded by each for the several provinces, as well as the whole amount of the export-trade of Spain, to the rest of Europe, will be seen in the following table.

Value of Exports from each Province in Pounds Sterling.

<table> <tr> <th>Goods exported.</th> <th>Catalonia.</th> <th>Valencia.</th> <th>Andalusia.</th> <th>Murcia.</th> <th>Aragon.</th> <th>Other Provinces.</th> <th>Total.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Nuts,</td> <td>L. 26,000</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>L. 8,336</td> <td>L. 34,336</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Oil,</td> <td>26,667</td> <td>-</td> <td>208,333</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>235,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Cork,</td> <td>235,990</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>235,990</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Wine,</td> <td>2,667</td> <td>103,333</td> <td>508,333</td> <td>31,250</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>645,583</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Lincens and cotton stuffs,</td> <td>295,007</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>295,007</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Silk handkerchiefs,</td> <td>51,042</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>51,042</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Paper,</td> <td>73,333</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>73,333</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Brandy,</td> <td>262,500</td> <td>125,000</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>387,500</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Shoes and shoe soles,</td> <td>22,024</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>22,024</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Raisins,</td> <td>-</td> <td>10,625</td> <td>625,000</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>635,625</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Dried figs,</td> <td>-</td> <td>5,333</td> <td>34,375</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>39,708</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Almonds,</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,503</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,503</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Dates,</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,250</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,250</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Barylla,</td> <td>-</td> <td>15,875</td> <td>108,333</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>124,208</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kermes,</td> <td>-</td> <td>7,292</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>7,292</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Salt,</td> <td>-</td> <td>9,250</td> <td>333,333</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>842,583</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Spart worked,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>4,166</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>4,166</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Silk,</td> <td>-</td> <td>229,166</td> <td>38,333</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>267,499</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Cutlery,</td> <td>-</td> <td>5,000</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>5,000</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Ribbons,</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,083</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,083</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Corn,</td> <td>-</td> <td>78,041</td> <td>53,437</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>131,478</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Saffron,</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,500</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,500</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Wool,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>48,750</td> <td>641,682</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>690,432</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Flax,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>1,418</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>1,418</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Coarse cloths,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,666</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>2,666</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Silk and wool mixtures,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>5,833</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>5,833</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Worsted stockings,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>540</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>540</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Salt provisions,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>A large quantity from Gallicia.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Oranges and lemons,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>79,063</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Hemp,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>From Old Castile. 66,667</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Madder,</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,875</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Brooms,</td> <td>6,875</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>-</td> <td>6,875</td> </tr> <tr> <td colspan="6">Total.</td> <td>716,685</td> <td>4,908,304</td> </tr> </table> The above table is confined almost entirely to the European exports. To these must be added the amount of Spanish exports to the American colonies, in order to acquire a just view of the total amount of the export commerce. The following table will show the amount of the exports, both of home and foreign produce, from Spain to America in 1784, as estimated by Mr Townend in pounds sterling.

<table> <tr> <th>Ports.</th> <th>Home produce.</th> <th>Foreign produce</th> <th>Total.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Cadiz</td> <td>1,438,912</td> <td>2,182,531</td> <td>3,621,443</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Malaga</td> <td>106,379</td> <td>14,301</td> <td>120,680</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Seville</td> <td>62,715</td> <td>39,543</td> <td>93,258</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Barcelona</td> <td>122,631</td> <td>21,240</td> <td>143,871</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Corunna</td> <td>64,575</td> <td>39,962</td> <td>104,537</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Santander</td> <td>36,715</td> <td>90,173</td> <td>126,888</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Canaries</td> <td>24,974</td> <td></td> <td>24,974</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Tortosa</td> <td>7,669</td> <td>289</td> <td>7,958</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Gijon</td> <td>4,281</td> <td>10,100</td> <td>14,381</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Total</th> <th>L.1,958,849</th> <th>L.2,389,229</th> <th>L.4,348,078</th> </tr> </table>

