America, as M. de Paw himself affirms; in Italy, the Campagna di Roma (although peopled for so many ages) with vipers, Calabria with tarantulas, the shores of the Adriatic sea with clouds of gnats; and even in France, the population of which is so great and so ancient, whose lands are so well cultivated, and whose climate is so celebrated by the French, there appeared, a few years ago, according to M. Buffon, a new species of field mice, larger than the common kind, called by him surmoulots, which have multiplied exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. M. Bazin, in his Compendium of the History of Insects, numbers 77 species of bugs which are all found in Paris and its neighbourhood. That large capital, as M. Bomare says, swarms with those disgustful insects. It is true, that there are places in America, where the multitudes of insects and filthy vermin make life irksome; but we do not know that they have arrived to such excess of multiplication as to depopulate any place; at least there cannot be so many examples produced of this cause of depopulation in the new as in the old continent, which are attested by Theophrastus, Varro, Pliny, and other authors. The frogs depopulated one place in Gaul, and the locusts another in Africa. One of the Cyclades was depopulated by mice; Amiclas, near to Taracina, by serpents; another place, near to Ethiopia, by scorpions and poisonous ants; and another by scolopendras: and not so distant from our own times, the Mauritius was going to have been abandoned on account of the extraordinary multiplication of rats, as we can remember to have read in a French author.

With respect to the size of the insects, reptiles, and such animals, M. de Paw makes use of the testimony of M. Dumont, who, in his Memoirs on Louisiana, says, that the frogs are so large there that they weigh 37 French pounds, and their horrid croaking imitates the bellowing of cows. But M. de Paw himself says (in his answer to Don Perneyt, cap. 17), that all those who have written about Louisiana, from Henepin, Le Clare, and Cav. Tonti, to Dumont, have contradicted each other, sometimes on one and sometimes on another subject. In fact, neither in the old or the new continent are there frogs of 37 pounds in weight; but there are in Asia and Africa, serpents, butterflies, ants, and other animals, of such monstrous size, that they exceed all those which have been discovered in the new world. We know very well, that some American historians say, that a certain gigantic species of serpents is to be found in the woods, which attract men with their breath, and swallow them up; but we know also, that several historians both ancient and modern, report the same thing of the serpents of Asia, and even something more. Megasthenes, cited by Pliny, said, that there were serpents found in Asia, so large, that they swallowed entire stags and bulls. Metrodorus, cited by the same author, affirms, that in Asia there were serpents which, by their breath, attracted birds, however high they were, or quick their flight. Among the moderns, Gemelli, in vol. v. of his Tour of the World, when he treats of the animals of the Philippine isles, speaks thus: "There are serpents in these islands of moderate size; there is one called ibitín, very long, which suspending itself by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits, till stags, bears, and also men pass by, in order to attract them with its breath, and devour them at once entirely:" From whence it is evident that this very ancient fable has been common to both continents.

Further, it may be asked, In what country of America could M. de Paw find ants to equal those of the Philippine islands, called sulam, respecting which Hernandez affirms, that they were six fingers breadth in length, and one in breadth? Who has ever seen in America butterflies so large as those of Bourbon, Ternate, the Philippine isles, and all the Indian archipelago? The largest bat of America (native of hot shady countries), which is that called by Buffon vampiro, is, according to him, of the size of a pigeon. La rougette, one of the species of Asia, is as large as a raven; and the rousette, another species of Asia, is as big as a large hen. Its wings, when extended, measure from tip to tip three Parisian feet, and according to Gemelli, who measured it in the Philippine isles, six palms. M. Buffon acknowledges the excess in size of the Asiatic bat over the American species, but denies it as to number. Gemelli says, that those of the island of Luzon were so numerous that they darkened the air, and that the noise which they made with their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was heard at the distance of two miles. M. de Paw says, in talking of serpents, "It cannot be affirmed that the new world has shewn any serpents larger than those which Mr Adanson saw in the deserts of Africa." The greatest serpent found in Mexico, after a diligent search made by Hernandez, was 18 feet long; but this is not to be compared with that of the Moluccas, which Bomare says is 33 feet in length: nor with the anacondaia of Ceylon, which the same author says is more than 33 feet long; nor with others of Asia and Africa mentioned by the same author. Lastly, The argument drawn from the multitude and size of the American insects is fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the smallness and scarcity of quadrupeds, and both detect the same ignorance, or rather the same voluntary and studied forgetfulness, of the things of the old continent.

With respect to what M. de Paw has said of the tribute of lice in Mexico, in that as well as in many other things he discovers his ridiculous credulity. It is true that Cortes found bags of lice in the magazines of the palace of King Axajacatil. It is also true, that Montezuma imposed such a tribute, not on all his subjects, however, but only on those who were beggars; not on account of the extraordinary multitude of those insects, as M. de Paw affirms, but because Montezuma, who could not suffer idleness in his subjects, resolved that that miserable set of people, who could not labour, should at least be occupied in lousing themselves. This was the true reason of such an extravagant tribute, as Torquemada, Betancourt, and other historians, relate; and nobody ever before thought of that which M. de Paw affirms, merely because it suited his preposterous system. Those disgusting insects possibly abound as much in the hair and clothes of American beggars as of any poor and uncleanly low people in the world; but there is not a doubt, that if any sovereign of Europe was to exact such a tribute from the poor in his dominions, not only bags but great vessels, might be filled with them.

At the time America was discovered, it was found inhabited. inhabited by a race of men no less different from those in the other parts of the world, than the climate and natural productions of this continent are different from those of Europe, Asia, or Africa. One great peculiarity in the native Americans is their colour, and the identity of it throughout the whole extent of the continent. In Europe and Asia, the people who inhabit the northern countries are of a fairer complexion than those who dwell more to the southward. In the torrid zone, both in Africa and Asia, the natives are entirely black, or the next thing to it. This, however, must be understood with some limitation. The people of Lapland, who inhabit the most northerly part of Europe, are by no means so fair as the inhabitants of Britain; nor are the Tartars so fair as the inhabitants of Europe who lie under the same parallels of latitude. Nevertheless a Laplander is fair when compared with an Abyssinian, and a Tartar, if compared with a native of the Molucca islands. In America, this distinction of colour was not to be found. In the torrid zone there were no negroes, and in the temperate and frigid zones there were no white people. All of them were of a kind of red copper colour, which Mr Forster, observed, in the Pessarys of Terra del Fuego, to have something of a gloss resembling that metal. It doth not appear, however, that this matter hath ever been inquired into with sufficient accuracy. The inhabitants of the inland parts of South America, where the continent is widest, and consequently the influence of the sun the most powerful, have never been compared with those of Canada, or more northerly parts, at least by any person of credit. Yet this ought to have been done, and that in many instances too, before it could be asserted so positively as most authors do, that there is not the least difference of complexion among the natives of America. Indeed, so many systems have been formed concerning them, that it is very difficult to obtain a true knowledge of the most simple facts. If we may believe the Abbé Raynal, the Californians are swarthier than the Mexicans; and so positive is he in his opinion, that he gives a reason for it. "This difference of colour," says he, "proves, that the civilized life of society subverts, or totally changes, the order and laws of nature, since we find under the temperate zone, a savage people that are blacker than the civilized nations of the torrid zone."

—On the other hand, Dr Robertson classes all the inhabitants of Spanish America together with regard to colour, whether they are civilized or uncivilized; and when he speaks of California, takes no notice of any peculiarity in their colour more than others. The general appearance of the indigenous Americans in various districts is thus described by the Chevalier Pinto:

"They are all of a copper colour, with some diversity of shade, not in proportion to their distance from the equator, but according to the degree of elevation of the territory in which they reside. Those who live in a high country are fairer than those in the marshy low lands on the coast. Their face is round; farther removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. Their forehead is small; the extremity of their ears far from the face; their lips thick; their nose flat; their eyes black, or of a chestnut colour, small, but capable of discerning objects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without any tendency to curl. At the first aspect, a South American appears to be mild and innocent; but, on a more attentive view, one discovers in his countenance something wild, distrustful, and sullen."

The following account of the native Americans is Don Ulloa's given by Don Antonio Ulloa, in a work entitled Mémoire Philosophiques, Historiques, et Physiques, concernant la découverte de l'Amérique, lately published.

The American Indians are naturally of a colour bordering upon red. Their frequent exposure to the sun and wind changes it to their ordinary dusky hue. The temperature of the air appears to have little or no influence in this respect. There is no perceptible difference in complexion between the inhabitants of the high and those of the low parts of Peru; yet the climates are of extreme difference. Nay, the Indians who live as far as 40 degrees and upwards south or north of the equator, are not to be distinguished, in point of colour, from those immediately under it.

There is also a general conformation of features and person, which more or less characterizes them all. Their chief distinctions, in these respects, are a small forehead, partly covered with hair to the eyebrows, little eyes; the nose thin, pointed, and bent towards the upper lip; a broad face; large ears; black, thick, and lank hair; the legs well formed, the feet small, the body thick and muscular; little or no beard on the face, and that little never extending beyond a small part of the chin and upper lip. It may easily be supposed that this general description cannot apply, in all its parts, to every individual; but all of them partake so much of it, that they may be easily distinguished even from the mulattoes, who come nearest to them in point of colour.

The resemblance among all the American tribes is not less remarkable in respect to their genius, character, manners, and particular customs. The most distant tribes are, in these respects, as similar as though they formed but one nation.

All the Indian nations have a peculiar pleasure in painting their bodies of a red colour, with a certain species of earth. The mine of Guanacavelica was formerly of no other use than to supply them with this material for dyeing their bodies; and the cinnabar extracted from it was applied entirely to this purpose. The tribes in Louisiana and Canada have the same passion; hence minium is the commodity most in demand there.

It may seem singular that these nations, whose natural colour is red, should affect the same colour as an artificial ornament. But it may be observed, that they do nothing in this respect but what corresponds to the practice of Europeans, who also study to heighten and display to advantage the natural red and white of their complexions. The Indians of Peru have now indeed abandoned the custom of painting their bodies; but it was common among them before they were conquered by the Spaniards; and it still remains the custom of all those tribes who have preserved their liberty. The northern nations of America, besides the red colour which is predominant, employ also black, white, blue, and green, in painting their bodies.

The adjustment of these colours is a matter of great consideration with the Indians of Louisiana and the vast regions extending to the north, as the ornaments of dress among the most polished nations. The dress... business itself they call mactacher, and they do not fail to apply all their talents and assiduity to accomplish it in the most finished manner. No lady of the greatest fashion ever consulted her mirror with more anxiety, than the Indians do while painting their bodies. The colours are applied with the utmost accuracy and address. Upon the eyelids, precisely at the root of the eyelashes, they draw two lines as fine as the smallest thread; the same upon the lips, the openings of the nostrils, the eyebrows, and the ears; of which last they even follow all the inflexions and sinuosities. As to the rest of the face, they distribute various figures, in all which the red predominates, and the other colours are assorted so as to throw it out to the best advantage. The neck also receives its proper ornament; a thick coat of vermilion commonly distinguishes the cheeks. Five or six hours are requisite for accomplishing all this with the nicety which they affect. As their first attempts do not always succeed to their wish, they efface them, and begin anew upon a better plan. No coquette is more fastidious in her choice of ornament, none more vain when the important adjustment is finished. Their delight and self-satisfaction, are then so great, that the mirror is hardly ever laid down. An Indian mactachered to his mind is the vainest of all the human species. The other parts of the body are left in their natural state, and, excepting what is called a cachecul, they go entirely naked.

Such of them as have made themselves eminent for bravery, or other qualifications, are distinguished by figures painted on their bodies. They introduce the colours by making punctures on their skin, and the extent of surface which this ornament covers is proportioned to the exploits they have performed. Some paint only their arms, others both their arms and legs, others again their thighs; while those who have attained the summit of warlike renown, have their bodies painted from the waist upwards. This is the heraldry of the Indians; the devices of which are probably more exactly adjusted to the merits of the persons who bear them than those of more civilized countries.

Besides these ornaments, the warriors also carry plumes of feathers on their heads, their arms, and ankles. These likewise are tokens of valour, and none but such as have been thus distinguished may wear them.

The propensity to indolence is equal among all the tribes of Indians, civilized or savage. The only employment of those who have preserved their independence is hunting and fishing. In some districts the women exercise a little agriculture in raising Indian corn and pompions, of which they form a species of aliment by bruising them together: they also prepare the ordinary beverage in use among them, taking care, at the same time, of the children, of whom the fathers take no charge.

The female Indians of all the conquered regions of South America practise what is called the arco (a word which among them signifies elevation). It consists in throwing forward the hair from the crown of the head upon the brow, and cutting it round from the ears to above the eye; so that the forehead and eyebrows are entirely covered. The same custom takes place in the northern countries. The female inhabitants of both regions tie the rest of their hair behind, so exactly in the same fashion, that it might be supposed the effect of mutual imitation. This, however, being impossible, from the vast distance that separates them, is thought to countenance the supposition of the whole of America being originally planted with one race of people.

This custom does not take place among the males. Those of the higher parts of Peru wear long and flowing hair, which they reckon a great ornament. In the lower parts of the same country they cut it short, on account of the heat of the climate; a circumstance in which they imitate the Spaniards. The inhabitants of Louisiana pluck out their hair by the roots from the crown of the head forwards, in order to obtain a large forehead, otherwise denied them by nature. The rest of their hair they cut as short as possible, to prevent their enemies from seizing them by it in battle, and also to prevent them from easily getting their scalp, should they fall into their hands as prisoners.

The whole race of American Indians is distinguished by thickness of skin and hardness of fibres: circumstances which probably contribute to that insensibility to bodily pain for which they are remarkable. An instance of this insensibility occurred in an Indian who was under the necessity of submitting to be cut for the stone. This operation, in ordinary cases, seldom lasts above four or five minutes. Unfavourable circumstances in his case prolonged it to the uncommon period of 27 minutes. Yet all this time the patient gave no tokens of the extreme pain commonly attending this operation: he complained only as a person does who feels some slight uneasiness. At last the stone was extracted. Two days after, he expressed a desire for food, and on the eighth day from the operation, he quitted his bed, free from pain, although the wound was not yet thoroughly closed. The same want of sensibility is observed in cases of fractures, wounds, and other accidents of a similar nature. In all these cases their cure is easily effected, and they seem to suffer less present pain than any other race of men. The skulls that have been taken up in their ancient burying-grounds are of a greater thickness than that bone is commonly found, being from six to seven lines from the outer to the inner superficies. The same is remarked as to the thickness of their skins.

It is natural to infer from hence, that their comparative insensibility to pain is owing to a coarser and stronger organization than that of other nations. The ease with which they endure the severities of climate is another proof of this. The inhabitants of the higher parts of Peru live amidst perpetual frost and snow. Although their clothing is very slight, they support this inclement temperature without the least inconvenience. Habit, it is to be confessed, may contribute a good deal to this, but much also is to be ascribed to the compact texture of their skins, which defends them from the impression of cold through their pores.

The northern Indians resemble them in this respect. The utmost rigours of the winter season do not prevent them from following the chase almost naked. It is true, they wear a kind of woollen cloak, or sometimes the skin of a wild beast, upon their shoulders; but besides that it covers only a small part of their body, it would appear that they use it rather for ornament than warmth. In fact, they wear it indiscriminately, in the severities of winter and in the most sultry heats of summer. America, summer, when neither Europeans nor negroes can suffer any but the slightest clothing. They even frequently throw aside this cloak when they go a hunting, that it may not embarrass them in traversing their forests, where they say the thorns and undergrowth would take hold of it; while, on the contrary, they slide smoothly over the surface of their naked bodies. At all times they go with their heads uncovered, without suffering the least inconvenience, either from the cold, or from those corps de soleil, which in Louisiana are so often fatal to the inhabitants of other climates.

The Indians of South America distinguish themselves by modern dresses, in which they affect various tastes. Those of the high country, and of the valleys in Peru, dress partly in the Spanish fashion. Instead of hats they wear bonnets of coarse double cloth, the weight of which neither seems to incommode them when they go to warmer climates, nor does the accidental want of them seem to be felt in situations where the most piercing cold reigns. Their legs and feet are always bare, if we except a sort of sandals made of the skins of oxen. The inhabitants of South America, compared with those of North America, are described as generally more feeble in their frame, less vigorous in the efforts of their mind, of gentler dispositions, more addicted to pleasure, and sunk in indolence.—This, however, is not universally the case. Many of their nations are as intrepid and enterprising as any others on the whole continent. Among the tribes on the banks of the Oroonoko, if a warrior aspires to the chief post of a captain, his probation begins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemious hermit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble; and each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously, that his body is almost fayed. If he betrays the least symptom of impatience, or even of sensibility, he is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the honour. After some interval, his constancy is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in his hammock with his hands bound fast; and an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whose bite occasions violent pain and inflammation, are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit stand around the hammock; and whilst these cruel insects fasten upon the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, or an involuntary motion expressive of what he suffers, would exclude him from the dignity of which he is ambitious. Even after this evidence, his fortitude is not deemed to be sufficiently ascertained, till he has stood another test more severe, if possible, than the former. He is again suspended in his hammock, and covered with the leaves of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he may feel its heat, and be involved in smoke. Though scorched and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure this with the same patient insensibility. Many perish in this essay of their firmness and courage; but such as go through it with applause, receive the ensigns of their new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved resolution, whose behaviour in the most trying situations, will do honour to their country. In North America, the previous trial of a warrior is neither so formal nor so severe: though, even there, before a youth is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blows, by fire, and by insults, mere intolerable to a haughty spirit than either.

Of the manners and customs of the North Americans more particularly, the following is the most consistent account that can be collected from the best informed and most impartial writers.

When the Europeans first arrived in America, they found the Indians quite naked, except those parts which even the most uncultivated people usually conceal. Since that time, however, they generally use a coarse blanket, which they buy of the neighbouring planters.

Their huts or cabins are made of stakes of wood driven into the ground, and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie on the floor, either on mats or the skins of wild beasts. Their dishes are of timber; but their spoons are made of the skulls of wild oxen, and their knives of flint. A kettle and a large plate constitute almost the whole utensils of the family. Their diet consists chiefly in what they procure by hunting; and sagamite, or potage, is likewise one of their most common kinds of food. The most honourable furniture among them are the scalps of their enemies; with these they ornament their huts, which are esteemed in proportion to the number of this sort of spoils.

The character of the Indians is altogether founded upon their circumstances and way of life. A people who are constantly employed in procuring the means of a precarious subsistence, who live by hunting the wild animals, and who are generally engaged in war with their neighbours, cannot be supposed to enjoy much gaiety of temper, or a high flow of spirits. The Indians therefore are in general grave even unto sadness: they have nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar to some nations of Europe, and they despise it. Their behaviour to those about them is regular, modest, and markable respectful. Ignorant of the arts of amusement, of pensiveness which that of saying trifles agreeably is one of the most considerable, they never speak, but when they have something important to observe; and all their actions, words, and even looks, are attended with some meaning. This is extremely natural to men who are almost continually engaged in pursuits which to them are of the highest importance. Their subsistence depends entirely on what they procure with their hands; and their lives, their honour, and every thing dear to them, may be lost by the smallest inattention to the designs of their enemies. As they have no particular object to attach them to one place rather than another, they fly wherever they expect to find the necessaries of life in greatest abundance. Cities, which are the effects of agriculture and arts, they have none. The different tribes or nations are for the same reason extremely small, when compared with civilized societies, in which industry, arts, agriculture, and commerce, have united a vast number of individuals whom a complicated luxury renders useful to one another. These small tribes live at an immense distance; they are separated by a desert frontier, and hid in the bosom of impenetrable and almost boundless forests.

There is established in each society a certain species of government, which over the whole continent of America prevails with exceeding little variation; because among over the whole of this continent the manners and way... of life are nearly similar and uniform. Without arts, riches, or luxury, the great instruments of subjection in polished societies, an American has no method by which he can render himself considerable among his companions, but by superiority in personal qualities of body or mind. But as Nature has not been very lavish in her personal distinctions, where all enjoy the same education, all are pretty much equal, and will desire to remain so. Liberty, therefore, is the prevailing passion of the Americans; and their government, under the influence of this sentiment, is better secured than by the wisest political regulations. They are very far, however, from despising all sort of authority; they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, which experience has conferred on the aged, and they enlist under the banners of the chief in whose valour and military address they have learned to repose their confidence. In every society, therefore, there is to be considered the power of the chief and of the elders; and, according as the government inclines more to the one or to the other, it may be regarded as monarchical, or as a species of aristocracy. Among those tribes which are most engaged in war, the power of the chief is naturally predominant; because the idea of having a military leader was the first source of his superiority, and the continual exigencies of the state requiring such a leader, will continue to support, and even to enhance it. His power, however, is rather persuasive than coercive; he is reverenced as a father, rather than feared as a monarch. He has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice; and one act of ill-judged violence would pull him from the throne. The elders, in the other form of government, which may be considered as an aristocracy, have no more power. In some tribes, indeed, there are a kind of hereditary nobility, whose influence, being constantly augmented by time, is more considerable. (See the article NIAGARA). But this source of power which depends chiefly on the imagination, by which we annex to the merit of our contemporaries that of their forefathers, is too refined to be very common among the natives of America. In most countries, therefore, age alone is sufficient for acquiring respect, influence, and authority. It is age which teaches experience, and experience is the only source of knowledge among a barbarous people. Among those persons, business is conducted with the utmost simplicity, and which may recall to those who are acquainted with antiquity a picture of the most early ages. The heads of families meet together in a house or cabin appointed for the purpose. Here the business is discussed; and here those of the nation, distinguished for their eloquence or wisdom, have an opportunity of displaying those talents. Their orators, like those of Homer, express themselves in a bold figurative style, stronger than refined, or rather softened, nations can well bear, and with gestures equally violent, but often extremely natural and expressive. When the business is over, and they happen to be well provided with food, they appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost the whole nation partakes. The feast is accompanied with a song, in which the real or fabulous exploits of their forefathers are celebrated. They have dances too, though, like those of the Greeks and Romans, chiefly of the military kind; and their music and dancing accompany every feast.

To assist their memory, they have belts of small shells or beads, of different colours, each representing a particular object, which is marked by their colour and arrangement. At the conclusion of every subject on which they discourse, when they treat with a foreigner or belted state, they deliver one of those belts; for if this ceremony should be omitted, all that they have said passes for nothing. These belts are carefully deposited in each town, as the public records of the nation; and to them they occasionally have recourse, when any public contest happens with a neighbouring tribe. Of late, as the materials of which those belts are made have become scarce, they often give some skin in place of the wampum (the name of the beads), and receive in return presents of a more valuable kind from our commissioners; for they never consider a treaty as of any weight, unless every article in it be ratified by such a gratification.

It often happens, that those different tribes or nations, scattered as they are at an immense distance from one another, meet in their excursions after prey. If there subsists no animosity between them, which seldom is the case, they behave in the most friendly and courteous manner; but if they happen to be in a state of war, or if there has been no previous intercourse between them, all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and they fight with the most savage fury.

War, if we except hunting, is the only employment of the men: as to every other concern, and even the little agriculture they enjoy, it is left to the women. Their most common motive for entering into war, when it does not arise from an accidental rencontre or interference, is either to revenge themselves for the death of some lost friends, or to acquire prisoners who may assist them in their hunting, and whom they adopt into their society. These wars are either undertaken by some private adventurers, or at the instance of the whole community. In the latter case, all the young men who are disposed to go out to battle (for no one is compelled contrary to his inclination), give a bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him; for every thing among those people is transacted with a great deal of ceremony and many forms. The chief who is to conduct them fasts several days, during which he converses with no one, and before setting out, is particularly careful to observe his dreams; which ting out the presumption natural to savages generally renders as favourable as he could desire. A variety of other superstitions and ceremonies are observed. One of the most hideous is setting the war-kettle on the fire, as an emblem that they are going out to devour their enemies; which among some nations must formerly have been the case, since they still continue to express it in clear terms, and use an emblem significant of the ancient usage. Then they dispatch a porcelain, or large shell, to their allies, inviting them to come along, and drink the blood of their enemies. For with the Americans, as with the Greeks of old,

"A generous friendship no cold medium knows; "But with one love, with one resentment, glows."

They think that those in their alliance must not only adopt their enmities, but have their resentment wound up to the same pitch with themselves. And indeed no people carry their friendship or their resentment so far America far as they do; and this is what should be expected from their peculiar circumstances; that principle in human nature which is the spring of the social affections, acts with so much the greater force the more it is restrained. The Americans, who live in small societies, who see few objects and few persons, become wonderfully attached to these objects and persons, and cannot be deprived of them without feeling themselves miserable. Their ideas are too confined to enable them to entertain just sentiments of humanity, or universal benevolence. But this very circumstance, while it makes them cruel and savage to an incredible degree towards those with whom they are at war, adds a new force to their particular friendships, and to the common tie which unites the members of the same tribe, or of those different tribes which are in alliance with one another.

Without attending to this reflection, some facts we are going to relate would excite our wonder, without informing our reason; and we should be bewildered in a number of particulars, seemingly opposite to one another, without being sensible of the general cause from which they proceed.

Having finished all the ceremonies previous to the war, and the day appointed for their setting out on the expedition being arrived, they take leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, or whatever moveables they have, in token of mutual friendship; after which they proceed from the town, their wives and female relations walking before, and attending them to some distance. The warriors march all dressed in their finest apparel and most showy ornaments, without any order. The chief walks slowly before them, singing the war-song, while the rest observe the most profound silence. When they come up to their women, they deliver them all their finery, and putting on their worst clothes, proceed on their expedition.

Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standard, which is generally some beast, bird, or fish. Those among the Five Nations are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and eagle; and by these names the tribes are usually distinguished. They have the figures of those animals pricked and painted on several parts of their bodies; and when they march through the woods, they commonly, at every encampment, cut the representation of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful campaign; marking at the same time the number of scalps or prisoners they have taken. Their military dress is extremely singular. They cut off or pull out all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two English crown pieces, near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy their eyebrows. The lock left upon their heads is divided into several parcels, each of which is stiffened and adorned with wampum, beads, and feathers of various kinds, the whole being twisted into a form much resembling the modern pompon. Their heads are painted red down to the eyebrows, and sprinkled over with white down. The gristles of their ears are split almost quite round, and distended with wires or splinters so as to meet and tie together on the nape of the neck. These are also hung with ornaments, and generally bear the representation of some bird or beast. Their noses are likewise bored and hung with trinkets of beads, and their faces painted with various colours, so as to make an awful appearance. Their breasts are adorned with a gorget or medal, of brass, copper, or some other metal, and that dreadful weapon the scalping knife hangs by a string from their neck.

The great qualities in an Indian war are vigilance and attention, to give and to avoid a surprise; and indeed in these they are superior to all nations in the world. Accustomed to continual wandering in the forests, having their perceptions sharpened by keen necessity, and living in every respect according to nature, their external senses have a degree of acuteness which at first view appears incredible. They can trace out their enemies at an immense distance by the smoke of their fires, which they smell, and by the tracks of their feet on the ground, imperceptible to an European eye, but which they can count and distinguish with the utmost facility. They can even distinguish the different nations with whom they are acquainted, and can determine the precise time when they passed, where an European could not, with all his glasses, distinguish footsteps at all. These circumstances, however, are of small importance, because their enemies are no less acquainted with them. When they go out, therefore, they take care to avoid making use of anything by which they might run the danger of discovery. They light no fire to warm themselves or to prepare their victuals: they lie close to the ground all day, and travel only in the night; and marching along in files, he that closes the rear diligently covers with leaves the tracks of his own feet and of theirs who preceded him. When they halt to refresh themselves, scouts are sent out to reconnoitre the country, and beat and circup every place where they suspect an enemy to lie concealed. In this manner they enter unawares the villages of their foes; and, while the flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, massacre all the children, women, and helpless old men, or make prisoners of as many as they can manage, or have strength enough to be useful to their nation. But when the enemy is apprised of their design, and coming on in arms against them, they throw themselves flat on the ground among the withered herbs and leaves, which their faces are painted to resemble. Then they allow a part to pass unmolested, when all at once, with a tremendous shout, rising up from their ambush, they pour a storm of musket bullets on their foes. The party attacked returns the same cry. Every one shelters himself with a tree, fighting and returns the fire of the adverse party, as soon as they raise themselves from the ground to give a second fire. Thus does the battle continue until the one party is so much weakened as to be incapable of farther resistance. But if the force on each side continues nearly equal, the fierce spirits of the savages, inflamed by the loss of their friends, can no longer be restrained. They abandon their distant war, they rush upon one another with clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own courage, and insulting their enemies with the bitterest reproaches. A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand hideous forms, which would congeal the blood of civilized nations to behold, but which rouse the fury of savages. They trample, they insult over the dead bodies, tearing the scalp from the head, wallowing in their blood like wild beasts, and sometimes devouring their flesh. The flame rages on till it meets with no resistance; then the prisoners are secured, those unhappy men, whose fate is a thousand times more dreadful than theirs who have died in the field. The conquerors set up a hideous howling to lament the friends they have lost. They approach in a melancholy and severe gloom to their own village; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the women, with frightful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead brothers or their husbands.

When they are arrived, the chief relates in a low voice to the elders a circumstantial account of every particular of the expedition. The orator proclaims aloud this account to the people; and as he mentions the names of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are redoubled. The men too join in these cries, according as each is most connected with the deceased by blood or friendship. The last ceremony is the proclamation of the victory: each individual then forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of his nation; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an unaccountable transition, they pass in a moment from the bitterness of sorrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treatment of the prisoners, whose fate all this time remains undecided, is what chiefly characterizes the savages.

We have already mentioned the strength of their affections or resentments. United as they are in small societies, connected within themselves by the firmest ties, their friendly affections, which glow with the most intense warmth within the walls of their own village, seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the enemies of their nation; and their resentment is easily extended from the individual who has injured them to all others of the same tribe. The prisoners, who have themselves the same feelings, know the intentions of their conquerors, and are prepared for them. The person who has taken the captive attends him to their pet cottage, where, according to the distribution made by the elders, he is to be delivered to supply the loss of a citizen. If those who receive him have their family weakened by war or other accidents, they adopt the captive into the family, of which he becomes a member. But if they have no occasion for him, or their resentment for the loss of their friends be too high to endure the sight of any connected with those who were concerned in it, they sentence him to death. All those who have met with the same severe sentence being collected, the whole nation is assembled at the execution, as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is erected, and the prisoners are tied to the stake, where they commence their death-song, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty with the most undaunted courage. Their enemies, on the other side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most refined and exquisite tortures. They begin at the extremity of his body, and gradually approach the more vital parts. One plucks out his nails by the roots, one by one; another takes a finger into his mouth, and tears off the flesh with his teeth; a third thrusts the finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe made red hot, which smokes like tobacco; then they pound his toes and fingers to pieces between two stones; they cut circles about his joints, and gashes in the fleshy parts of his limbs, which they sear immediately with red-hot irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them alternately; they pull off his flesh, thus mangled and roasted, bit by bit, devouring it with greediness, and smearing their faces with the blood in an enthusiasm of horror and fury.

When they have thus torn off the flesh, they twist the bare nerves and tendons about an iron, tearing and snapping them, whilst others are employed in pulling and extending their limbs in every way that can increase the torment. This continues often five or six hours; and sometimes, such is the strength of the savages, days together. Then they frequently unbind him, to give a breathing to their fury, to think what new torments they shall inflict, and to refresh the strength of the sufferer, who, wearied out with such a variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into so profound a sleep, that they are obliged to apply the fire to awake him, and renew his sufferings. He is again fastened to the stake, and again they renew their cruelty; they stick him all over with small matches of wood that easily takes fire, but burns slowly; they continually run sharp reeds into every part of his body; they drag out his teeth with pincers, and thrust out his eyes; and lastly after having burned his flesh from the bones with slow fires; after having so mangled the body that it is all but one wound; after having mutilated his face in such a manner as to carry nothing human in it; after having peeled the skin from the head, and poured a heap of red-hot coals or boiling water on the naked skull—they once more unbind the wretch; who, blind, and staggering with pain and weakness, assaulted and pelted upon every side with clubs and stones, now up, now down, falling into their fires at every step, runs, lither and thither, until one of the chiefs, whether out of compassion, or weary of cruelty, puts an end to his life with a club or dagger. The body is then put into a kettle, and this barbarous employment is succeeded by a feast as barbarous.

The women, forgetting the human as well as the female nature, and transformed into something worse than furies, even undo the men in this scene of horror; while the principal persons of the country sit round the stake, smoking and looking on without the least emotion. What is most extraordinary, the sufferer himself, in the little intervals of his torments, of the sufferer, too, appears unconcerned, and converses with his torturers about different matters. Indeed, during the whole time of his execution, there seems a contest which shall exceed, they in inflicting the most horrid pains, or he in enduring them with a firmness and constancy almost above human: not a groan, not a sigh, not a distortion of countenance escapes him; he possesses his mind entirely in the midst of his torments; he recounts his own exploits; he informs them what cruelties he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and threatens them with the revenge that will attend his death; and, though his reproaches exasperate them to a perfect madness of rage and fury, he continues his insults even of their ignorance of the art of tormenting, pointing out himself more exquisite methods, and more sensible parts of the body to be afflicted. The women have this part of courage as well as the men; and it is as rare for an Indian to behave otherwise, as it would be for any European to suffer as an Indian. Such is the wonderful power of an early institution, and a ferocious thirst of glory. "I am brave and intrepid (exclaims the savage in the face of his tormentors); I do not fear death, nor any kind of tortures; those who fear them are cowards; they are less than America: women; life is nothing to those who have courage: May my enemies be confounded with despair and rage! Oh! that I could devour them, and drink their blood to the last drop."

But neither the intrepidity on one side, nor the inflexibility on the other, are among themselves matter of astonishment: for vengeance, and fortitude in the midst of torment, are duties which they consider as sacred; they are the effects of their earliest education, and depend upon principles instilled into them from their infancy. On all other occasions they are humane and compassionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of their affection toward their friends, who consist of all those who live in the same village, or are in alliance with it. Among these all things are common; and this, though it may in part arise from their not possessing very di- rect notions of separate property, is chiefly to be at- tributed to the strength of their attachments; because in every thing else, with their lives as well as their for- tunes, they are ready to serve their friends. Their houses, their provisions, even their young women, are not enough to oblige a guest. Has any one of these succeeded ill in his hunting; has his harvest failed; or is his house burned—he feels no other effect of his misfortune, than that it gives him an opportunity of experiencing the benevolence and regard of his fellow- citizens. On the other hand, to the enemies of his country, or to those who have privately offended, the American is implacable. He conceals his sentiments, he appears reconciled, until by some treachery or sur- prise he has an opportunity of executing a horrible re- venge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his re- sentment; no distance of place great enough to protect the object: he crosses the steepest mountains, he pier- ces the most impracticable forests, and traverses the most hideous bogs and deserts for several hundreds of miles; bearing the inclemency of the seasons, the fatigue of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, on whom he exercises the most shocking bar- barities, even to the eating of his flesh. To such ex- tremes do the Indians push their friendship or their en- mity; and such indeed, in general, is the character of all strong and uneducated minds.

But what we have said respecting the Indians would be a faint picture, did we omit observing the force of their friendship, which principally appears by the treat- ment of their dead. When any one of the society is cut off, he is lamented by the whole. On this occasion a thousand ceremonies are practised, denoting the most lively sorrow. No business is transacted, however pres- sing, till all the pious ceremonies due to the dead are performed. The body is washed, anointed, and paint- ed. Then the women lament the loss with hideous howlings, intermixed with songs which celebrate the great actions of the deceased and his ancestors. The men mourn in a less extravagant manner. The whole village is present at the interment, and the corpse is habited in the most sumptuous ornaments. Close to the body of the defunct are placed his bows and ar- rows, with whatever he valued most in his life, and a quantity of provisions for his subsistence on the journey which he is supposed to take. This solemnity, like every other, is attended with feasting. The funeral being ended, the relations of the deceased confine themselves to their hut for a considerable time to indulge their grief. After an interval of some weeks they visit the grave, repeat their sorrow, new clothe the remains of the body, and act over again all the solemnities of the funeral.

Among the various tokens of their regard for their deceased friends, the most remarkable is what they call the feast of the dead, or the feast of souls. The day for this ceremony is appointed in the council of their chiefs, who give orders for every thing which may enable them to celebrate it with pomp and magnificence; and the neighbouring nations are invited to partake of the en- tertainment. At this time all who have died since the preceding feast of the kind are taken out of their graves. Even those who have been interred at the greatest dis- tance from the villages are diligently sought for, and conducted to this rendezvous of the dead, which exhibits a scene of horror beyond the power of description.— When the feast is concluded, the bodies are dressed in the finest skins which can be procured, and after being exposed for some time in this pomp, are again committed to the earth with great solemnity, which is succeeded by funeral games.

Their taste for war, which forms the chief ingre- dient in their character, gives a strong bias to their re- ligion. Areskou, or the god of battle, is revered as the great god of the Indians. Him they invoke be- fore they go into the field; and according as his dis- position is more or less favourable to them, they con- clude they will be more or less successful. Some na- tions worship the sun and moon; among others there are a number of traditions, relative to the creation of the world and the history of the gods: traditions which resemble the Grecian fables, but which are still more absurd and inconsistent. But religion is not the pre- vailing character of the Indians: and except when they have some immediate occasion for the assistance of their gods, they pay them no sort of worship. Like all rude nations, however, they are strongly addicted to superstition. They believe in the existence of a number of good and bad genii or spirits, who inter- fere in the affairs of mortals, and produce all our hap- piness or misery. It is from the evil genii, in particu- lar, that our diseases proceed; and it is to the good genii we are indebted for a cure. The ministers of the genii are the jugglers, who are also the only phy- sicians among the savages. These jugglers are suppos- ed to be inspired by the good genii, most commonly in their dreams, with the knowledge of future events; they are called in to the assistance of the sick, and are supposed to be informed by the genii whether they will get over the disease, and in what way they must be treated. But these spirits are extremely simple in their system of physic, and, in almost every disease, direct the juggler to the same remedy. The patient is enclosed in a narrow cabin, in the midst of which is a stone red hot: on this they throw water, until he is well soaked with the warm vapour and his own sweat. Then they hurry him from this bagno, and plunge him suddenly into the next river. This coarse method, which costs many their lives, often performs very ex- traordinary cures. The jugglers have likewise the use of some specifics of wonderful efficacy; and all the savages are dexterous in curing wounds by the applica- tion of herbs. But the power of these remedies is al-

B 2 America's ways attributed to the magical ceremonies with which they are administered.

Though the women generally bear the laborious part of domestic economy, their condition is far from being so enslaved as it appears. On the contrary, the greatest respect is paid by the men to the female sex. The women even hold their councils, and have their share in all deliberations which concern the state. Polygamy is practised by some nations, but is not general. In most, they content themselves with one wife; but a divorce is admitted in case of adultery. No nation of the Americans is without a regular marriage, in which there are many ceremonies; the principal of which is, the bride's presenting the bridegroom with a plate of their corn. The women, though before incontinent, are remarkable for chastity after marriage.

Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling passion of the Indians, their education is directed in such a manner as to cherish this disposition to the utmost. Hence children are never upon any account chastised with blows, and they are seldom even reprimanded. Reason, they say, will guide their children when they come to the use of it, and before that time their faults cannot be very great: but blows might damp their free and martial spirit, by the habit of a slavish motive to action. When grown up, they experience nothing like command, dependence, or subordination; even strong persuasion is industriously withheld by those who have influence among them.—No man is held in great esteem, unless he has increased the strength of his country with a captive, or adorned his hut with a scalp of one of his enemies.

Controversies among the Indians are few, and quickly decided. When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to become a national concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of the great council: but in ordinary cases, the crime is either revenged or compromised by the parties concerned. If a murder be committed, the family which has lost a relation prepares to retaliate on that of the offender. They often kill the murderer; and when this happens, the kindred of the last person slain look upon themselves to be as much injured, and to have the same right to vengeance, as the other party. In general, however, the offender absents himself; the friends send compliments of condolence to those of the person that has been murdered. The head of the family at length appears with a number of presents, the delivery of which he accompanies with a formal speech. The whole ends, as usual, in mutual feastings, songs, and dances. If the murder is committed by one of the same family or cabin, that cabin has the full right of judgment within itself, either to punish the guilty with death, or to pardon him, or to oblige him to give some recompense to the wife or children of the slain. Instances of such a crime, however, very seldom happen; for their attachment to those of the same family is remarkably strong, and is said to produce such friendships as may vie with the most celebrated in fabulous antiquity.

Such, in general, are the manners and customs of the Indian nations; but every tribe has something peculiar to itself. Among the Hurons and Natches, the dignity of the chief is hereditary, and the right of succession in the female line. When this happens to be extinct, the most respectable matron of the tribe makes choice of whom she pleases, to succeed.

The Cherokees are governed by several sachems or chiefs, elected by the different villages; as are also the Creeks and Chactaws. The two latter punish adultery in a woman by cutting off her hair, which they will not suffer to grow till the corn is ripe the next season; but the Illinois, for the same crime, cut off the women's noses and ears.

The Indians on the lakes are formed into a sort of empire; and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is that of the Ottowawaws. He has the greatest authority of any chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. A few years ago, the person who held this rank formed a design of uniting all the Indian nations under his sovereignty; but he miscarried in the attempt.

In general, the American Indians live to a great age, although it is not possible to know from themselves the exact number of their years. It was asked of an Indian, who appeared to be extremely old, what age he was of? I am above twenty, was his reply. Upon putting the question in a different form, by reminding him of certain circumstances in former times, My machu, said he, spoke to me when I was young of the Incas; and he had seen these princes. According to this reply, there must have elapsed, from the date of his machu's (his grandfather's) remembrance to that time, a period of at least 232 years. The man who made this reply appeared to be 120 years of age: for, besides the whiteness of his hair and beard, his body was almost bent to the ground; without, however, showing any other marks of debility or suffering. This happened in 1764. This longevity, attended in general with uninterrupted health, is probably the consequence in part of their vacancy from all serious thought and employment, joined also with the robust texture and conformation of their bodily organs. If the Indians did not destroy one another in their almost perpetual wars, and if their habits of intoxication were not so universal and incurable, they would be, of all the races of men who inhabit the globe, the most likely to prolong, not only the bounds, but the enjoyments, of animal life to their utmost duration.

Let us now attend to other pictures which have been given of the aboriginal inhabitants of the new states of the world. The vices and defects of the American Indians have by several writers been most unaccountably aggravated, and every virtue and good quality denied them. Their cruelties have been already described and accounted for. The following anecdote of an Algonquin woman we find adduced as a remarkable proof of their innate thirst of blood. That nation being at war with the Iroquois, she happened to be made prisoner, and was carried to one of the villages belonging to them. Here she was stripped naked, and her hands and feet bound with ropes in one of their cabins. In this condition she remained ten days, the savages sleeping round her every night. The eleventh night, while they were asleep, she found means to disengage one of her hands, with which she immediately freed herself from the ropes, and went to the door. Though she had now an opportunity of escaping unperceived, ceived, her revengeful temper could not let slip so favourable an opportunity of killing one of her enemies.

The attempt was manifestly at the hazard of her own life; yet, snatching up a hatchet, she killed the savage that lay next her; and, springing out of the cabin, concealed herself in a hollow tree which she had observed the day before. The groans of the dying person soon alarmed the other savages, and the young ones immediately set out in pursuit of her.—Perceiving from her tree, that they all directed their course one way, and that no savage was near her, she left her sanctuary, and, flying in an opposite direction, ran into a forest without being perceived. The second day after this happened, her footsteps were discovered, and they pursued her with such expedition, that the third day she discovered her enemies at her heels. Upon this she threw herself into a pond of water; and, diving among some weeds and bulrushes, she could just breathe above water without being perceived. Her pursuers, after making the most diligent search, were forced to return.—For 35 days this woman held on her course through woods and deserts, without any other sustenance than roots and wild berries. When she came to the river St Lawrence, she made with her own hands a kind of a wicker raft, on which she crossed it. As she went by the French fort Trois Rivieres, without well knowing where she was, she perceived a canoe full of savages; and, fearing they might be Iroquois, run again into the woods, where she remained till sunset.—Continuing her course, soon after she saw the Trois Rivieres; and was then discovered by a party whom she knew to be Hurons, a nation in alliance with the Algonquins. She then squatted down behind a bush, calling out to them that she was not in a condition to be seen, because she was naked. They immediately threw her a blanket, and then conducted her to the fort, where she recounted her story.

Personal courage has been denied them. In proof of their pusillanimity, the following incidents are quoted from Charlevoix by Lord Kames, in his Sketches of the History of Man. "The fort de Vercheres in Canada, belonging to the French, was, in the year 1690, attacked by some Iroquois. They approached silently, preparing to scale the palisade, when some musket shot made them retire. Advancing a second time, they were again repulsed, wondering that they should discover none but a woman who was seen everywhere. This was Madame de Vercheres, who appeared as resolute as if supported by a numerous garrison. The hopes of storming a place without men to defend it occasioned reiterated attacks. After two days siege, they retired, fearing to be intercepted in their retreat. Two years after, a party of the same nation appeared before the fort so unexpectedly, that a girl of fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but time to shut the gate. With the young woman there was not a soul but one raw soldier. She showed herself with her assistant, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another; changing her dress frequently, in order to give some appearance of a garrison; and always fired opportunely. 'The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped without success.'"

There is no instance, it is said, either of a single Indian facing an individual of any other nation in fair and open combat, or of their jointly venturing to try the fate of battle with an equal number of any foes. Even with the greatest superiority of numbers, they dare not meet an open attack. Yet, notwithstanding this want of courage, they are still formidable; nay, it has been known, that a small party of them has routed a much superior body of regular troops: but this can only happen when they have surprised them in the fastnesses of their forests, where the covert of the wood may conceal them until they take their aim with the utmost certainty. After one such discharge they immediately retreat, without leaving the smallest trace of their route. It may easily be supposed, that an onset of this kind must produce confusion even among the steadiest troops, when they can neither know the number of their enemies, nor perceive the place where they lie in ambush.

Perfidy combined with cruelty has been also a part of their character. Don Ulloa relates, That the Indians of the country called Natches, in Louisiana, laid a plot for massacring in one night every individual belonging to the French colony established there. This plot they actually executed, notwithstanding the seeming good understanding that subsisted between them and these European neighbours. Such was the secrecy which they observed, that no person had the least suspicion of their design until the blow was struck. One Frenchman alone escaped, by favour of the darkness, to relate the disaster of his countrymen. The compassion of a female Indian contributed also in some measure to his exemption from the general massacre. The tribe of Natches had invited the Indians of other countries, even to a considerable distance, to join in the same conspiracy. The day, or rather the night, was fixed, on which they were to make an united attack on the French colonists. It was intimated by sending a parcel of rods, more or less numerous according to the local distance of each tribe, with an injunction to abstract one rod daily; the day on which the last fell to be taken away being that fixed for the execution of their plan. The women were partners of the bloody secret. The parcels of rods being thus distributed, that belonging to the tribe of Natches happened to remain in the custody of a female. This woman, either moved by her own feelings of compassion, or by the commiseration expressed by her female acquaintances in the view of the proposed scene of bloodshed, abstracted one day three or four of the rods, and thus anticipated the term of her tribe's proceeding to the execution of the general conspiracy. The consequence of this was, that the Natches were the only actors in this carnage; their distant associates having still several rods remaining at the time when the former made the attack. An opportunity was thereby given to the colonists in those quarters to take measures for their defence, and for preventing a more extensive execution of the design.

It was by conspiracies similar to this that the Indians of the province of Macas, in the kingdom of Quito, destroyed the opulent city of Logroño, the colony of Guambaya, and its capital Sevilla del Oro; and that so completely, that it is no longer known in what places these settlements existed, or where that abundance of gold was found from which the last-mentioned city took the addition to its name. Like ravages have been committed upon l'Imperiale in Chili, the colonies of the Missions of Chuncas, those of Darien in Terra Firma, and... America, and many other places which have afforded scenes of this barbarous ferocity. These conspiracies are always carried on in the same manner. The secret is inviolably kept; the actors assemble at the precise hour appointed, and every individual is animated with the same sanguinary purposes. The males that fall into their hands are put to death with every shocking circumstance that can be suggested by a cool and determined cruelty. The females are carried off, and preserved as monuments of their victory, to be employed as their occasions require.

Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it is said, be justly ascribed to their subjection to a foreign yoke, seeing the same character belongs equally to all the original inhabitants of this vast continent, even those who have preserved their independence most completely. Certain it is, continues he, that these people, with the most limited capacities for every thing else, display an astonishing degree of penetration and subtlety with respect to every object that involves treachery, bloodshed, and rapine. As to these, they seem to have been all educated at one school; and a secret, referring to any such plan, no consideration on earth can extort from them.

Their understandings also have been represented as not less contemptible than their manners are gross and brutal. Many nations are neither capable of forming an arrangement for futurity; nor does their solicitude or foresight extend so far. They set no value upon those things of which they are not in some immediate want. In the evening, when a Carib is going to rest, no consideration will tempt him to sell his hammock; but in the morning he will part with it for the slightest trifle. At the close of winter, a North American, mindful of what he has suffered from the cold, sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erecting a comfortable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the succeeding season; but as soon as the weather becomes mild, he abandons his work, and never thinks of it more till the return of the cold compels him to resume it.—In short, to be free from labour seems to be the utmost wish of an American. They will continue whole days stretched in their hammocks, or seated on the earth, without changing their posture, raising their eyes, or uttering a single word. They cannot compute the succession of days nor of weeks. The different aspects of the moon alone engage their attention as a measure of time. Of the year they have no other conception than what is suggested to them by the alternate heat of summer and cold of winter; nor have they the least idea of applying to this period the obvious computation of the months which it contains. When it is asked of any old man in Peru, even the most civilized, what age he is of; the only answer he can give is the number of caciques he has seen. It often happens, too, that they only recollect the most distant of these princes in whose time certain circumstances had happened peculiarly memorable, while of those that lived in a more recent period they have lost all remembrance.

The same gross stupidity is alleged to be observable in those Indians who have retained their original liberty. They are never known to fix the dates of any events in their minds, or to trace the succession of circumstances that have arisen from such events. Their imagination takes in only the present, and in that only what intimately concerns themselves. Nor can discipline or instruction overcome this natural defect of apprehension.

In fact, the subjected Indians in Peru, who have a continual intercourse with the Spaniards, who are furnished with curates perpetually occupied in giving them lessons of religion and morality, and who mix with all ranks of the civilized society established among them, are almost as stupid and barbarous as their countrymen who have had no such advantages. The Peruvians, while they lived under the government of their Incas, preserved the records of certain remarkable events. They had also a kind of regular government, described by the historians of the conquest of Peru. This government originated entirely from the attention and abilities of their princes, and from the regulations enacted by them for directing the conduct of their subjects. This ancient degree of civilization among them gives ground to presume, that their legislators sprung from some race more enlightened than the other tribes of Indians; a race of which no individual seems to remain in the present times.

Vanity and conceit are said to be blended with their ignorance and treachery. Notwithstanding all they may and suffer from Europeans, they still, it is said, consider conceit themselves as a race of men far superior to their conquerors. This proud belief, arising from their perverted ideas of excellence, is universal over the whole known continent of America. They do not think it possible that any people can be so intelligent as themselves. When they are detected in any of their plots, it is their common observation, that the Spaniards, or Viracochas, want to be as knowing as they are. Those of Louisiana, and the countries adjacent, are equally vain of their superior understanding, confounding that quality with the cunning which they themselves constantly practise. The whole object of their transactions is to overreach those with whom they deal. Yet, though faithless themselves, they never forgive the breach of promise on the part of others. While the Europeans seek their amity by presents, they give themselves no concern to secure a reciprocal friendship. Hence, probably, arises their idea, that they must be a superior race of men, in ability and intelligence, to those who are at such pains to court their alliance and avert their enmity.

Their natural eloquence has also been decried. The free tribes of savages who enter into conventions with the Europeans, it is observed, are accustomed to make long, pompous, and, according to their own notions, sublime harangues, but without any method or connection. The whole is a collection of disjointed metaphors and comparisons. The light, heat, and course of the sun, form the principal topic of their discourse; and these unintelligible reasonings are always accompanied with violent and ridiculous gestures. Numberless repetitions prolong the oration, which, if not interrupted, would last whole days: At the same time, they meditate very accurately beforehand, in order to avoid mentioning any thing but what they are desirous to obtain. This pompous faculty of making speeches is also one of the grounds on which they conceive themselves to be superior to the nations of Europe: They imagine that it is their eloquence that procures them the favours they ask. The subjected Indians converse precisely But such partial and detached views as the above, were they even free from misrepresentation, are not the just ground upon which to form an estimate of their character. Their qualities, good and bad (for they certainly possess both), their way of life, the state of society among them, with all the circumstances of their condition, ought to be considered in connexion, and in regard to their mutual influence. Such a view has been given in the preceding part of this article: from which, it is hoped, their real character may be easily deduced.

Many of the disagreeable traits exhibited in the anecdotes just quoted, are indeed extracted from Don Ulloa, an author of credit and reputation, but a Spaniard, and evidently biased in some degree by a desire to palliate the enormities of his countrymen in that quarter of the globe. And with regard to the worst and least equivocal parts of the American character, cruelty and revenge, it may be fairly questioned, whether the instances of these, either in respect of their cause or their atrocity, be at all comparable to those exhibited in European history, and staining the annals of Christendom—to those, for instance, of the Spaniards themselves, at their first discovery of America; to those indicated by the engines found on board their mighty Armada; to those which, in cold blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Amboyna; to the dragoonings of the French; to their religious massacres; or even to the tender mercies of the Inquisition?

Still harsher, however, are the descriptions given by Buffon and de Paw of the natives of this whole continent, in which the most mortifying degeneracy of the human race, as well as of all the inferior animals, is asserted to be conspicuous. Against those philosophers, or rather theorists, the Americans have found an able advocate in the abbé Clavigero; an historian whose situation and long residence in America afforded him the best means of information, and who, though himself a subject of Spain, appears superior to prejudice, and disdains in his description the glosses of policy.

Concerning the stature of the Americans, M. de Paw says in general, that although it is not equal to the stature of the Castilians, there is but little difference between them. But the abbé Clavigero evinces that the Indians who inhabit those countries lying between 9 and 45 degrees of north latitude, which are the limits of the discoveries of the Spaniards, are more than five Parisian feet in height, and that those who did not reach that stature are as few in number among the Indians as they are amongst the Spaniards. It is besides certain that many of those nations, as the Apaches, the Higueze, the Pimere, and Cochimies, are at least as tall as the tallest Europeans; and that, in all the vast extent of the new world, no race of people has been found, except the Esquimaux, so diminutive in stature as the Laplanders, the Samojesds, and Tartars, in the north of the old continent. In this respect, therefore, the inhabitants of the two continents are upon an equality.

Of the shape and character of the Mexican Indians the abbé gives a most advantageous description; which he asserts no one who reads it in America will contradict, unless he views them with the eye of a prejudiced mind. It is true, that Ulloa says, in speaking of the Indians of Quito, he had observed, "that imperfect people abounded among them; that they were either irregularly diminutive, or monstrous in some other respect; that they became either insensible, dumb, or blind, or wanted some limb of their body." Having therefore made some inquiry respecting this singularity of the Quitans, the abbé found that such defects were neither caused by bad humours, nor by the climate, but by the mistaken and blind humanity of their parents, who, in order to free their children from the hardships and toils to which the healthy Indians are subjected by the Spaniards, fix some deformity or weakness upon them, that they may become useless: a circumstance of misery which does not happen in other countries of America, nor in those places of the same kingdom of Quito, where the Indians are under no such oppression. M. de Paw, and, in agreement with him, Dr Robertson, says, that no deformed persons are to be found among the savages of America; because like the ancient Lacedemonians, they put to death those children which are born hunch-backed, blind, or defective in any limb; but that in those countries where they are formed into societies, and the vigilance of their rulers prevents the murder of such infants, the number of their deformed individuals is greater than it is in any country of Europe. This would make an exceeding good solution of the difficulty if it were true; but if, possibly, there has been in America a tribe of savages who have imitated the barbarous example of the celebrated Lacedemonians, it is certain that those authors have no grounds to impute such inhumanity to the rest of the Americans; for that it has not been the practice, at least with the far greater part of those nations, is to be demonstrated from the attestations of authors the best acquainted with their customs.

No argument against the new world can be drawn from the colour of the Americans; for their colour is less distant from the white of the Europeans than it is their want from the black of the Africans, and a great part of the Asiatics. The hair of the Mexicans, and of the greater part of the Indians, is, as we have already said, coarse and thick; on their face they appear to have little, and in general none on their arms and legs: but it is an error to say, as M. de Paw does, that they are entirely destitute of hair on all the other parts of their body. This is one of the many passages of the Philosophical Researches, at which the Mexicans, and all the other nations, must smile to find an European philosopher so eager to divest them of the dress they had from nature. Don Ulloa, indeed, in the description which he gives of the Indians of Quito, says, that hair neither grows upon the men nor upon the women when they arrive at puberty, as it does on the rest of mankind; but whatever singularity may attend the Quitans, or occasion this circumstance, there is no doubt that among the Americans in general, the period of puberty is accompanied with the same symptoms as it is among other other nations of the world. In fact, with the North Americans, it is disgraceful to be hairy on the body. They say it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck out the hair as fast as it appears. But the traders who marry their women, and prevail on them to discontinue this practice, say, that nature is the same with them as with the whites. As to the beards of the men, had Buffon or De Paw known the pains and trouble it costs them to pluck out by the roots the hair that grows on their faces, they would have seen that nature had not been deficient in that respect. Every nation has its customs. "I have seen an Indian beau, with a looking-glass in his hand (says Mr. Jefferson), examining his face for hours together, and plucking out by the roots every hair he could discover, with a kind of tweezer made out of a piece of brass wire, that had been twisted round a stick, and which he used with great dexterity."

The very aspect of an Angolan, Mandingan, or Congan, would have shocked M. de Paw, and made him recall that censure which he passes on the colour, the make, and hair, of the Americans. What can be imagined more contrary to the idea we have of beauty, and the perfection of the human frame, than a man whose body emits a rank smell, whose skin is as black as ink, whose head and face are covered with black wool instead of hair, whose eyes are yellow and bloody, whose lips are thick and blackish, and whose nose is flat? Such are the inhabitants of a very large portion of Africa, and of many islands of Asia. What men can be more imperfect than those who measure no more than four feet in stature, whose faces are long and flat, the nose compressed, the irises yellow-black, the eyelids turned back towards the temples, the cheeks extraordinarily elevated, their mouths monstrously large, their lips thick and prominent, and the lower part of their visages extremely narrow? Such, according to Count de Buffon, are the Laplanders, the Zemblans, the Borandines, the Samojeids, and Tartars in the east. What objects more deformed than men whose faces are too long and wrinkled even in their youth, their noses thick and compressed, their eyes small and sunk, their cheeks very much raised, their upper jaw low, their teeth long and disunited, eyebrows so thick that they shade the eyes; the eyelids thick, some bristles on their faces instead of beard, large thighs and small legs? Such is the picture Count de Buffon gives of the Tartars; that is, of those people who, as he says, inhabit a tract of land in Asia 1200 leagues long and upwards, and more than 750 broad. Among these the Calmucks are the most remarkable for their deformity; which is so great, that, according to Tavernier, they are the most brutal men of all the universe. Their faces are so broad, that there is a space of five or six inches between their eyes, according as Count de Buffon himself affirms. In Calicut, in Ceylon, and other countries of India, there is, say Pyrard and other writers on these regions, a race of men who have one or both of their legs as thick as the body of a man; and that this deformity among them is almost hereditary. The Hottentots, besides other gross imperfections, have that monstrous irregularity attending them, of a callous appendage extending from the os pubis downwards, according to the testimony of the historians of the Cape of Good Hope. Struys, Gemelli, and other travellers affirm, that in the kingdom of Lambry, in the islands of Formosa and of Mindoro, men have been found with tails. Bomare says, that a thing of this kind in men is nothing else than an elongation of the os coccygis; but what is a tail in quadrupeds but the elongation of that bone, though divided into distinct articulations? However it may be, it is certain, that that elongation renders those Asiatics fully as irregular as if it was a real tail.

If we were, in like manner, to go through the nations of Asia and Africa, we should hardly find any extensive country where the colour of men is not darker, where there are not stronger irregularities observed, and grosser defects to be found in them, than M. de Paw finds fault with in the Americans. The colour of the latter is a good deal clearer than that of almost all the Africans and the inhabitants of southern Asia. Even their alleged scantiness of beard is common to the inhabitants of the Philippine islands, and of all the Indian archipelago, to the famous Chinese, Japanese, Tartars, and many other nations of the old continent. The imperfections of the Americans, however great they may be represented to be, are certainly not comparable with the defects of that immense people, whose character we have sketched, and others whom we omit.

M. de Paw represents the Americans to be a feeble and diseased set of nations; and in order to demonstrate the weakness and disorder of their physical constitution, adduces several proofs equally ridiculous and ill-founded, and which it will not be expected we should enumerate. He alleges, among other particulars, that they were overcome in wrestling by all the Europeans, and that they sunk under a moderate burden; that by a computation made, 200,000 Americans were found to have perished in one year from carrying of baggage. With respect to the first point, the abbé Clavigero observes, it would be necessary that the experiment of wrestling was made between many individuals of each continent, and that the victory should be attested by the Americans as well as the Europeans. It is not, however, meant to insist, that the Americans are stronger than the Europeans. They may be less strong, without the human species having degenerated, in them. The Swiss are stronger than the Italians; and still we do not believe the Italians are degenerated, nor do we tax the climate of Italy. The instance of 200,000 Americans having died in one year under the weight of baggage, were it true, would not convince us so much of the weakness of the Americans, as of the inhumanity of the Europeans. In the same manner that those 200,000 Americans perished, 200,000 Prussians would also have perished, had they been obliged to make a journey of between 300 and 400 miles, with 100 pounds of burden upon their backs; if they had collars of iron about their necks, and were obliged to carry that load over rocks and mountains; if those who became exhausted with fatigue, or wounded their feet so as to impede their progress, had their heads cut off that they might not retard the pace of the rest; and if they were not allowed but a small morsel of bread to enable them to support so severe a toil. Las Casas, from whom M. de Paw got the account of the 200,000 Americans who died under the fatigue of carrying baggage, relates also all the above-mentioned circumstances. If that author therefore is to be credited in the last, he is also to be credited in the first. But a philosopher who vaunts the physical and moral qualities of Europeans over those of the Americans, would have done better, we think, to have suppressed facts so opprobrious to the Europeans themselves.

Nothing in fact demonstrates so clearly the robustness of the Americans, as those various and lasting fatigues in which they are continually engaged. M. de Paw says, that when the new world was discovered, nothing was to be seen but thick woods; that at present there are some lands cultivated, not by the Americans, however, but by the Africans and Europeans; and that the soil in cultivation is to the soil which is uncultivated as 2,000 to 2,000,000. These three assertions the abbé demonstrates to be precisely as many errors. Since the conquest, the Americans alone have been the people who have supported all the fatigues of agriculture in all the vast countries of the continent of South America, and in the greater part of those of North America subject to the crown of Spain. No European is ever to be seen employed in the labours of the field. The Moors who, in comparison of the Americans, are very few in number in the kingdom of New Spain, are charged with the culture of the sugar cane and tobacco, and the making of sugar; but the soil destined for the cultivation of those plants is not, with respect to all the cultivated land of that country, in the proportion of one to two thousand. The Americans are the people who labour on the soil. They are the tillers, the sowers, the weeders, and the reapers of the wheat, of the maize, of the rice, of the beans, and other kinds of grain and pulse; of the cacao, of the vanilla, of the cotton, of the indigo, and all other plants useful to the sustenance, the clothing, and commerce of those provinces; and without them so little can be done, that in the year 1762, the harvest of wheat was abandoned in many places on account of a sickness which prevailed, and prevented the Indians from reaping it. But this is not all; the Americans are they who cut and transport all the necessary timber from the woods; who cut, transport, and work the stones; who make lime, plaster, and tiles; who construct all the buildings of that kingdom, except a few places where none of them inhabit: who open and repair all the roads; who make the canals and sluices, and clean the cities. They work in many mines of gold, of silver, of copper, &c.; they are the shepherds, herdsmen, weavers, potters, basket-makers, bakers, carriers, day-labourers, &c.; in a word, they are the persons who bear all the burden of public labours. These, says our justly indignant author, are the employments of the weak, dastardly, and useless Americans; while the vigorous M. de Paw, and other indefatigable Europeans, are occupied in writing invectives against them.

These labours, in which the Indians, are continually employed, certainly attest their healthiness and strength; for if they are able to undergo such fatigues, they cannot be diseased, nor have an exhausted stream of blood in their veins, as M. de Paw insinuates. In order to make it be believed that their constitutions are vitiated, he copies whatever he finds written by historians of America, whether true or false, respecting the diseases which reign in some particular countries of that great continent. It is not to be denied, that in some countries in the wide compass of America, men are exposed more than elsewhere to the distempers which are occasioned by the intemperance of the air, or the pernicious quality of the aliments; but it is certain, according to the assertion of many respectable authors acquainted with the new world, that the American countries are for the most part healthy; and if the Americans were disposed to retaliate on M. de Paw, and other European authors who write as he does, they would have abundant subject of materials to throw discredit on the clime of the old continent, and the constitution of its inhabitants, in the endemic distempers which prevail there.

Lastly, The supposed feebleness and unsound bodily habit of the Americans do not correspond with the length of their lives. Among those Americans whose great fatigues and excessive toils do not anticipate their death, there are not a few who reach the age of 80, 90, and 100 or more years, as formerly mentioned; and what is more, without there being observed in them that decay which time commonly produces in the hair, in the teeth, in the skin, and in the muscles of the human body. This phenomenon, so much admired by the Spaniards who reside in Mexico, cannot be ascribed to any other cause than the vigour of their constitutions, the temperance of their diet, and the salubrity of their clime. Historians, and other persons who have sojourned there for many years, report the same thing of other countries of the new world.

As to the mental qualities of the Americans, M. de Paw has not been able to discover any other characters tal qualia than a memory so feeble, that to-day they do not remember what they did yesterday; a capacity so blunt, that they are incapable of thinking, or putting their ideas in order; a disposition so cold, that they feel no excitement of love; a dastardly spirit, and a genius that is torpid and indolent. Many other Europeans, indeed, and what is still more wonderful, many of those children or descendants of Europeans who are born in America, think as M. de Paw does; some from ignorance, some from want of reflection, and others from hereditary prejudice and prepossession. But all this and more would not be sufficient to invalidate the testimonies of other Europeans, whose authority has a great deal more weight, both because they were men of great judgment, learning, and knowledge of these countries, and because they gave their testimony in favour of strangers against their own countrymen. In particular, Acosta, whose natural and moral history even M. de Paw commends as an excellent work, employs the whole sixth book in demonstrating the good sense of the Americans, by an explanation of their ancient government, their laws, their histories in paintings and knots, kalendars, &c. M. de Paw thinks the Americans are bestial; Acosta, on the other hand, reputes those persons weak and presumptuous who think them so. M. de Paw says, that the most acute Americans were inferior in industry and sagacity to the rudest nations of the old continent; Acosta extols the civil government of the Mexicans above many republics of Europe. M. de Paw finds, in the moral and political conduct of the Americans, nothing but barbarity, extravagance. America. travagance, and brutality; and Acosta finds there, laws that are admirable, and worthy of being preserved for ever.

M. de Paw denies them courage, and alleges the conquest of Mexico as a proof of their cowardice. "Cortes (he says) conquered the empire of Mexico with 450 vagabonds and 15 horses, badly armed; his miserable artillery consisted of six falconets, which would not at the present day be capable of exciting the fears of a fortress defended by invalids. During his absence the capital was held in awe by the half of his troops. What men! what events!—It is confirmed by the depositions of all historians, that the Spaniards entered the first time into Mexico without making one single discharge of their artillery. If the title of hero is applicable to him who has the disgrace to occasion the death of a great number of rational animals, Ferdinand Cortes might pretend to it; otherwise, I do not see what true glory he has acquired by the overthrow of a tottering monarchy, which might have been destroyed in the same manner by any other assassin of our continent."

These passages indicate either M. de Paw's ignorance of the history of the conquest of Mexico, or a willful suppression of what would openly contradict his system; since all who have read that history know well, that the conquest of Mexico was not made with 450 men, but with more than 200,000. Cortes himself, to whom it was of more importance than to M. de Paw to make his bravery conspicuous, and his conquest appear glorious, confesses the excessive number of the allies who were under his command at the siege of the capital, and combated with more fury against the Mexicans than the Spaniards themselves. According to the account which Cortes gave to the emperor Charles V., the siege of Mexico began with 87 horses, 843 Spanish infantry, armed with guns, cross-bows, swords, and lances, and upwards of 75,000 allies, of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Cholula, and Chalco, equipped with various sorts of arms; with three large pieces of iron cannon, 15 small of copper, and 13 brigantines. In the course of the siege were assembled the numerous nations of the Otomies, the Cohuixcas, and Matlazincas, and the troops of the populous cities of the lakes; so that the army of the besiegers not only exceeded 200,000, but amounted to 4,000,000, according to the letter from Cortes; and besides these, 3000 boats and canoes came to their assistance. Did it betray cowardice to have sustained, for full 75 days, the siege of an open city, engaging daily with an army so large, and in part provided with arms so superior, and at the same time having to withstand the ravages of famine? Can they merit the charge of cowardice, who, after having lost seven of the eight parts of their city, and about 50,000 citizens, part cut off by the sword, part by famine and sickness, continued to defend themselves until they were furiously assaulted in the last hold which was left them?

See the article MEXICO.

According to M. de Paw, "The Americans at first were not believed to be men, but rather satyrs, or large apes, which might be murdered without remorse or reproach. At last, in order to add insult to the oppression of those times, a pope made an original bull, in which he declared, that being desirous of founding bishopries in the richest countries of America, it pleased him and the Holy Spirit to acknowledge the Americans to be true men: in so far, that without this decision of an Italian, the inhabitants of the new world would have appeared, even at this day, to the eyes of the faithful, a race of equivocal men. There is no example of such a decision since this globe has been inhabited by men and apes." Upon this passage the abbé animadverts, as being a singular instance of calumny and misrepresentation; and gives the following history of the decision alluded to.

"Some of the first Europeans who established themselves in America, not less powerful than avaricious, the famous desirous of enriching themselves to the detriment of the Americans, kept them continually employed, and made use of them as slaves; and in order to avoid the reproaches which were made them by the bishops and missionaries who inculcated humanity, and the giving liberty to those people to get themselves instructed in religion, that they might do their duties towards the church and their families, alleged, that the Indians were by nature slaves, and incapable of being instructed; and many other falsehoods of which the chronicler Herrera makes mention against them. Those zealous ecclesiastics being unable, either by their authority or preaching, to free those unhappy converts from the tyranny of such misers, had recourse to their Catholic majesties, and at last obtained from their justice and clemency those laws, as favourable to the Americans as honourable to the court of Spain, that compose the Indian code, which were chiefly due to the indefatigable zeal of the bishop de las Casas. On another side, Garces bishop of Tlascala, knowing that those Spaniards bore, notwithstanding their perversity, a great respect to the decisions of the vicar of Jesus Christ, made application in the year 1586 to Pope Paul III. by that famous letter of which we have made mention; representing to him the evils which the Indians suffered from the wicked Christians, and praying him to interpose his authority in their behalf. The pope, moved by such heavy remonstrances, despatched the next year the original bull, a faithful copy of which we have here subjoined (A), which was not made, as is manifest, to declare

(A) Paulus papa III. universis Christi Fidelibus presentes Literas inspecturis Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem—"Veritas ipsa, qua nec falli nec fallere potest, cum Predicatores Fidei ad officium predicandis destinaret, dixisse dignoscitur: Euntes docete omnes gentes: omnes, dixit, abscue omni electo, cum omnes Fidei disciplina capaces existant. Quod videns et invidentis ipsius humani generis semelus, qui bonis operibus, ut pe- reant, semper adversatur, modum excogitavit hactenus inauditum, quo impediret, n. Verbum Dei Gentibus, ut salve fierent, predicaretur: ut quosdam suos satellites commovit, qui suam cupiditatem adimperie cupientes, Occidentales et Meridionales Indos, et alias Gentes, que temporibus istis ad nostram notitiam pervenerunt, sub pretextu quod Fidei Catholicae expertes existant, ut bruta animalia, ad nostra obsequia redigendos esse, passim assierere praesumant, et eos in servitutem redigunt, tantis afflictionibus illos urgentes, quantis vix bruta animalia illis the Americans true men; for such a piece of weakness was very distant from that or any other pope: but solely to support the natural rights of the Americans against the attempts of their oppressors, and to condemn the injustice and inhumanity of those, who, under the pretence of supposing these people idolatrous, or incapable of being instructed, took from them their property and their liberty, and treated them as slaves and beasts."

If at first the Americans were deemed satyrs, nobody can better prove it than Christopher Columbus, their discoverer. Let us hear, therefore, how that celebrated admiral speaks, in his account to the Catholic sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, of the first satyrs he saw in the island of Hayti or Hispaniola. "I swear (he says), to your majesties, that there is not a better people in the world than these, more affectionate, affable, or mild. They love their neighbours as themselves; their language is the sweetest, the softest, and the most cheerful; for they always speak smiling; and although they go naked, let your majesties believe me, their customs are very becoming; and their king, who is served with great majesty, has such engaging manners, that it gives great pleasure to see him, and also to consider the retentive faculty of that people, and their desire of knowledge, which incites them to ask the causes and the effects of things."

"We have had intimate commerce with the Americans (continues the abbe); have lived for some years in a seminary destined for their instruction; saw the erection and progress of the royal college of Guadalupe, founded in Mexico by a Mexican Jesuit, for the education of Indian children; had afterwards some Indians among our pupils; had particular knowledge of many American rectors, many nobles, and numerous artists; attentively observed their character, their genius, their disposition, and manner of thinking; and having examined besides, with the utmost diligence, their ancient history, their religion, their government, their laws, and their customs: After such long experience and study of them, from which we imagine ourselves enabled to decide without danger of erring, we declare to M. de Paw, and to all Europe, that the mental qualities of the Americans are not in the least inferior to those of the Europeans; that they are capable of all, even the most abstract sciences; and that, if equal care was taken of their education, if they were brought up from childhood in seminaries under good masters, were protected and stimulated by rewards, we should see rise among the Americans, philosophers, mathematicians, and divines, who would rival the first in Europe."

But although we should suppose, that, in the torrid climates of the new world, as well as in those of the old, especially under the additional depression of slavery, there was an inferiority of the mental powers, the Chinese and the North Americans have discovered higher rudiments of human excellence and ingenuity than have ever been known among tribes in a similar state of society in any part of the world.

M. de Paw affirms, that the Americans were unacquainted with the use of money, and quotes the following well-known passage from Montesquieu: "Imagine to yourself, that, by some accident, you are placed in an unknown country; if you find money there, do not doubt that you are arrived among a polished people." But if by money we are to understand a piece of metal with the stamp of the prince or the public, the want of it in a nation is no token of barbarity. The Athenians employed oxen for money, as the Romans did sheep. The Romans had no coined money till the time of Servius Tullius, nor the Persians until the reign of Darius Hystaspes. But if by money is understood a sign, representing the value of merchandise, the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, employed money in their commerce. The cacao, of which they made constant use in the market to purchase whatever they wanted, was employed for this purpose, as salt is in Abyssinia.

It has been affirmed that stone bridges were unknown in America when it was first discovered; and that the natives did not know how to form arches. But these assertions are erroneous. The remains of the ancient palaces of Tezcuco, and still more their vapour baths, show the ancient use of arches and vaults among the Mexicans. But the ignorance of this art would have been no proof of barbarity. Neither the Egyptians nor Babylonians understood the construction of arches.

M. de Paw affirms, that the palace of Montezuma was nothing else than a hut. But it is certain, from the affirmation of all the historians of Mexico, that the army under Cortes, consisting of 6400 men, was all lodged in the palace; and there remained still sufficient room for Montezuma and his attendants.

The advances which the Mexicans had made in the study of astronomy is perhaps the most surprising proof science of their attention and sagacity; for it appears from Abbé Clavigero's history, that they not only counted 365 days to the year, but also knew of the excess of about six hours in the solar over the civil year, and remedied the difference by means of intercalary days.

Of American morality, the following exhortation of

illis servientia urgeant. Nos igitur, qui ejusdem Domini nostri vices, licet indigni, gerimus in terris, et Oves regis sui nobis commissas, quae extra ejus Ovile sunt, ad ipsum Ovile tota nixa exquirimus, attentes Indos ipsos, utpotest veros homines, non solum Christianae Fidei capaces existere, sed, ut nobis innuit, ad Fidem ipsam præpissime currere, ac volentes super his congruis remediis providere, praedictos Indos et omnes alia gentes ad notitiam Christianorum in posterum deventuras, licet extra fidem Christi existant, sua libertate et dominio hujusmodi uti, et potiri, et gaudere libere, et licite posse, nec in servitutem redigi debere, ac quicquid secus fieri contingit irritum et inane, ipsoque Indos, et alias Gentes Verbi Dei predicazione, et exemplo bonae vitae, ad dictam Fidem Christi invitandos fore. Auctoritate Apostolica per presentes literas decernimus, et declaramus, non obstantibus premis, caeterisque contrariis quibuscunque." Datum Romæ anno 1537. IV. Non. Iun. Pontificatus nostri anno III. Questa, è non altra è quella famosa bolla, per la quale s'è fatto un si grande schiamazzo. a Mexican to his son may serve as a specimen. "My son, who art come into the light from the womb of thy mother like a chicken from the egg, and like it art preparing to fly through the world, we know not how long Heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that precious gem which we possess in thee; but however short the period, endeavour to live exactly, praying God continually to assist thee. He created thee: thou art his property. He is thy father, and loves thee still more than I do: repose in him thy thoughts, and day and night direct thy sighs to him." Reverence and salute thy elders, and hold no one in contempt. To the poor and distressed be not dumb, but rather use words of comfort. Honour all persons, particularly thy parents, to whom thou owest obedience, respect, and service. Guard against imitating the example of those wicked sons, who, like brutes that are deprived of reason, neither reverence their parents, listen to their instruction, nor submit to their correction: because whoever follows their steps will have an unhappy end, will die in a desperate or sudden manner, or will be killed and devoured by wild beasts.