Of these exports we are to regard chiefly those of Spanish produce, and these Mr Townend has probably estimated too high. M. de Laborde, on whose authority we are more disposed to rely, states the value of Spanish domestic merchandise exported to America in the year 1788, as amounting to 1,635,681. sterling, while in 1792, it amounted to 2,812,500l. sterling, and on an average of five years, from 1788 to 1792, it amounted to 1,833,333l. sterling. The amount of foreign merchandise exported in 1788, was 1,484,315l. sterling. Adding the average to this last sum, we have 3,317,648l. sterling for the whole export trade to America. This added to 4,908,304l. sterling, makes a grand total of 8,225,952l. sterling for the whole export trade of Spain.

The Spanish imports are much more considerable than the exports. Before the present troubles, Spain imported from Holland, tapes, linen drapery, common lace, cutlery goods and paper; from Silesia, linen drapery; from Germany, more particularly from Hamburg, quantities of haberdashery; from England, calicoes, iron and steel goods, fine cloth, quantities of cod fish and jing; the value of the last articles is estimated at three millions of duros, five millions livres tournois, (208,333l. 13s. 4d.) from France, calicoes, linen drapery, silk stockings, silks, camlets, and other kinds of worsted stuffs, fine cloths, gilded articles, jewellery, iron goods, haberdashery, steel goods, and perfumery.

We have not satisfactory documents sufficient to ascertain the amount of these imports, but it was certainly much less than that of the imports from the American colonies. These latter, according to Mr Townend's statement, amounted in 1784 to 12,635,173l. sterling; to which, if we add nearly half a million for duty, we shall have a total of above thirteen millions sterling for American imports alone. De Laborde estimates the total amount of American imports for the year 1788 at 8,382,330l. sterling, of which Cadiz alone imported 6,617,873l. sterling. If to the above amount we add 577,679l. for the duty at the same period, we shall have a total of 8,960,009l. sterling against the mother country, deducting from this 3,317,648l. for the average exports, we have 5,642,361l. as the balance of trade in favour of the Spanish colonies.

Though there are in Spain many navigable rivers, inland few canals of communication have been constructed to improve the internal navigation of the country. The canal of Aragon, completed during the reign of Charles IV. must be highly beneficial to that province. Two canals, viz. that of Tuculire and the imperial canal, both of which begin at Navarre, run in various windings through Aragon, by turns receding from or approaching the river Ebro, where at length they terminate. Besides the dykes, banks, sluices, and bridges necessary in the course of these canals, an aqueduct has been constructed in the valley of Riozalan, 710 fathoms in length, and 17 feet thick at the base, in which the canal runs.

The canal of Castile, projected and begun in the last reign, has been almost abandoned. It was to commence at Segovia, fifteen leagues north of Madrid, to follow the course of the Ercina, that falls into the Douro, and to be continued as far north as Reynosa; which is twenty leagues from St Ander, a sea port. At Reynosa is the communication with the canal of Aragon, that unites the Mediterranean to the bay of Bilcay. Above Palencia, a branch goes westward through Rio-Seco and Benevento to Zamora; making the canal of Castile, in its whole extent, 140 leagues; where it is completed, viz. between Reynosa and Rio-Seco, its width at top is 56 feet, at bottom 20, and nine in depth.

In 1784, a canal was planned, which, from the foot of the mountains of Guadarama near the Escorial, should proceed southward to the Tagus; afterwards to the Guadiana, and terminate at the Guadalquivir above Andaxar. Some other attempts to improve the inland navigation of the country have been unsuccessful.

There is no nation in Europe which displays such a variety of national character as Spain. In no two provinces are the manners and character exactly alike. It is therefore difficult to collect traits on which to found the national character of the Spaniards; and this character has been variously represented by different writers. From the transactions which have lately taken place between that people and the British nation, we confess ourselves prejudiced against them; and we shall therefore, instead of sketching their character according to our own preconceived notions, endeavour to delineate it as concisely as possible from De Laborde, who is probably a sufficiently competent judge.