"Mock not, my son, the aged or the imperfect. Scorn not him whom you see fall into some folly or transgression, nor make him reproaches; but restrain thyself, and beware lest thou fall into the same error which offends thee in another. Go not where thou art not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. Endeavour to manifest thy good breeding in all thy words and actions. In conversation, do not lay thy hands upon another, nor speak too much, nor interrupt or disturb another's discourse. When any one discourses with thee, hear him attentively, and hold thyself in an easy attitude, neither playing with thy feet, nor patting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor spitting too often, nor looking about you here and there, nor rising up frequently, if thou art sitting; for such actions are indications of levity and low breeding."—He proceeds to mention several particular vices which are to be avoided, and concludes,—"Steal not, nor give thyself to gaming: otherwise thou wilt be a disgrace to thy parents, whom thou oughtest rather to honour for the education they have given thee. If thou wilt be virtuous, thy example will put the wicked to shame. No more, my son; enough has been said in discharge of the duties of a father. With these counsels I wish to fortify thy mind. Refuse them not, nor act in contradiction to them; for on them thy life and all thy happiness depend."

As ranging on the same side with the abbé Clavi- M. de Baf-gero, the ingenious Mr Jefferson deserves particular attention. This gentleman, in his Notes on the State of Virginia, &c. has taken occasion to combat the opinions of Buffon; and seems to have fully refuted them both by argument and facts. The French philosopher asserts, "That living nature is less active, less energetic, in the new world, than in the old." He affirms, 1. That the animals common to both continents are smaller in America. 2. That those peculiar to the new are on an inferior scale. 3. That those which have been domesticated in both have degenerated in America. And, 4. That it exhibits fewer species of living creatures. The cause of this he ascribes to the diminution of heat in America, and to the prevalence of humidity from the extension of its lakes and waters over a prodigious surface. In other words, he affirms, that heat is friendly and moisture adverse to the production and development of the larger quadrupeds.

The hypothesis, that moisture is unfriendly to animal growth, Mr Jefferson shows to be contradicted by observation and experience. It is by the assistance of heat and moisture that vegetables are elaborated from the elements. Accordingly we find, that the more humid climates produce plants in greater profusion than considered the dry. Vegetables are immediately or remotely the food of every animal; and, from the uniform operation of Nature's laws we discern, that, in proportion to the quantity of food, animals are not only multiplied in their numbers, but improved in their size. Of this last opinion is the count de Buffon himself, in another part of his work: "En général, il paroit que les pays un peu froids conviennent mieux à nos bœufs que les pays chauds, et qu'ils sont d'autant plus gros et plus grands que le climat est plus humide et plus abondans en paturages. Les bœufs de Danemarck, de la Podolie, de l'Ukraine, et de la Tartarie qu'habitent les Calmouques, sont les plus grands de tous."

Here, then, a race of animals, and one of the largest, has been increased in its dimensions by cold and rainy moistures, in direct opposition to the hypothesis, which supposes that these two circumstances diminish animal bulk, and that it is their contraries, heat and dryness, which enlarge it. But to try the question on more general ground, let us take two portions of the earth, Europe and America for instance, sufficiently extensive to give operation to general causes; let us consider the circumstances peculiar to each, and observe their effect on animal nature. America, running through the torrid as well as temperate zone, has more heat collectively taken, than Europe. But Europe, according to our hypothesis, is the driest. They are equally adapted then to animal production; each being endowed with one of those causes which befriend animal growth, and with one which opposes it. Let us, then, take a comparative view of the quadrupeds of Europe and America, presenting them to the eye in three different tables; in one of which shall be enumerated those found in both countries; in a second, those found in one only; in a third, those which have been domesticated in both. To facilitate the comparison, let those of each table be arranged in gradation, according to their sizes, from the greatest to the smallest, so far as their sizes can be conjectured. The weights of the large animals shall be expressed in the English avoirdupois pound and its decimals; those of the smaller in the ounce and its decimal. Those which are marked thus *, are actual weights of particular subjects, deemed among the largest of their species. Those marked thus †, are furnished by judicious persons, well acquainted with the species, and saying, from conjecture only, what the largest individual they had seen would probably have weighed. The other weights are taken from Messrs Buffon and D'Aubenton, and are of such subjects as came casually to their hands for dissection. ### Table I. Aboriginals of both.

| Europe | America | |-----------------|---------| | Mammoth | | | Buffalo. Bison | *1800 | | White bear. Ours blanc | | | Caribou. Renne | | | Bear. Ours | 153.7 | | Elk. Eilan. Original, palmated | | | Red deer. Cerf | 288.8 | | Fallow deer. Daim | 167.8 | | Wolf. Loup | 69.8 | | Roe. Chevreuil | 56.7 | | Glutton. Glouton. Caracou | | | Wild cat. Chat sauvage | 430 | | Lynx. Loup cervier | 25 | | Beaver. Castor | 18.5 | | Badger. Blaireau | 13.6 | | Red fox. Renard | 13.5 | | Grey fox. Isatis | | | Otter. Loutre | 8.9 | | Monax. Marmotte | 6.5 | | Vison. Fouine | 2.8 | | Hedgehog. Herisson | 2.2 | | Martin. Marte | 1.9 | | Water rat. Rat d'eau | 7.5 | | Weasel. Belette | 2.2 | | Flying squirrel. Polatouche | 2.2 | | Shrew mouse. Musaraigne | 1 |

### Table II. Aboriginals of one only.

| Europe | America | |-----------------|---------| | Sanglier. Wild boar | 250 | | Mouflon. Wild sheep | 56 | | Bouquetin. Wild goat | | | Lievre. Hare | 7.6 | | Lapin. Rabbit | 3.4 | | Putois. Polecat | 3.3 | | Genette | 3.1 | | Desman. Musk rat | oz. | | Ecureuil. Squirrel | 12 | | Hermine. Ermine | 8.2 | | Rat. Rat | 7.5 | | Loirs | 3.1 | | Lerot. Dormouse | 1.8 | | Toupe. Mole | 1.2 | | Hamster | .9 | | Zisel | | | Leming | | | Souris. Mouse | | | Tapir | 534. | | Elk, round-horned | +450 | | Puma | | | Jaguar | 218. | | Cabiai | 109. | | Tamanoir | 109. | | Tamandoua | 65.4 | | Cougar of N. Amer. | 75 | | Cougar of S. Amer. | 59.4 | | Ocelot | | | Pecari | 46.3 | | Jaguaret | 43.6 | | Lama | | | Paco | 32.7 | | Serval | | | Sloth. Unan | 27.3 | | Saricoyienne | | | Kineajou | | | Taton Kabassou | 21.8 | | Urson. Urchin | | | Raccoon. Raton | 16.5 | | Coati | 16.3 | | Coendou | | | Sloth. Az. | 13. | | Sapajou Ouarnini | | | Sapajou Coaita | 9.8 | | Tatou Encubert | | | Tatou Apar | | | Tatou Cachica | 7. | | Little Coendou | 6.5 | | Opossum. Sarigue | | | Tapeti | | | Margay | | | Crabier | | | Agouti | 4.2 | | Sapajou Saï | 3.5 | | Tatou Cirquinçon | | | Tatou Tatouze | 3.3 | | Mouflette Squash | | | Mouflette Chiche | | | Mouflette Conepate | | | Scunk | | | Mouflette. Zorilla | | | Whabus. Hare. Rabbit | | | Aperca | | | Akouchi | | | Ondatra. Musk rat | | | Pilori | | | Great gray squirrel | +2.7 | | Fox squirrel of Virginia | 12.625 | | Surikate | 2. | | Mink | +2. | | Sapajou. Sajou | 1.8 | | Indian pig. Cochon d'Inde | 1.6 | | Sapajou. Saimiri | 1.5 | | Phalanger | | | Coquallin | | | Lesser gray squirrel | 1.5+ | | Black squirrel | 1.5+ | | Red squirrel | 10. oz.| | Sagoin Saki | | | Sagoin Pinche | | | Sagoin Tamarin | oz. | | Sagoin Onistiti | 4.4 | | Sagoin Marikine | | | Sagoin Mico | | | Cayopollin | | | Fourmillier | | | Marmose | | | Sarigue of Cayenne | | | Tucan | | | Red mole | oz. | | Ground squirrel | 4. | The result of this view is, that of 26 quadrupeds common to both countries, seven are said to be larger in America, seven of equal size, and 12 not sufficiently examined. So that the first table impeaches the first member of the assertion, that of the animals common to both countries the American are smallest, "Et cela sans aucune exception." It shows it not just in all the latitude in which its author has advanced it, and probably not to such a degree as to found a distinction between the two countries.

Proceeding to the second table, which arranges the animals found in one of the two countries only, M. de Buffon observes, that the tapir, the elephant of America, is but of the size of a small cow. To preserve our comparison, Mr Jefferson states the wild boar, the elephant of Europe, as little more than half that size. He has made an elk with round or cylindrical horns an animal of America, and peculiar to it; because he has seen many of them himself, and more of their horns; and because, from the best information, it is certain that in Virginia this kind of elk has abounded much, and still exists in smaller numbers. He makes the American hare or rabbit peculiar, believing it to be different from both the European animals of these denominations, and calling it therefore by its Algonquin name whabous, to keep it distinct from these. Kalm is of the same opinion. The squirrels are denominated from a knowledge derived from daily sight of them, because with that the European appellations and descriptions seem irreconcilable. These are the only instances in which Mr Jefferson departs from the authority of M. de Buffon in the construction of this table; whom he takes for his groundwork, because he thinks him the best informed of any naturalist who has ever written. The result is, that there are 18 quadrupeds peculiar to Europe; more than four times as many, to wit, 74 peculiar to America; that the first of these 74, the tapir, the largest of the animals peculiar to America, weighs more than the whole column of Europeans; and consequently this second table disproves the second member of the assertion, that the animals peculiar to the new world are on a smaller scale, so far as that assertion relied on European animals for support: and it is in full opposition to the theory which makes the animal volume to depend on the circumstances of heat and moisture.

The third table comprehends those quadrupeds only which are domestic in both countries. That some of these, in some parts of America, have become less than their original stock, is doubtless true; and the reason is very obvious. In a thinly peopled country, the spontaneous productions of the forests and waste fields are sufficient to support indifferently the domestic animals of the farmer, with a very little aid from him in the severest and starkest season. He therefore finds it more convenient to receive them from the hand of Nature in that indifferent state, than to keep up their size by care and nourishment which would cost him much labour. If, on this low fare, these animals dwindle, it is no more than they do in those parts of Europe where the poverty of the soil, or poverty of the owner, reduces them to the same subsistence. It is the uniform effect of one and the same cause, whether acting on this or that side of the globe. It would be erring, therefore, against that rule of philosophy, which teaches us to ascribe like effects to like causes, should we impute this diminution of size in America to any imbecility or want of uniformity in the operations of nature. It may be affirmed with truth, that in those countries, and with those individuals of America, where necessity or curiosity has produced equal attention as in Europe to the nourishment of animals, the horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs of the one continent, are as large as those of the other. There are particular instances, well attested, where individuals of America have imported good breeders from England, and have improved their size by care in the course of some years. And the weights actually known and stated in the third table, will suffice to show, that we may conclude, on probable grounds, that, with equal food and care, the climate of America will preserve the races of domestic animals as large as the European stock from which they are derived; and consequently that the third member of M. de Buffon's assertion, that the domestic animals are subject to degeneration from the climate of America, is as probably wrong as the first and second were certainly so.

That the last part of it is erroneous, which affirms, that the species of American quadrupeds are comparatively few, is evident from the tables taken altogether; to which may be added the proof adduced by the abbé Clavigero. According to Buffon's latest calculation, in his Époques de la Nature, there are 300 species of quadrupeds; and America, though it does not make more than a third part of the globe, contains, according to Clavigero, almost one half of the different species of its animals.

Of the human inhabitants of America, to whom the same hypothesis of degeneracy is extended, M. Buffon gives the following description: "Though the American savage be nearly of the same stature with men in the polished societies; yet this is not a sufficient exception hypothesis to the general contraction of animated nature throughout the whole continent. In the savage, the organs of generation are small and feeble. He has no hair, no beard, no ardour for the female. Though nimbler than the European, because more accustomed to running, his strength is not so great. His sensations are less acute; and yet he is more timid and cowardly. He has no vivacity, no activity of mind. The activity of his body is not so much an exercise or spontaneous motion, as a necessary action produced by want. Destroy his appetite for victuals and drink, and you will at once annihilate the active principle of all his movements: He remains in stupid repose, on his limbs or couch, for whole days. It is easy to discover the cause of the scattered..." America scattered life of savages, and of their estrangement from society. They have been refused the most precious sparks of Nature's fire: They have no ardour for women, and, of course, no love to mankind. Unacquainted with the most lively and most tender of all attachments, their other sensations of this nature are cold and languid. Their love to parents and children is extremely weak. The bonds of the most intimate of all societies, that of the same family, are feeble; and one family has no attachment to another. Hence no union, no republic, no social state, can take place among them. The physical cause of love gives rise to the morality of their manners. Their heart is frozen, their society cold, and their empire cruel. They regard their females as servants destined to labour, or as beasts of burden, whom they load unmercifully with the produce of their hunting, and oblige, without pity or gratitude, to perform labours which often exceed their strength. They have few children, and pay little attention to them. Everything must be referred to the first cause: They are indifferent, because they are weak; and this indifference to the sex is the original stain which disgraces Nature, prevents her from expanding, and, by destroying the germs of life, cuts the root of society. Hence man makes no exception to what has been advanced. Nature, by denying him the faculty of love, has abused and contracted him more than any other animal.

A humiliating picture indeed! but than which, Mr Jefferson assures us, never one was more unlike the original. M. Buffon grants, that their stature is the same as that of the men of Europe; and he might have admitted, that the Iroquois were larger, and the Lenape or Delawares taller, than people in Europe generally are: But he says their organs of generation are smaller and weaker than those of Europeans; which is not a fact. And as to their want of beard, this error has been already noticed (N° 49, supra).

"They have no ardour for their females." It is seen that fondness, which are customary in Europe; but this is not owing to a defect in nature, but to manners. Their soul is wholly bent upon war. This is what procures them glory among the men, and makes them the admiration of the women. To this they are educated from their earliest youth. When they pursue game with ardour, when they bear the fatigues of the chase, when they sustain and suffer patiently hunger and cold, it is not so much for the sake of the game they pursue, as to convince their parents and the council of the nation, that they are fit to be enrolled in the number of the warriors. The songs of the women, the dance of the warriors, the sage counsel of the chiefs, the tales of the old, the triumphant entry of the warriors returning with success from battle, and the respect paid to those who distinguish themselves in battle, and in subduing their enemies; in short, everything they see or hear tends to inspire them with an ardent desire for military fame. If a young man were to discover a fondness for women before he has been to war, he would become the contempt of the men, and the scorn and ridicule of the women: or were he to indulge himself with a captive taken in war, and much more were he to offer violence in order to gratify his lust, he would incur indelible disgrace. The seeming frigidity of the men, therefore, is the effect of manners, and not a defect of nature. They are neither more defective in ardour, nor more impotent with the female, than are the whites reduced to the same diet and exercise.

"They raise few children."—They indeed raise fewer children than we do; the causes of which are to be found, not in a difference of nature, but of circumstance. The women very frequently attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, childbearing becomes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said, therefore, that they have learned the practice of procuring abortion by the use of some vegetable; and that it even extends to prevent conception for a considerable time after. During these parties they are exposed to numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greatest extremes of hunger. Even at their homes, the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the forest; that is, they experience a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed, or not fed at all, her young perish; and if both male and female be reduced to like want, generation becomes less active, less productive. To the obstacles, then, of want and hazard, which Nature has opposed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the purpose of restraining their numbers within certain bounds, those of labour and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder, then, if they multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly supplied, a single farm will show more of cattle than a whole country of forests can of buffaloes. The same Indian women, when married to white traders, who feed them and their children plentifully and regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who keep them stationary and unexposed to accident, produce and raise as many children as the white women. Instances are known, under these circumstances, of their rearing a dozen children.

Neither do they seem to be "deficient in natural affection." On the contrary their sensibility is keen, even the warriors weeping most bitterly on the loss of their children; though, in general, they endeavour to appear superior to human events.

Their friendships are strong and faithful to the uttermost extremity. A remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the late Col. Byrd, who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact some business with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed in the council of the Cherokees, that Col. Byrd should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief, called Silouee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many days deliberation, however, the determination was, contrary to Silouee's expectation, that Byrd should be put to death; and some warriors were despatched as executioners. Silouee attended them; and when they entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, "This man is my friend: before you get at him, you must kill..." On which they returned; and the council respected the principle so much as to recede from their determination.

That "they are timorous and cowardly," is a character with which there is little reason to charge them, when we recollect the manner in which the Iroquois met Mons., who marched into their country; in which the old men, who scoured to fly, or to survive the capture of their town, braved death like the old Romans in the time of the Gauls, and in which they soon after revenged themselves by sacking and destroying Montreal. In short, the Indian is brave, when an enterprise depends on bravery; education with him making the point of honour consist in the destruction of an enemy by stratagem, and in the preservation of his own person free from injury: or perhaps this is nature, while it is education that teaches us to honour force more than finesse. He will defend himself against an host of enemies, always choosing to be killed rather than to surrender, though it be to the whites, who he knows will treat him well. In some situations also, he meets death with more deliberation, and endures tortures with a firmness unknown almost to religious enthusiasm among us.

Much less are they to be characterised as a people of no vivacity, and who are excited to action or motion only by the calls of hunger and thirst. Their dances, in which they so much delight, and which to a European would be the most severe exercise, fully contradict this; not to mention their fatiguing marches, and the toil they voluntarily and cheerfully undergo in their military expeditions. It is true, that when at home they do not employ themselves in labour or the culture of the soil: but this again is the effect of customs and manners, which have assigned that to the province of the women. But it is said "they are averse to society and a social life." Can any thing be more inapplicable than this to people who always live in towns or in clans? Or can they be said to have no republique, who conduct all their affairs in national councils; who pride themselves in their national character; who consider an insult or injury done to an individual by a stranger as done to the whole, and resent it accordingly?

To form a just estimate of their genius and mental powers, Mr Jefferson observes, more facts are wanting; and great allowance is to be made for those circumstances of their situation which call for a display of particular talents only. This done, we shall probably find that the Americans are formed, in mind as well as in body, on the same model with the homo sapiens Europaeus. The principles of their society forbidding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprise by personal influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquirements all their faculties are directed. Of their bravery and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. We may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore when governor of this state. The story is as follows; of which, and of the speech, the authenticity is unquestionable. In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant of Logan's, the frontiers of Virginia by two Indians of the Shawnee tribe. The neighbouring whites, according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had committed on those much injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kanawha in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately a canoe of women and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting any hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river; and the moment the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and at one fire killed every person in it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, between the collected forces of the Shawanese, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginian militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace; Logan, however, disdained to be seen among the suppliants: but, lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted, from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the following speech, to be delivered to Lord Dunmore:—"I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, or naked, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, Logan is the friend of white men. I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace; but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life? Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."

To the preceding anecdotes, in favour of the American character, may be added the following by Dr Benjamin Franklin. The Indian men, when young, are hunters and warriors: when old, counsellors; for all their government is by the counsel or advice of the sages. Hence they generally study oratory; the best speaker having the most influence. The Indian women till the ground, dress the food, nurse and bring up the children, and preserve and hand down to posterity the memory of public transactions. These employments of men and women are accounted natural and honourable. Having few artificial wants, they have abundance of leisure for improvement by conversation. Our laborious manner of life, compared with theirs, they esteem America, esteem lavish and base; and the learning on which we value ourselves, they regard as frivolous and useless.

Having frequent occasions to hold public councils, they have acquired great order and decency in conducting them. The old men sit in the foremost ranks, the warriors in the next, and the women and children in the hindmost. The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes; imprint it in their memories, for they have no writing; and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect; that if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversation, is reckoned highly indecent.

The politeness of these savages in conversation is, indeed, carried to excess; since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the truth of what is asserted in their presence. By this means they indeed avoid disputes; but then it becomes difficult to know their minds, or what impression you make upon them. The missionaries who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the greatest difficulties of their mission. The Indians hear with patience the truths of the gospel explained to them, and give their usual tokens of assent and approbation; but this by no means implies conviction; it is mere civility.

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and inconvenience them where they desire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. "We have (say they) as much curiosity as you; and when you come into our towns, we wish for opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company."

Their manner of entering one another's villages has likewise its rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling strangers to enter a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. Therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and holla, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old men usually come out to them, and lead them in. There is in every village a vacant dwelling, called the stranger's house. Here they are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut, acquainting the inhabitants that strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary; and every one sends him what he can spare of victuals and skins to repose on. When the strangers are refreshed, pipes and tobacco are brought; and then, but not before, conversation begins, with inquiries who they are, whether bound, what news, &c. and it usually ends with offers of service, if the strangers have occasion for guides, or any necessaries for continuing their journey; and nothing is exacted for the entertainment.

The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons; of which Conrad Weiser, the interpreter, gave Dr Franklin the following instance: He had been naturalized among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohawk language. In going through the Indian country to carry a message from our governor to the council at Onondaga, he called at the habitation of Canasseegego, an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canasseegego began to converse with him; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what had occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions; and when the discourse began to flag, the Indians, to continue it, said, "Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble all in the great house; tell me what it is for?—What do they do there?" "They meet there (says Conrad) to hear and learn good things." "I do not doubt (says the Indian) that they tell you so; they have told me the same: but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I generally used to deal with Hans Hanson; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beaver. He said he could not give more than 4s. a pound; but (says he) I cannot talk on business now; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too; and I went with him.—There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people very angrily. I did not understand what he said; but perceiving that he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought too, that the men had mentioned something of beaver, and I suspected that it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out I accosted my merchant.—Well Hans (says I), I hope you have agreed to give more than 4s. a-pound?" "No (says he), I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than 3s. 6d." "I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meeting to learn good things, the real purpose was, to consult how to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they meet so often to learn good things, they certainly would have learned some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, enter one of our cabins, we all treat him as I treat you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft America, furs for him to rest and sleep on; we demand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, Where is your money? And if I have none, they say, Get out your Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good things that we need no meeting to be instructed in; because our mothers taught them to us when we were children; and therefore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver."

The next question that occurs is, Whether the peculiarities of the Americans, or the disparity between them and the inhabitants of Europe, afford sufficient grounds for determining them, as some have done, to be a race of men radically different from all others?

In this question, to avoid being tedious, we shall confine ourselves to what has been advanced by Lord Kames; who is of opinion, that there are many different species of men, as well as of other animals; and gives a hypothesis, whereby he pretends his opinion may be maintained in a consistency with revelation.

"If (says he) the only rule afforded by nature for classing animals can be depended on, there are different races of men as well as of dogs: a mastiff differs not more from a spaniel, than a white man from a negro, or a Laplander from a Dane. And if we have any faith in Providence, it ought to be so. Plants were created of different kinds, to fit them for different climates; and so were brute animals. Certain it is, that all men are not fitted equally for every climate. There is scarce a climate but what is natural to some men, where they prosper and flourish; and there is not a climate but where some men degenerate. Both not then analogy lead us to conclude, that, as there are different climates on the face of this globe, so there are different races of men fitted for these different climates?"

"M. Buffon, from the rule, That animals which can procreate together, and whose progeny can also procreate, are of one species, concludes, that all men are of one race or species; and endeavours to support that favourite opinion, by ascribing to the climate, to food, or to other accidental causes, all the varieties that are found among men. But is he seriously of opinion, that any operation of climate, or of other accidental cause, can account for the copper colour and smooth chin universal among the Americans; the prominence of the pudenda universal among the Hottentot women; or the black nipple no less universal among the female Samoiedes?—It is in vain to ascribe to the climate the low stature of the Esquimaux, the smallness of their feet, or the overgrown size of their heads. It is equally in vain to ascribe to climate the low stature of the Laplanders, or their ugly visage. The black colour of negroes, thick lips, flat nose, crisped woolly hair, and rank smell, distinguish them from every other race of men. The Abyssinians, on the contrary, are tall and well made, their complexion a brown olive, features well proportioned, eyes large and of a sparkling black, thin lips, a nose rather high than flat. There is no such difference of climate between Abyssinia and Negroland as to produce these striking differences.

Nor shall our author's ingenious hypothesis concerning the extremities of heat and cold, perchance him

impunity with respect to the sallow complexion of the America, Samoiedes, Laplanders, and Greenlanders. The Finlanders, and northern Norwegians, live in a climate not less cold than that of the people mentioned; and yet are fair beyond other Europeans. I say more, there are many instances of races of people preserving their original colour, in climates very different from their own; but not a single instance of the contrary, as far as I can learn. There have been four complete generations of negroes in Pennsylvania, without any visible change of colour; they continue jet black, as originally. Those who ascribe all to the sun, ought to consider how little probable it is, that the colour it impresses on the parents should be communicated to their infant children, who never saw the sun: I should be as soon induced to believe with a German naturalist, whose name has escaped me, that the negro colour is owing to an ancient custom in Africa, of dyeing the skin black. Let a European, for years, expose himself to the sun in a hot climate, till he be quite brown; his children will nevertheless have the same complexion with those in Europe. From the action of the sun, is it possible to explain, why a negro, like a European, is born with a ruddy skin, which turns jet black the eighth or ninth day?

Our author next proceeds to draw some arguments for the existence of different races of men, from the various tempers and dispositions of different nations; which he reckons to be specific differences, as well as those of colour, stature, &c., and having summed up his evidence he concludes thus: "Upon summing up the whole particulars mentioned above, would one hesitate a moment to adopt the following opinion, were there no counterbalancing evidence, viz. That God created many pairs of the human race, differing from each other, both externally and internally; that he fitted those pairs for different climates, and placed each pair in its proper climate; that the peculiarities of the original pairs were preserved entire in their descendants; who having no assistance but their natural talents, were left to gather knowledge from experience, and, in particular, were left (each tribe) to form a language for itself; that signs were sufficient for the original pairs, without any language but what nature suggests; and that a language was formed gradually as a tribe increased in numbers, and in different occupations, to make speech necessary?" But this opinion, however plausible, we are not permitted to adopt; being taught a different lesson by revelation, viz. That God created but a single pair of the human species. Though we cannot doubt the authority of Moses, yet his account of the creation of man is not a little puzzling, as it seems to contradict every one of the facts mentioned above. According to that account, different races of men were not formed, nor were men formed originally for different climates. All men must have spoken the same language, viz. that of our first parents. And what of all seems the most contradictory to that account, is the savage state: Adam, as Moses informs us, was endued by his Maker with an eminent degree of knowledge; and he certainly was an excellent preceptor to his children and their progeny, among whom he lived many generations. Whence then the degeneracy of all men into the savage state? To account for that dismal catastrophe, tastrophe, mankind must have suffered some terrible convulsion. That terrible convulsion is revealed to us in the history of the tower of Babel contained in the 11th chapter of Genesis, which is, 'That, for many centuries after the deluge, the whole earth was of one language, and of one speech; that they united to build a city on a plain in the land of Shinar, with a tower whose top might reach unto heaven; that the Lord, beholding the people to be one, and to have all one language, and that nothing would be restrained from them which they imagined to do, confounded their language that they might not understand one another, and scattered them abroad upon the face of all the earth.' Here light breaks forth in the midst of darkness. By confounding the language of men, and scattering them abroad upon the face of all the earth, they were rendered savages. And to harden them for their new habitations, it was necessary that they should be divided into different kinds, fitted for different climates. Without an immediate change of constitution, the builders of Babel could not possibly have subsisted in the burning region of Guinea, nor in the frozen region of Lapland; houses not being prepared, nor any other convenience to protect them against a destructive climate.'

We may first remark, on his lordship's hypothesis, that it is evidently incomplete; for, allowing the human race to have been divided into different species at the confusion of languages, and that each species was adapted to a particular climate; by what means were they to get to the climates proper for them, or how were they to know that such climates existed? How was an American, for instance, when languishing in an improper climate at Babel, to get to the land of the Amazons, or the banks of the Oroonoko, in his own country? or how was he to know that these places were more proper for him than others?—If, indeed we take the Scripture phrase, "The Lord scattered them abroad upon the face of all the earth," in a certain sense, we may account for it. If we suppose that the different species were immediately carried off by a whirlwind, or other supernatural means, to their proper countries, the difficulty will vanish: but if this is his lordship's interpretation, it is certainly a very singular one.

Before entering upon a consideration of the particular arguments used by our author for proving the diversity of species in the human race, it will be proper to lay down the following general principles, which may serve as axioms. (1.) When we assert a multiplicity of species in the human race, we bring in a supernatural cause to solve a natural phenomenon: for these species are supposed to be the immediate work of the Deity. (2.) No person has a right to call anything the immediate effect of Omnipotence, unless by express revelation from the Deity, or from a certainty that no natural cause is sufficient to produce the effect. The reason is plain. The Deity is invisible, and so are many natural causes; when we see an effect, therefore, of which the cause does not manifest itself, we cannot know whether the immediate cause is the Deity or an invisible natural power. An example of this we have in the phenomena of thunder and earthquakes, which were often ascribed immediately to the Deity, but are now discovered to be the effects of electricity.

(3.) No person can assert natural causes to be insufficient to produce such and such effects, unless he perfectly knows all these causes, and the limits of their power in all possible cases; and this no man has ever known or can know.

By keeping in view those principles, which we hope are self-evident, we will easily see Lord Kames's arguments to consist entirely in a petitio principii.—In substance they are all reduced to this single sentence: "Natural philosophers have been hitherto unsuccessful in their endeavours to account for the differences observed among mankind; therefore these differences cannot be accounted for from natural causes."

His Lordship, however, tells us in the passages already quoted, that "a mastiff differs not more from a spaniel than a Laplander from a Dane;" that "it is vain to ascribe to climate the low stature of the Laplanders, or their ugly visage."—Yet, in a note on the word Laplanders, he subjoins, that, "by late accounts it appears, that the Laplanders are only degenerated Tartars; and that they and the Hungarians originally sprung from the same breed of men, and from the same country."—The Hungarians are generally handsome and well-made, like Danes, or like other people. The Laplanders, he tells us, differ as much from them as a mastiff from a spaniel. Natural causes, therefore, according to Lord Kames himself, may cause two individuals of the same species of mankind differ from each other as much as a mastiff does from a spaniel.

While we are treating this subject of colour, it may not be amiss to observe, that a very remarkable difference of colour may accidentally happen to individuals of the same species. In the isthmus of Darien, a singular race of men has been discovered.—They are of a low stature, of a feeble make, and incapable of enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk-white; not resembling that of fair people among Europeans, but without any blush or sanguine complexion. Their skin is covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky white; the hair of their heads, their eyebrows, and eyelashes, are of the same hue. Their eyes are of a singular form, and so weak, that they can hardly bear the light of the sun; but they see clearly by moonlight, and are most active and gay in the night. Among the negroes of Africa, as well as the natives of the Indian islands, a small number of these people are produced. They are called Albinoes by the Portuguese, and Kackerlakes by the Dutch.

This race of men is not indeed permanent; but it is sufficient to show, that mere colour is by no means the characteristic of a certain species of mankind. The difference of colour in these individuals is undoubtedly species; owing to a natural cause. To constitute, then, a race of men of this colour, it would only be necessary that this cause, which at present is merely accidental, should become permanent, and we cannot know but it may be so in some parts of the world.

If a difference in colour is no characteristic of a different species of mankind, much less can a difference in stature be thought so. In the southern parts of America, there is said to be a race of men exceeding the common size in height and strength.* This account, however, is doubted by some; but be that as it will, it is certain that the Esquimaux are as much under the common size, as the Patagonians are said to be. be above it. Nevertheless we are not to imagine, that either of these are specific differences; seeing the Laplanders and Hungarians are both of the same species, and yet the former are generally almost a foot shorter than the latter; and if a difference of climate, or other accidental causes, can make the people of one country a foot shorter than the common size of mankind, undoubtedly accidental causes of a contrary nature may make those of another country a foot taller than other men.

Different causes contribute towards an alteration in color.

Though the sun has undoubtedly a share in the production of the swarthy colour of those nations which are most exposed to his influence; yet the manner of living to which people are accustomed, their victuals, their employment, &c., must contribute very much to a difference of complexion. There are some kinds of colouring roots, which if mixed with the food of certain animals, will tinge even their bones of a yellow colour. It cannot be thought any great degree of credulity to infer from this, that if these roots were mixed with the food of a white man, they might without a miracle, tinge his skin of a yellow colour. If man and woman were both to use food of this kind for a length of time, till they became, as it were, radically dyed, it is impossible, without the intervention of divine power, or of some extraordinary natural cause, but their children must be of the same colour; and was the same kind of food to be continued for several generations, it is more than probable that this colour might resist the continued use of any kind of food whatever. See further the article Complexion.

Of this indeed we have no examples, but we have an example of changes much more wonderful. It is allowed on all hands, that it is more easy to work a change upon the body of a man, or any other animal, than upon his mind. A man that is naturally choleric may indeed learn to prevent the bad effects of his passion by reason, but the passion itself will remain as immutable as his colour. But to reason in a manner similar to Lord Kames; though a man should be naturally choleric, or subject to any other passion, why should his children be so?—This way of reasoning, however plausible, is by no means conclusive; as will appear from the following passage in Mr Forster's Voyage.

June 9th. "The officers who could not yet relish their salt provisions after the refreshments of New Zealand, had ordered their black dog, mentioned p. 135, to be killed: this day, therefore, we dined for the first time on a leg of it roasted; which tasted so exactly like mutton, that it was absolutely undistinguishable. In our cold countries, where animal food is so much used, and where to be carnivorous perhaps lies in the nature of men, or is indispensably necessary to the preservation of their health and strength, it is strange that there should exist a Jewish aversion to dogs flesh, when hogs, the most uncleanly of all animals, are eaten without scruple. Nature seems expressly to have intended them for this use, by making their offspring so very numerous, and their increase so quick and frequent. It may be objected, that the exalted degree of instinct which we observe in our dogs, inspires us with great unwillingness to kill and eat them. But it is owing to the time we spend on the education of dogs, that they acquire those eminent qualities which attach them so much to us. The natural qualities of our dogs may receive a wonderful improvement; but education must give its assistance, without which the human mind itself, though capable of an immense expansion, remains in a very contracted state. In New Zealand, and (according to former accounts of voyages) in the tropical isles of the South sea, the dogs are the most stupid dull animals imaginable, and do not seem to have the least advantage in point of sagacity over our sheep, which are commonly made the emblems of silliness. In the former country they are fed upon fish, in the latter on vegetables, and both these diets may have served to alter their disposition. Education may perhaps likewise graft new instincts; the New Zealand dogs are fed on the remains of their master's meals; they eat the bones of other dogs; and the puppies become true cannibals from their birth. We had a young New Zealand puppy on board, which had certainly had no opportunity of tasting anything but the mother's milk before we purchased it: however, it eagerly devoured a portion of the flesh and bones of the dog on which we dined to day; while several others of the European breed, taken on board at the Cape, turned from it without touching it.

"On the 4th of August, a young bitch, of the terrier breed, taken on board at the Cape of Good Hope, and covered by a spaniel, brought ten young ones, one of which was dead." The New Zealand dog mentioned above, which devoured the bones of the roasted dog, now fell upon the dead puppy, and ate it with a ravenous appetite. This is a proof how far education may go in producing and propagating new instincts in animals. European dogs are never fed on the meat of their own species, but rather seem to abhor it. The New Zealand dogs, in all likelihood, are trained up from their earliest age to eat the remains of their master's meals: they are therefore used to feed upon fish, their own species, and perhaps human flesh; and what was only owing to a habit at first, may have become instinct by length of time. This was remarkable in our cannibal dog; for he came on board so young, that he could not have been weaned long enough to have acquired a habit of devouring his own species, and much less of eating human flesh; however, one of our seamen having cut his finger, held it out to the dog, who fell to greedily, licked it, and then began to bite it."

From this account it appears, that even the instincts of animals are not unchangeable by natural causes; and if these causes are powerful enough to change the dispositions of succeeding generations, much more may we suppose them capable of making any possible alteration in the external appearance.

We are not here necessitated to confine ourselves to confirmed observations made on brute animals. The Franks are an example of the production of one general character, formed by some natural cause from a mixture of many different nations.—They were a motley multitude, consisting of various German nations dwelling beyond the Rhine: who, uniting in defence of their common liberty, took thence the name of Franks; the word frank signifying in their language, as it still does in ours, free. Among them the following nations were mentioned, viz. the Actuarii, Chamavi, Bructeri, Salii, Frisi, Chausi, Amswarii, and Catti. We cannot America, suppose one character to belong to so many different nations; yet it is certain that the Franks were nationally characterized as treacherous; and so deeply seems this quality to have been rooted in their nature, that their descendents have not got quite free of it in 1500 years. It is in vain, then, to talk of different races of men, either from their colour, size, or prevailing dispositions, seeing we have undeniable proofs that all these may be changed in the most remarkable manner, by natural causes, without any miraculous interposition of the Deity.

The next question, then, which presents itself is, From what part of the old world America has most probably been peopled?

Discoveries long ago made inform us, that an intercourse between the old continent and America might be carried on with facility from the north-west extremities of Europe and the north-east boundaries of Asia. In the ninth century the Norwegians discovered Greenland, and planted a colony there. The communication with that country was renewed in the last century by Moravian missionaries, in order to propagate their doctrines in that bleak and uncultivated region. By them we are informed that the north-west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait; that at the bottom of the bay it is highly probable that they are united; that the Esquimaux of America perfectly resemble the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and mode of living; and that a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having visited the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language with the Greenlanders, and were in every respect the same people. The same species of animals, too, are found in the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, frequent the forests of North America, as well as those in the north of Europe.

Other discoveries have proved, that if the two continents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow strait. From this part of the old continent, also, inhabitants may have passed into the new; and the resemblance between the Indians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture that they have a common origin. This is the opinion adopted by Dr Robertson in his History of America*, where we find it accompanied with the following narrative.

"While those immense regions which stretch eastward from the river Obi to the sea of Kamtschatka were unknown, or imperfectly explored, the north-east extremities of our hemisphere were supposed to be so far distant from any part of the new world, that it was not easy to conceive how any communication should have been carried on between them. But the Russians, having subjected the western parts of Siberia to their empire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast country, by advancing towards the east into unknown provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excursions after game, or by soldiers employed in levying the taxes; and the court of Moscow estimated the importance of those countries only by the small addition which they made to its revenue. At length, Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne; His enlightened comprehensive mind, intent upon every circumstance that could aggrandize his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences of these discoveries, which had escaped the observation of his ignorant predecessors. He perceived that, in proportion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America; that the communication between the continents, which had long been searched for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter; and that, by opening this intercourse, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into his dominions by a new channel. Such an object suited a genius that delighted in grand schemes. Peter drew up instructions with his own hands for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution.

"His successors adopted his ideas, and pursued his plan. The officers whom the Russian court employed in this service, had to struggle with so many difficulties, that their progress was extremely slow. Encouraged by some faint traditions among the people of Siberia, concerning a successful voyage in the year 1648 round the north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different times, from the rivers Lena and Kolyma; but in a frozen ocean, which nature seems not to have destined for navigation, they were exposed to many disasters, without being able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian court ever doubled this formidable cape; we are indebted for what is known of those extreme regions of Asia, to the discoveries made in excursions by land. In all those provinces, an opinion prevails, that countries of great extent and fertility lie at no considerable distance from their own coasts. These the Russians imagined to be part of America; and several circumstances concurred not only in confirming them in this belief, but in persuading them that some portion of that continent could not be very remote. Trees of various kinds, unknown in those naked regions of Asia, are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By the same wind floating ice is brought thither in a few days; flights of birds arrive annually from the same quarter; and a tradition obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercourse formerly carried on with some countries situated to the east.

"After weighing all these particulars, and comparing the position of the countries in Asia which they had discovered, with such parts in the north-west of America as were already known; the Russian court formed a plan, which would have hardly occurred to any nation less accustomed to engage in arduous undertakings and to contend with great difficulties. Orders were issued to build two vessels at Ochotz, in the sea of Kamtschatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery. Though that dreary uncultivated region furnished nothing that could be of use in constructing them but some larch trees; though not only the iron, the cordage, the sails, and all the numerous articles requisite for their equipment, but the provisions for victualling them, were to be carried through the immense deserts of Siberia, along rivers of difficult navigation, and roads almost impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two vessels were finished; and under the command..." command of the captains Behring and Tschirikow, sailed from Kamtschatka in quest of the new world, in a quarter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and many disasters befell them, the expectations from the voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American continent; and, according to their observations, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the north-west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore; but in one place the inhabitants fled as the Russians approached; in another, they carried off those who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence of the weather, and the distress of their crews, obliged both to quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands, which stretch in a chain from east to west between the country which they had discovered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with the natives, who seemed to them to resemble the North Americans. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North America, and a usage of arbitrary institution peculiar to them.

The more recent and accurate discoveries of the illustrious navigator Cook, and his successor Clerke, have brought the matter still nearer to certainty. The sea, from the south of Behring's straits to the crescent of isles between Asia and America, is very shallow. It deepens from these straits (as the British seas do from those of Dover) till soundings are lost in the Pacific ocean; but that does not take place but to the south of the isles. Between them and the straits is an increase from twelve to fifty-four fathoms, except only off St Thaddeus Noss, where there is a channel of greater depth. From the volcanic disposition, it has been judged probable, not only that there was a separation of the continents at the straits of Behring, but that the whole space from the isles to that small opening had once been occupied by land; and that the fury of the watery element, actuated by that of fire, had, in most remote times, subverted and overwhelmed the tract, and left the islands monumental fragments.

Without adopting all the fancies of Buffon, there can be no doubt, as the abbe Clavigero observes, that our planet has been subject to great vicissitudes, since the deluge. Ancient and modern histories confirm the truth which Ovid has sung in the name of Pythagoras:

Video ego quod fuerat quondam solidissima tellus, Esse fretum; vidi foctos ex aqvo terras.

At present they plough those lands over which ships formerly sailed, and now they sail over lands which were formerly cultivated; earthquakes have swallowed some lands, and subterraneous fires have thrown up others; the rivers have formed new soil with their mud: the sea retreating from the shores has lengthened the land in some places, and advancing in others has diminished it; it has separated some territories which were formerly united, and formed new straits and gulfs. We have examples of all these revolutions in the past century. Sicily was united to the continent of Naples, and the island Euboea to Boeotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, say the same thing of Spain and Africa, and affirm, that by a violent irruption of the ocean upon the land between the mountains Abyla and Calpé, that communication was broken, and the Mediterranean sea was formed. Among the people of Ceylon there is a tradition that a similar irruption of the sea separated their island from the peninsula of India. The same thing is believed by those of Malabar with respect to the isles of Maldivia, and with the Malayans with respect to Sumatra. It is certain, says the count de Buffon, that in Ceylon the earth has lost thirty or forty leagues, which the sea has taken from it; on the contrary, Tongres, a place of the Low Countries, has gained 30 leagues of land from the sea. The northern part of Egypt owes its existence to inundations of the Nile. The earth which this river has brought from the inland countries of Africa, and deposited in its inundations, has formed a soil of more than 25 cubits in depth. In like manner, adds the above author, the province of the Yellow River in China, and that of Louisiana, have only been formed of the mud of rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report innumerable examples of similar revolutions, which we omit, that our dissertation may not become too prolix; as also many modern revolutions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the count de Buffon and other authors. In South America, all those who have observed with philosophic eyes the peninsula of Yucatan, do not doubt that that country has once been the bed of the sea; and, on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama many indications show the island of Cuba to have been once united to the continent of Florida. In the strait which separates America from Asia, many islands are found, which probably were the mountains belonging to the tract of land which we suppose to have been swallowed up by earthquakes; which is made more probable by the multitude of volcanoes which we know of in the peninsula of Kamtschatka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking of that land, and the separation of the two continents, has been occasioned by those great and extraordinary earthquakes mentioned in the histories of the Americans, which formed an era almost as memorable as that of the deluge. The histories of the Toltecas fix such earthquakes in the first year of Tecpatl; but as we know not to what century that belonged, we can form no conjecture of the time that great calamity happened. If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, and there should be at the same time as great a scarcity of historians as there was in the first ages after the deluge, it would be doubted, in 300 or 400 years after, whether Asia had ever been united by that part to Africa; and many would firmly deny it.

Whether that great event, the separation of the separated continents, took place before or after the population of America, is as impossible as it is of little moment for us to know; but we are indebted to the above-mentioned navigators for settling the long dispute about the point from which it was effected. Their observations prove, that in one place the distance between continent and continent is only 39 miles, (not as the author of the Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains would have it) 800 leagues. This narrow strait has also in the middle two islands, which would greatly facilitate the migration of the Asiatics into the new world, supposing America, sing that it took place in canoes after the convulsion which rent the two continents asunder. Besides, it may be added, that these straits are, even in the summer, often filled with ice; in winter, often frozen. In either case mankind might find an easy passage; in the last, the way was extremely ready for quadrupeds to cross and stock the continent of America. But where, from the vast expanse of the north-eastern world, to fix on the first tribes who contributed to people the new continent, now inhabited almost from end to end, is a matter that baffles human reason. The learned may make bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense cannot always accede to them.

As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally protruded one another forward. Wars might be another cause of migrations. There appears no reason why the Asiatic north might not be an officina vivorum, as well as the European. The overteeming country, to the east of the Riphean mountains, must find it necessary to discharge its inhabitants: the first great wave of people was forced forward by the next to it, more tumid and more powerful than itself; successive and new impulses continually arriving, short rest was given to that which spread over a more eastern tract; disturbed again and again, it covered fresh regions; at length, reaching the farthest limits of the old world, found a new one, with ample space to occupy un molested for ages: till Columbus cursed them by a discovery, which brought again new sins and new deaths to both worlds.

The inhabitants of the new world (Mr Pennant observes) do not consist of the offspring of a single nation: different peoples, at several periods, arrived there; and it is impossible to say, that any one is now to be found on the original spot of its colonization. It is impossible, with the lights which we have so recently received, to admit that America could receive its inhabitants (at least the bulk of them) from any other place than eastern Asia. A few proofs may be added, taken from customs or dresses common to the inhabitants of both worlds; some have been long extinct in the old, others remain in both in full force.

The custom of scalping was a barbarism in use with the Scythians, who carried about them at all times this savage mark of triumph: they cut a circle round the neck, and stripped off the skin, as they would that of an ox. A little image found among the Calmucks, of a Tartarian deity, mounted on a horse, and sitting on a human skin, with scalps pendent from the breast, fully illustrates the custom of their Scythian progenitors, as described by the Greek historian. This usage, as the Europeans know by horrid experience, is continued to this day in America. The ferocity of the Scythians to their prisoners extended to the remotest part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, even at the time of their discovery by the Russians, put their prisoners to death by the most lingering and excruciating inventions; a practice in full force to this very day among the aboriginal Americans. A race of the Scythians were styled Anthropophagi; from their feeding on human flesh. The people of Nootka Sound still make a repast on their fellow-creatures; but what is more wonderful, the savage allies of the British army have been known to throw the mangled limbs of the French prisoners into the horrible caldron, and devour them with the same relish as those of a quadruped.

The Scythians were said, for a certain time, annually to transform themselves into wolves, and again resume the human shape. The new-discovered Americans about Nootka Sound at this time disguise the eastern themselves in dresses made of the skins of wolves and Asiatics other wild beasts, and wear even the heads fitted to and the their own. These habits they use in the chase, to circumvent the animals of the field. But would not ignorance or superstition ascribe to a supernatural metamorphosis these temporary expedients to deceive the brute creation?

In their marches, the Kamtschatkans never went abreast, but followed one another in the same track. The same custom is exactly observed by the Americans.

The Tungusi, the most numerous nation resident in Siberia, prick their faces with small punctores, with a needle, in various shapes; then rub into them charcoal, so that the marks become indelible. This custom is still observed in several parts of America. The Indians on the back of Hudson's bay, to this day, perform the operation exactly in the same manner, and puncture the skin into various figures; as the natives of New Zealand do at present, and as the ancient Britons did with the herb glastum, or weed; and the Virginians, on the first discovery of that country by the English.

The Tungusi use canoes made of birch bark, distended over ribs of wood, and nicely sewed together. The Canadians, and many other American nations, use no other sort of boats. The paddles of the Tungusi are broad at each end; those of the people near Cook's river, and of Oonlascha, are of the same form.

In burying of the dead, many of the American nations place the corpse at full length, after preparing it according to their customs; others place it in a sitting posture, and lay by it the most valuable clothing, wampum, and other matters. The Tartars did the same; and both people agree in covering the whole with earth, so as to form a tumulus, barrow, or cairn.

Some of the American nations hang their dead in trees. Certain of the Tungusi observe a similar custom.

We can draw some analogy from dress: convenience in that article must have been consulted on both continents, and originally the materials must have been the same, the skins of birds and beasts. It is singular, that the conic bonnet of the Chinese should be found among the people of Nootka. I cannot give into the notion, that the Chinese contributed to the population of the new world; but we can readily admit, that a shipwreck might furnish these Americans with a pattern for that part of the dress.

In respect to the features and form of the human body, almost every tribe found along the western coast resembles has some similitude to the Tartar nations, and still retains the little eyes, small noses, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary in size, from the lusty Calmucks to the little Nogaians. The internal Americans, such as the Five Indian nations, who are tall of body, body, robust of make, and of oblong faces, are derived from a variety among the Tartars themselves. The fine race of Tschutschki seems to be the stock from which those Americans are derived. The Tschutschki, again, from that fine race of Tartars the Kabardinski, or inhabitants of Kabarda.

"But about Prince William's sound begins a race chiefly distinguished by their dress, their canoes, and their instruments of the chase, from the tribes to the south of them. Here commences the Esquimaux people, or the race known by that name in the high latitudes of the eastern side of the continent. They may be divided into two varieties. At this place they are of the largest size. As they advance northward, they decrease in height, till they dwindle into the dwarfish tribes which occupy some of the coasts of the Icy sea, and the maritime parts of Hudson's bay, of Greenland, and Terra de Labrador. The famous Japanese map places some islands seemingly within the straits of Behring, on which is bestowed the title of Ya Sue, or the Kingdom of the Dwarfs. Does not this in some manner authenticate the chart, and give us reason to suppose that America was not unknown to the Japanese; and that they had (as is mentioned by Kempter and Charlevoix) made voyages of discovery, and, according to the last, actually wintered on the continent? That they might have met with the Esquimaux is very probable: whom, in comparison of themselves, they might justly distinguish by the name of dwarfs. The reason of their low stature is very obvious: these dwell in a most severe climate, amidst penury of food; the former in one much more favourable, abundant in provisions—circumstances that tend to prevent the degeneracy of the human frame. At the island of Oona-lascha, a dialect of the Esquimaux is in use, which was continued along the whole coast from thence northward."

The continent which stocked America with the human race poured in the brute creation through the same passage. Very few quadrupeds continued in the peninsula of Kamtschatka; Mr Pennant enumerates only 25 which are inhabitants of land: all the rest persisted in their migration, and fixed their residence in the new world. Seventeen of the Kamtschatkan quadrupeds are found in America: others are common only to Siberia or Tartary, having, for unknown causes, entirely evacuated Kamtschatka, and divided themselves between America and the part of Asia above cited. Multitudes again have deserted the old world even to an individual, and fixed their seats at distances most remote from the spot from which they took their departure; from Mount Ararat, the resting-place of the ark, in a central part of the old world, and excellently adapted for the dispersion of the animal creation to all its parts. We need not be startled (says Mr Pennant) at the vast journeys many of the quadrupeds took to arrive at their present seats. Might not numbers of species have found a convenient abode in the vast Alps of Asia, instead of wandering to the Cordilleras of Chili? or might not others have been contented with the boundless plains of Tartary, instead of travelling thousands of miles to the extensive flats of Pampas?—To endeavour to elucidate common difficulties is certainly a trouble worthy of the philosopher and of the divine; not to attempt it would be a criminal indolence, a neglect to

Vindicate the ways of God to man.

But there are multitudes of points beyond the human ability to explain, and yet are truths undeniable: the facts are indisputable, notwithstanding the causes are concealed. In such cases, faith must be called in to our relief. It would certainly be the height of folly to deny to that Being who broke open the fountains of the great deep to effect the deluge—and afterwards, to compel the dispersion of mankind to people the globe, directed the confusion of languages—powers inferior in their nature to these. After these wondrous powers of Omnipotence, it will be absurd to deny the possibility of infusing instinct into the brute creation. Deus est anima brutorum; "God himself is the soul of brutes:" His pleasure must have determined their will, and directed several species, and even whole genera, by impulse irresistible, to move by slow progression to their destined regions. But for that, the lama and the paco might still have inhabited the heights of Armenia and some more neighbouring Alps, instead of labouring to gain the distant Peruvian Andes; the whole genus of armadillos, slow of foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone of the old world for that of the new; and the whole tribe of monkeys would have gamboled together in the forests of India, instead of dividing their residence between the shades of Indostan and the deep forests of the Brasis. Lions and tigers might have infested the hot parts of the new world, as the first do the deserts of Africa, and the last the provinces of Asia; or the pantherine animals of South America might have remained additional scourges with the savage beasts of those ancient continents. The old world would have been overstocked with animals; the new remained an inanimated waste; or both have contained an equal portion of every beast of the earth. Let it not be objected, that animals bred in a southern climate, after the descent of their parents from the ark, would be unable to bear the frost and snow of the rigorous north, before they reached South America, the place of their final destination. It must be considered, that the migration must have been the work of ages: that in the course of their progress each generation grew hardened to the climate it had reached; and that after their arrival in America, they would again be gradually accustomed to warmer and warmer climates, in their removal from north to south, as they had been in the reverse, or from south to north. Part of the tigers still inhabit the eternal snows of Ararat; and multitudes of the very same species live, but with exalted rage, beneath the line, in the burning soil of Borneo or Sumatra; but neither lions nor tigers ever migrated into the new world. A few of the first are found in India and Persia, but they are found in numbers only in Africa. The tiger extends as far north as Western Tartary, in lat. 40° 50°, but never has reached Africa."

In fine, the conjectures of the learned respecting the vicinity of the old and new worlds, are now, by the discoveries of our great navigators, lost in conviction; and in the place of imaginary hypothesis, the real place of migration is incontrovertibly pointed out. Some (from a passage in Plato) have extended over the Atlantic, from the straits of Gibraltar to the coast of North and South America, an island equal in size to the continents of Asia and Africa; over which had passed, as over a bridge, from the latter, men and animals, woolly-headed negroes, and lions and tigers, none of which ever existed in the new world. A mighty sea arose, and in one day and night engulfed this stupendous tract, and with it every being which had not completed its migration into America: The whole negro race, and almost every quadruped, now inhabitants of Africa, perished in this critical day. Five only are to be found at present in America; and of these only one, the bear, in South America: Not a single custom, common to the natives of Africa and America, evinces a common origin. Of the quadrupeds, the bear, stag, wolf, fox, and weasel, are the only animals which we can pronounce with certainty to be found on each continent. The stag, fox, and weasel, have made also no farther progress in Africa than the north; but on the same continent the wolf is spread over every part, yet is unknown in South America, as are the fox and weasel. In Africa and South America the bear is very local, being met with only in the north of the first, and on the Andes in the last. Some cause unknown arrested its progress in Africa, and impelled the migration of a few into the Chilian Alps, and induced them to leave unoccupied the vast tract from North America to the lofty Cordilleras.

Allusions have often been made to some remains, on the continent of America, of a more polished and cultivated people, when compared with the tribes which possessed it on its first discovery by Europeans. Mr Barton, in his Observations on some parts of Natural History, Part I., has collected the scattered hints of Kalm, Carver, and some others, and has added a plan of a regular work which has been discovered on the banks of the Muskingum, near its junction with the Ohio. These remains are principally stone walls, large mounds of earth, and a combination of these mounds with the walls, suspected to have been fortifications. In some places the ditches and the fortress are said to have been plainly seen: in others, furrows, as if the land had been ploughed.

The mounds of earth are of two kinds: they are artificial tumuli, designed as repositories for the dead; or they are of a greater size, for the purpose of defending the adjacent country; and with this view they are artificially constructed, or advantage is taken of the natural eminences, to raise them into a fortification.

The remains near the banks of the Muskingum, are situated about one mile above the junction of that river with the Ohio, and 160 miles below Fort Pitt. They consist of a number of walls and other elevations, of ditches, &c., altogether occupying a space of ground about 300 perches in length, and from about 150 to 25 or 20 in breadth. The town, as it has been called, is a large level, encompassed by walls, nearly in the form of a square, the sides of which are from 96 to 86 perches in length. These walls are, in general, about 10 feet in height above the level on which they stand, and about 20 feet in diameter at the base, but at the top they are much narrower; they are at present overgrown with vegetables of different kinds, and among others, with trees of several feet diameter. The chasms, or openings in the walls, were probably intended for gateways; they are three in number at each side, besides the smaller openings in the angles. Within the walls there are three elevations, each about six feet in height, with regular ascents to them: these elevations considerably resemble some of the eminences already mentioned, which have been discovered near the river Mississippi. This author's opinion is, That the Toltecas, or some other Mexican nation, were the people to whom the mounts and fortifications, which he has described, owe their existence; and that those people were probably the descendants of the Danes. The former part of this conjecture is thought probable, from the similarity of the Mexican mounts and fortifications described by the abbé Clavigero, and other authors, to those described by our author; and from the tradition of the Mexicans, that they came from the north-west; for, if we can rely on the testimony of late travellers, fortifications similar to those mentioned by Mr Barton, have been discovered as far to the north as Lake Pepin; and we find them, as we approach to the south, even as low as the coasts of Florida. The second part of our author's conjecture appears not so well supported.

It is believed by many, that the ancients had some imperfect notions of a new world; and several ancient authors are quoted in confirmation of this. In a book ascribed to the philosopher Aristotle, we are told that the Carthaginians discovered an island far beyond the pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and finely watered, with navigable rivers, but uninhabited. This island was distant a few days sailing from the continent; its beauty induced the discoverers to settle there; but the policy of Carthage dislodged the colony, and laid strict prohibition on all the subjects of the state not to attempt any future establishment. This account is also confirmed by a historian of no mean credit, who relates, that the Tyrians would have settled a colony on the new discovered island, but were opposed by the Carthaginians for state reasons. The following passage has also been quoted from Seneca's Medea, in confirmation of this notion.

Venient annis Secula scrib, quibus oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens Puteat tellus, Typhisque novos Delegat orbes; nec sit terris Ultima Thule

Act iii. ver. 375.

Other authors are also quoted in support of this belief. But however this may be, nobody ever believed the existence of this continent so firmly as to go in quest of it; at least, there are no accounts well supported that America received any part of its first inhabitants from Europe prior to the 15th century. The Welsh fondly imagine that our country contributed, in 1170, of the people the new world, by the adventure of Madoc, Welsh son of Owen Gwynedd, who, on the death of his father, sailed there, and colonized part of the country. All that is advanced in proof is, a quotation from one of our poets, which proves no more than that he had distinguished himself by sea and land. It is pretended that he made two voyages: that sailing west, he left Ireland. Ireland so far to the north, that he came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things; that he returned home, and making a report of the fruitfulness of the new-discovered country, prevailed on numbers of the Welsh of each sex to accompany him on a second voyage, from which he never returned. The favourers of this opinion assert, that several Welsh words, such as *gwrando*, "to hearken or listen;" the isle of *Croese*, or "welcome;" *Cape Breton*, from the name of our own island; *grwynndwr*, or "the white water;" and *pengwyn*, or "the bird with a white head;" are to be found in the American language. But likeness of sound in a few words will not be deemed sufficient to establish the fact; especially if the meaning has been evidently perverted: for example, the whole penguin tribe have unfortunately not only black heads, but are not inhabitants of the northern hemisphere; the name was also bestowed on them by the Dutch, *pinguedine*, from their excessive fatness; but the inventor of this, thinking to do honour to our country, inconsiderately caught at a word of European origin, and unheard of in the new world. It may be added, that the Welsh were never a naval people; that the age in which Madoc lived was peculiarly ignorant in navigation; and the most which they could have attempted must have been a mere coasting voyage.

The Norwegians put in for a share of the glory, on grounds rather better than the Welsh. By their settlements in Iceland and in Greenland, they had arrived within so small a distance of the new world, that there is at least a possibility of its having been touched at by a people so versed in maritime affairs, and so adventurous, as the ancient Normans were. The proofs are much more numerous than those produced by the British historians; for the discovery is mentioned in several of the Icelandic manuscripts. The period was about the year 1002, when it was visited by one Bjorn; and the discovery pursued to greater effect by Lief, the son of Eric, the discoverer of Greenland. It does not appear that they reached farther than Labrador; on which coast they met with Eskimoaux, on whom they bestowed the name of *Skraelingues*, or dwarfish people, from their small stature. They were armed with bows and arrows, and had leathern canoes, such as they have at present. All this is probable; nor should the tale of the German, called *Turkil*, one of the crew, invalidate the account. He was one day missing; but soon returned, leaping and singing with all the extravagant marks of joy a *bon vivant* could show, on discovering the inebriating fruit of his country, the grape: Torfsen even says, that he returned in a state of intoxication. To convince his commander, he brought several bunches, who from that circumstance named the country *Vinland*. It is not to be denied that North America produces the true vine; but it is found in far lower latitudes than our adventurers could reach in the time employed in their voyage, which was comprehended in a very small space. There appears no reason to doubt of the discovery; but as the land was never colonized, nor any advantage made of it, it may be fairly conjectured, that they reached no farther than the barren country of Labrador. In short, it is from a much later period that we must date the real discovery of America.

Towards the close of the 15th century, Venice and Genoa being rivals in commerce, in which the former had greatly the superiority, Christopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, whose knowledge of the true figure of the earth, however attained, was much superior to the general notions of the age in which he lived, conceived a project of sailing to the East Indies by directing his course westward. The design was founded upon a mistake of the geographers of those days, who place the eastern parts of Asia immensely too far to the eastward; so that, had they been in the right, the shortest way would have been to sail directly westward. He applied first to his own countrymen; but being rejected by them, he applied to France, where he was laughed at and ridiculed. He next applied to Henry VII. of England; but meeting with a disappointment there, he made an application to Portugal, where he met with the same mortifying reception. Spain was his next resource; where, after eight years attendance, he obtained, in 1492, a fleet of three ships. The largest, a ship of no considerable burden, was commanded by Columbus as admiral, who gave it the name of *Santa Maria*, out of respect for the blessed Virgin, whom he honoured with singular devotion. Of the second, called the *Pinta*, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the *Niña*, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels, hardly superior in burden or force to large boats. This squadron, if it merits that name, was victualled for 12 months, and had on board 90 men, mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers who followed the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the undertaking was one of the circumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded so long the negotiation with Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed 4500l. As Columbus was deeply impressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the Christian faith, without imploring publicly the guidance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persons under his command, marched in solemn procession to the monastery of Rabida. After confessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zealously patronised.

Next morning being Friday the third day of August, in the year 1492, Columbus set sail a little before sunrise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their supplications to Heaven for the prosperous issue of the voyage, which they wished rather than expected. Columbus steered directly for the Canary islands, and arrived there without any occurrence that would have deserved notice on any other occasion; but in a voyage of such expectation and importance, every circumstance was the object of attention. The rudder of the *Pinta* broke loose the day after she left the harbour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no less superstitious than unskilful, as a certain omen of the unfortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the short run to the Canaries, the ships were found to be so crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper for America, for a navigation which was expected to be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the best of his power; and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he took his departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary islands, on the sixth day of September.

Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin; for Columbus, holding his course due west, left immediately the usual track of navigation, and stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first day, as it was very calm, he made but little way; but on the second, he lost sight of the Canaries; and many of the sailors, dejected already and dismayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the undertaking, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, in those opulent regions whither he was conducting them. He regulated everything by his sole authority; he superintended the execution of every order; and allowing himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been visited, the sounding line or instruments for observation were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents; watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fishes, of sea-weeds, and of everything that floated on the waves; and entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habituated only to short excursions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real progress which they made. With this view, though they ran 18 leagues on the second day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only 15; and he uniformly employed the same artifice of reckoning short during the whole voyage. By the 14th of September, the fleet was above 200 leagues to the west of the Canary isles, at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been before that time.

There they were struck with an appearance no less astonishing than new. They observed that the magnetic needle, in their compasses, did not point exactly to the polar star, but varied towards the west; and as they proceeded this variation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the companions of Columbus with terror. They were now in a boundless unknown ocean, far from the usual course of navigation; nature itself seemed to be altered, and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a reason for this appearance, which, though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to them, that it dispelled their fears, or silenced their murmurs.

He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude with the Canary islands. In this course he came within the sphere of the trade wind, which blows invariably from east to west between the tropics, and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform rapidity, that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. When about 400 leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it resembled a meadow of vast extent; and in some places they were so thick as to retard the motion of the vessels. This strange appearance occasioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors imagined that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of the navigable ocean; that these floating weeds would obstruct their further progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large tract of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to persuade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the same time, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ship, and directing their flight towards the west. The responding crew resumed some degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes.

Upon the first of October, they were, according to the admiral's reckoning, 770 leagues to the west of the Canaries; but lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only 584 leagues; and, fortunately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and discover the deceit. They had now been about three weeks at sea; they had proceeded far beyond what former navigators had attempted or deemed possible: all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other circumstances, had proved fallacious; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their commander had from time to time flattered and amused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred often to men, who had no other object or occupation, than to reason and discourse concerning the intention and circumstances of their expedition. They made impression at first upon the ignorant and timid, and by extending by degrees to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or murmurings they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate credulity, in paying such regard to the vain premises and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of so many of her own subjects, in prosecuting a chimerical scheme. They affirmed that they had fully performed their duty, by venturing so far in an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur no blame, for refusing to follow, any longer, a desperate adventurer to certain destruction. They contended, that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vain, as the wind which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail in the opposite direction. All agreed that Columbus should be compelled by force to adopt a measure on which their common safety depended. Some of the more audacious proposed, as the most expeditious and certain method for getting rid at once of his remonstrances, to throw him into the sea; being persuaded that, that, upon their return to Spain, the death of an unsuccessful projector would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curiosity.

Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situation. He had observed, with great uneasiness, the fatal operation of ignorance and of fear in producing disaffection among his crew; and saw that it was now ready to burst out into open mutiny. He retained, however, perfect presence of mind. He affected to seem ignorant of the machinations. Notwithstanding the agitation and solicitude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful countenance; like a man satisfied with the progress which he had made, and confident of success. Sometimes he employed all the arts of insinuation to soothe his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition or avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other occasions, he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote the glory of God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man whom they had been accustomed to reverence were weighty and persuasive; and not only restrained them from those violent excesses which they meditated, but prevailed with them to accompany their admiral for some time longer.

As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land seemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the south-west. Columbus, in imitation of the Portuguese navigators, who had been guided in several of their discoveries by the motion of birds, altered his course from due west towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight. But after holding on for several days in this new direction without any better success than formerly, having seen no object during 30 days but the sea and sky, the hopes of his companions subsided faster than they had risen: their fears revived with additional force; impatience, rage, and despair, appeared in every countenance. All sense of subordination was lost. The officers, who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in opinion, and supported his authority, now took part with the private men: they assembled tumultuously on the deck, expostulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, and required him instantly to tack about and to return to Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former arts, which having been tried so often had lost their effect; and that it was impossible to rekindle any zeal for the success of the expedition among men in whose breasts fear had extinguished every generous sentiment. He saw that it was no less vain to think of employing either gentle or severe measures, to quell a mutiny so general and so violent. It was necessary, on all these accounts, to soothe passions which he could no longer command, and give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He promised solemnly to his men that he would comply with their request, provided they would accompany him, and obey his commands for three days longer; and if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain.

Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. The presages of discovering land were now so numerous and promising, that he deemed them infallible. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great distance. The flocks of birds increased; and were composed not only of sea fowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating which seemed to be newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigra took up the branch of a tree with red berries perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assumed a new appearance; the air was more mild and warm; and, during night, the wind became unequal and variable. From all these symptoms, Columbus was so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the 11th of October, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled, and the ships to lie by, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the night. During this interval of suspense and expectation, no man shut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently towards that quarter, where they expected to discover the land which had been so long the object of their wishes.

About two hours before midnight, Columbus standing on the forecastle, observed a light at a distance, on discovery and privately pointed it out to Pedro Gutierrez, a page in the of the queen's wardrobe. Gutierrez perceived it; and calling to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in motion, as if it were carried from place to place. A little after midnight the joyful sound of Land! Land! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other ships. But having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief; and waited, in all the anguish of uncertainty and impatience, for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned, all doubts and fears were dispelled. From every ship an island was seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and verdant fields, well stored with wood, and watered with many rivulets, presented the aspect of a delightful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as a hymn of thanksgiving to God; and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self-condemnation mingled with reverence. They implored him to pardon their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his well-concerted plan; and passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man whom they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person inspired by Heaven with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conceptions of all former ages.

As soon as the sun arose, all the boats were manned and armed. They rowed towards the island with their their colours displayed, with warlike music, and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn together, whose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the new world which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed; and, kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix; and, prostrating themselves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue.

The above was one of the Bahama islands; to which he gave the name of San Salvador, and took possession of it in the name of their Catholic majesties. In this first voyage he discovered several other of the Lucayo or Bahama islands, with those of Cuba and Hispaniola. The natives considered the Spaniards as divinities, and the discharge of the artillery as their thunder: they fell prostrate at the sound. The women, however, offered their favours, and courted the embraces of their new guests as men. Their husbands were not jealous of them; and in the arms of these wantons the companions of Columbus are said to have caught that malady which directs its poison to the springs of life. In a second voyage many new islands were discovered. In a third, he attained the great object of his ambition, by discovering the continent of America, near the mouth of the river Oronooko, on the first day of August 1498. His success produced a crowd of adventurers from all nations; but the year before this, the northern continent had been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in the service of Henry VII. of England.

Notwithstanding the many settlements of the Europeans in this continent, some part of America remains still unknown. The northern continent contains the British colonies of Hudson's Bay, Canada, and Nova Scotia, and the twenty-one united states of the American republic, extending from the river St Lawrence to the gulf of Mexico. It contains also the Spanish territories of New Mexico, California, and Mexico. Besides these, there are immense regions to the west and to the north, where the boundaries have never yet been ascertained. In such as are in any degree known, dwell the Esquimaux, the Algonquins, the Hurons, the Iroquois, the Cherokees, the Chickasaws, and many other tribes of Indians. In the southern continent lie the Spanish provinces of Terra Firma, Guiana, Peru, Paraguay, and Chili; together with that of Brazil, belonging to the Portuguese; and the country of Surinam, belonging to the Dutch. Vast tracts, however, in the inland parts, are unknown, being comprehended under the general name of Amazonia. A large district also, said to be the residence of a gigantic race of men, lies on the east side of the continent, between the straits of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. See PATAGONIA.

This vast country produces most of the metals, minerals, plants, fruits, trees, and woods, to be met with in the other parts of the world, and many of them in greater quantities and high perfection. The gold and silver of America have supplied Europe with such immense quantities of those valuable metals, that they are become vastly more common; so that the gold and silver of Europe now bear little proportion to the high price set upon them before the discovery of America.

It also produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, amethysts, and other valuable stones, which, by being brought into Europe, have contributed likewise to lower their value. To these, which are chiefly the production of Spanish America, may be added a great number of other commodities, which, though of less price, are of much greater use; and many of them make the ornament and wealth of the British empire in this part of the world. Of these are the plentiful supplies of cochineal, indigo, anatto, logwood, brazil, fustic, pimento, lignum vitae, rice, ginger, cacao or the chocolate nut, sugar, cotton, tobacco, banilias, red-wood, the balsams of Tolu, Peru, and Chili, that valuable article in medicine the Jesuits bark, mechoacan, sassafras, sarsaparilla, cassia, tamarinds, hides, furs, ambergris, and a great variety of woods, roots, and plants; to which before the discovery of America, we were either entire strangers, or forced to buy at an extravagant rate from Asia and Africa, through the hands of the Venetians and Genoese, who then engrossed the trade of the eastern world.

On this continent there grows also a variety of excellent fruits; as pine-apples, pomegranates, citrons, lemons, oranges, malicatons, cherries, pears, apples, figs, grapes; great numbers of culinary, medicinal, and other herbs, roots, and plants; with many exotic productions, which are nourished in as great perfection as in their native soil.

Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of many large tracts, America, so far as known, was entangledly divided into colonies, by three European nations, the Spaniards, English, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first discovered it, had the largest and richest portion, extending from New Mexico and Louisiana in North America, to the straits of Magellan in the South sea, excepting the large province of Brasil, which belongs to Portugal; for though the French and Dutch have some forts in Surinam and Guiana, they scarcely deserve to be considered as proprietors of any part of the southern continent.

Next to Spain, the most considerable proprietor of America was Great Britain, who derived her claim to North America from the first discovery of that continent by Sebastian Cabot in the name of Henry VII. anno 1497, about six years after the discovery of South America by Columbus in the name of the king of Spain. This country was in general called Newfoundland; a name which is now appropriated solely to an island upon its coast. It was a long time before we made an attempt to settle in this country. Sir Walter Raleigh, an uncommon genius and a brave commander, first showed the way, by planting a colony in the southern part, which he called Virginia, in honour of his mistress Queen Elizabeth.

The French indeed, from this period until the conclusion of the war before last, laid claim to, and actually possessed, Canada and Louisiana; comprehending all that extensive inland country reaching from Hudson's Bay on the north, to Mexico and the gulf of the same name on the south. But in that war, to which their perfidy and ambition gave rise, they were not only driven from Canada and its dependencies, but obliged to relinquish all that part of Louisiana lying on the east side of the Mississippi, as related under the History of Britain. And thus our colonies were preserved, secured, and extended so far, as to render it difficult to ascertain the precise bounds of our empire in North America. To the northward we might have extended our claims quite to the pole itself; nor did any nation seem inclined to dispute the property of this northernmost country with us. From that extremity we had a territory extending southward to Cape Florida in the gulf of Mexico, N. Lat. 25°, and consequently near 4000 miles long in a direct line. And to the westward our boundaries reached to nations unknown even to the Indians of Canada.

Of the revolution that has since taken place, by which a great part of those territories has been separated from the British empire, the history follows in the next article.

America, United States of. Of the rise and establishment of this republic, which has given a new face to the western world, a succinct and impartial narrative shall in this article be attempted; in which, however, we cannot hope entirely to avoid errors, as they are perhaps unavoidable. The accounts from which the historian must derive his information are not yet cleared from the mistakes of prejudice and the fabrications of party; when they differ, their comparative authenticity is with difficulty ascertained: and they want above all that softening which they can receive from time alone.

The beginning of every political establishment is contemptible. Some few banditti taking refuge among the marshes on the banks of the Tiber, laid the foundation of the Roman empire. The turbulence of some North Americans, and the blunders of some British statesmen, gave birth to this new republic, which at a future period, it has been fancied, may perhaps surpass even the splendour of Rome.

The state of the British colonies at the conclusion of the war in 1763, was such as attracted the attention of all the politicians in Europe. Their flourishing condition at that period was remarkable and striking: their trade had prospered in the midst of all the difficulties and distresses of a war in which they were so nearly and so immediately concerned. Their population continued on the increase, notwithstanding the ravages and depredations that had been so fiercely carried on by the French, and the native Indians in their alliance. They abounded with spirited and active individuals of all denominations. They were flushed with the uncommon prosperity that had attended them in their commercial affairs and military transactions. Hence they were ready for all kinds of undertakings, and saw no limits to their hopes and expectations.

As they entertained the highest opinion of their value and importance, and the immense benefit that Britain derived from its connexion with them, their notions were adequately high in their own favour. They deemed themselves, not without reason, entitled to every kindness and indulgence which the mother-country could bestow.

Although their pretensions did not amount to a perfect equality of advantages and privileges in matters of commerce, yet in those of government they thought themselves fully competent to the task of conducting their domestic concerns with little or no interference from abroad. Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, they viewed it with a suspicious eye, and with a marked desire and intent speedily to give it limitations.

Their improvements in all the necessary and useful arts did honour to their industry and ingenuity. Though they did not live in the luxury of Europe, they had all the solid and substantial enjoyments of life, and were not unacquainted with many of its elegancies and refinements.

A circumstance much to their praise is, that notwithstanding their peculiar addiction to those occupations of which lucre is the sole object, they were duly attentive to cultivate the field of learning; and they have ever since their first foundation been particularly careful to provide for the education of their rising progeny.

Their vast augmentation of internal trade and external commerce, was not merely owing to their position and facility of communication with other parts; it arose also from their natural turn and temper, full of schemes and projects, ever aiming at new discoveries, and continually employed in the search of means of improving their condition.

Their ambition carried them into every quarter from whence profit could be derived. There was scarcely any part of the American hemisphere to which they had not extended their navigation. They were continually exploring new sources of trade, and were found in every spot where business could be transacted.

To this extensive and incessant application to commerce, they added an equal vigilance in the administration of their affairs at home. Whatever could conduce to the amelioration of the soil they possessed, to the progress of agriculture, or to the improvement of their domestic circumstances, was attended to with so much labour and care, that it may be strictly said, that Nature had given them nothing of which they did not make the most.

In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters of business, the affairs of government were conducted with a steadiness, prudence, and lenity, seldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the best regulated countries of Europe.

Such was the situation of the British colonies in general throughout North America, and of the New England provinces in particular, when the pacification above mentioned opened one of the most remarkable scenes that ever commanded the attention of the world.

The French, who have for many ages been the professed and natural enemies of Britain, had long viewed, the French with equal envy and apprehension, the flourishing state of those colonies she had founded in North America. No doubt at present subsists, that they began immediately after the peace of Paris to carry into execution the scheme they had formed for the separation of the British colonies from the mother country.

Conscious that, whilst a good understanding lasted between them, the superiority must henceforth remain for ever on the side of Britain; it was only by their disunion that France could hope to regain the station and consequence she had formerly possessed in Europe.

The first steps she took were to employ her secret emissaries in spreading dissatisfaction among the British colonists; and the effects produced by her machinations were precisely such as they had intended and expected. The disposition of the inhabitants of North America began gradually to alter from that warmth of attachment to the mother-country which had so peculiarly characterized them. They began to view her rather in the light of a sovereign than that of a parent; and to examine, with a scrupulous nicety, the nature of those ties that rendered them parts of her empire.

In March 1764, a bill was passed, by which heavy duties were laid on goods imported by the colonists from such West India islands as did not belong to Great Britain; at the same time that these duties were to be paid into the exchequer in specie: and in the same session, another bill was framed to restrain the currency of paper money in the colonies themselves. These acts coming so close upon each other, threw the whole continent into the utmost ferment. Vehement remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argument made use of that reason or ingenuity could suggest; but to no purpose. Their reasoning, however, convinced a great number of people at home; and thus the American cause came to be considered as the cause of liberty.