The national pride, says this author, is every where the fame. The Spaniard has the highest opinion of his nation and himself, and this he expresses with energy, in his gestures, words, and actions. This opinion is discovered among all ranks in life, and all classes of society. Its result is a kind of haughtiness, sometimes repulsive to him who is its object, but useful in giving to the mind a sentiment of nobleness and self-esteem which fortifies it against all meanness.

In later times the Spaniards have not degenerated from the valour of their ancestors. The Spanish soldier is still one of the best in Europe, when placed under an experienced general, and brave and intelligent officers. He possesses a cool and steady valour; he long endures fatigue and hunger, and easily injures himself to labour.

The Spaniards are very reserved, and rather wait for, than court the advances of a stranger. Yet in spite of their apparent gravity, they possess an inward gaiety, which frequently shines out when proper occasions call it forth.

The Spaniard is very slow in all his operations; he often deliberates when he ought to act, and spoils affairs as much by temporizing as the natives of other countries do by precipitation. This tardiness would be but a slight defect, did it not proceed from a ferious radical want, from the invincible indolence and hatred of labour which prevails among all ranks of society.

That jealousy which was formerly proverbial among the Spaniards, is now greatly diminished; husbands are much less suspicious, and women much more accessible. Lattices have disappeared; duennas exist only in romances; veils are exchanged for mantles; houses are thrown open, and the women have recovered a liberty by which they are less tempted to go astray than when their virtue was entrusted to locks and grates, and to the superintendence of guards often faithless and easily corrupted.

In fine, the Spaniards are sober, discreet, adroit, frank, patient in adversity, slow in decision, but wise in deliberation; ardent in enterprise, and constant in pursuit. They are attached to their religion, faithful to their king, hospitable, charitable, noble in their dealings, generous, liberal, magnificent; good friends, and full of honour. They are grave in carriage, serious in discourse, gentle and agreeable in conversation, and enemies to falsehood and evil speaking.

Such is the Spanish character as drawn by De Laborde. Its varieties in the several provinces are thus stated by the same author. The Old Castilians are sullen, gloomy, and indolent, and are the most severely grave of all the Spaniards; but they possess a steady prudence, an admirable constancy under adversity, an elevation of soul, and an unalterable probity and uprightness. The character of the natives of New Castile is nearly the same, but more open, and less grave and taciturn. Indocility and conceit make part of the character of the people of Navarre; they are distinguished by lightness and adroitness. The Biscayans are proud, impetuous, and irritable; abrupt in discourse and in action; haughty and independent, but industrious, diligent, faithful, hospitable, and sociable. The Galicians are gloomy, and live very little in society; but they are bold, courageous, laborious, very sober, and distinguished for their fidelity. The Asturians partake of the character of the Galicians and Biscayans; but they are less industrious than the former, less civilized, less sociable, less amiable, and more haughty than the latter. The people of Estremadura are proud, haughty, vain, ferocious, indolent; but remarkably sober, honourable, and much attached to their own province, which they seldom quit. The Murcians are lazy, listless, plotting, and suspicious; attached neither to sciences, arts, commerce, navigation, nor a military life. The Valencians are light, inconstant, and indecisive; gay, fond of pleasure, little attached to each other, and still less to strangers, but affable, agreeable, and diligent. The Catalans are proud, haughty, violent in their passions, rude in discourse and in action, turbulent, untractable, and passionately fond of independence; they are not particularly liberal, but active, industrious, and indefatigable; they are sailors, husbandmen, and builders, and resort to all corners of the world to seek their fortunes. They are brave, intrepid, sometimes rash, obstinate in adhering to their schemes, and often successful in vanquishing, by their steady perseverance, obstacles which would appear insuperable to others.