The Americans, finding all argumentation vain, at last united in an agreement to import no more of the manufactures of Great Britain, but to encourage to the utmost of their power every thing of that kind among themselves. Thus the British manufacturers also became a party against ministry, and did not fail to express their resentment in the strongest terms; but the ministry were not to be so easily daunted, and therefore proceeded to the last step of their intended plan, which was to lay on stamp duties throughout the continent timent. Previous to this, indeed, several regulations were passed in favour of the commerce of the colonies; but they had now imbibed such unfavourable sentiments of the British ministry, that they paid very little regard to any thing pretended to be done in their favour; or if these acts made any favourable impression, it was quickly obliterated by the news of the stamp act. The reason given for this act so exceedingly obnoxious was, that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of the colonies against a foreign enemy; but this pretence was so far from giving any satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indignation to the utmost degree. They not only asserted that they were abundantly able to defend themselves against any foreign enemy, but denied that the British parliament had any right to tax them at all.

It would be superfluous to enter into any arguments used by the contending parties on this important occasion. It was evident that the matter was not to be decided by argument but by force of arms; and the British ministry, too confident of the authority and power of this country, determined to carry on matters with a high hand, to terrify the colonists into an implicit subjection; or, if that would not do, to compel them to it by force. The stamp act, after a violent opposition in parliament, was passed, and its reception in America was such as might have been expected. The news, and the act itself, first arrived at Boston, where the bells were muffled and rung a funeral peal. The act was first hawked about the streets, with a Death's head affixed to it, and styled the "Folly of Great England, and the Ruin of America;" and afterwards ignominy publicly burnt by the enraged populace: The stamps in America themselves were seized and destroyed, unless brought by men of war, or kept in fortified places; those who were to receive the stamp duties were compelled to resign their offices; and such of the Americans as sided with government on this occasion had their houses plundered and burnt.

Though these outrages were committed by the lowest of the multitude, they were first connived at by those of superior rank, and the principles on which they were founded afterwards openly patronised by them; and the doctrine became general, and openly avowed, that Britain had no right whatever to tax the colonies without their own consent.

It was now found absolutely necessary either to yield to the Americans, by repealing the obnoxious statutes, or to enforce them by arms. The ferment had diffused itself universally throughout the colonies. Virginia first, and after that all the rest of the provinces, declared against the right of Britain to lay on taxes in America; and that every attempt to vest others with this power besides the king, or the governor of the province and his general assembly, was illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. Non-importation agreements were everywhere entered into; and it was even resolved to prevent the sale of any more British goods after the present year. American manufactures, though dearer, as well as inferior in quality to the British, were universally preferred. An association was entered into against eating of lamb, in order to promote the growth of wool: and the ladies with cheerfulness agreed to renounce the use of every species of ornament manufactured in Britain. Such a general and alarming confederacy determined the ministry to repeal some of the most obnoxious statutes; and to this they were the more inclined by a petition from the first American congress, held at New York in the beginning of October 1765.

The stamp act was therefore repealed, to the universal joy of the Americans, and indeed to the general satisfaction of the English, whose manufactures had begun to suffer very severely in consequence of the American association against them. The disputes on the subject without doors, however, were by no means silenced, but each party continued to argue the case as violently as ever. The celebrated Dr Benjamin Franklin was on this occasion examined before the house of commons; and his opinion was in substance as follows:

"That the tax in question was impracticable and ruinous. The very attempt had so far alienated the affection of the colonies, that they behaved in a less friendly manner towards the natives of England than subject before; considering the whole nation as conspiring against their liberty, and the parliament as willing rather to oppress than to support and assist them. America, in fact, did not stand in any need of British manufactures, having already begun to construct such as might be deemed absolutely necessary, and that with..." such success, as left no doubt of their arriving in a short time at perfection. The elegancies of dress had already been renounced for manufactures of the American kind, though much inferior; and the bulk of the people, consisting of farmers, were such as could in no way be affected by the want of British commodities, as having every necessary within themselves. Materials of all kinds were to be had in plenty: the wood was fine; flax grew in great abundance, and iron was everywhere to be met with."

The Doctor also insisted, "That the Americans had been greatly misrepresented; that they had been traduced as void of gratitude and affection to the parent state; than which nothing could be more contrary to truth. In the war of 1755 they had at their own expense, raised an army of 25,000 men; and in that of 1739 they assisted the British expeditions against South America with several thousand men, and had made many brave exertions against the French in North America. It was said, that the war of 1755 had been undertaken in defence of the colonies; but the truth was, that it originated from a contest about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia, and in defence of the English rights to trade on the Ohio. The Americans, however, would still continue to act with their usual fidelity; and, were any war to break out in which they had no concern, would show themselves as ready as ever to assist the parent state to the utmost of their power, and would never fail to manifest their readiness in contributing to the emergencies of government, when called to do so in a regular and constitutional manner."

The ministry were conscious, that in repealing this obnoxious act, they yielded to the Americans; and therefore, to support, as they thought, the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged proper to publish a declaratory bill, setting forth the authority of the mother-country over her colonies, and her power to bind them by laws and statutes in all cases whatever. This much diminished the joy with which the repeal of the stamp act was received in America. It was considered as a proper reason to enforce any claims equally prejudicial with the stamp act, which might hereafter be set up; a spirit of jealousy pervaded the whole continent, and a strong party was formed, watchful on every occasion to guard against the supposed encroachments of the British power.

It was not long before an occasion offered, in which the Americans manifested a spirit of absolute independence; and that, instead of being bound by the British legislature in all cases, they would not be controlled by it in the most trivial affairs. The Rockingham ministry had passed an act, providing the troops stationed in different parts of the colonies with such accommodations as were necessary for them. The assembly of New York, however, took upon them to alter the mode of execution prescribed by the act of parliament, and to substitute one of their own. This gave very great offence to the new ministry, and rendered them, though composed of those who had been active against the stamp bill, less favourable to the colonies than in all probability they would have otherwise been. An unlucky circumstance at the same time occurred, which threw every thing once more into confusion. One of the new ministry, Mr Charles Townshend, having declared that he could find a way of taxing the Americans without giving them offence, was called upon to propose his plan. This was by imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters colours, and glass imported into America. The undutiful behaviour of the New York assembly, and that of Boston, which had proceeded in a similar manner, caused this bill to meet with less opposition than otherwise it might have done. As a punishment to the refractory assemblies, the legislative power was taken from that of New York, until it should fully comply with the terms of the act. That of Boston at last submitted with reluctance. The bill for the new taxes was quickly passed, and sent to America in 1768.

A ferment much greater than that occasioned by the stamp act now took place throughout the continent, there with still greater indignation than it. Circular letters were sent from Massachusetts colony to all the rest, setting forth the injustice and impropriety of the behaviour of the British legislature. Meetings were held in all the principal towns, in which it was proposed to lessen the consumption of foreign manufactures, by giving proper encouragement to their own. Continual disputes ensued between the governors and general assemblies of their provinces, which were much heightened by a letter to Lord Shelburne from Governor Bamand of Massachusetts Bay, containing complaints of the people he governed. The assembly, and their exasperated to the highest degree, charged their governor with having misrepresented them to the court of Britain, required him to produce copies of the letters he had sent; and, on his refusal, wrote letters to the English ministry, accusing him of misrepresentation and partiality, complaining at the same time most grievously of the proceedings of parliament, as utterly subversive of the liberties of America, and the rights of British subjects.

The governor, at a loss how to defend himself, prorogued the assembly; and, in his speech on the occasion, gave a loose to his resentment, accusing the members of ambitious designs, incompatible with those of dutiful and loyal subjects. To counteract the circular letter of the province of Massachusetts Bay, Lord Hillsborough, secretary for the American department, sent another to the governors of the different colonies, reprobating the other as full of misrepresentation, and tending to excite a rebellion against the authority of the parent state.

Matters now hastened to a crisis. The governor had been ordered to proceed with vigour, and by no means to show any disposition to yield to the people as formerly. In particular, they were required to rescind the resolution by which they had written the circular letter above mentioned; and, in case of a refusal, it was told them that they would be dissolved. As this letter had been framed by the resolutions of a former house, they desired, after a week's consultation, that a recess might be granted to consult with their constituents; but this being refused, they came to a determination, 92 against 17, to adhere to the resolution which produced the circular letter. At the same time a letter was sent to Lord Hillsborough, and a message to the governor, in justification of their proceedings. In both they expressed themselves with such freedom United States.

as was by no means calculated to accord with the sentiments of those in power. They insisted that they had a right to communicate their sentiments to their fellow-subjects upon matters of such importance; complained of the requisition to rescind the circular letter as unconstitutional and unjust; and particularly insisted, that they were represented as harbouring seditious designs, when they were doing nothing but what was lawful and right. At the same time, they condemned the late acts of parliament as highly oppressive, and subversive of liberty. The whole was concluded by a list of accusations against their governor, representing him as unfit to continue in his station, and petitioning the king for his removal from it.

These proceedings were followed by a violent tumult at Boston. A vessel belonging to a capital trader had been seized in consequence of his having neglected some of the new regulations; and being taken under the protection of a man of war at that time lying in the harbour, the populace attacked the houses of the commissioners of excise, broke their windows, destroyed the collector's boats, and obliged the customhouse officers to take refuge in Castle William, situated at the entrance of the harbour.

The governor now took the last step in his power to put a stop to the violent proceedings of this assembly, by dissolving it entirely; but this was of little moment. Their behaviour had been highly approved by the other colonies, who had written letters to them expressive of their approbation. After the dissolution of the assembly, frequent meetings of the people were held in Boston, which ended in a remonstrance to the governor, to the same purpose as some of the former; but concluding with an extraordinary request, that he would take upon him to order the king's ships out of the harbour.

While the disposition of the Bostonians was thus going on from bad to worse, news arrived that the agent for the colony had not been allowed to deliver their petition to the king; it having been objected, that the assembly without the governor was not sufficient authority. This did not contribute to allay the ferment; and it was further augmented by the news that a number of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep the inhabitants in awe.

A dreadful alarm now took place. The people called on the governor to convene a general assembly, in order to remove the fears of the military; who they said were to be assembled to overthrow their liberties, and force obedience to laws to which they were entirely averse. The governor replied that it was no longer in his power to call an assembly; having, in his last instructions from England, been required to wait the king's orders, the matter being then under consideration at home. Being thus refused, the people took upon themselves the formation of an assembly, which they called a Convention. The proceedings and resolutions of this were conformable to their former behaviour; but now they went a step farther, and, under pretence of an approaching rupture with France, ordered the inhabitants to put themselves in a posture of defence against any sudden attack of an enemy; and circular letters were directed to all the towns in the province, acquainting them with the resolution that had been taken in the capital, and exhorting them to proceed in the same manner. The town of Hatfield alone refused its concurrence; but this served only to expose them to the censure and contempt of the rest. The convention, however, thought proper to assure the governor of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request that an assembly might be called; but being refused any audience, and threatened with being treated as rebels, they at last thought proper to which dissolve of themselves, and sent over to Britain a circumstantial account of their proceedings, with the reason of their having assembled in the manner already mentioned.

The expected troops arrived on the very day on which the convention broke up, and had some houses in the town fitted up for their reception. Their arrival had a considerable influence on the people, and for some time seemed to put a stop to the disturbances; but the seeds of discord had now taken such deep root, that it was impossible to quench the flame. The late outrageous behaviour in Boston had given the greatest of parliaments in England; and, notwithstanding all the efforts of opposition, an address from both houses of parliament was presented to the king; in which the audacious behaviour of the colony of Massachusetts Bay was set forth in the most ample manner, and the most vigorous measures recommended for reducing them to obedience. The Americans, however, continued steadfast in the ideas they had adopted. Though the troops had for some time quieted the disturbances, yet the calm continued no longer than they appeared respectable on account of their number; but as soon as this was diminished by the departure of a large detachment, the remainder were treated with contempt, and it was even resolved to expel them altogether. The country people took up arms for this purpose, and were to have assisted their friends in Boston; but before the plot could be put in execution, an event happened which put an end to every idea of reconciliation betwixt the contending parties.

On the 5th of March 1770, a scuffle happened between some soldiers and a party of the town's people. The inhabitants poured in from all quarters to the assistance of their fellow-citizens; a violent tumult ensued, during which the military fired among the mob, killing and wounding several of them. The whole province now rose in arms, and the soldiers were obliged to retire to Castle William to prevent their being cut in pieces. In other respects, the determinations of the Americans continued, if possible, more firm than ever, until at last government, determined to act with vigour, and at the same time to behave with as much condescension as possible, repealed all the duties lately laid on, that of tea alone excepted. This was left on purpose to maintain the dignity of the crown of Britain; and it was thought that it could not be productive of any discontent in America, as being an affront of very little moment, the produce of which was not expected to exceed 16,000l. The opposition, however, were strenuous in their endeavours to get this tax likewise abrogated; insisting, that the Americans would consider it only as an inlet to others; and that the repeal of all the rest, without this, would answer no great purpose. The event showed that their opinion was well founded. The Americans opposed the violently tea tax with the same violence as they had done all the rest; all the rest... rest; and at last, on the news that salaries had been settled on the justices of the superior court of Boston, the governor was addressed on the subject; the measure was condemned in the strongest terms; and a committee, selected out of the several districts of the colony, appointed to inquire into it.

The new assembly proceeded in the most formal manner to disavow the supremacy of the British legislature; accused the parliament of Britain of having violated the natural rights of the Americans in a number of instances. Copies of the transactions of this assembly were transmitted to every town in Massachusetts, exhorting the inhabitants to rouse themselves, and exert every nerve in opposition to the iron hand of oppression, which was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty. The disturbances were also greatly heightened by an accidental discovery that Mr. Hutchison, governor of Massachusetts Bay, had written several confidential letters to people in power in England, complaining of the behaviour of the province, recommending vigorous measures against them, and, among other things, asserting, that "there must be an abridgement of what is called British liberty." Letters of this kind had somehow or other fallen into the hands of the agent for the colony at London. They were immediately transmitted to Boston, where the assembly was sitting, by whom they were laid before the governor, who was thus reduced to a very mortifying situation. Losing every idea of respect or friendship for him as their governor, they instantly dispatched a petition to the king, requesting him to remove the governor and deputy governor from their places; but to this they not only received no favourable answer, but the petition itself was declared groundless and scandalous.

Matters were now ripe for the utmost extremities on the part of the Americans; and they were brought on in the following manner: Though the colonists had entered into a non-importation agreement against tea as well as all other commodities from Britain, it had nevertheless found its way into America, though in smaller quantities than before. This was sensibly felt by the East India Company, who had now agreed to pay a large sum annually to government; in recompense for which compliance, and to make up their losses in other respects, they were empowered to export their tea free from any duty payable in Britain; and in consequence of this permission, several ships freighted with the commodity were sent to North America, and proper agents appointed for disposing of it. The Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus likely to be enforced whether they would or not, determined to take every possible method to prevent the tea from being landed, as well knowing that it would be impossible to hinder the sale, should the commodity once be brought on shore. For this purpose the people assembled in great numbers, forcing those to whom the tea was consigned to resign their offices, and to promise solemnly never to resume them; and committees were appointed to examine the accounts of merchants, and make public tests, declaring such as would not take them enemies to their country. Nor was this behaviour confined to the colony of Massachusetts Bay; the rest of the provinces entered into the contest with the same warmth, and manifested the same resolution to oppose the mother-country.

In the midst of this confusion three ships laden with tea arrived at Boston; but so much were the captains alarmed at the disposition which seemed to prevail among the people, that they offered, providing they could obtain the proper discharges from the tea consignees, customhouse, and governor, to return to Britain without landing their cargoes. The parties concerned, however, though they durst not order the tea to be landed, refused to grant the discharges required. The ships, therefore, would have been obliged to remain in the harbour; but the people, apprehensive that if they remained there the tea would be landed in small quantities, and disposed of in spite of every endeavour to prevent it, resolved to destroy it at once. This resolution was executed with equal speed and secrecy. The very evening after the above-mentioned discharges had been refused, a number of people, dressed like Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships, and threw into the sea their whole cargoes, consisting of 342 chests of tea; after which they retired without making any further disturbance, or doing any more damage. No tea was destroyed in other places, though the same spirit was everywhere manifested. At Philadelphia the pilots were and refused enjoined not to conduct the vessels up the river; and at New York, though the governor caused some tea to be landed under the protection of a man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to the custody of the people, to prevent its being sold.

The destruction of the tea at Boston, which happened in November 1773, was the immediate prelude to the disasters attending civil discord. Government finding themselves everywhere insulted and despised, resolved to enforce their authority by all possible means; and as Boston had been the principal scene of the riots and outrages, it was determined to punish that city in an exemplary manner. Parliament was acquainted by a message from his majesty with the undutiful behaviour of the city of Boston, as well as of all the colonies, recommending at the same time the most vigorous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obedience. The parliament in its address promised a ready compliance; and indeed the Americans, by their outrageous behaviour, had now lost many of their partisans. It was proposed to lay a fine on the town of Boston equal to the price of the tea which had been destroyed, and to shut up its port by armed vessels until the refractory spirit of the inhabitants should be subdued; which it was thought must quickly yield, as a total stop would thus be put to their trade. The bill was strongly opposed on the same grounds that the petitioners had been; and it was predicted, that instead of having any tendency to reconcile or subdue the Americans, it would infallibly exasperate them beyond any possibility of reconciliation. The petitions against it, presented by the colony's agent, pointed out the same consequence in the strongest terms, and in the most positive manner declared that the Americans never would submit to it; but such was the infatuation attending every rank and degree of men, that it never was imagined the Americans would dare to resist the parent state openly, but would in the end submit implicitly to her commands. In this confidence a third bill was proposed. United States proposed for the impartial administration of justice on such persons as might be employed in the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay. By this act it was provided, that should any persons acting in that capacity be indicted for murder, and not able to obtain a fair trial in the province, they might be sent by the governor to England, or to some other colony, if necessary, to be tried for the supposed crime.

These three bills having passed so easily, the ministry proposed a fourth, relative to the government of Canada; which, it was said, had not yet been settled on any proper plan. By this bill the extent of that province was greatly enlarged; its affairs were put under the direction of a council into which Roman Catholics were to be admitted; the Roman Catholic clergy were secured in their possessions and the usual perquisites from those of their own profession. The council above mentioned were to be appointed by the crown, to be removable at its pleasure; and to be invested with every legislative power excepting that of taxation.

No sooner were these laws made known in America, than they cemented the union of the colonies almost beyond any possibility of dissolving it. The assembly of Massachusetts Bay had passed a vote against the judges accepting salaries from the crown, and put the question, Whether they would accept them as usual from the general assembly? Four answered in the affirmative; but Peter Oliver the chief justice refused. A petition against him, and an accusation, were brought before the governor; but the latter refused the accusation, and declined to interfere in the matter: but as they still insisted for what they called justice against Mr Oliver, the governor thought proper to put an end to the matter by dissolving the assembly.

In this situation of affairs a new alarm was occasioned by the news of the port bill. This had been totally unexpected, and was received with the most extravagant expressions of displeasure among the populace; and while these continued, the new governor, General Gage, arrived from England. He had been chosen to this office on account of his being well acquainted in America, and generally agreeable to the people; but human wisdom could not now point out a method by which the flame could be allayed. The first act of his office as governor was to remove the assembly to Salem, a town 17 miles distant, in consequence of the late act. When this was intimated to the assembly, they replied, by requesting him to appoint a day of public humiliation for deprecating the wrath of heaven, but met with a refusal. When met at Salem, they passed a resolution, declaring the necessity of a general congress composed of delegates from all the provinces, in order to take the affairs of the colonies at large into consideration; and five gentlemen, remarkable for their opposition to the British measures, were chosen to represent that of Massachusetts Bay. They then proceeded with all expedition to draw up a declaration, containing a detail of the grievances they laboured under, and the necessity of exerting themselves against lawless power: they set forth the disregard shown to their petitions, and the attempts of Great Britain to destroy their ancient constitution; and concluded with exhorting the inhabitants of the colony to obstruct, by every method in their power, such evil designs, recommending at the same time a total renunciation of everything imported from Great Britain till a redress of grievances could be procured.

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governor on the very day that it was completed; on which he dissolved the assembly. This was followed by an address from the inhabitants of Salem in favour of those of Boston, and concluding with these remarkable words: "By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit; but nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbours."

It had been fondly hoped by the ministerial party at home, that the advantages which other towns of the colony might derive from the annihilation of the trade of Boston would make them readily acquiesce in the measure of shutting up that port, and rather rejoice in it than otherwise; but the words of the address above mentioned seemed to preclude all hope of this kind; and subsequent transactions soon manifested it to be totally vain. No sooner did intelligence arrive of the remaining bills passed in the session of 1774, than the cause of Boston became the cause of all the colonies. The port bill had already occasioned violent commotions throughout them all. It had been repudiated in provincial meetings, and resistance even to the last had been recommended against such oppression. In Virginia, the first of June, the day on which the port of Boston was to be shut up, was held as a day of humiliation, and a public intercession in favour of America was enjoined. The style of the prayer enjoined at this time was, that "God would give the people one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose every invasion of the American rights." The Virginians, however, did not content themselves with acts of religion. They recommended in the strongest manner a general congress of all the colonies, as fully persuaded that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary manner was in reality an attack upon them all, and must ultimately end in the ruin of them all.

The provinces of New York and Pennsylvania, however, were less sanguine than the rest, being so closely connected in the way of trade with Great Britain, that the giving it up entirely appeared a matter of the most serious magnitude, and not to be thought of but after every other method had failed. The intelligence of the remaining bills respecting Boston, however, spread a fresh alarm throughout the continent, and fixed those who had seemed to be the most wavering. The proposal of giving up all commercial intercourse with Britain was again proposed; contributions for the inhabitants of Boston were raised in every quarter; and they every day received addresses commending them for the heroic courage with which they sustained their calamity.

The Bostonians on their part were not wanting in their endeavours to promote the general cause. An agreement was framed, which, in imitation of former times, times, they called a Solemn League and Covenant. By this the subscribers most religiously bound themselves to break off all communication with Britain after the expiration of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were repealed; at the same time they engaged neither to purchase nor use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all connection with those who did, or who refused to subscribe to this covenant; threatening to publish the names of the refractory, which at this time was a punishment by no means to be despised. Agreements of a similar kind were almost instantaneously entered into throughout all America. General Gage indeed attempted to counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was declared an illegal and traitorous combination, threatening with the pains of law such as subscribed or countenanced it. But matters were too far gone for his proclamations to have any effect. The Americans retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, and insisted that the law allowed subjects to meet in order to consider of their grievances, and associate for relief from oppression.

Preparations were now made for holding the general congress so often proposed. Philadelphia, as being the most central and considerable town, was pitched upon for the place of its meeting. The delegates of whom it was to be composed were chosen by the representatives of each province, and were in number from two to seven for each colony, though no province had more than one vote. The first congress which met at Philadelphia, in the beginning of September 1774, consisted of 51 delegates. The novelty and importance of the meeting excited universal attention; and their transactions were such as could not but tend to render them respectable.

The first act of congress was an approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation to continue in the same spirit with which they had begun. Supplies for the suffering inhabitants (whom indeed the operation of the port bill had reduced to great distress) were strongly recommended; and it was declared, that in case of attempts to enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all America should join to assist the town of Boston; and should the inhabitants be obliged, during the course of hostilities, to remove farther up the country, the losses they might sustain should be repaired at the public expense.

They next addressed General Gage by letter; in which having stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts colony, they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all the other provinces to support their brethren, and to oppose the British acts of parliament; that they themselves were appointed to watch over the liberties of America; and entreated him to desist from military operations, lest such hostilities might be brought on as would frustrate all hope of a reconciliation with the parent state.

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. These they summed up in the rights belonging to Englishmen; and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it impossible for them to be represented in the British parliament, their provincial assemblies, with the governor appointed by the king, constituted the only legislative power within each province. They would, however, consent to such acts of parliament as were evidently calculated merely for the regulation of commerce, and securing to the parent state the benefits of the American trade; but would never allow that they could impose any tax on the colonies, for the purpose of raising a revenue, without their consent. They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new acts of parliament; and insisted on all the rights they had enumerated as being unalienable, and what none could deprive them of. The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being extremely injurious to the colonies by whose assistance it had been conquered; and they termed it, "An act for establishing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and establishing a tyranny there." They further declared in favour of a non-importation and non-consumption of British goods until the act was repealed by which duties were imposed upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and molasses, imported into America, as well as the Boston port-act, and the three others passed in the preceding session of parliament. The new regulations against the importation and consumption of British commodities were then drawn up with great solemnity; and they concluded with returning the warmest thanks to those members of parliament who had with so much zeal, though without any success, opposed the obnoxious acts of parliament.

Their next proceedings were to frame a petition to the king, an address to the British nation, and another to the colonies; all of which were so much in the usual strain of American language for some time past, that it is needless to enter into any particular account of them. It is sufficient to say, that they were all drawn up in a masterly manner, and ought to have impressed the people of this country with a more favourable idea of the Americans than they could at that time be induced to entertain.

All this time the disposition of the people had corresponded with the warmest wishes of congress. The first of June had been kept as a fast, not only throughout Virginia where it was first proposed, but through the whole continent. Contributions for the distresses of Boston had been raised throughout America, and people of all ranks seemed to be particularly touched with them. Even those who seemed to be most likely to derive advantages from them took no opportunity, as has been already instanced in the case of Salem. The inhabitants of Marblehead also showed a noble example of magnanimity in the present case. Though of the inhabitants situated in the neighbourhood of Boston, and most likely to derive benefit from their distresses, they did not attempt to take any advantage, but generously offered the use of their harbour to the Bostonians, as well as their wharfs and warehouses, free of all expense. In the mean time, the British forces at Boston were continually increasing in number, which greatly augmented the general jealousy and dissatisfaction; the country was ready to rise at a moment's warning; and the experiment was made by giving a false alarm that the communication between the town and country attachment was to be cut off, in order to reduce the former by famine to a compliance with the acts of parliament. On this intelligence the country people assembled in great numbers, and could not be satisfied till they had sent messengers into the city to inquire into the truth. truth of the report. These messengers were enjoined to inform the town's people, that if they should be so pusillanimous as to make a surrender of their liberties, the province would not think itself bound by such examples; and that Britain, by breaking their original charter, had annulled the contract subsisting between them, and left them to act as they thought proper.

The people in every other respect manifested their inflexible determination to adhere to the plan they had so long followed. The new counsellors and judges were obliged to resign their offices, in order to preserve their lives and properties from the fury of the multitude. In some places they shut up the avenues to the court houses; and when required to make way for the judges, replied, that they knew of none but such as were appointed by the ancient usage and custom of the province. Everywhere they manifested the most ardent desire of learning the art of war; and every individual who could bear arms, was most assiduous in procuring them, and learning their exercise.

Matters at last proceeded to such a height, that General Gage thought proper to fortify the neck of land which joins the town of Boston to the continent. This, though undoubtedly a prudent measure in his situation, was exclaimed against by the Americans in the most vehement manner; but the general, instead of giving ear to their remonstrances, deprived them of all power of acting against himself, by seizing the provincial powder, ammunition, and military stores, at Cambridge and Charlestown. This excited such indignation, that it was with the utmost difficulty the people could be restrained from marching to Boston and attacking the troops. Even in the town itself, the company of cadets that used to attend him disbanded themselves, and returned the standard he had as usual presented them with on his accession to the government. This was occasioned by his having deprived the celebrated John Hancock, afterwards president of the congress, of his commission as colonel of the cadets. A similar instance happened of a provincial colonel having accepted a seat in the new council; upon which 24 officers of his regiment resigned their commissions in one day.

In the mean time a meeting was held of the principal inhabitants of the towns adjacent to Boston. The purpose of this was publicly to renounce all obedience to the late act of parliament, and to form an engagement to indemnify such as should be prosecuted on that account; the members of the new council were declared violators of the rights of their country; all ranks and degrees were exhorted to learn the use of arms; and the receivers of the public revenue were ordered not to deliver it into the treasury, but retain it in their own hands till the constitution should be restored, or a provincial congress dispose of it otherwise.

A remonstrance against the fortifications on Boston Neck was next prepared; in which, however, they still pretended their unwillingness to proceed to any hostile measures; asserting only as usual their firm determination not to submit to the acts of parliament they had already so much complained of. The governor, to restore tranquillity, if possible, called a general assembly; but so many of the council had resigned their seats, that he was induced to countermand its sitting by proclamation. This measure, however, was deemed illegal; the assembly met at Salem; and after waiting a day for the governor, voted themselves into a provincial congress, of which Mr Hancock was chosen president. A committee was instantly appointed, who waited on the governor with a remonstrance concerning the fortifications on Boston Neck; but nothing of consequence took place, both parties mutually criminalizing each other. The winter was now coming on, and the governor, to avoid quartering the soldiers upon the inhabitants, proposed to erect barracks for them; but the Gen. Gage select men of Boston compelled the workmen to desist; meetings of carpenters were sent for to New York, but they were refused; and it was with the utmost difficulty that he could procure winter lodgings for his troops. Nor was dating his difficulty less in procuring clothes; as the merchants of New York told him, that "they would never supply any article for the benefit of men sent as enemies to their country."

This disposition, known to be almost universal throughout the continent, was in the highest degree satisfactory to congress. Every one saw that the ensuing spring was to be the season of commencing hostilities, and the most indefatigable diligence was used by the colonies to be well provided against such a formidable enemy. A list of all the fencible men in each colony was made out, and especially of those who had served in the former war; of whom they had the satisfaction to find that two-thirds were still alive and fit to bear arms. Magazines of arms were collected, and money was provided for the payment of troops. The governors in vain attempted to put a stop to these proceedings by proclamations; the fatal period was now arrived; and the more the servants of government attempted to repress the spirit of the Americans, the more violent it appeared.

In the mean time the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to great distress. The British troops, now distinguished by the name of the enemy, were absolutely in possession of it; the inhabitants were kept as prisoners, and might be made accountable for the conduct of the whole colonies; and various measures were contrived to relieve the latter from such a disagreeable situation. Sometimes it was thought expedient to remove the inhabitants altogether; but this was impracticable without the governor's consent. It was then proposed to set fire to the town at once, after valuing the houses and indemnifying the proprietors; but this being found equally impracticable, it was resolved to wait some other opportunity, as the garrison was not very numerous, and, not being supplied with necessaries by the inhabitants, might soon be obliged to leave the place. The friends of British government indeed attempted to do something in opposition to the general voice of the people; but after a few ineffectual meetings and resolutions they were utterly silenced, and obliged to yield to the superior number of their adversaries.

Matters had now proceeded so far that every idea of Military reconciliation or friendship with Britain was lost. The Americans, therefore, without ceremony, began to seize on the military stores and ammunition belonging to government. This first commenced at Newport in Rhode Island, where the inhabitants carried off pieces of cannon appointed for the protection of the place; place; and on being asked the reason of this proceeding, they replied, that the people had seized them lest they should be made use of against themselves. After this the assembly met, and resolved that ammunition and warlike stores should be purchased with the public money.

New Hampshire followed the example of Rhode Island, and seized a small fort for the sake of the powder and military stores it contained. In Pennsylvania, however, a convention was held, which expressed an earnest desire of reconciliation with the mother country; though at the same time, in the strongest manner declaring, that they were resolved to take up arms in defence of their just rights, and defend to the last their opposition to the late acts of parliament; and the people were exhorted to apply themselves with the greatest assiduity to the prosecution of such manufactures as were necessary for their defence and subsistence, such as salt, saltpetre, gunpowder, steel, &c. This was the universal voice of the colonies, New York only excepted. The assembly of that province, as yet ignorant of the fate of their last remonstrance, refused to concur with the other colonies in their determination to throw off the British yoke: their attachment, however, was very faint, and by the event it appeared that a perseverance in the measures which the ministry had adopted was sufficient to unite them to the rest.

As the disturbances had originated in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and there continued all along with the greatest violence, so this was the province where the first hostilities were formally commenced. In the beginning of February the provincial congress met at Cambridge; and as no friends to Britain could now find admittance to that assembly, the only consideration was how to make proper preparations for war. Expertness in military discipline was recommended in the strongest manner, and several military institutions enacted; among which that of the minute-men was one of the most remarkable. These were chosen from the most active and expert among the militia; and their business was to keep themselves in constant readiness at the call of their officers; from which perpetual vigilance they derived their title.—It was now easily seen that a slight occasion would bring on hostilities, which could not but be attended with the most violent and certain destruction to the vanquished party: for both were so much exasperated by a long course of reproaches and literary warfare, that they seemed to be filled with the utmost inveteracy against each other.

On the 26th of February, General Gage having been informed that a number of field-pieces had been brought to Salem, despatched a party to seize them. Their road was obstructed by a river, over which was a drawbridge. This the people had pulled up, and refused to let down: upon which the soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over; but the people cut out her bottom. Hostilities would immediately have commenced, had it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, who represented to the military, on the one hand, the folly of opposing such numbers; and to the people, on the other, that as the day was far spent the military could not execute their design, so that they might without any fear leave them the quiet possession of the drawbridge. This was complied with; and the soldiers, after having remained for some time at the bridge, returned without executing their orders.

The next attempt, however, was attended with more serious consequences. General Gage, having been informed that a large quantity of ammunition and military stores had been collected at Concord, about 20 miles to the north-west of Boston, and where the provincial congress was sitting, sent a detachment, under the command of Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, to destroy the stores, and, as was reported, to seize Messrs Hancock and Adams, the leading men of the congress. They set out before daybreak, on the 19th of April, marching with the utmost silence, and securing every one they met on the road, that they might not be discovered. But notwithstanding all their care, the continual ringing of bells and firing of guns as they went along, soon gave them notice that the country was alarmed. About five in the morning they had reached Lexington, 15 miles from Boston, where the militia of the place were exercising. An officer called out to them to disperse; but some shots, it is said, being at that moment fired from a house in the neighbourhood, the military made a discharge, which killed and wounded several of the militia. The detachment then proceeded to Concord, where, having destroyed the stores, they were encountered by the Americans; and a scuffle ensued, in which several fell on both sides. The purpose of their expedition being thus accomplished, it was necessary for the king's troops to retreat, which they did through a continual fire kept upon them from Concord to Lexington. Here their ammunition was totally expended; and they would have been unavoidably cut off, had not a considerable reinforcement commanded by Lord Percy luckily met them. The Americans, however, continued their attack with great fury; and the British would still have been in the utmost danger, had it not been for two field-pieces which Lord Percy had brought with him. By these the impetuosity of the Americans was checked, and the British made good their retreat to Boston with the loss of 250 killed and wounded: that of the Americans was about 60.

By this engagement the spirits of the Americans were so raised, that they meditated nothing less than the total expulsion of the British troops from Boston. An army of 20,000 men was assembled, who formed a line of encampment from Roxbury to Mystic, through a space of about 30 miles; and here they were soon after joined by a large body of Connecticut troops, under General Putnam, an old officer of great bravery and experience. By this formidable force was the town of Boston now kept blocked up. General Gage, however, had so strongly fortified it, that the enemy, powerful as they were, durst not make an attack; while, on the other hand, his force was by far too insignificant to meet such an enemy in the field. But towards the end of May, a considerable reinforcement having arrived, with Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, he was soon enabled to attempt something of consequence; and this the boasts of the provincials, that they were besieging those who had been sent to subdue them, seemed to render necessary. Some skirmishes in the mean time happened in the islands lying off Boston harbour, in which the Americans had the advantage, and burnt an armed schooner, which her people people had been obliged to abandon after she was left aground by the tide. Nothing decisive, however, took place till the 17th of June. In the neighbourhood of Charlestown, a place on the northern shore of the peninsula on which Boston stands, is a high ground called Bunker's Hill, which overlooks and commands the whole town of Boston. In the night of the 16th the provincials took possession of this place; and worked with such indefatigable diligence, that, to the astonishment of their enemies, they had before daylight almost completed a redoubt, with a strong intrenchment reaching half a mile eastward, as far as the river Mystic. After this they were obliged to sustain a heavy and incessant fire from the ships and floating batteries with which Charlestown Neck was surrounded, as well as the cannon that could reach the place from Boston; in spite of which, however, they continued their work, and finished it before mid-day. A considerable body of foot was then landed at the foot of Bunker's Hill, under the command of Generals Howe and Pigot; the former being appointed to attack the lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Americans, however, having the advantage of the ground, as well as of their intrenchments, poured down such incessant volleys as threatened the whole body with destruction; and General Howe was for a little time left almost alone, all his officers being killed or wounded. The provincials in the mean time had taken possession of Charlestown, so that General Pigot was obliged to contend with them in that place as well as in the redoubt. The consequence was, that he was overmatched; his troops were thrown into disorder; and he would in all probability have been defeated, had not General Clinton advanced to his relief: upon which the attack was renewed with such fury, that the provincials were driven beyond the neck that leads to Charlestown. In the heat of the engagement the British troops were obliged to set fire to the town of Charlestown, which quickly obliged the provincials to yield after they were deprived of that shelter. The loss of the British side amounted to about 1000, among whom were 19 officers killed and 70 wounded; that of the Americans did not exceed 500.

The British troops claimed the victory in this engagement with justice, though it must be allowed that it was dearly bought; and the Americans boasted that the real advantages were on their side, as they had so much weakened the enemy, that they durst not afterwards venture out of their intrenchments. From the many advantages, however, which the Americans possessed, it is evident that the greatest display of valour was on the side of their enemies. The former were strongly intrenched, and most of their fortifications cannon proof; their soldiers were all chosen, and excellent marksmen, to whom muskets ready loaded were handed as fast as they were discharged; and when one party was wearied, another came to their assistance, as was perceived by the spectators on the tops of the houses at Boston. Considering, however, that this was the first time the provincials had been in actual service, it must be owned that they behaved with great spirit, and by no means merited the appellation of cowards, with which they were so often branded in Britain.

In other places the same determined spirit of resistance appeared on the part of the Americans. Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and afterwards in every other colony. The commencement of hostilities at Lexington determined the colony of New York, which had hitherto continued to waver, to come more unite with the rest; and as the situation of New York and more renders it unable to resist an attack from the sea, it determined was resolved, before the arrival of a British fleet, to secure the military stores, send off the women and children, and to set fire to the city if it was still found incapable of defence. The exportation of provisions was everywhere prohibited, particularly to the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, or to such colonies of America as should adhere to the British interest. Congress resolved on the establishment of an army, and of a large paper currency in order to support it. In the inland northern colonies, Colonels Easton and Ethan Allen, without receiving any orders from congress, or communicating their design to anybody, with a party of only 230 men, surprised the forts of Crown Point and Ticonderago, and the rest that form a communication betwixt the colonies and Canada. On this occasion 200 pieces of cannon fell into their hands, besides mortars and a large quantity of military stores, together with two armed vessels, and materials for the construction of others.

After the battle of Bunker's Hill, the provincials erected fortifications on the heights which commanded Charlestown, and strengthened the rest in such a manner that there was no hope of driving them from thence; at the same time that their activity and boldness astonished the British officers, who had been accustomed to entertain too mean an opinion of their courage.

The troops, thus shut up in Boston, were soon reduced to distress. Their necessities obliged them to attempt the carrying off the American cattle on the islands before Boston, which produced frequent skirmishes; but the provincials, better acquainted with the navigation of these shores, landed on the islands, destroyed or carried off whatever was of any use, burned the lighthouse at the entrance of the harbour, and took prisoners the workmen sent to repair it, as well as a party of marines who guarded them. Thus the garrison were reduced to the necessity of sending out armed vessels to make prizes indiscriminately of all that came in their way, and of landing in different places to plunder for subsistence as well as they could.

The congress in the mean time continued to act with all the vigour which its constituents had expected, union being drawn up and solemnly agreed upon; by which they bound themselves and their posterity for ever. These were in substance as follow:

1. Each colony was to be independent within itself, and to retain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs.

2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet in congress, at such time and place as should be enacted in the preceding congress.