The natives of almost every province have some distinguishing peculiarity in their dress, manners, and pursuits. Before the accession of the house of Bourbon to the throne, the usual dress of a Spanish nobleman consisted of a flounced hat, a long black or brown cloak, short jerkin, and strait breeches, with a long Toledo sword; but French dresses are now introduced at court. The higher classes wear their hats under their arm. The common people wrap themselves up to the eyes in a brown cloak, called alepo, that reaches to the ground; and conceal their hair beneath a cotton cap, and a broad hat called a sombrero. When a lady walks abroad, her head and upper part of her body are covered with a mantilla; that is, a white or black veil, so that it is impossible she should be known. At home, the dress is a jacket and a petticoat of silk or cotton. The hair is generally a fine black; and powder is rare.

In romance, the ladies are celebrated for beauty, and some of them deserve that character; yet beauty is not their general character. They are of a slender make, but with great art they supply the defects of nature. By an indiscriminate use of paint, they disfigure their complexion and thicken their skin.

Several of the Spanish customs and habits, which seem ridiculous to foreigners, are gradually wearing out, and in process of time will no doubt be corrected. The higher classes at breakfast use chocolate, and seldom tea. Dinner generally consists of beef, veal, pork, mutton, and beans, boiled together. They are fond of garlic; and it is proverbial that olives, salad, and radishes, are food for gentlemen. The men drink little wine, and the women use water or chocolate. Both sexes sleep after dinner, and air themselves in the cool of the evening. Their repasts are composed of fowlmeats, biscuit, coffee and fruit, which servants distribute to the company; who keep their seats, and have little conversation.

Dancing and cards are favourite amusements. Theatrical exhibitions are generally infipid or ridiculous bombard, low wit, absurdity, and buffoonery. The combats of the cavaleros and bull fights, are almost peculiar to this country. On these occasions young gentlemen were used to show their courage to their mistresses; and were honoured and rewarded according to their successes. But these exhibitions were lately conducted with greater economy and parsimony; and mercenary champions studied in the most secure and graceful manner to destroy the devoted animal. See Bull Fighting.

The chief defect in all ranks is an aversion to labour and industry. The higher orders bestow no attention on agriculture and commerce; they reside for the most part at court and in the metropolis, reckoning it beneath their dignity to live in villas on their estates among their tenants. In their estimation, a labouring man quits the dignity of the Spanish character, and renders himself an object of contempt. Hence a little indulgence prevails. Thousands waste their time in total want of every incitement to action. Their intellectual powers lie dormant, and their views and exertions are confined within the narrow sphere of mere existence. The common people have no encouragement to industry; and must feel little concern, concern for the welfare of a country where a few overgrown families engross every thing valuable, and never think of the condition of their vassals. The indigent Spaniard does not better himself unless impelled by want, because he perceives no advantage to be derived from industry. A stranger to intemperance and excess, his scanty fare is easily procured; and under a climate so propitious, few clothes are required. The hovel which he occupies, together with all its contents, has a mean, filthy, despicable appearance; and all that relates to 'Playfair's' him bears the impression of wretchedness and misery.† Geography, vol. i. p. 68.

There are certain customs which may be regarded as peculiar to the Spaniards, or which at least are scarcely found in any other European country. The number of servants retained in the families of the higher ranks is prodigious; and even a tradesman's wife, in narrow circumstances, will frequently have four maid servants, though she cannot, with propriety, employ more than two. The houses of gentlemen, and especially of grandees, swarm with them; and, not unfrequently, all the principal servants will have their wives and children lodged with them, and supported by their master. We have heard of one nobleman who was at the daily expense of 120l. merely for the maintenance of his numerous retainers.

The Spaniards are fond of meeting in the evening in parties, which are often very numerous. On these occasions, the ladies as they arrive place themselves in one room, and the gentlemen in another; or else the ladies range themselves in a line along the side of the room, the lady of the house always taking the lowest place next to the door, whilst the men remain standing, or seat themselves on the opposite side. They remain separated in this manner till the card parties are introduced. They play at loo, loto, and other games of a similar kind. Those who do not play, either look on, or embrace the opportunity of chatting with the person most interesting to them. Others form little circles, where the conversation is usually very animated. These parties very much resemble the French evening, and the English rout.