3. This assembly should have the power of determining war or peace, making alliances; and in short all that power which sovereigns of states usually claim as their own. 4. The expences of war to be paid out of the common treasury, and raised by a poll tax on males between 16 and 60; the proportions to be determined by the laws of the colony.

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the congress during its recess.

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of congress.

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be secured and ascertained to them; and no purchases of lands were to be made by individuals, or even by a colony, without consent of congress.

8. Agents, appointed by congress should reside among the Indians, to prevent frauds in trading with them, and to relieve, at the public expense, their wants and distresses.

9. This confederation to last until there should be a reconciliation with Britain; or, if that event should not take place, it was to be perpetual.

After the action of Bunker's Hill, however, when the power of Great Britain appeared less formidable in the eyes of America than before, congress proceeded formally to justify their proceedings in a declaration drawn up in terms more expressive, and well calculated to excite attention.

"We have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, and vice-admiralty, beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of our colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature; and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the murderers of colonists from legal trial, and in effect from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of a profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.

"But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it was declared, that parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single person who assumes it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes from which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as it increases ours.

"We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language; but administration, sensible that we should regard these principles as free men ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them.

"We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off all commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects as our last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation on earth would supplant our attachment to liberty: this we flattered ourselves was the ultimate step of the controversy; but subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies:

"The Lords and Commons, in their address in the month..." month of February said, that a rebellion at that time actually existed in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature. Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies with foreign countries was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their subsistence; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage.

"Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate, the heedless fury with which these accumulated outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns, in our favour."

After having reproached parliament, General Gage, and the British government in general, they proceeded thus: "We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to tyranny, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. Our cause is just; our union is perfect; our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We fight not for glory or conquest; we exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, for the protection of our property acquired by the honest industry of our forefathers and our own, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms; we shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed,—and not before."

These are some of the most striking passages in the declaration of congress on taking up arms against Great Britain, and dated July 6th 1775. Without inquiring whether the principles on which it is founded are right or wrong, the determined spirit which it shows ought to have convinced us, that the conquest of America was an event scarcely ever to be expected. In every other respect an equal spirit was shown; and the rulers of the British nation had the mortification to see those whom they styled rebels and traitors, succeed in negotiations in which they themselves were utterly foiled. In the passing of the Quebec bill, ministry had flattered themselves that the Canadians would be so much attached to them on account of restoring the French laws, that they would very readily join in any attempt against the colonists, who had reprobed that bill in such strong terms; but in this, as in every thing else indeed they found themselves mistaken. The Canadians having been subject to Britain for a period of 15 years, and being thus rendered sensible of the superior advantages of British government, received the bill itself with evident marks of disapprobation; nay, reprobated it as tyrannical and oppressive. A scheme had been formed for General Carleton, governor of the province, to raise an army of Canadians wherewith to act against the Americans; and so sanguine were the hopes of administration in this respect, that they had sent 20,000 stand of arms, and a great quantity of military stores, to Quebec for the purpose. But the people, though they did not join the Americans, yet were found immoveable in their purpose to stand neuter. Application was made to the bishop; but he declined to interpose his influence, as contrary to the rules of the Popish clergy: so that the utmost efforts of government in this province were found to answer little or no purpose.

The British administration next tried to engage the Ministry Indians in their cause. But though agents were dispersed among them with large presents to the chiefs, they universally replied, that they did not understand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they distinguish whether those who dwelt in America or on the other side of the ocean were in fault: but they were surprised to see Englishmen ask their assistance against one another; and advised them to be reconciled, and not think of shedding the blood of their brethren. To the representations of congress they paid more respect. These set forth, that the English on the other side of the ocean had taken up arms to enslave not only their countrymen in America, but the Indians also; and if the latter should enable them to overcome the colonists, they themselves would soon be reduced to a state of slavery also. By arguments of this kind these savages were engaged to remain neuter; and thus the colonists were freed from a most dangerous enemy. On this occasion the congress thought proper to hold a solemn conference with the different tribes of Indians. The speech made by them on the occasion is curious, but too long to be fully inserted. The following is a specimen of the European mode of addressing these people.

"Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors!

"We, the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces, now sitting in general congress at Philadelphia, send their talk to you our brothers.

"Brothers and Friends now attend!

"When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over to this land, the king of England gave them a talk, assuring them that they and their children should be his children; and that if they would leave their native country, and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still keep hold of the same covenant chain, and enjoy peace; and it was covenanted, that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions which our fathers should acquire should remain to them as their own, and be their children's for ever, and at their sole disposal.

"Brothers and Friends, open a kind ear!

"We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors..." counsellors of King George and the inhabitants and colonies of America.

"Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the covenant chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant against us; and have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old covenant which their ancestors and ours entered into, and took strong hold of. They now tell us, they will put their hands into our pocket without asking, as though it were their own; and at their pleasure they will take from us our charters or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our plantations, our houses, and goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave. They tell us, that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more; and, in case of our non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbours.

"Brothers, we live on the same ground with you; the same island is our common birthplace. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you; let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If anything disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a small fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice, and disclose our minds fully to one another."

The other remarkable transactions of this congress were the ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by Lord North, of which such sanguine expectations had been formed by the English ministry; and appointing a generalissimo to command their armies, which were now very numerous. The person chosen for this purpose was George Washington: a man so universally beloved, that he was raised to such a high station by the unanimous voice of congress; and his subsequent conduct showed him every way worthy of it. Horace Gates and Charles Lee, two English officers of considerable reputation, were also chosen; the former an adjutant-general, the second a major-general. Artemus Ward, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were likewise nominated major-generals. Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chosen brigadier-generals at the same time.

Congress had now also the satisfaction to receive deputies from the colony of Georgia, expressing a desire to join the confederacy. The reasons they gave for renouncing their allegiance to Britain were, that the conduct of parliament towards the other colonies had been oppressive; that though the obnoxious acts had not been extended to them, they could view this only as an omission, because of the seeming little consequence of their colony; and therefore looked upon it rather to be a slight than a favour. At the same time they framed a petition to the king, similar to that sent by the other colonies, and which met with a similar reception.

The success which had hitherto attended the Americans in all their measures, now emboldened them to think not only of defending themselves, but likewise of acting offensively against Great Britain. The conquest of Canada appeared an object within their reach, and one that would be attended with many advantages; and as an invasion of that province was already facilitated by the taking of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, it was resolved if possible to penetrate that way into Canada, and reduce Quebec during the winter, before the fleets and armies, which they were well assured would sail thither from Britain, should arrive. By order of congress, therefore, 3000 men were put under the command of Generals Montgomery and Schuyler, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, from whence they were to be conveyed in flat-bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, a branch of the great river St Lawrence, and on which is situated a fort of the same name with the river. On the other hand, they were opposed by General Carleton governor of Canada, a man of great activity and experience in war; who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been able to keep in awe the disaffected people of Canada, notwithstanding all the representations of the colonists. He had now augmented his army by a considerable number of Indians, and promised even in his present situation to make a very formidable resistance.

As soon as General Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, he received information that several armed vessels were stationed at St John's, a strong fort on the Sorel, with a view to prevent his crossing the lake; on which he took possession of an island which commands the mouth of the Sorel, and by which he could prevent them from entering the lake. In conjunction with General Schuyler, he next proceeded to St John's; but finding that place too strong, he landed on a part of the country considerably distant, and full of woods and swamps. From thence, however, they were driven by a party of Indians whom General Carleton had employed.

The provincial army was now obliged to retreat to the island of which they had at first taken possession; where General Schuyler being taken ill, Montgomery was left to command alone. His first step was to gain over the Indians whom General Carleton had employed, and this he in a great measure accomplished; after which, on receiving the full number of troops appointed for his expedition, he determined to lay siege to St John's. In this he was facilitated by the reduction of Chamblee Chamblee, a small fort in the neighbourhood, where he found a large supply of powder. An attempt was made by General Carleton to relieve the place; for which purpose he with great pains collected about 1000 Canadians, while Colonel Maclean proposed to raise a regiment of the Highlanders who had emigrated from their own country to America.

But while General Carleton was on his march with General these new levies, he was attacked by a superior force Carleton of provincials, and utterly defeated; which being defeated, made known to another body of Canadians who had joined Colonel Maclean, they abandoned him without striking a blow, and he was obliged to retreat to Quebec.

The defeat of General Carleton was a sufficient recompense to the Americans for that of Colonel Ethan Allen, which had happened some time before. The success success which had attended this gentleman against Crown Point and Ticonderago had emboldened him to make a similar attempt on Montreal; but being attacked by the militia of the place, supported by a detachment of regulars, he was entirely defeated and taken prisoner.

As the defeat of General Carleton and the desertion of Maclean's forces left no room for the garrison of St John's to hope for any relief, they now consented to surrender themselves prisoners of war; but were in other respects treated with great humanity. They were in number 500 regulars and 200 Canadians, among whom were many of the French nobility; who had been very active in promoting the cause of Britain among their countrymen.

General Montgomery next took measures to prevent the British shipping from passing down the river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accomplished so effectually, that the whole were taken. The town itself was obliged to surrender at discretion; and it was with the utmost difficulty that General Carleton escaped in an open boat by the favour of a dark night.

No further obstacles now remained in the way of the Americans to the capital, except what arose from the nature of the country; and these indeed were very considerable. Nothing, however, could damp the ardour of the provincials. Notwithstanding it was now the middle of November, and the depth of winter was at hand, Colonel Arnold formed a design of penetrating through woods, morasses, and the most frightful solitudes from New England to Canada, by a nearer way than that which Montgomery had chosen; and this he accomplished in spite of every difficulty, to the astonishment of all who saw or heard of the attempt. This desperate march, however, cannot be looked upon as conducive to any good purpose. A third part of his men under another colonel had abandoned him by the way, under pretence of want of provisions; the total want of artillery rendered his presence insignificant before a place strongly fortified; and the smallness of his army rendered it even doubtful whether he could have taken the town by surprise. The Canadians indeed were amazed at the exploit, and their inclination to revolt from Britain was somewhat augmented; but none of them as yet took up arms in behalf of America. The consternation into which the town of Quebec was thrown proved detrimental rather than otherwise to the expedition; as it doubled the vigilance and activity of the inhabitants to prevent any surprise; and the appearance of common danger united all parties, who, before the arrival of Arnold, were contending most violently with one another. He was therefore obliged to content himself with blocking up the avenues to the town, in order to distress the garrison for want of provisions; and even this he was unable to do effectually, by reason of the small number of his men.

The matter was not much mended by the arrival of General Montgomery. The force he had with him, even when united to that of Arnold, was too insignificant to attempt the reduction of a place so strongly fortified, especially with the assistance only of a few mortars and field-pieces. After the siege had continued through the month of December, General Montgomery, conscious that he could accomplish his end no other way than by surprise, resolved to make an attempt on the last day of the year 1775. The method he took at this time was perhaps the best that human wisdom could devise. He advanced by break of day, in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which covered his men from the sight of the enemy. Two real attacks to surprise were made by himself and Colonel Arnold, at the same Quebec. time that two feigned attacks were made on two other places, thus to distract the garrison, and make them divide their forces. One of the real attacks was made by the people of New York, and the other by those of New England under Arnold. Their hopes of surprising the place, however, were defeated by the signal for the attack being through some mistake given too soon. General Montgomery himself had the most dangerous place, being obliged to pass between the river and some high rocks on which the Upper Town stands; so that he was forced to make what haste he could to close with the enemy. His fate, however, was now General decided. Having forced the first barrier, a violent Montgomery discharge of musketry and grape shot from the second killed him, his principal officers, and the most of the party he commanded; on which those who remained defeated immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold in the meantime made a desperate attack on the Lower Town, and carried one of the barriers after an obstinate resistance for an hour; but in the action he himself received a wound, which obliged him to withdraw. The attack, however, was continued by the officers whom he had left, and another barrier forced; but the garrison, now perceiving that nothing was to be feared except from that quarter, collected their whole force against it; and, after a desperate engagement of three hours, overpowered the provincials, and obliged them to surrender.

In this action, it must be confessed that the valour of the provincial troops could not be exceeded. They had fought under as great disadvantages as those which attended the British at Bunker's Hill, and had behaved equally well. Such a terrible disaster left no hope remaining of the accomplishment of their purpose, as General Arnold could now scarce number 800 effective men under his command. He did not, however, abandon the province, or even remove to a greater distance than three miles from Quebec; and here he still found means to annoy the garrison very considerably by intercepting their provisions. The Canadians, notwithstanding the bad success of the American arms, still continued friendly; and thus he was enabled to sustain the hardships of a winter encampment in that most severe climate. The congress, far from passing any censure on him for his misfortune, created him a brigadier-general.

While hostilities were thus carried on with vigour in the north, the flame of contention was gradually extending itself in the south. Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes similar to those which had taken place in other colonies. These proceedings so far that the assembly was dissolved, which in this province was attended with a consequence unknown to the rest. As Virginia contained a great number of slaves, it was necessary that a militia should be kept constantly on foot to keep them in awe. During the dissolution of the assembly the militia laws expired; and the people, after complaining of the danger they were in from the negroes, formed a convention, which enacted that each county should raise a quota for the defence of the province. Dunmore, on this, removed the powder from Williamsburg; which created such discontents, that an immediate quarrel would probably have ensued, had not the merchants of the town undertaken to obtain satisfaction for the injury supposed to be done to the community. This tranquility, however, was soon interrupted; the people, alarmed by a report that an armed party were on their way from the man of war where the powder had been deposited, assembled in arms, and determined to oppose by force any farther removals. In some of the conferences which passed at this time, the governor let fall some unguarded expressions, such as threatening them with setting up the royal standard, proclaiming liberty to the negroes, destroying the town of Williamsburg, &c. which were afterwards made public, and exaggerated in such a manner as greatly to increase the public ferment.

The people now held frequent assemblies. Some of them took up arms with a design to force the governor to restore the powder, and to take the public money into their own possession; but on their way to Williamsburg for this purpose they were met by the receiver-general, who became security for the payment of the gunpowder, and the inhabitants promised to take care of the magazine and public revenue.

By this insurrection the governor was so much intimidated, that he sent his family on board a man of war. He himself, however, issued a proclamation, in which he declared the behaviour of the persons who promoted the tumult treasonable, accused the people of disaffection, &c. On their part they were by no means deficient in recriminating; and some letters of his to Britain being about the same time discovered, consequences ensued extremely similar to those which had been occasioned by those of Mr Hutchison at Boston.

In this state of confusion the governor thought it necessary to fortify his palace with artillery, and procure a party of marines to guard it. Lord North's conciliatory proposal arriving also about the same time, he used his utmost endeavours to cause the people comply with it. The arguments he used were such as must do him honour; and had not matters already gone to such a pitch of distraction, it is highly probable that some attention would have been paid to them. "The view (he said) in which the colonies ought to behold this conciliatory proposal, was no more than an earnest admonition from Great Britain to relieve her wants: that the utmost condescendence had been used in the mode of application; no determinate sum having been fixed, as it was thought most worthy of British generosity to take what they thought could be conveniently spared, and likewise to leave the mode of raising it to themselves," &c. But the clamour and dissatisfaction were now so universal, that nothing else could be attended to. The governor had called an assembly for the purpose of laying this conciliatory proposal before them; but it had been little attended to. The assembly began their session by inquiries into the state of the magazine. It had been broken into by some of the townsmen; for which reason spring-guns had been placed there by the governor, which discharged themselves upon the offenders at their entrance: these circumstances, with others of a similar kind, raised such a violent uproar, that as soon as the preliminary business of the session was over, the governor retired on board a man of war, informing the assembly that he durst no longer trust himself on shore. This produced a long course of disputation, which ended in a positive refusal of the governor to trust himself again in Williamsburg, even to give his assent to the bills, which could not be passed without it, and though the assembly offered to bind themselves for his personal safety. In his turn he requested them to meet him on board the man of war, where he then was; but this proposal was rejected, and all further correspondence containing the least appearance of friendship was discontinued.

Lord Dunmore, thus deprived of his government, attempted to reduce by force those whom he could no longer govern. Some of the most strenuous adherents to the British cause, whom their zeal had rendered obnoxious at home, now repaired to him. He was, also joined by numbers of black slaves. With these and the assistance of the British shipping, he was for some time enabled to carry on a kind of predatory war, sufficient to hurt and exasperate, but not to subdue. After some inconsiderable attempts on land, proclaiming liberty to the slaves, and setting up the royal standard, he took up his residence at Norfolk, a maritime town of some consequence, where the people were better affected to Britain than in most other places. A considerable force, however, was collected against him; but the natural impetuosity of his temper prompting him to act against them with more courage than caution, he was entirely defeated, and obliged to retire to his shipping, which was now crowded by the number of those who had incurred the resentment of the provincials.

In the meantime a scheme of the utmost magnitude and importance was formed by one Mr Conolly, a Pennsylvanian of an intrepid and aspiring disposition, and attached to the cause of Britain. The first step of this plan was to enter into a league with the Ohio Indians. This he communicated to Lord Dunmore, and it received his approbation: Upon which Conolly set out, and actually succeeded in his design. On his return he was dispatched to General Gage, from whom he received a colonel's commission, and set out in order to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The plan in general was, that he should return to the Ohio, where, by the assistance of the British and Indians in these parts, he was to penetrate through the back settlements into Virginia, and join Lord Dunmore at Alexandria. But by an accident very naturally to be expected, he was discovered, taken prisoner, and thrown into a dungeon.

After the retreat of Lord Dunmore from Norfolk, that place was taken possession of by the provincials, who treated the loyalists that had remained there with great cruelty; at the same time that they greatly distressed those on board Lord Dunmore's fleet, by refusing to supply them with any necessaries. Nor was this all; the vicinity of the shipping was so great as to afford the riflemen an opportunity of aiming at the people on board, and exercising the cruel occupation of killing them, in which they did not fail every day to employ themselves. These proceedings at last drew a remonstrance from his lordship; in which he insisted that the fleet should be furnished with necessaries, and that that the soldiers should desist from the cruel diversion above mentioned; but both these requests being denied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the town. After giving the inhabitants proper warning, a party landed, under cover of a man of war, and set fire to that part which lay nearest the shore; but the flames were observed at the same time to break forth in every other quarter, and the whole town was reduced to ashes. This universal destruction, by which a loss of more than 300,000l. was incurred, is said to have been occasioned by order of the congress itself, that the loyalists might find no refuge there for the future.

In the southern colonies of Carolina the governors were expelled, and obliged to take refuge on board of men of war, as Lord Dunmore had been; Mr Martin, governor of North Carolina, on a charge of attempting to raise the back settlers, consisting chiefly of Scots Highlanders, against the colony. Having secured themselves against any attempts from these enemies, however, they proceeded to regulate their internal concerns in the same manner as the rest of the colonies; and by the end of the year 1775, Britain beheld the whole of America united against her in the most determined opposition. Her vast possessions of that tract of land (since known by the name of the Thirteen United States) were now reduced to the single town of Boston; in which her forces were besieged by an enemy with whom they were apparently not able to cope, and by whom they must of course expect in a very short time to be expelled. The situation of the inhabitants of Boston, indeed, was peculiarly unhappy. After having failed in their attempts to leave the town, General Gage had consented to allow them to retire with their effects; but afterwards, for what reason does not well appear, he refused to fulfil his promise. When he resigned his place to General Howe in October 1775, the latter, apprehensive that they might give intelligence of the situation of the British troops, strictly prohibited any person from leaving the place under pain of military execution. Thus matters continued till the month of March 1776, when the town was evacuated.

On the 2d of that month, General Washington opened a battery on the west side of the town, from whence it was bombarded, with a heavy fire of cannon at the same time; and three days after, it was attacked by another battery from the eastern shore. This terrible attack continued for 14 days without intermission; when General Howe, finding the place no longer tenable, determined if possible to derive the enemy from their works. Preparations were therefore made for a most vigorous attack on a hill called Dorchester Neck, which the Americans had fortified in such a manner as would in all probability have rendered the enterprise next to desperate. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to daunt the spirit of the general; and every thing was in readiness, when a sudden storm prevented this intended exertion of British valour. Next day, upon a more close inspection of the works they were to attack, it was thought advisable to desist from the enterprise altogether. The fortifications were very strong, and extremely well provided with artillery; and besides other implements of destruction, upwards of 1000 hogsheads of stones were provided to roll down upon the enemy as they came up; which, as the ascent was extremely steep, must have done prodigious execution.

Nothing therefore now remained but to think of a retreat; and even this was attended with the utmost difficulty and danger. The Americans, however, knowing that it was in the power of the British general to reduce the town to ashes, which could not have been repaired in many years, did not think proper to give the least molestation; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were employed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they carried along with them 2000 of the inhabitants, who durst not stay on account of their attachment to the British cause. From Boston they sailed to Halifax; but all their vigilance could not prevent a number of valuable ships from falling into the hands of the enemy. A considerable quantity of cannon and ammunition had also been left at Bunker's Hill and Boston Neck; and in the town an immense variety of goods, principally woollen and linen, of which the provincials stood very much in need. The estates of those who fled to Halifax were confiscated; as also those who were attached to government, and had remained in the town. As an attack was expected as soon as the British forces should arrive, every method was employed to render the fortifications, already very strong, impregnable. For this purpose some foreign engineers were employed, who had before arrived at Boston; and so eager were people of all ranks to accomplish this business, that every able-bodied man in the place, without distinction of rank, set apart two days in the week, to complete it the sooner.

The Americans, exasperated to the utmost by the proceedings of parliament, now formally renounced all claims to connexion with Britain, and declared themselves independent. This celebrated declaration was published on the 4th of July 1776. Previous to this a circular letter had been sent through each colony, stating the reasons for it; and such was the animosity now everywhere prevailing against Great Britain, that it met with universal approbation, except in the province of Maryland alone. It was not long, however, before the people of that colony, finding themselves left in a very dangerous minority, thought proper to accede to the measures of the rest. The manifesto itself was much in the usual style, stating a long list of grievances, for which redress had been often applied for in vain; and for these reasons they determined on a final separation; to hold the people of Britain as the rest of mankind, "enemies in war, in peace friends."

After thus publicly throwing off all allegiance and hope of reconciliation, the colonists soon found that an exertion of all their strength was required in order to support their pretensions. Their arms, indeed, had not, during this season, been attended with success, in Canada. Reinforcements had been promised to Colonel Arnold, who still continued the blockade of Quebec; but they did not arrive in time to second his operations. Being sensible, however, that he must either desist from the enterprise, or finish it successfully, he recommenced in form; attempting to burn the ship, continued, and even to storm the town itself. They were unsuccessful, however, by reason of the smallness of their number, though they succeeded so far as to burn a number of houses in the suburbs; and the garrison were obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to prevent the fire from spreading.

As the provincials, though unable to reduce the town, kept the garrison in continual alarms, and in a very disagreeable situation, some of the nobility collected themselves into a body under the command of one Mr Beaujeu, in order to relieve their capital; but they were met on their march by the provincials, and so entirely defeated, that they were never afterwards able to attempt anything. The Americans, however, had but little reason to plume themselves on this success. Their want of artillery at last convinced them, that it was impracticable in their situation to reduce a place so strongly fortified: the smallpox at the same time made its appearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers; intimidating the rest to such a degree, that they deserted in crowds. To add to their misfortunes, the British reinforcements unexpectedly appeared, and the ships made their way through the ice with such celerity, that the one part of their army was separated from the other; and General Carleton sallying out as soon as the reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly with the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them all their cannon and military stores; at the same time their shipping was entirely captured by vessels sent up the river for that purpose. On this occasion the provincials fled with such precipitation that they could not be overtaken; so that none fell into the hands of the British excepting the sick and wounded. General Carleton now gave a signal instance of his humanity: Being well apprised that many of the provincials had not been able to accompany the rest in their retreat, and that they were concealed in woods, &c., in a very deplorable situation, he generously issued a proclamation, ordering proper persons to seek them out, and give them relief at the public expense; at the same time, lest, through fear of being made prisoners, they should refuse these offers of humanity, he promised, that as soon as their situation enabled them, they should be at liberty to depart to their respective homes.

The British general, now freed from any danger of an attack, was soon enabled to act offensively against the provincials, by the arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from Britain. By these he was put at the head of 12,000 regular troops, among whom were those of Brunswick. With this force he instantly set out to the Three Rivers, where he expected that Arnold would have made a stand; but he had fled to Sorel, a place 150 miles distant from Quebec, where he was at last met by the reinforcements ordered by congress. Here, though the preceding events were by no means calculated to inspire much military ardour, a very daring enterprise was undertaken; and this was to surprise the British troops posted here under Generals Fraser and Nesbit; of whom the former commanded those on land, the latter such as were on board of transports and were but a little way distant. The enterprise was undoubtedly very hazardous, both on account of the strength of the parties, against whom they were to act, and as the main body of the British forces was advanced within 50 miles of the place; besides that a number of armed vessels and transports with troops lay between them and the Three Rivers. Two thousand chosen men, however, under General Thomson, engaged in this enterprise. Their success was United States by no means answerable to their spirit and valour. Though they passed the shipping without being observed, General Fraser had notice of their landing; and thus being prepared to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder, at the same time that General Nesbit, having landed his forces, prepared to attack them in the rear. On this occasion some field pieces did prodigious execution, and a retreat was found to be unavoidable. General Nesbit, however, had got between them and their boats; so that they were obliged to take a circuit through a deep swamp, while they were hotly pursued by both parties at the same time, who marched for some miles on each side of the swamp, till at last the miserable provincials were sheltered from further danger by a wood at the end of the swamp. Their general, however, was taken, with 200 of his men.

By this disaster the provincials lost all hopes of accomplishing any thing in Canada. They demolished their works, and carried off their artillery with the utmost expedition. They were pursued, however, by General Burgoyne; against whom it was expected that they would have collected all their force, and made a resolute stand. But they were now too much dispirited by misfortune, to make any farther exertions of valour. On the 18th of June the British general arrived at Fort St John's, which he found abandoned and burnt. Chambee had shared the same fate, as well as all the vessels that were not capable of being dragged up against the current of the river. It was thought that they would have made some resistance at Nut Island, the entrance to Lake Champlain; but this also they had abandoned, and retreated across the lake to Crown Point, whither they could not be immediately followed. Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated by the Americans; whose loss in their retreat from Quebec was calculated at not less than 1000 men, of whom 400 fell at once into the hands of the enemy at a place called the Cedars, about 50 miles above Montreal. General Sullivan, however, who conducted this retreat after the affair of General Thomson, was acknowledged to have had great merit in what he did, and received the thanks of congress accordingly.

This bad success in the north, however, was somewhat compensated by what happened in the southern section in colonies.—We have formerly taken notice that Mr North Carolina Martin, governor of North Carolina, had been obliged to leave his province, and take refuge on board a man-of-war. Notwithstanding this, he did not despair of reducing it again to obedience. For this purpose he applied to the Regulators, a daring set of banditti, who lived in a kind of independent state; and though considered by government as rebels, yet had never been molested, on account of their numbers and known skill in the use of fire-arms. To the chiefs of these people commissioners were sent, in order to raise some regiments; and Colonel Macdonald, a brave and enterprising officer, was appointed to command them. In the month of February he erected the king's standard, issued proclamations, &c., and collected some forces, expecting to be soon joined by a body of regular troops, who were known to be shipped from Britain to act against the southern colonies. The Americans, sensible of their danger, despatched immediately what forces they they had to act against the royalists, at the same time that they diligently exerted themselves to support these with suitable reinforcements. Their present force was commanded by a General Moore, whose numbers were inferior to Macdonald's; for which reason the latter summoned him to join the king's standard under pain of being treated as a rebel. But Moore, being well provided with cannon, and conscious that nothing could be attempted against him, returned the compliment, by acquainting Colonel Macdonald, that if he and his party would lay down their arms and subscribe an oath of fidelity to congress, they should be treated as friends; but if they persisted in an undertaking for which it was evident they had not sufficient strength, they could not but expect the severest treatment. In a few days General Moore found himself at the head of 8000 men, by reason of the continual supplies which daily arrived from all parts. The royal party amounted only to 2000, and they were destitute of artillery, which prevented them from attacking the enemy while they had the advantage of numbers. They were now therefore obliged to have recourse to a desperate exertion of personal valour; by dint of which they effected a retreat for 80 miles to Moor's Creek, within 16 miles of Wilmington. Could they have gained this place, they expected to have been joined by Governor Martin and General Clinton, who had lately arrived with a considerable detachment. But Moore with his army pursued them so close, that they were obliged to attempt the passage of the creek itself, though a considerable body of the enemy, under the command of Colonel Coswell, with fortifications well planted with cannon, was posted on the other side. On attempting the creek, however, it was found not to be fordable. They were obliged therefore to cross over a wooden bridge which the provincials had not time to destroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling up part of the planks, and greasing the remainder in order to render them slippery, made the passage so difficult, that the royalists could not attempt it. In this situation they were, on the 27th of February, attacked by Moore, with his superior army, and totally defeated, with the loss of their general and most of their leaders, as well as the best and bravest of their men.

Thus was the power of the provincials established in North Carolina. Nor were they less successful in the province of Virginia; where Lord Dunmore, having long continued an useless predatory war, was at last driven from every creek and road in the province. The people he had on board were distressed to the highest degree by confinement in small vessels. The heat of the season, and the numbers crowded together, produced a pestilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the blacks. At last, finding themselves in the utmost hazard of perishing by famine as well as by disease, they set fire to the least valuable of their vessels, reserving only about 50 for themselves, in which they had a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some to Bermuda, and the rest to the West Indies.

In South Carolina the provincials had a more formidable enemy to deal with. A squadron, whose object was the reduction of Charlestown, had been fitted out in December 1775; but by reason of unfavourable weather did not reach Cape Fear in North Carolina till the month of May 1776: and here it met with further obstacles till the end of the month. Thus the Americans, always noted for their alertness in raising fortifications, had time to strengthen those of Charlestown in such a manner as rendered it extremely difficult to be attacked. The British squadron consisted of two 50 gun ships, four of 30 guns, two of 20, an armed schooner and bomb-ketch; all under the command of Sir Peter Parker. The land forces were commanded by Lord Cornwallis, with General Clinton and Vaughan. As they had yet no intelligence of the evacuation of Boston, General Howe despatched a vessel to Cape Fear with some instructions; but it was too late; and in the beginning of June the squadron anchored off Charlestown bar. Here they met with some difficulty in crossing, being obliged to take out the guns from the two large ships, which were, notwithstanding, several times in danger of sticking fast. The next obstacle was a strong fort on Sullivan's island, six miles east from Charlestown; which, though not completely finished, was very strong. However, the British generals resolved without hesitation to attack it; but though an attack was easy from the sea, it was very difficult to obtain a co-operation of the land forces. This was attempted by landing them on Long Island, adjacent to Sullivan's Island on the east, from which it is separated by a very narrow creek, said not to be above two feet deep at low water. Opposite to this ford the provincials had posted a strong body of troops, with cannon and intrenchments; while General Lee was posted on the main land, with a bridge of boats betwixt that and Sullivan's Island, so that he could at pleasure send reinforcements to the troops in the fort on Sullivan's Island.

On the part of the British, so many delays occurred, that it was the 28th of June before matters were in readiness for an attack; and by this time the provincials had abundantly provided for their reception. On the morning of that day the bomb-ketch began to throw shells into Fort Sullivan, and about mid-day the two 50 gun ships and 30 gun frigates came up and began a severe fire. Three other frigates were ordered to take their station between Charlestown and the fort, in order to enfilade the batteries, and cut off the communication with the main land; but through the ignorance of the pilots they all stuck fast; and though two of them were disentangled, they were found to be totally unfit for service: the third was burnt, that she might not fall into the hands of the enemy.

The attack was therefore confined to the five armed ships and bomb-ketch, between whom and the fort a dreadful fire ensued. The Bristol suffered excessively. The springs on her cable being shot away, she was for some time entirely exposed to the enemy's fire. As the enemy poured in great quantities of red-hot balls, she was twice in flames. The captain (Mr Morris), after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go below Captain deck in order to have his arm amputated. After undergoing this operation he returned to his place, where he received another wound, but still refused to quit his station: at last he received a red-hot ball in his belly, which instantly put an end to his life. Of all the officers and seamen who stood on the quarter-deck of this vessel, not one escaped without a wound, excepting Sir Peter Parker alone; whose intrepidity and presence... presence of mind on this occasion were very remarkable. The engagement lasted till darkness put an end to it. Little damage was done by the British, as the works of the enemy lay so low that many of the shot flew over; and the fortifications, being composed of palm-trees mixed with earth, were extremely well calculated to resist the impression of cannon. During the height of the attack, the provincial batteries remained for some time silent, so that it was concluded that they had been abandoned; but this was found to proceed only from want of powder; for as soon as a supply of this necessary article was obtained, the firing was resumed as brisk as before. During the whole of this desperate engagement it was found impossible for the land forces to give the least assistance to the fleet. The enemy's works were found to be much stronger than they had been imagined, and the depth of water effectively prevented them from making any attempt. In this unsuccessful attack the killed and wounded on the part of the British amounted to about 200. The Bristol and Experiment were so much damaged, that it was thought they could not have been got over the bar; however, this was at last accomplished by a very great exertion of naval skill, to the surprise of the provincials, who had expected to make them both prizes. On the American side the loss was judged to have been very considerable, as most of their guns were dismounted, and reinforcements had poured into the fort during the whole time of the action.

This year also, the Americans, having so frequently made trial of their valour by land, became desirous of trying it by sea also, and of forming a navy that might in some measure be able to protect their trade, and do essential hurt to the enemy. In the beginning of March, Commodore Hopkins was dispatched with five frigates to the Bahama islands, where he made himself master of the ordnance and military stores; but the gunpowder, which had been the principal object, was removed. On his return he captured several vessels; but was foiled in his attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which found means to escape notwithstanding the efforts of his whole squadron.

The time, however, was now come when the fortitude and patience of the Americans were to undergo a severe trial. Hitherto they had been on the whole successful in their operations; but now they were doomed to experience misfortune, misery, and disgrace; the enemy overrunning their country, and their own armies not able to face them in the field. The province of New York, as being the most central colony, and most accessible by sea, was pitched upon for the object of the main attack. The force sent against it consisted of 6 ships of the line, 30 frigates, besides other armed vessels, and a vast number of transports. The fleet was commanded by Lord Howe, and the land forces by his brother General Howe, who was now at Halifax. The latter, however, a considerable time before his brother arrived, had set sail from Halifax, and lay before New York, but without attempting to commence hostilities until he should be joined by his brother. The Americans had, according to custom, fortified New York, and the adjacent islands, in an extraordinary manner. However, General Howe was suffered to land his troops on Staten Island, where he was soon joined by a number of the inhabitants. About the middle of July, Lord Howe arrived with the grand armament; and being one of the commissioners appointed to receive the submission of the colonists, he published a circular letter to this purpose to the several governors who had lately been expelled from their provinces, desiring them to make the extent of his commission, and the powers he was invested with by parliament, as public as possible. Here, however, congress saved him trouble, by ordering his letter and declaration to be published in all the newspapers, that every one, as they said, might see the insidiousness of the British ministry, and that they had nothing to trust to besides the exertion of their own valour.

Lord Howe next sent a letter to General Washington; but as it was directed "To George Washington, Esq." the general refused to accept of it, as not being directed in the style suitable to his station. To obviate this objection, Adjutant-general Paterson sent another letter, directed "To George Washington, &c. &c. &c." But though a very polite reception was given the bearer, General Washington utterly refused the letter; nor could any explanation of the adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only interesting part of the conversation was that relating to the powers of the commissioners, of which Lord Howe was one. The adjutant told him, that these powers were very extensive; that the commissioners were determined to exert themselves to the utmost, in order to bring about a reconciliation; and that he hoped the general would consider this visit as a step towards it. General Washington replied, That it did not appear that these powers consisted in anything else than granting pardons; and as America had committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness, and was only defending her unquestionable rights.

The decision of everything being now, by consent of both parties, left to the sword, no time was lost, but hostilities commenced as soon as the British troops could be collected. This, however, was not done before the month of August; when they landed without any opposition on Long Island, opposite to the shore of Staten Island. General Putnam, with a large body of troops, lay encamped and strongly fortified on a peninsula on the opposite shore, with a range of hills between the armies, the principal pass of which was near a place called Flat-bush. Here the centre of the British army, consisting of Hessians, took post; the left wing, under General Grant, lying near the shore; and the right, consisting of the greater part of the British forces, lay under Lords Percy, Cornwallis, and General Clinton. Putnam had ordered the passes to be secured by large detachments, which was executed as to those at hand; but one of the utmost importance, that lay at a distance, was entirely neglected. This gave an opportunity to a large body of troops under Lord Percy and Clinton to pass the mountains and attack the Americans in the rear, while they were engaged with the Hessians in front. Through this piece of negligence their defeat became inevitable. Those who were engaged with the Hessians first perceived their mistake, and began a retreat towards their camp; but the passage was intercepted by the British troops, who drove them back into the woods. Here they were met by the Hessians; and thus were they for many hours slaughtered between the two parties, no way way of escape remaining but by breaking through the British troops; and thus regaining their camp. In this attempt many perished; and the right wing, engaged with General Grant, shared the same fate. The victory was complete; and the Americans lost on this fatal day (August 27th) between 3000 and 4000 men, of whom 2000 were killed in the battle or pursuit. Among these a regiment, consisting of young gentlemen of fortune and family in Maryland, was almost entirely cut in pieces; and of the survivors not one escaped without a wound.

The ardour of the British troops was now so great, that they could scarcely be restrained from attacking the lines of the provincials; but for this there was now no occasion, as it was certain they could not be defended. Of the British only 61 were killed in this engagement, and 257 wounded. Eleven hundred of the enemy, among whom were three generals, were taken prisoners.

As none of the American commanders thought it proper to risk another attack, it was resolved to abandon their camp as soon as possible. Accordingly, on the night of the 29th of August, the whole of the continental troops were ferried over with the utmost secrecy and silence; so that in the morning the British had nothing to do but take possession of the camp and artillery which had been abandoned.

This victory, though complete, was very far from being so decisive as the conquerors imagined. Lord Howe, supposing that it would be sufficient to intimidate the congress into some terms, sent General Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner in the late action, to congress, with a message, importing, that though he could not consistently treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be very glad to confer with any of the members in their private capacity; setting forth at the same time the nature and extent of his powers as commissioner. But the congress were not as yet sufficiently humbled to derogate in the least from the dignity of character they had assumed. They replied, That the congress of the free and independent states of America could not consistently send any of its members in another capacity than that which they had publicly assumed; but as they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their country upon equitable conditions, they would appoint a committee of their body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals he had to make.

This produced a new conference. The committee appointed by congress was composed of Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, and Mr Rutledge. They were very politely received by his lordship; but the conference proved as fruitless as before independence had been declared, and the final answer of the deputies was, That they were extremely willing to enter into any treaty with Great Britain that might conduce to the good of both nations, but that they would not treat in any other character than that of independent states. This positive declaration instantly put an end to all hopes of reconciliation; and it was resolved to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. Lord Howe, after publishing a manifesto, in which he declared the refusal of congress, and that he himself was willing to confer with all well-disposed persons about the means of restoring public tranquillity, set about the most proper methods for reducing the city of New York. Here the provincial troops were posted, and from a great number of batteries kept continually annoying the British shipping. The East River lay between them, of about 1200 yards in breadth, which the British troops were extremely desirous of passing. At last the ships having, after an incessant cannonade of several days, silenced the most troublesome batteries, a body of troops was sent up the river to a bay, about three miles distant, where the fortifications were less strong than in other places. Here having driven off the provincials by the cannon of the fleet, they marched directly towards the city; but the enemy, finding that they should now be attacked on all sides, abandoned the city, and retired to the north of the island, where their principal force was collected. In their passage thither they skirmished with the British, but carefully avoided a general engagement; and it was observed that they did not have with that ardour and impetuous valour which had hitherto marked their character.

The British and provincial armies were not now situated above two miles distant from each other. The former of the British encamped from shore to shore for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of the island, which, though 15 miles long, exceeds not two in any part in breadth. The provincials, who lay directly opposite, had strengthened their camp with many fortifications; at the same time, being masters of all the passes and defiles between the two camps, they were enabled to defend themselves against an army much more numerous than their own; and they had also strongly fortified a pass called King's Bridge, whence they could secure a passage to the continent in case of any misfortune. Here General Washington, in order to insure the provincials to actual service, and at the same time to annoy the enemy as much as possible, employed his troops in continual skirmishes; by which it was observed that they soon recovered their spirits, and behaved with their usual boldness.

As the situation of the two armies was now highly inconvenient for the British generals, it was resolved to make such movements as might oblige General Washington to relinquish his strong situation. The possession of New York had been less beneficial than was expected. It had been concerted among the provincials, that the city should be burnt at the time of evacuation; but as they were forced to depart with precipitation, they were prevented from putting the scheme in execution. In a few days, however, it was attempted by some who had been left behind for that purpose. Taking advantage of a high wind and dry weather, the town was set on fire in several places; once, by means of combustibles properly placed for that purpose; and notwithstanding the most active exertions of the soldiery and sailors, a fourth part of the city was consumed.

On this occasion the British were irritated to the highest degree; and many persons, said to be incendiaries, were without mercy thrown into the flames. It was determined to force the provincial army to a greater distance, that they might have it less in their power, by any emissaries, to engage others in a similar attempt. For this purpose, General Howe having left Lord Percy with sufficient force to garrison New York, he embarked his army in flat-bottomed boats, by which... United States.

General Washington obliged which separates Long Island from the continent. After this, receiving still fresh reinforcements, they made such movements as threatened to distress the provincials very much, by cutting off their convoys of provisions from Connecticut, and thus force them to an engagement. This, however, General Washington determined at all events to avoid. He therefore extended his forces into a long line opposite to the way in which the enemy marched, keeping the Bruna, a river of considerable magnitude, between the two armies, with the North River on his rear. Here again the provincials continued for some time to annoy and skirmish with the royal army, until at last, by some other manoeuvres, the British general found means to attack them advantageously at a place called the White Plains, and drove them from some of their posts. The victory on this occasion was much less complete than the former; however, it obliged the provincials once more to shift their ground, and to retreat farther up the country. General Howe pursued for some time; but at last finding all his endeavours vain to bring the Americans to a pitched battle, he determined to give over such an useless chase, and employ himself in reducing the forts which the provincials still retained in the neighbourhood of New York. In this he met with the most complete success. The Americans, on the approach of the king's force, retreated from King's Bridge into Fort Washington; and this, as well as Fort Lee, which lay in the neighbourhood, was quickly reduced, though the garrison made their escape. Thus the Jerseys were laid entirely open to the incursions of the British troops; and so fully were these provinces taken possession of by the royal army, that its winter quarters extended from New Brunswick to the river Delaware. Had any number of boats been at hand, it is probable that Philadelphia would now have fallen into their hands. All these, however, had been carefully removed by the Americans. In lieu of this enterprise, Sir Henry Clinton undertook an expedition to Rhode Island, and became master of it without losing a man. His expedition was also attended with this further advantage, that the American fleet under Commodore Hopkins was obliged to sail as far as possible up the river Providence, and thus remained entirely useless.

The same ill success continued to attend the Americans in other parts. After their expulsion from Canada, they had crossed the lake Champlain, and taken up their quarters at Crown Point, as we have already mentioned. Here they remained for some time in safety, as the British had no vessels on the lake, and consequently General Burgoyne could not pursue them. To remedy this deficiency, there was no possible method, but either to construct vessels on the spot, or take to pieces some vessels already constructed, and drag them up the river into the lake. This, however, was effected in no longer a space than three months; and the British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw himself in possession of a great number of vessels, by which means he was enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them in his turn. The labour undergone at this time by the sea and land forces must indeed have been prodigious; since there were conveyed over land, and dragged up the rapids of St Lawrence, no fewer than 30 large long-boats, 400 batteaux, besides a vast number of flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 30 tons. The intent of the expedition was to push forward before winter to Albany, where the army would take up its winter quarters, and next spring effect a junction with that under General Howe, when it was not doubted that the united forces and skill of these two commanders would speedily put a termination to the war.

By reason of the difficulties with which the equipment of this fleet had been attended, it was the beginning of October before the expedition could be undertaken. It was now, however, by every judge allowed to be completely able to answer the purpose for which it was intended. It consisted of one large vessel with three masts, carrying 18 twelve-pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 14, the other 12 six-pounders; a large flat-bottomed raider with 6 twenty-four and 6 twelve pounders; and a gondola with 8 nine pounders. Besides these were 20 vessels of a smaller size, called gun-boats, carrying each a piece of brass ordnance from 9 to 24 pounds, or howitzers. Several long-boats were fitted out in the same manner; and besides all these, there was a vast number of boats and tenders, of various sizes, to be used as transports for the troops and baggage. It was manned by a number of select seamen, and the guns were to be served by a detachment from the corps of artillery; the officers and soldiers appointed for this expedition were also chosen out of the whole army.

To oppose this formidable armament the Americans had only a very inconsiderable force, commanded by naval force General Arnold; who, after engaging part of the British fleet for a whole day, took advantage of the darkness of the night to set sail without being perceived, and next morning was out of sight; but he was so hotly pursued by the British, that on the second day after he was overtaken, and forced to a second engagement. In this he behaved with great gallantry; but his force being very inferior to that of the enemy, he was obliged to run his ships ashore and set them on fire. A few only escaped to Lake George; and the garrison of Crown Point having destroyed or carried off everything of value, retired to Ticonderoga. Thither General Carleton intended to have pursued them; but the difficulties he had to encounter appeared so many and so great, that it was thought proper to march back into Canada, and desist from any further operations till next spring.

Thus the affairs of the Americans seemed everywhere going to wreck; even those who had been most sanguine in their cause began to waver. The time, also, most eagerly desired for which the soldiers had enlisted themselves was now expired; and the bad success of the preceding campaign had been so very discouraging, that no person was willing to engage himself during the continuance of a war, of which the event seemed to be so doubtful. In consequence of this, therefore, General Washington found his army daily decreasing in strength; so that from 30,000, of which it consisted when General Howe landed on Staten Island, scarce a tenth part could now be mastered. To assist the chief commander as much as possible, General Lee had collected a body of forces in the north; but on his way southward, having imprudently taken up his lodging at some distance from his troops, information was given to Colonel Harcourt, who happened at that time to be in the neighbourhood, and Lee was made prisoner. The loss of this general was much regretted, the more especially as he was of superior quality to any prisoner in the possession of the colonists, and could not therefore be exchanged. Six field officers were offered in exchange for him, and refused; and the congress was highly irritated, at its being reported that he was to be treated as a deserter, having been a half-pay officer in the British service at the commencement of the war. In consequence of this they issued a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners in their possession whatever punishment should be inflicted on any of those taken by the British, and especially that their conduct should be regulated by the treatment of General Lee.

In the mean time they proceeded with the most indefatigable diligence to recruit their army, and bound their soldiers to serve for a term of three years, or during the continuance of the war. The army designed for the ensuing campaign was to consist of 88 battalions; of which each province was to contribute its quota; and 20 dollars were offered as a bounty to each soldier, besides an allotment of lands at the end of the war. In this allotment it was stipulated, that each soldier should have 100 acres; an ensign 150; a lieutenant 200; a captain 300; a major 400; a lieutenant-colonel 450; and a colonel 500. No lands were promised to those who enlisted only for three years. All officers or soldiers disabled through wounds received in the service were to enjoy half-pay during life. To defray the expense, congress borrowed five millions of dollars at five per cent.; for payment of which the United States became surety. At the same time, in order to animate the people to vigorous exertions, a declaration was published, in which they set forth the necessity there was for taking proper methods to ensure success in their cause: they endeavoured to palliate as much as possible the misfortunes which had already happened; and represented the true cause of the present distress to be the short term of enlistment.

This declaration, together with the imminent danger of Philadelphia, determined the Americans to exert themselves to the utmost in order to reinforce General Washington's army. They soon received farther encouragement however, by an exploit of that general against the Hessians. As the royal army extended in different cantonments for a great way, General Washington, perceiving the imminent danger to which Philadelphia was exposed, resolved to make some attempt on those divisions of the enemy which lay nearest that city. These happened to be the Hessians, who lay in three divisions, the last only 20 miles distant from Philadelphia. On the 25th of December, having collected as considerable a force as he could, he set out with an intent to surprise that body of the enemy who lay at Trenton. His army was divided into three bodies; one of which he ordered to cross the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a little below the town; the second at a good distance below, at a place called Bordentown, where the second division of Hessians was placed; while he himself with the third, directing his course to a fort some miles above Trenton, intended to have passed it at midnight, and attacked the Hessians at break of day. But by reason of various impediments, it was eight in the morning before he could reach the place of his destination. The enemy, however, did not perceive his approach till they were suddenly attacked. Colonel Ralle, who commanded them, did all that could be expected from a brave and experienced officer; but every thing was in such confusion, that no efforts of valour or skill could now retrieve matters. The colonel himself was mortally wounded, his troops were entirely broken, their artillery seized, and about 1000 taken prisoners.

This action, though seemingly of no very decisive nature, was sufficient at that time to turn the fortune of war in favour of America. It tended greatly to lessen the fear which the provincials had of the Hessians, at the same time that it equally abated the confidence which the British had till now put in them. Reinforcements came into General Washington's army from all quarters; so that he was soon in a condition to leave Philadelphia, and take up his quarters at Trenton. Emboldened by his success, he determined to make an attempt on a division of the British forces stationed at Maidenhead, a town situated half way between Trenton and Princeton. This consisted of three British regiments under the command of Colonel Mawhood, an officer of great merit. The troops were surprised on their march; but though they were separately surrounded and attacked by a force so vastly superior, they charged the enemy so resolutely with their bayonets, that they effected a retreat. These attempts of the Americans, however, with the hostile disposition of the people, showed the impossibility of maintaining posts so far advanced in the enemy's country; so that it was resolved to retreat towards Brunswick, in order to prevent it, with the troops and magazines it contained, from falling into the hands of the provincials. General Washington lost no opportunity of recovering what had been lost; and, by dividing his army into small parties, which could be reunited on a few hours warning, he in a manner entirely covered the country with it, and repossessed himself of all the important places.

Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with scarce any real advantage, other than the acquisition of the city of New York, and of a few fortresses in its neighbourhood; where the troops were constrained to act with as much circumspection as if they had been besieged by a victorious army, instead of being themselves the conquerors.

The army at New York began in 1777 to exercise a kind of predatory war, by sending out parties to destroy magazines, make incursions, and take or destroy fish from such forts as lay on the banks of rivers, to which their New York great command of shipping gave them access. In this they were generally successful: the provincial magazines at Peek's Hill, a place about 50 miles distant from New York, were destroyed, the town of Dumbury in Connecticut burnt, and that of Ridgefield in the same province was taken possession of. In returning from the last expedition, however, the British were greatly harassed by the enemy under Generals Arnold, Wooster, and Sullivan; but they made good their retreat in spite of all opposition, with the loss of only 170 killed. killed and wounded. On the American side the loss was much greater; General Wooster was killed, and Arnold in the most imminent danger. On the other hand, the Americans destroyed the stores at Sagamore harbour, in Long Island, and made prisoners of all who defended the place.

As this method of making war, however, could answer but little purpose, and savoured more of the barbarous incursions of savages than of a war carried on by a civilized people, it was resolved to make an attempt on Philadelphia. At first it was thought that this could be done through the Jerseys; but General Washington had received such large reinforcements, and posted himself so strongly, that it was found to be impracticable. Many stratagems were used to draw him from this strong situation, but without success; so that it was found necessary to make the attempt on Philadelphia by sea. While the preparations necessary for this expedition were going forward, the Americans found means to make amends for the capture of General Lee by that of General Prescot, who was seized in his quarters with his aid-de-camp, in much the same manner as General Lee had been. This was exceedingly mortifying to the general himself, as he had not long ago set a price upon General Arnold himself, by offering a sum of money to any one that apprehended him; which the latter answered by setting a lower price upon General Prescot.

The month of July was far advanced before the preparations for the expedition against Philadelphia were completed; and it was the 23rd before the fleet was able to sail from Sandy Hook. The force employed in this expedition consisted of 36 battalions of British and Hessians, a regiment of light horse, and a body of loyalists raised at New York. The remainder of these, with 17 battalions, and another body of light horse, was stationed at New York under Sir Henry Clinton. Seven battalions were stationed at Rhode Island. After a week's sailing they arrived at the mouth of the Delaware; but there received certain intelligence, that the navigation of the river was so effectually obstructed, that no possibility of forcing a passage remained. Upon this it was resolved to proceed farther southward to Chesapeake bay in Maryland, from whence the distance to Philadelphia was not very great, and where the provincial army would find less advantage from the nature of the country than in the Jerseys.

The navigation from Delaware to Chesapeake took up the best part of the month of August, and that up the bay itself was extremely difficult and tedious. At last, having sailed up the river Elk as far as was practicable, the troops were landed without opposition, and set forward on their intended expedition. On the news of their arrival in Chesapeake, General Washington left the Jerseys, and hastened to the relief of Philadelphia; and in the beginning of September met the royal army at Brandywine Creek, about mid-way between the head of the Elk and Philadelphia. Here he adhered to his former method of skirmishing and harassing the royal army on its march; but as this proved insufficient to stop its progress, he retired to that side of the creek next to Philadelphia, with an intent to dispute the passage. This brought on a general engagement on the 11th of September, in which the Americans were worsted through the superior discipline of the British troops; and it was only through the approach of night that they were saved from being entirely destroyed. On this occasion the provincials lost about 1000 killed and wounded, besides 400 taken prisoners.

The loss of this battle proved also the loss of Philadelphia. General Washington retired toward Lancaster, an inland town at a considerable distance from Philadelphia. Here, however, the British general took such measures as must have forced the provincials to a second engagement; but a violent rain, which lasted a day and a night, prevented his design. General Washington, though he could not prevent the loss of Philadelphia, still adhered to his original plan of distressing the royal party, by laying ambushes and cutting off detached parties; but in this he was less successful than formerly; and one of his own detachments, which lay in ambush in a wood, were themselves surprised and entirely defeated, with the loss of 300 killed and wounded, besides a great number taken, and all their arms and baggage.

General Howe now perceiving that the Americans would not venture another battle even for the sake of their capital, took peaceable possession of it on the 26th of September. His first care was then to cut off, by means of strong batteries, the communication between the upper and lower parts of the river; which was executed notwithstanding the opposition of some American armed vessels; one of which, carrying 36 guns, was taken. His next task was to open a communication with it by sea; and this was a work of no small difficulty. A vast number of batteries and forts had been erected, and immense machines formed like chevaux de frise, from whence they took their name, sunk in the river to prevent its navigation. As the fleet was sent round to the mouth of the river in order to co-operate with the army, this work, however difficult, was accomplished; nor did the provincials give much opposition, as well knowing that all places of this kind were now untenable. General Washington, however, took the advantage of the royal army being divided, to attack the camp of the principal division of it that lay at Germantown in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this he met with very little success; for though he reached the place of destination by three o'clock in the morning, the patrols had time to call the troops to arms. The Americans, notwithstanding, made a very resolute attack; but they were received with such bravery, that they were compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great disorder; with the advantage, however, of carrying off their cannon, though pursued for a considerable way, after having 300 killed, 600 wounded, and upwards of 1400 taken prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. On the British side, the loss amounted to 430 wounded and prisoners, and 70 killed; but among the last were General Agnew and Colonel Bird, with some other excellent officers.

There still remained two strong forts on the Delaware to be reduced. These were Mud Island and Red Bank. The various obstructions which the Americans had thrown in the way rendered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of the line, and the Merlin frigate, to the attack of Mud Island; but during the heat of action both were grounded. Upon this this the Americans sent down four fire-ships, and directed the whole fire from their galleys against them. The former were rendered ineffectual by the courage and skill of the British seamen; but during the engagement both the Augusta and Merlin took fire and were burnt to ashes, and the other ships obliged to withdraw. The enemy, encouraged by this unsuccessful attempt, proceeded to throw new obstructions in the way; but the British general having found means to convey a number of cannon, and to erect batteries within gunshot of the fort by land, and bringing up three ships of the line which mounted heavy cannon, the garrison, after making a vigorous defence for one day, perceiving that preparations were making for a general assault on the next, abandoned the place in the night. Those who defended Red Bank followed their example, and abandoned it on the approach of Lord Cornwallis. A great number of the American shipping now finding themselves entirely destitute of any protection, sailed up the river in the night time. Seventeen however remained, whose retreat was intercepted by a frigate and some armed vessels; on which the Americans ran them ashore and burnt them, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands.

Thus the campaign of 1777 in Pennsylvania concluded successfully on the part of the British. In the north, however, matters wore a different aspect. The expedition in that quarter had been projected by the British ministry as the most effectual method that could be taken to crush the colonies at once. The four provinces of New England had originally begun the confederacy against Britain, and were still considered as the most active in the continuation of it; and it was thought that any impression made upon them would contribute in an effectual manner to the reduction of all the rest. For this purpose, an army of 4000 chosen British troops and 3000 Germans was put under the command of General Burgoyne; General Carleton was directed to use his interest with the Indians to persuade them to join in this expedition; and the province of Quebec was to furnish large parties to join in the same. The officers who commanded under General Burgoyne were General Philips of the artillery, Generals Fraser, Powel, and Hamilton, with the German officers, Generals Reidecel and Sprecht. The soldiers, as has already been observed, were all excellently disciplined, and had been kept in their winter-quarters with all imaginable care, in order to prepare them for the expedition on which they were going. To aid the principal expedition, another was projected on the Mohawk river under Colonel St Leger, who was to be assisted by Sir John Johnson, son to the famous Sir William Johnson, who had so greatly distinguished himself in the war of 1755.

On the 21st of June 1777, the army encamped on the western side of the lake Champlain; where being joined by a considerable body of Indians, General Burgoyne made a speech, in which he exhorted those new allies to lay aside their ferocious and barbarous manner of making war; to kill only such as opposed them in arms; and to spare prisoners, with such women and children as should fall into their hands. After issuing a proclamation, in which the force of Britain and that which he commanded was set forth in very ostentatious terms, the campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. The place was very strong, and garrisoned by 6000 men under General Sinclair; nevertheless the works were so extensive, that even this number was scarce sufficient to defend them properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, the top of which overlooked and effectually commanded the whole works; vainly imagining that the difficulty of the ascent would be sufficient to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it. On the approach of the first division of the army, the provincials abandoned and set fire to their outworks; and so expeditions were the British troops, that by the 5th of July every post was secured which was judged necessary for investing it completely. A road was soon after made to the very summit of that eminence which the Americans had with such confidence supposed could not be ascended; and so much were they now disheartened, that they instantly abandoned the fort entirely, taking the road to Skeneborough, a place to the south of Lake George; while their baggage, with what artillery and military stores they could carry off, were sent to the same place by water. But the British generals were determined not to let them pass so easily. Both were pursued, and both overtaken. Their armed vessels consisted only of five galleys; two of which were defeated by taken, and three blown up; on which they set fire to land and their boats and fortifications at Skeneborough. On this occasion the provincials lost 200 boats, 130 pieces of cannon, with all their provisions and baggage. Their land forces under Colonel Francis made a brave defence against General Fraser; and being greatly superior in number, had almost overpowered him, when General Reidecel with a large body of Germans came to his assistance. The enemy were now overpowered in their turn; and their commander being killed, they fled on all sides with great precipitation. In this action 260 Americans were killed, as many taken prisoners, and above 600 wounded, many of whom perished in the woods for want of assistance.

During the engagement General Sinclair was at Castleton, about six miles from the place; but instead of going forward to Fort Anne, the next place of strength, he repaired to the woods which lie between that fortress and New England. General Burgoyne, however, detached Colonel Hill with the ninth regiment, in order to intercept such as should attempt to retreat towards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a body of the enemy, said to be six times as numerous again as his own; but after an engagement of three hours, defeated, and they were obliged to retire with great loss. After many disasters, despairing of being able to make any stand at Fort Anne, they set fire to it, and retired to Fort Edward. In all these engagements the loss in killed and wounded in the royal army did not exceed 200 men.

General Burgoyne was now obliged to suspend his General operations for some time, and wait at Skeneborough for the arrival of his tents, provisions, &c., but employed this interval in making roads through the country about St Anne, and in clearing a passage for his troops ward to proceed against the enemy. This was attended with incredible toil; but all obstacles were surmounted with equal patience and resolution by the army. In short, after undergoing the utmost difficulty that could be undergone, and making every exertion that man could make, he arrived with his army before Fort Edward about the end of July. Here General Schuyler had been for some time endeavouring to recruit the shattered American forces, and had been joined by General Sinclaire with the remains of his army; the garrison of Fort George also, situated on the lake of that name, had evacuated the place and retired to Fort Edward.

But on the approach of the royal army, they retired from thence also, and formed their head-quarters at Saratoga. Notwithstanding the great successes of the British general, they showed not the least disposition to submit, but seemed only to consider how they might make the most effectual resistance. For this purpose, the militia was everywhere raised and drafted to join the army at Saratoga; and such numbers of volunteers were daily added, that they soon began to recover from the terror into which they had been thrown. That they might have a commander whose abilities could be relied on, General Arnold was appointed, who repaired to Saratoga with a considerable train of artillery; but receiving intelligence that Colonel St Leger was proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on the Mohawk river, he removed to Still-water, a place about half way between Saratoga and the junction of the Mohawk and Hudson's river. The colonel, in the mean time, had advanced as far as Fort Stanwix; the siege of which he pressed with great vigour. On the 6th of August, understanding that a supply of provisions, escorted by 800 or 900 men, was on the way to the fort, he dispatched Sir John Johnson with a strong detachment to intercept it. This he did so effectually, that, besides intercepting the provisions, 400 of its guard were slain, 200 taken, and the rest escaped with great difficulty. The garrison, however, were not to be intimidated by this disaster, nor by the threats or representations of the colonel; on the contrary, they made several successful sallies under Colonel Willet, the second in command; and this gentleman, in company with another, even ventured out of the fort, and, eluding the vigilance of the enemy, passed through them in order to hasten the march of General Arnold to their assistance.

Thus the affairs of Colonel St Leger seemed to be in no very favourable situation, notwithstanding his late success, and they were soon totally ruined by the desertion of the Indians. They had been alarmed by the report of General Arnold's advancing with 2000 men to the relief of the fort; and while the colonel was attempting to give them encouragement, another report was spread, that General Burgoyne had been defeated with great slaughter, and was now lying before the provincials. On this he was obliged to do as they thought proper; and the retreat could not be effected without the loss of the tents and some of the artillery and military stores.

General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwithstanding all the difficulties he had already sustained, found that he must still encounter more. The roads he had made with so much labour and pains were destroyed either by the wetness of the season or by the enemy; so that the provisions he brought from Fort George could not arrive at his camp without the most prodigious toil. On hearing of the siege of Fort Stanwix by Colonel St Leger, he determined to move forward in hopes of enclosing the enemy betwixt his own army and that of St Leger, or of obtaining the command of all the country between Fort Stanwix and Albany; or at any rate, a junction with Colonel St Leger would be effected, which could not but be attended with the most happy consequences. The only difficulty was the want of provisions; and this it was proposed to remedy by reducing the provincial magazines at Bennington. For this purpose, Colonel Baum, a German officer of great bravery, was chosen, with a body of 500 men. The place was about twenty miles from Hudson's river; and to support Colonel Baum's party, the whole army marched up the river's bank, and encamped almost opposite to Saratoga, with the river betwixton it and that place. An advanced party was posted at Batten Kill, between the camp and Bennington, in order to support Colonel Baum. In their way the British seized a large supply of cattle and provisions, which were immediately sent to the camp; but the badness of the roads retarded their march so much, that intelligence of their design was sent to Bennington. Understanding now that the American force was greatly superior to his own, the colonel acquainted the general, who immediately despatched Colonel Breymann with a party to his assistance; but through the same causes that had retarded the march of Colonel Baum, this assistance could not arrive in time. General Starke, in the mean time, who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack the two parties separately; and for this purpose advanced against Colonel Baum, whom Colonel Baum surrounded on all sides, and attacked with the utmost violence. The troops defended themselves with great valour, but were to a man either killed or taken prisoner. Colonel Breymann after a desperate engagement, had won the good luck to effect a retreat through the darkness of the night, which otherwise he could not have done, as his men had expended all their ammunition, being defeated 40 rounds to each.

General Burgoyne, thus disappointed in his attempt on Bennington, applied himself with indefatigable diligence to procure provisions from Fort George; and having at length amassed a sufficient quantity to last for a month, he threw a bridge of boats over the river Hudson, which he crossed about the middle of September, encamping on the hills and plains near Saratoga. As soon as he approached the provincial army, at this time encamped at Still-water under General Gates, he determined to make an attack; for which purpose he put himself at the head of the central division of his army, having General Fraser and Colonel Breymann on the right, with Generals Reidel and Philips on the left. In this position he advanced towards the enemy on the 19th September. But the Americans did not now wait to be attacked; on the contrary, they attacked the central division with the utmost violence; and it was not until General Phillips with the artillery came up that they could be repulsed. On this occasion, though the British troops lost only 330 in killed and wounded, and the enemy no fewer than 1500, the former were very much alarmed at the obstinate resistance shown by the Americans. This did not, however, prevent them from advancing towards the enemy, and posting themselves the next day within cannon-shot of their lines. But their allies the Indians began the Indians to desert in great numbers; and at the same time the general general was in the highest degree mortified by having no intelligence of any assistance from Sir Henry Clinton, as had been stipulated. He now received a letter from him, by which he was informed, that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion on the North River in his favour. This afforded but little comfort; however, he returned an answer by several trusty persons whom he despatched different ways, stating his present distressed situation, and mentioning that the provisions and other necessaries he had would only enable him to hold out till the 12th of October.

In the mean time the Americans, in order to cut off the retreat of the British army in the most effectual manner, undertook an expedition against Ticonderoga; but were obliged to abandon the enterprise after having surprised all the outposts, and taken a great number of boats with some armed vessels, and a number of prisoners. The army under General Burgoyne, however, continued to labour under the greatest distresses; so that in the beginning of October he had been obliged to diminish the soldiers allowance. On the 7th of that month he determined to move towards the enemy. For this purpose he sent a body of 1500 men to reconnoitre their left wing; intending, if possible, to break through it in order to effect a retreat. The detachment, however, had not proceeded far when a dreadful attack was made upon the left wing of the British army, which was with great difficulty preserved from being entirely broken by a reinforcement brought up by General Fraser, who was killed in the attack. After the troops had with the most desperate efforts regained their camp, it was most furiously assaulted by General Arnold; who, notwithstanding all opposition, would have forced the intrenchments, had he not received a dangerous wound, which obliged him to retire. Thus the attack failed on the left, but on the right the camp of the German reserve was forced, Colonel Breymann killed, and his countrymen defeated with great slaughter, and the loss of all their artillery and baggage.

This was by far the heaviest loss the British army had sustained since the action at Bunker's Hill. The list of killed and wounded amounted to near 1200, exclusive of the Germans; but the greatest misfortune was, that the enemy had now an opening on the right rear of the British forces, so that the army was threatened with entire destruction. This obliged General Burgoyne once more to shift his position, that the enemy might also be obliged to alter theirs. This was accomplished on the night of the 7th, without any loss, and all the next day he continued to offer the enemy battle; but they were now too well assured of obtaining a complete victory, by cutting off all supplies from the British, to risk a pitched battle. Wherefore they advanced on the right side, in order to enclose him entirely; which obliged the general to direct a retreat towards Saratoga. But the enemy had now stationed a great force on the ford at Hudson's river, so that the only possibility of retreat was by securing a passage to Lake George; and to effect this, a body of workmen was detached, with a strong guard, to repair the roads and bridges that led to Fort Edward. As soon as they were gone, however, the enemy seemed to prepare for an attack; which rendered it necessary to recall the guard, and the workmen being of course left exposed could not proceed.

In the mean time, the boats which conveyed provisions down Hudson's river were exposed to the continual fire of the American marksmen, who took many of them; so that it became necessary to convey the provisions over land. In this extreme danger it was resolved to march by night to Fort Edward, forcing the passages at the fords either above or below the place; and in order to effect this the more easily, it was resolved that the soldiers should carry their provisions on their backs, leaving behind their baggage and every other incumbrance. But before this could be executed, intelligence was received that the enemy had raised strong intrenchments opposite to these fords, well provided with cannon, and they had likewise taken possession of the rising ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, which in like manner was provided with cannon.

All this time the American army was increasing by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers from all situations of parts. Their parties extended all along the opposite bank of Hudson's river, and some had even passed it in order to observe the least movement of the British army. The whole force under General Gates was computed at 16,000 men, while the army under General Burgoyne scarcely amounted to 6000; and every part of the camp was reached by the grape and rifle shot of the enemy, besides a discharge from their artillery, which was almost incessant. In this state of extreme distress and danger, the army continued with the greatest constancy and perseverance till the evening of the 13th of October, when an inventory of provisions being taken, it was found that no more remained than what was sufficient to serve for three days; and a council of war being called, it was unanimously determined to cease that there was no method now remaining but to treat peaceably with the enemy. In consequence of this, a negotiation was opened next day, which speedily terminated in the capitulation of the whole British army; the principal article of which was, that the troops were to have a free passage to Britain, on condition of not serving against America during the war. On this occasion, General Gates ordered his army to keep within their camp, while the British soldiers went to a place appointed for them to lay down their arms, that the latter might not have the additional mortification of being made spectators in so melancholy an event. The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga amounted to 5750, according to the American accounts; the list of the sick and wounded left in the camp when the army retreated to Saratoga, to 528; and the number of those lost by other accidents since the taking of Ticonderoga, to near 3000. Thirty-five brass field-pieces, 7000 stand of arms, clothing for an equal number of soldiers, with the tents, military chest, &c., constituted the booty on this occasion.

Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had sailed up successful the North river, and destroyed the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with Fort Constitution, and of Sir Henry another place called Continental Village, where were barracks for 2000 men. Several large cannon were carried away, besides a number of smaller artillery, and a great quantity of stores and ammunition; a large boom boom and chain reaching across the river from Fort Montgomery to a point of land called St. Anthony's Nose, and which cost not less than £70,000 sterling, were partly destroyed and partly carried away, as was also another boom of little less value at Fort Constitution. The loss of the British army was but small in number, though some officers of great merit were killed in the different attacks.

Another attack was made by Sir James Wallace with some frigates, and a body of land forces under General Vaughan. The place which now suffered was named Esopus; the fortifications were destroyed, and the town itself was reduced to ashes, as that called Continental Village had been before.

But these successes, of whatever importance they might be, were now disregarded by both parties. They served only to irritate the Americans, flushed with their success; and they were utterly insufficient to raise the spirits of the British, who were now thrown into the utmost dismay.

On the 16th March 1778, Lord North intimated to the house of commons, that a paper had been laid before the king by the French ambassador, intimating the conclusion of an alliance between the court of France and the United States of America. The preliminaries of this treaty had been concluded in the end of the year 1777, and a copy of them sent to congress, in order to counteract any proposals that might be made in the mean time by the British ministry. On the 6th of February 1778, the articles were formally signed, to the great satisfaction of the French nation.

They were in substance as follows:

1. If Great Britain should, in consequence of this treaty, proceed to hostilities against France, the two nations should mutually assist one another.

2. The main end of the treaty was in an effectual manner to maintain the independency of America.

3. Should those places of North America still subject to Britain be reduced by the colonies, they should be confederated with them, or subjected to their jurisdiction.

4. Should any of the West India islands be reduced by France, they should be deemed its property.

5. No formal treaty with Great Britain should be concluded either by France or America without the consent of each other; and it was mutually engaged that they should not lay down their arms till the independence of the States had been formally acknowledged.

6. The contracting parties mutually agreed to invite those powers that had received injuries from Great Britain to join the common cause.

7. The United States guaranteed to France all the possessions in the West Indies which she should conquer; and France in her turn guaranteed the absolute independency of the States, and their supreme authority over every country they possessed, or might acquire during the war.

The notification of such a treaty as this could not but be looked upon as a declaration of war. On its being announced to the house, every one agreed in an address to his Majesty, promising to stand by him to the utmost in the present emergency; but it was warmly contended by the members in opposition, that the present ministry ought to be removed on account of their numberless blunders and miscarriages in every instance. Many were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the nation from its trouble was to acknowledge the independency of America at once; and thus we might still do with a good grace what must inevitably be done at last, after expending much more blood and treasure than had yet been lavished in this unhappy contest. The ministerial party, however, entertained different ideas. Instigated by zeal for the national honour, it was determined at once to resent the arrogance of France, and prosecute hostilities against America with more vigour than ever, should the terms now offered them be rejected.

The Americans, in the mean time, assiduously employed their agents at the courts of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, and Tuscany, in order, if possible, to conclude alliances with them, or at least to procure an acknowledgment of their independency. As it had been reported that Britain intended to apply for assistance to Russia, the American commissioners were enjoined to use their utmost influence with the German princes to prevent such auxiliaries from marching through their territories, and to endeavour to procure the recall of the German troops already sent to America. To France they offered a cession of such West India islands as should be taken by the united strength of France and America; and should Britain by their joint endeavours be dispossessed of Newfoundland, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia, these territories should be divided betwixt the two nations, and Great Britain be totally excluded from the fishery. The proposals to the Spanish court were, that in case they should think proper to espouse their quarrel, the American states should assist in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of Spain, provided their subjects were allowed the free navigation of the river Mississippi, and the use of the harbour of Pensacola; and they further offered, that if agreeable to Spain, they would declare war against Portugal, should that power expel the American ships from its ports.

In the mean time, the troops under General Burgoyne were preparing to embark for Britain according to the convention at Saratoga; but to their utter surprise, congress positively refused to allow them to embark, under pretence that some sinister designs were harboured on the part of Britain, and that they only wanted an opportunity to join the other troops at Philadelphia or New York.

The season for action was now approaching; and congress was indefatigable in its preparations for a new campaign, which it was confidently said would be the last. Among other methods taken for this purpose, it was recommended to all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form themselves into bodies of cavalry to serve at their own expense during the war. General Washington at the same time, in order to remove all encumbrances from his army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by substituting sacks and portmanteaus in place of chests and boxes, and using packhorses instead of wagons. On the other hand, the British army, expecting to be speedily reinforced by 20,000 men, thought it well of nothing but concluding the war according to their wishes before the end of the campaign. It was with the utmost concern as well as indignation, therefore, that they received the news of Lord North's conciliatory bill. It was universally looked upon as a national disgrace; disgrace; and some even tore the cockades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet as a token of their indignation. By the colonists it was received with indifference. The British commissioners endeavoured to make it as public as possible; and the congress, as formerly, ordered it to be printed in all the newspapers. On this occasion Governor Tryon enclosed several copies of the bill to General Washington in a letter, entreating that he would allow them to be circulated; to which that general returned for answer a copy of a newspaper in which the bill was printed, with the resolutions of congress upon it. These were, That whoever presumed to make a separate agreement with Britain should be deemed a public enemy; that the United States could not with any propriety keep correspondence with the commissioners until their independence was acknowledged, and the British fleets and armies removed from America. At the same time, the colonies were warned not to suffer themselves to be deceived into security by any offers that might be made; but to use their utmost endeavours to send their quotas with all diligence into the field. The individuals with whom the commissioners conversed on the subject of the conciliatory bill, generally returned for answer, that the day of reconciliation was past; and that the haughtiness of Britain had extinguished all filial regard in the breasts of the Americans.

About this time also Mr Silas Deane arrived from France with two copies of the treaty of commerce and alliance to be signed by congress. Advices of the most agreeable nature were also received from various parts, representing in the most favourable light the dispositions of the European powers; all of whom, it was said, wished to see the independence of America settled upon the most firm and permanent basis. Considering the situation of matters with the colonists at this time, therefore, it is no wonder that the commissioners found themselves unable to accomplish the business on which they came. Their proposals were utterly rejected, themselves treated as spies, and all intercourse with them interdicted.

But before any final answer could be obtained from congress, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the resolution of evacuating Philadelphia. Accordingly, on the 10th of June, after having made all necessary preparations, the army marched out of the city, and crossed the Delaware before noon with all its baggage and other encumbrances. General Washington, apprised of this design, had despatched expresses into the Jerseys with orders to collect all the force that could be assembled in order to obstruct the march of the enemy. After various movements on both sides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived on the 27th of June at a place called Freehold; where, judging that the enemy would attack him, he encamped in a very strong situation. Here General Washington determined to make an attack as soon as the army had again begun its march. The night was spent in making the necessary preparations, and General Lee with his division was ordered to be ready by daybreak. But Sir Henry Clinton, justly apprehending that the chief object of the enemy was the baggage, committed it to the care of General Knyphausen, whom he ordered to set out early in the morning, while he followed with the rest of the army. The attack was accordingly made; but the British general had taken such care to arrange his troops properly, and so effectually supported his forces when engaged with the Americans, that the latter not only made no impression, but were with difficulty preserved from a total defeat by the advance of General Washington with the whole army. The British troops effected their retreat with the loss of 300 men, of whom many died through mere fatigue, without any wound. In this action General Lee was charged by General Washington with disobedience and misconduct in retreating before the British army. He was tried by a court martial, and sentenced to a temporary suspension from his command. After they had arrived at Sandy Hook, a bridge of boats was by Lord Howe's directions thrown from thence over the channel which separated the island from the main land, and the troops were conveyed aboard the fleet; after which they sailed to New York. After sending some light detachments to watch the enemy's motions, General Washington marched towards the North River, where a great force had been collected to join him; and where it was now expected that some very capital operations would take place.

In the mean time, France had set about her preparations for the assistance of the Americans. On the 14th of April Count d'Estaing had sailed from Toulon with a strong squadron of ships of the line and frigates, and arrived on the coast of Virginia in the French beginning of July, while the British fleet was employed in conveying the forces from Sandy Hook to New York. It consisted of one ship of 90 guns, one of 80, six of 74, and four of 64, besides several large frigates; and, exclusive of its complement of sailors, had 6000 marines and soldiers on board. To oppose this the British had only six ships of 64 guns, three of 50, and two of 40, with some frigates and ships. Notwithstanding this inferiority, however, the British admiral posted himself so advantageously, and showed such superior skill, that D'Estaing did not think proper to attack him. He therefore remained at anchor four miles off Sandy Hook till the 22d of July, without effecting anything more than the capture of some vessels, which, through ignorance of his arrival, fell into his hands.