A refresco sometimes makes part of these entertainments, but only on particular occasions, when the company is more than usually numerous. But orange, lemonade, orangeade, ices of different kinds, sweetmeats, and biscuits, are distributed with uncommon profusion; and chocolate ends the función, as all these entertainments are called.

Many precautions are taken in Spain against the heat. The rooms are watered several times a-day, and the windows are shaded on the outside with awnings of cloth or ticking, or on the inside by large and full curtains. In some places, as at Valencia, the glass is taken out of the windows at the approach of summer, and the doors of the apartments are all let open.

The beds in Spain are hard, being made of mattress, laid on paillasses, resting on a wooden bottom. The furniture of the houses is usually very simple, and the floors are covered with matting or printed cloth. The chairs have rush bottoms, and are usually of different heights, those for the ladies being one-third lower than those for the gentlemen.

Among the principal amusements of the Spaniards must be reckoned music and dancing. Though the Spaniards have a taste for music, they are by no means proficient in that accomplishment. Their principal instrument is the guitar, which is in the hands of every body. Different provinces have also their peculiar instruments. Thus the Gallicians use a dull and heavy bagpipe; the Catalonians a large flagcolet, and a little drum or tabor; and the Biscayans a short flute, with four holes. Caltanettes are also extremely common, and are employed with great dexterity and address in the national dances.

The Spaniards are passionately fond of dancing, and they have certain dances which are peculiar to Spain. Of these the tango is the most celebrated, and appears to be the most ancient. It is a very extraordinary dance, in which the whole body is thrown into a regular and harmonious convulsion, expressive of the most lascivious ideas.

The passion of the Spaniards for these dances is carried to a height which can scarcely be imagined. No sooner are the guitar and the singing to which they are danced heard in a ball room or theatre, than a murmur of delight arises on all sides; all faces become animated; the feet, hands, and eyes of all present are put in motion: it is impossible to describe the effect produced. Mr Townfend, an English traveller, affirms, that if a person were to come suddenly into a church or a court of justice playing the fandango, or the colero, priests, judges, lawyers, criminals, audience, one and all, grave and gay, young or old, would quit their functions, forget all distinctions, and all set themselves a dancing.

The Spanish balls are directed by two persons chosen among the visitors, who are called baileneras, and with the hat under the arm, and the cane in the hand, perform the office of masters of the ceremonies. One is for the gentlemen, the other for the ladies. It is their business to appoint who is to dance, whether minuets or country dances: they are in general very attentive to the observance of precedence and etiquette, and have usually the complaisance to contrive that those shall dance together to whom it is peculiarly agreeable to meet.

A singular custom is observed at these balls, which appears new and strange to a foreigner. The lady chosen to dance rises, crosses the room alone, and places herself where she is to begin dancing, without waiting for her partner to lead her out; and after the dance is over, her partner makes his bow to her again in the middle of the room without taking any further concern about her, or handing her back to her place. But this custom prevails only in the provinces.

The bull-fights noticed above were once not only a favourite but a fashionable spectacle in Spain. Every city, and almost every small town, had a place set apart for these darling combats; and hither all ranks and ages resorted with the greatest avidity, and witnessed the prowess of the combatants, and the torture of the wretched animals, whom they were hired to butcher, with the most savage expressions of delight. These fights made a part of every festival, and, as soon as they were announced, the housewife left her family, the tradesman forsook his shop, the artist his work-room, the labourer his field, and joy and expectation were painted on every countenance. To the honour of the nation, these cruel sports are at length abolished, and Spain has thus set an example of humanity, which Britain, with all her civilization and refinement, need not blush to copy. New-Spain. See Mexico.