The next attempt of the French admiral was, in conjunction with the Americans, on Rhode Island. It was proposed that D'Estaing, with the 6000 troops he had with him, should make a descent on the southern part of the island, while a body of the Americans should take possession of the north; at the same time the French squadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, and take and destroy all the British shipping. On the 8th of August the French admiral entered the harbour as was proposed, but found himself unable to do any material damage. Lord Howe, however, instantly set sail for Rhode Island; and D'Estaing, confiding in his superiority, immediately came out of the harbour to attack him. A violent storm parted the two fleets, and did so much damage that they were rendered totally unfit for action. The French, however, suffered most; and several of the ships being afterwards attacked singly by the British, very narrowly escaped being taken. On the 20th of August he returned to Newport in a very shattered condition; and, not thinking himself safe there, sailed two days after for Boston. General Sullivan had landed in the mean time on the northern part of Rhode Island with 10,000 men. On the 17th of August they began their operations by erecting batteries, and making their approaches to the British lines. But General Pigot, who commanded in Newport, had taken such effectual care to secure himself on the land side, that without the assistance of a marine force it was altogether impossible to attack him with any probability of success. The conduct of D'Estaing, therefore, who had abandoned them when master of the harbour, gave the greatest disgust to the people of New England, and Sullivan began to think of a retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrison saluted out upon him with so much vigour, that it was not without difficulty that he effected his retreat. He had not been long gone when Sir Henry Clinton arrived with a body of 4000 men; which, had it arrived sooner, would have enabled the British commander to have gained a decisive advantage over him, as well as to have destroyed the town of Providence, which, by its vicinity to Rhode Island, and the enterprises which were continually projected and carried on in that place, kept the inhabitants of Rhode Island in continual alarms.

The first British expedition was to Buzzard's Bay, on the coast of New England and neighbourhood of Rhode Island. Here they destroyed a great number of privateers and merchantmen, magazines, with storehouses, &c.; whence proceeding to a fertile and populous island called Martha's Vineyard, they carried off 10,000 sheep and 300 black cattle. Another expedition took place up the North River, under Lord Cornwallis and General Kniphausen; the principal event of which was the destruction of a regiment of American cavalry, known by the name of Washington's Light Horse. A third expedition was directed to Little Egg Harbour in New Jersey, a place noted for privateers, the destruction of which was its principal intention. It was conducted by Captains Ferguson and Collins, and ended in the destruction of the enemy's vessels, as well as of the place itself. At the same time part of another body of American troops, called Pulaski's Legion, was surprised, and a great number of them put to the sword.

The Americans had in the beginning of the year projected the conquest of West Florida; and one Captain Willing, with a party of resolute men, had made a successful incursion into the country. This awakened the attention of the British to the southern colonies, and an expedition against them was resolved on. Georgia was the place of destination; and the more effectually to ensure success, Colonel Campbell, with a sufficient force, under convoy of some ships of war, commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker, embarked at New York, while General Prevost, who commanded in East Florida, was directed to set out with all the force he could spare. The armament from New York arrived off the coast of Georgia in the month of December; and though the enemy were very strongly posted in an advantageous situation on the shore, the British troops made good their landing, and advanced towards Savannah, the capital of the province. That very day they defeated the forces of the provincials which opposed them; and took possession of the town with such celerity, that the Americans had not time to execute a resolution they had taken of setting it on fire. In ten days the whole province of Georgia was reduced, Sunbury alone excepted; and this was also brought under subjection by General Prevost in his march northward. Every proper method was taken to secure the tranquillity of the country; and rewards were offered for apprehending committee and assembly men, or such as they judged most inimical to the British interests. On the arrival of General Prevost, the command of the troops naturally devolved on him as the senior officer; and the conquest of Carolina was next projected.

In this attempt there was no small probability of Carolina's success. The country contained a great number of friends to government, who now eagerly embraced the opportunity of declaring themselves; many of the inhabitants of Georgia had joined the royal standard; and there was not in the province any considerable body of provincial forces capable of opposing the efforts of regular and well disciplined troops. On the first news of General Prevost's approach, the loyalists assembled in a body, imagining themselves able to stand their ground until their allies should arrive; but in this they were disappointed. The Americans attacked and defeated them with the loss of half their number. The remainder retreated into Georgia; and after undergoing many difficulties, at last effected a junction with the British forces.

In the mean time, General Lincoln, with a considerable body of American troops, had encamped within 25 miles of the town of Savannah; and another strong party had posted themselves at a place called Briar's Creek, farther up the river of the same name. Thus the extent of the British government was likely to be circumscribed within very narrow bounds. General Prevost therefore determined to dislodge the party at Briar's Creek; and the latter, trusting to their strong situation, and being remiss in their guard, suffered themselves to be surprised on the 30th of March 1779; when they were utterly routed with the loss of 400 killed and taken, besides a great number drowned in the river or the swamps. The whole artillery, stores, baggage, and almost all the arms, of this unfortunate party were taken, so that they could no more make any stand; and thus the province of Georgia was once more freed from the enemy, and a communication opened with those places in Carolina where the royalists chiefly resided.

The victory at Briar's Creek proved of considerable service to the British cause. Great numbers of the loyalists joined his army, and considerably increased its force. Hence he was enabled to stretch his posts further up the river, and to guard all the principal passes; so that General Lincoln was reduced to a state of inaction; and at last moved off towards Augusta, in order to protect the provincial assembly, which was obliged to sit in that place, the capital being now in the hands of the British.

Lincoln had no sooner quitted his post, than it was judged a proper time by the British general to put in execution the grand scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Many difficulties indeed lay in his way. The river Savannah was so swollen by the excessive sive rains of the season, that it seemed impassable; the opposite shore, for a great way, was so full of swamps and marshes, that no army could march over it without the greatest difficulty; and, to render the passage still more difficult, General Moultrie was left with a considerable body of troops in order to oppose the enemy's attempts. But in spite of every opposition, the constancy and perseverance of the British forces at last prevailed. General Moultrie was defeated, and obliged to retire towards Charlestown; and the victorious army, after having waded through the marshes for some time, at last arrived in an open country, through which they pursued their march with great rapidity towards the capital; while General Lincoln remained in a state of security at Augusta, vainly imagining that the obstacles he had left in the way could not be surmounted.

Certain intelligence of the danger to which Charlestown was exposed at last aroused the American general from his lethargy. A chosen body of infantry, mounted on horseback for the greater expedition, was despatched before him; while Lincoln himself followed with all the forces he could collect. General Moultrie too, with the troops he had brought from Savannah, and some others he had collected since his retreat from thence, had taken possession of all the avenues leading to Charlestown, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But all opposition proved ineffectual. The Americans were defeated in every encounter; and, retreating continually, allowed the British army to come within cannon-shot of Charlestown on the 12th of May.

The town was now summoned to surrender, and the inhabitants would gladly have agreed to observe a neutrality during the rest of the war, and would have engaged also for the rest of the terms. But these terms not being accepted, they made preparations for a vigorous defence. It was not, however, in the power of the British commander at this time to make an attack with any prospect of success. His artillery was not of sufficient weight; there were no ships to support his attack by land; and General Lincoln advancing rapidly with a superior army, threatened to enclose him between his own force and the town; so that should he fail in his first attempt, certain destruction would be the consequence. For these reasons he withdrew his forces from before the town, and took possession of two islands called St James's and St John's lying to the southward; where having waited some time, his force was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. With these he determined to make himself master of Port Royal, another island possessed of an excellent harbour, and many other natural advantages, from its situation also commanding all the sea coast from Charlestown to Savannah river. The American general, however, did not allow this to be accomplished without opposition. Perceiving that his opponent had occupied an advantageous post on St John's island, preparatory to his enterprise against Port Royal, he attempted on the 20th of June, to dislodge him from it; but after an obstinate attack, the provincials were, as usual, obliged to retire with considerable loss. On this occasion the success of the British arms was in a great measure owing to an armed float; which galled the right flank of the enemy so effectually, that they could direct their efforts only against the strongest part of the lines, which proved impregnable to their attacks. This disappointment was instantly followed by the loss of Port Royal, which General Prevost took possession of, and put his troops into proper stations, waiting for the arrival of such reinforcements as were necessary for the intended attack on Charlestown.

In the mean time Count d'Estaing, who, as we D'Estaing's have already observed, had put into Boston harbour to proclaim, had used his utmost efforts to ingratiate himself with the inhabitants of that city. Zealous also in the cause of his master, he had published a proclamation to be dispersed through Canada, inviting the people to return to their original friendship with France, and declaring that all who renounced their allegiance to Great Britain should certainly find a protector in the king of France. All his endeavours, however, proved insufficient at this time to produce any revolution, or even to form a party of any consequence among the Canadians.

As soon as the French admiral had refitted his fleet, D'Estaing took the opportunity, while that of Admiral Byron sails to the West Indies. During his operations there, the Americans having represented his conduct as totally unserviceable to them, he received orders from Europe to assist the colonies with all possible speed.

In compliance with these orders, he directed his D'Estaing's course towards Georgia, with a design to recover that province out of the hands of the enemy, and to put it, as well as South Carolina, in such a posture of defence as would effectually secure them from any future attack. This seemed to be an easy matter, from the little force by which he knew he should be opposed; and the next object in contemplation was no less than the destruction of the British fleet and army at New York, and their total expulsion from the continent of America. Full of these hopes, the French commander arrived off the coast of Georgia with a fleet of 22 sail of the line and 10 large frigates. His arrival was so little expected, that several vessels laden with provisions and military stores fell into his hands; the Experiment also, a vessel of 50 guns, commanded by Sir James Wallace, was taken after a stout resistance. On the continent, the British troops were divided. General Prevost, with an inconsiderable part, remained at Savannah; but the main force was under Colonel Maitland at Port Royal. On the first appearance of the French fleet, an express was despatched to Colonel Maitland; but it was intercepted by the enemy; so that before he could set out in order to join the commander in chief, the Americans had secured most of the passes by land, while the French fleet effectually blocked up the passage by sea. But, by taking advantage of creeks and rivulets, and marching over land, he arrived just in time to relieve Savannah.

D'Estaing, after making a gasconade of what had happened at St Vincents and Grenada, had allowed General Prevost 24 hours to deliberate whether he should capitulate or not. This time the general employed in making the best preparations he could for a defence; and during this time it was that Colonel Maitland arrived. D'Estaing's summons was now rejected; and as on this occasion the superiority of the enemy was by no means so much out of proportion as it had been at Grenada, there was every probability of success on the part of the British. The garrison now consisted of 3000 men, all of approved valour and experience, while the united force of the French and Americans did not amount to 10,000. The event was answerable to the expectations of the British general. Having the advantage of a strong fortification and excellent engineers, the fire of the allies made so little impression, that D'Estaing resolved to bombard the town, and a battery of nine mortars was erected for the purpose. This produced a request from General Prevost, that the women and children might be allowed to retire to a place of safety. But the allied commanders had the inhumanity to refuse compliance; and they resolved to give a general assault. This was accordingly attempted on the 9th of October: but the assailants were everywhere repulsed with such slaughter, that 1200 were killed and wounded; among the former was Count Pulaski, and among the latter was D'Estaing himself.

This disaster entirely overthrew the sanguine hopes of the Americans and French; mutual reproaches and animosities took place in the most violent degree; and after waiting eight days longer, both parties prepared for a retreat; the French to their shipping, and the Americans into Carolina.

While the allies were thus unsuccessfully employed in the southern colonies, their antagonists were no less assiduous in distressing them in the northern parts. Sir George Collier was sent with a fleet, carrying on board General Matthews, with a body of land forces, into the province of Virginia. Their first attempt was on the town of Portsmouth; where, though the enemy had destroyed some ships of great value, the British troops arrived in time to save a great number of others. On this occasion about 120 vessels of different sizes were burnt, and 20 carried off; and an immense quantity of provisions designed for the use of General Washington's army was either destroyed or carried off, together with a great variety of naval and military stores. The fleet and army returned with little or no loss to New York.

The success with which this expedition was attended, soon gave encouragement to attempt another. The Americans had for some time been employed in the erection of two strong forts on the river; the one at Verplanks Neck on the east, and the other at Stoney Point on the west side. These when completed would have been of the utmost service to the Americans, as commanding the principal pass, called the King's Ferry, between the northern and southern colonies. At present, however, they were not in a condition to make any effectual defence; and it was therefore determined to attack them before the works should be completed. The force employed on this occasion was divided into two bodies; one of which directed its course against Verplanks, and the other against Stoney Point. The former was commanded by General Vaughan, the latter by General Pattison, while the shipping was under the direction of Sir George Collier. General Vaughan met with no resistance, the enemy abandoning their works, and setting fire to every thing combustible that they could not carry off. At Stoney Point, however, a vigorous defence was made, though the garrison was at last obliged to capitulate upon honourable conditions. To secure the possession of this last, which was the more important of the two, General Clinton removed from his former situation, and encamped in such a manner that Washington could not give any assistance. The Americans, however, revenged themselves by distressing, with their numerous privateers, the trade to New York.

This occasioned a third expedition to Connecticut, where these privateers were chiefly built and harboured. The command was given to Governor Tryon, and to General Garth, an officer of known valour and experience. Under convoy of a considerable number of armed vessels they landed at Newhaven, where they demolished the batteries that had been erected to oppose them, and destroyed the shipping and naval stores; but they spared the town itself, as the inhabitants had abstained from firing out of their houses upon the troops. From Newhaven they marched to Fairfield, where they proceeded as before, reducing the town also to ashes. Norwalk was next attacked, which in like manner was reduced to ashes; as was also Greenfield, a small seaport in the neighbourhood.

Their successes proved very alarming as well as detrimental to the Americans; so that General Washington determined at all events to drive the enemy from Stoney Point. For this purpose he sent General Wayne with a detachment of chosen men, directing them to attempt the recovery of it by surprise. On this occasion the Americans showed a spirit and resolution exceeding anything they had performed during the course of the war. Though after the capture of it by the British the fortifications of this place had been completed, and were very strong, they attacked the enemy with bayonets, after passing through a heavy fire of musketry and grape shot; and in spite of all opposition, obliged the surviving part of the garrison, amounting to 500 men, to surrender themselves prisoners of war.

Though the Americans did not at present attempt to retain possession of Stoney Point, the success they had met with in the enterprise emboldened them to make a similar attempt on Paulus Hook, a fortified post on the Jersey side opposite to New York; but in this they were not attended with equal success, being obliged to retire with precipitation after they had made themselves masters of one or two posts.

Another expedition of greater importance was now projected on the part of the Americans. This was ful expedition against a post on the river Penobscot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the British had lately taken possession, and where they had begun to erect a fort which threatened to be a very great inconvenience to the colonists. The armament destined against it was so soon got in readiness, that Colonel Maclean, the commanding officer at Penobscot, found himself obliged to drop the execution of part of his scheme; and instead of a regular fort, to content himself with putting the works already constructed in as good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans could not effect a landing without a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the guns of their largest vessels to bear upon the shore. As soon as this was done, however, they erected several batteries, and kept up a brisk fire for the space of a fortnight; after which they proposed to give a general assault: but before this could be effected, they perceived Sir George Collier with a British fleet sailing up the river to attack. tack them. On this they instantly embarked their artillery and military stores, sailing up the river as far as possible in order to avoid him. They were so closely pursued, however, that not a single vessel could escape; so that the whole fleet, consisting of 19 armed vessels and 24 transports, was destroyed; most of them indeed being blown up by themselves. The soldiers and sailors were obliged to wander through immense deserts, where they suffered much for want of provisions; and to add to their calamities, a quarrel broke out between the soldiers and seamen concerning the cause of their disaster, which ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number were killed.

Thus the arms of America and France being almost everywhere unsuccessful, the independency of the former seemed yet to be in danger notwithstanding the assistance of so powerful an ally, when further encouragement was given by the accession of Spain to the confederacy against Britain in the month of June 1779. The first effect of this appeared in an invasion of West Florida by the Spaniards in September 1779. As the country was in no state of defense, the enemy easily made themselves masters of the whole almost without opposition. Their next enterprise was against the Bay of Honduras, where the British logwood-cutters were settled. These finding themselves too weak to resist, applied to the governor of Jamaica for relief; who sent them a supply of men, ammunition, and military stores, under Captain Dalrymple. Before the arrival of this detachment, the principal settlement in those parts, called St George's Key, had been taken by the Spaniards and retaken by the British. In his way Captain Dalrymple fell in with a squadron from Admiral Parker in search of some register ships richly laden; but which retreating into the harbour of Omoa, were too strongly protected by the fort to be attacked with safety. A project was then formed in conjunction with the people of Honduras, to reduce this fort. The design was to surprise it; but the Spaniards having discovered them, they were obliged to fight. Victory quickly declared for the British; but the fortifications were so strong, that the artillery they had brought along with them were found too light to make any impression. It was then determined to try the success of an escalade; and this was executed with so much spirit, that the Spaniards stood astonished without making any resistance, and, in spite of all the efforts of their officers, threw down their arms and surrendered. The spoil was immense, being valued at three millions of dollars. The Spaniards chiefly lamented the loss of 250 quintals of quicksilver; a commodity indispensably necessary in the working of their gold and silver mines, so that they offered to ransom it at any price; but this was refused, as well as the ransom of the fort, though the governor offered 300,000 dollars for it. A small garrison was left for the defence of the place; but it was quickly attacked by a superior force, and obliged to evacuate it, though not without destroying every thing that could be of use to the enemy; spiking the guns, and even locking the gates of the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was done in the sight of the besiegers; after which the garrison embarked without the loss of a man.

As no operation of any consequence took place this year in the province of New York, the congress made use of the opportunity to dispatch General Sullivan with a considerable force, in order to take vengeance on the Indians for their ravages and depredations; and the object of the expedition was, not merely the reduction of them, but if possible their utter extirpation. Of this the Indians were apprised; and collecting all their strength, resolved to come to a decisive engagement. Accordingly they took a strong post in the most woody and mountainous part of the country, erecting a breastwork in the front, of large logs of wood, extending half a mile in length, while their right flank was covered by a river, and the left by a hill of difficult access. This advantageous position they had taken by the advice of the refugees who were among them, and of whom 200 or 300 were present in the battle.

Thus posted, the Indians waited the approach of the American army; but the latter having brought some artillery along with them, played it against the breastwork of the enemy with such success, that in two hours it was almost destroyed; and at the same time a party having reached the top of the hill, they became apprehensive of being surrounded, on which they instantly fled with precipitation, leaving a great number of killed and wounded behind them. The Americans after this battle met with no further resistance of any consequence. They were suffered to proceed without interruption, and to execute in the most ample manner the vengeance they had projected. On entering the country of the Indians, it appeared that they had been acquainted with agriculture and the arts of peace far beyond what had been supposed. From General Sullivan's account it was learned, that the Indian houses were large, convenient, and even elegant; their grounds were excellently cultivated, and their gardens abounded in fruit trees and vegetables of all kinds fit for food. The whole of this fine country was now by the American general converted into a desert. Forty towns and settlements, besides scattered habitations, were demolished; the fields of corn, the orchards, the plantations, were utterly laid waste; all the fruit trees were cut down; and so great had been the industry of the Indians, that in one orchard 1500 of these were destroyed. The quantity of corn wasted on this occasion was supposed to amount to 160,000 bushels. In short such was the desolation, that on the American army's leaving the country, not a house, not a field of corn, not a fruit tree, was left upon the ground, nor was an Indian to be seen throughout the whole tract.

We must now take a view of the transactions in the southern colonies; to which the war was, in the year 1780, so effectually transferred, that the operations there became at last decisive. The success of General Prevost in advancing to the very capital of South Carolina has been already related, together with the obstacles which prevented him from becoming master of it at that time. Towards the end of the year 1779, however, Sir Henry Clinton set sail from New York with a considerable body of troops, intended for the attack of Charlestown, South Carolina, in a fleet of ships of war and transports under the command of Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot. They had a very tedious voyage; the weather was uncommonly bad; several of the transports were lost, as was also the greater part of the horses. horses which they carried with them, intended for cavalry or other public uses; and an ordnance ship likewise foundered at sea. Having arrived at Savannah, where they endeavoured to repair the damages sustained on their voyage, they proceeded from thence on the 10th of February 1780 to North Edisto, the place of debarkation which had been previously appointed. They had a favourable and speedy passage thither: and though it required time to have the bar explored and the channel marked, the transports all entered the harbour the next day; and the army took possession of John's Island without opposition. Preparations were then made for passing the squadron over Charlestown bar, where the high water spring tides were only 19 feet deep: but no opportunity offered of going into the harbour till the 26th of March, when it was effected without any accident, though the American galleys continually attempted to prevent the English boats from sounding the channel. The British troops had previously removed from John's to James's island; and on the 26th of the same month they effected their landing at Charlestown Neck. On the 1st of April they broke ground within 800 yards of the American works; and by the 8th the besiegers guns were mounted in battery.

As soon as the army began to erect their batteries against the town, Admiral Arbuthnot embraced the first favourable opportunity of passing Sullivan's island, upon which there was a strong fort of batteries, the chief defence of the harbour. He weighed on the 9th, with the Roebuck, Richmond, and Romulus, Blonde, Virginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed ship, the Renown bringing up the rear; and, passing through a severe fire, anchored in about two hours under James's island, with the loss of 27 seamen killed and wounded. The Richmond's fore-topmast was shot away, and the ships in general sustained damage in their masts and rigging, though not materially in their hulls. But the Acetus transport, having on board some naval stores, grounded within gunshot of Sullivan's island, and received so much damage that she was obliged to be abandoned and burnt.

On the 15th, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot summoned the town to surrender to his majesty's arms: but Major-general Lincoln, who commanded in Charlestown, returned them an answer, declaring it to be his intention to defend the place. The batteries were now opened against the town; and from their effect the fire of the American advanced works considerably abated. It appears that the number of troops under the command of Lincoln was by far too few for defending works of such extent as those of Charlestown; and that many of these were men little accustomed to military service, and very ill provided with clothes and other necessaries. Lincoln had been for some time expecting reinforcements and supplies from Virginia and other places; but they came in very slowly. Earl Cornwallis, and Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton under him, were also extremely active in intercepting such reinforcements and supplies as were sent to the American general. They totally defeated a considerable body of cavalry and militia which was proceeding to the relief of the town; and also made themselves masters of some posts which gave them which means great supplies of provisions fell into their hands.

Such was the state of things, and Fort Sullivan had also been taken by the king's troops, when on the 18th General Clinton again summoned the town to surrender; an offer being made, as had been done before, that if they surrendered, the lives and property of the inhabitants should be preserved to them. Articles of capitulation were then proposed by General Lincoln; but the terms were not agreed to by General Clinton. At length, however, the town being closely invested on all sides, and the preparations to storm it in every part being in great forwardness, and the ships ready to move to the assault, General Lincoln, who had been applied to for that purpose by the inhabitants, surrendered it on such articles of capitulation as General Clinton had before agreed to. This place was on the 12th of May, which was one month and two days after the town had been first summoned to surrender.

A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and ammunition, was found in Charlestown; and, according to Sir Henry Clinton's account, the number of prisoners taken in Charlestown amounted to 3618 men, exclusive of near a thousand sailors in arms; but according to General Lincoln's account, transmitted to the congress, the whole number of continental troops taken prisoners amounted to no more than 2487. The remainder, therefore, included in General Clinton's account, must have consisted of militia and inhabitants of the town. Several American frigates were also taken or destroyed in the harbour of Charlestown.

The loss of Charlestown evidently excited a considerable alarm in America: and their popular writers, particularly the author of the celebrated performance entitled Common Sense, in some other pieces made use of it as a powerful argument to lead them to more vigorous exertions against Great Britain, that they might the more effectually and certainly secure their independence.

While Sir Henry Clinton was employed in his voyage to Charlestown, and in the siege of that place, sions at the garrison at New York seem not to have been wholly free from apprehensions for their own safety. An intense frost, accompanied with great falls of snow, began about the middle of December 1779, and shut up the navigation of the port of New York from the sea, within a few days after the departure of Admiral Arbuthnot and General Clinton. The severity of the weather increased to so great a degree, that towards the middle of January all communications with New York by water were entirely cut off, and as many new ones opened by the ice. The inhabitants could scarcely be said to be in an insular state. Horses with heavy carriages could go over the ice into the Jerseys from one island to another. The passage in the North River, even in the widest part from New York to Paulus Hook, which was 2000 yards, was about the 19th of January practicable for the heaviest cannon: an event which had been unknown in the memory of man. Provisions were soon after transported upon sledges, and a detachment of cavalry marched upon the ice from New York to Staten island, which was a distance of 11 miles.

The city of New York being thus circumstanced, United States was considered as much exposed to the attacks from the continental troops; and it was strongly reported that General Washington was meditating a great stroke upon New York with his whole force, by different attacks. Some time before this, Major-general Pattison, commandant at New York, having received an address from many of the inhabitants, offering to put themselves in military array, he thought the present a favourable opportunity of proving the sincerity of their professions. Accordingly he issued a proclamation, calling upon all the male inhabitants from 16 to 60 to take up arms. The requisition was so readily complied with, that in a few days 40 companies from the six wards of the city were enrolled, officered, and under arms, to the number of 2600, many substantial citizens serving in the ranks of each company. Other volunteer companies were formed; and the city was put into a very strong posture of defence.

No attack, however, was made upon New York, whatever design might originally have been meditated; but an attempt was made upon Staten Island, where there were about 1800 men, under the command of Brigadier-general Sterling, who were well intrenched. General Washington, whose army was huddled at Morristown, sent a detachment of 2700 men, with six pieces of cannon, two mortars, and some horses, commanded by Lord Sterling, who arrived at Staten Island early in the morning of the 15th January. The advanced posts of the British troops retired upon the approach of the Americans, who formed the line, and made some movements in the course of the day; but they withdrew in the night, after having burnt one house, pillaged some others, and carried off with them about 200 head of cattle. Immediately on the arrival of the Americans on Staten island, Lieutenant-general Knyphausen had embarked 600 men to attempt a passage, and to support General Sterling; but the floating ice compelled them to return. It is, however, imagined, that the appearance of these transports, with the British troops on board, which the Americans could see towards the close of the day, induced the latter to make so precipitate a retreat.

After Charlestown had surrendered to the king's troops, General Clinton issued two proclamations, and also circulated a hand bill amongst the inhabitants of South Carolina, in order to induce them to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to join the king's troops. It was said, that the helping hand of every man was wanted to re-establish peace and good government; and that as the commander in chief wished not to draw the king's friends into danger, while any doubt could remain of their success; so now that this was certain, he trusted that one and all would heartily join, and by a general concurrence give effect to such necessary measures for that purpose as from time to time might be pointed out. Those who had families were to form a militia to remain at home, and occasionally to assemble in their own districts, when required, under officers of their own choosing, for the maintenance of peace and good order. Those who had no families, and who could conveniently be spared for a time, it was presumed, would cheerfully assist his majesty's troops in driving their oppressors, acting under the authority of congress, and all the miseries of war, far from that colony. For this purpose it was said to be necessary that the young men should be ready to assemble when required, and to serve with the king's troops for any six months of the ensuing twelve that might be found requisite, under proper regulations. They might choose officers to each company to command them; and were to be allowed, when on service, pay, ammunition, and provisions, in the same manner as the king's troops. When they joined the army, each man was to be furnished with a certificate, declaring that he was only engaged to serve as a militiaman for the time specified; that he was not to be marched beyond North Carolina and Georgia; and that, when the time was out, he was freed from all claims whatever of military service, excepting the common and usual militia duty where he lived. He would then, it was said, have paid his debt to his country, and be entitled to enjoy undisturbed that peace, liberty, and property, at home, which he had contributed to secure. The proclamations and publications of General Clinton appeared to have produced some effect in South Carolina; though they probably operated chiefly upon those who were before not much inclined to the cause of American independence. Two hundred and ten of the inhabitants of Charlestown signed an address to General Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, soliciting to be readmitted to the character and condition of British subjects, the inhabitants of that city having been hitherto considered as prisoners on parole; declaring their disapprobation of the doctrine of American independence; and expressing their regret, that after the repeal of those statutes which gave rise to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his majesty's commissioners had not been regarded by the congress. Sir Henry Clinton, in one of the proclamations issued at this time, declared, that if any persons should thenceforward appear in arms in order to prevent the establishment of his majesty's government in that country, or should, under any pretence or authority whatsoever, attempt to compel any other person or persons to do so, or should hinder or intimidate the king's faithful and loyal subjects from joining his forces or otherwise performing those duties their allegiance required, such persons should be treated with the utmost severity, and their estates be immediately seized in order to be confiscated.

Mean time the ravages of war did not prevent the Americans from paying some attention to the arts of peace. On the 4th of May an act passed by the council and house of representatives of Massachusetts Bay for incorporating and establishing a society for the cultivation and promotion of the arts and sciences.

Some doubts having arisen in the congress, towards the close of the preceding year, about the propriety of their assembling in the city of Philadelphia, it was now resolved that they should continue to meet there; and a committee of three members was appointed, to report a proper place where buildings might be provided for the reception of the congress, together with an estimate of the expense of providing such buildings and the necessary offices for the several boards. It was also resolved by the congress, that a monument should be erected to the memory of their late general Richard Montgomery, who fell at Quebec, in testimony of his signal and important services to the United States. States of America, with an inscription expressive of his amiable character and heroic achievements; and that the continental treasurers should be directed to advance a sum not exceeding 300l. to Dr Franklin to defray the expense; that gentleman being desired to cause the monument to be executed at Paris, or in some other part of France. It was likewise resolved by the congress, that a court should be established for the trial of all appeals from the court of admiralty of the United States of America, in cases of capture; to consist of three judges, appointed and commissioned by congress, and who were to take an oath of office; and that the trials in this court should be determined by the usage of nations.

The difficulties of the congress and of the people of America had been greatly increased by the depreciation of their paper currency. At the time when the colonies engaged in a war with Great Britain, they had no regular civil governments established among them of sufficient energy to enforce the collection of taxes, or to provide funds for the redemption of such bills of credit as their necessities obliged them to issue. In consequence of this state of things, their bills increased in quantity far beyond the sum necessary for the purpose of a circulating medium; and as they wanted at the same time specific funds to rest on for their redemption, they saw their paper currency daily sink in value. The depreciation continued, by a kind of gradual progression, from the year 1777 to 1780; so that, at the latter period, the continental dollars were passed, by common consent, in most parts of America, at the rate of at least 1/2 below their nominal value. The impossibility of keeping up the credit of the currency to any fixed standard, occasioned great and almost insurmountable embarrassments in ascertaining the value of property, or carrying on trade with any sufficient certainty. Those who sold, and those who bought, were left without a rule whereon to form a judgment of their profit or their loss; and every species of commerce or exchange, whether foreign or domestic, was exposed to numberless and increasing difficulties. The consequences of the depreciation of the paper currency were also felt with peculiar severity by such of the Americans as were engaged in their military services, and greatly augmented their other hardships. The requisitions made by the congress to the several colonies for supplies, were also far from being always regularly complied with; and their troops were not unfrequently in want of the most common necessaries; which naturally occasioned complaints and discontent among them. Some of these difficulties, resulting from their circumstances and situation, perhaps no wisdom could have prevented; but they seem to have arisen in part from the congress not being sufficiently acquainted with the principles of finance, and from a defect of system in the departments of their government. The cause of the Americans appears also to have suffered somewhat by their depending too much on temporary enlistments. But the congress endeavoured, towards the close of the year 1782, to put their army on a more permanent footing, and to give all the satisfaction to their officers and soldiers which their circumstances would permit. They appointed a committee for arranging their finances, and made some new regulations respecting their war-office and treasury-board, and other public United States departments.

Notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured, the Americans seemed to entertain no doubts but that they should be able to maintain their independence. The 4th of July was celebrated this year at Philadelphia with some pomp, as the anniversary of American independence. A commencement for conferring degrees in the arts was held the same day, in the hall of the university there; at which the president and members of the congress attended, and other persons in public offices. The chevalier de la Lucerne, minister plenipotentiary from the French king to the United States, was also present on the occasion. A charge was publicly addressed by the provost of the university to the students; in which he said, that he could not but congratulate them "on that auspicious day, which, amidst the confusions and desolations of war, beheld learning beginning to revive;" and animated them with the pleasing prospect of seeing the sacred lamp of science burning with a still brighter flame, and scattering its invigorating rays over the unexplored deserts of that extensive continent; until the whole world should be involved in the united blaze of knowledge, liberty, and religion. When he stretched his views forward (he said), and surveyed the rising glories of America, the enriching consequences of their determined struggle for liberty, the extensive fields of intellectual improvement and useful invention, in science and arts, in agriculture and commerce, in religion and government, through which the unfettered mind would range, with increasing delight, in quest of the undiscovered treasure which yet lay concealed in the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms of that new world, or in the other fertile sources of knowledge with which it abounded; his heart swelled with the pleasing prospect, that the sons of that institution would distinguish themselves, in the different walks of life, by their literary contributions to the embellishment and increase of human happiness."

On the 10th of July, M. Ternay, with a fleet consisting of seven ships of the line, besides frigates, and body of a large body of French troops, commanded by the count de Rochambeau, arrived at Rhode Island; and the following day 6000 men were landed there. A committee from the general assembly of Rhode Island was appointed to congratulate the French general upon his arrival: whereupon he returned an answer, in which he informed them, that the king his master had sent him to the assistance of his good and faithful allies the United States of America. At present, he said, he only brought over the vanguard of a much greater force destined for their aid; and the king had ordered him to assure them, that his whole power should be exerted for their support. He added, that the French troops were under the strictest discipline; and, acting under the orders of General Washington, would live with the Americans as their brethren.

A scheme was soon after formed, of making a combined attack with English ships and troops, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, against the French fleet and troops at Rhode Island. Accordingly a considerable part of the troops at New York was embarked for that purpose. General General Washington having received information of this, passed the North River, by a very rapid movement, and with an army increased to 12,000 men, proceeded with celerity towards King's Bridge, in order to attack New York; but learning that the British general had changed his intentions, and disembarked his troops on the 31st of the month, General Washington recrossed the river, and returned to his former station.

Sir Henry Clinton and the admiral had agreed to relinquish their design of attacking the French and Americans at Rhode Island as impracticable for the present.

An unsuccessful attempt was also made about this time in the Jerseys by General Knyphausen, with 7000 British troops under his command, to surprise the advanced posts of General Washington's army. They proceeded very rapidly towards Springfield, meeting little opposition till they came to the bridge there, which was very gallantly defended by 170 of the continental troops for 15 minutes, against the British army; but they were at length obliged to give up so unequal a contest, with the loss of 37 men. After securing this pass, the British troops marched into the place, and set fire to most of the houses. They also committed some other depredations in the Jerseys, but gained no laurels there, being obliged to return about the beginning of July without effecting any thing material.

But in South Carolina the royal arms were attended with more success. Earl Cornwallis, who commanded the British troops there, obtained a very signal victory over General Gates, on the 16th of August. The action began at break of day, in a situation very advantageous for the British troops, but very unfavourable to the Americans. The latter were much more numerous; but the ground on which both armies stood was narrowed by swamps on the right and left, so that the Americans could not properly avail themselves of their superior numbers. There seems to have been some want of generalship in Gates, in suffering himself to be surprised in so disadvantageous a position; but this circumstance was partly the effect of accident; for both armies set out with a design of attacking each other precisely at the same time, at ten the preceding evening, and met together before daylight at the place where the action happened. The attack was made by the British troops with great vigour, and in a few minutes the action was general along the whole line. It was at this time a dead calm, with a little haziness in the air, which preventing the smoke from rising, occasioned so thick a darkness, that it was difficult to see the effect of a very heavy and well-supported fire on both sides. The British troops either kept up a constant fire, or made use of bayonets, as opportunities offered; and, after an obstinate resistance during three quarters of an hour, threw the Americans into total confusion, and forced them to give way in all quarters. The continental troops appear to have behaved well; but the militia were soon broken, and left the former to oppose the whole force of the British troops. General Gates did all in his power to rally the militia, but without effect: the continentals retreated in some order; but the rout of the militia was so great, that the British cavalry are said to have continued the pursuit of them to the distance of 22 miles from the place where the action happened. The loss of the Americans was very considerable: about 1000 prisoners were taken, and more are said to have been killed and wounded, but the number is not very accurately ascertained. Seven pieces of brass cannon, a number of colours, and all the ammunition waggons of the Americans, were also taken. Of the British troops, the killed and wounded amounted to 213. Among the prisoners taken was Major-general Baron de Kalb, a Prussian officer in the American service, who was mortally wounded, having exhibited great gallantry in the course of the action, and received 11 wounds. The British troops by whom this great victory was achieved did not much exceed 2000, while the American army is said to have amounted to 4000, of which, however, the greatest part was militia.

Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distinguished himself in this action, was detached the Lieut. Col. following day, with some cavalry and light infantry, amounting to about 350 men, to attack a corps of Americans under General Sumpter. He executed this service with great activity and military address. He procured good information of Sumpter's movements; and by forced and concealed marches came up with and surprised him on the middle of the day on the 18th, near the Catawba fords. He totally destroyed or dispersed his detachment, which consisted of 700 men, killing 150 on the spot, and taking two pieces of brass cannon, 300 prisoners, and 44 waggons.

Not long after these events, means were found to General detach Major-general Arnold, who had engaged so ardently in the cause of America, and who had exhibited so much bravery in the support of it, from the interests of the congress. Major André, adjutant-general to the British army, was a principal agent in this transaction; or, if the overtur of joining the king's troops came first from Arnold, this gentleman was the person employed to concert the affair with him. More must have been originally comprehended in the scheme than the mere desertion of the American cause by Arnold; but whatever designs had been formed for promoting the views of the British government, they were frustrated by the apprehending of Major André. He was taken in disguise, after having assumed a false name, on the 23rd of September, by three American soldiers; to whom he offered considerable rewards, if they would have suffered him to escape, but without effect. Several papers written by Arnold were found upon him; and when Arnold had learned that Major André was seized, he found means to get on board a barge, and to escape to one of the king's ships. Unhappy General Washington referred the case of Major André to the examination and decision of a board of general officers, consisting of Major-general Greene, Major-general Lord Sterling, Major-general the Marquis de la Fayette, Major-general the Baron de Steuben, two other major-generals, and eight brigadier-generals. Major André was examined before them, and the particulars of his case, inquired to; and they reported to the American commander in chief, that Mr André came on shore from the Vulture sloop of war in the night, on an interview with General Arnold, in a private and secret manner; that he changed his dress within the American lines; and, under a feigned name and in a disguised habit, passed the American works at Stoney and Verplank's Points, on the evening of the 22d of September; that he was taken on the morning of the 23d at Tarry town, he being then on the way for New York; and that, when taken, he had in his possession several papers which contained intelligence for the enemy. They therefore determined, that he ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy; and that, agreeable to the law and usage of nations, he ought to suffer death. Sir Henry Clinton, Lieutenant-general Robertson, and the late American general Arnold, all wrote pressing letters to General Washington on the occasion, in order to prevent the decision of the board of general officers from being put in force: But their applications were ineffectual. Major André was hanged at Tappan, in the province of New York, on the 2d of October. He met his fate with great firmness; but appeared somewhat hurt that he was not allowed a more military death, for which he had solicited. He was a gentleman of very amiable qualities, had a taste for literature and the fine arts, and possessed many accomplishments. His death, therefore, was regretted even by his enemies: and the severity of the determination concerning him was much exclaimed against in Great Britain. It was, however, generally acknowledged by impartial persons, that there was nothing in the execution of this unfortunate gentleman but what was perfectly consonant to the rules of war.

Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the king's service, and published an address to the inhabitants of America, dated from New York, October 7, in which he endeavoured to justify his desertion of their cause. He said, that when he first engaged in it, he conceived the rights of his country to be in danger, and that duty and honour called him to her defence. A redress of grievances was his only aim and object; and therefore he acquiesced unwillingly in the declaration of independence, because he thought it precipitate. But what now induced him to desert their cause was the disgust he had conceived at the French alliance, and at the refusal of congress to comply with the last terms offered by Great Britain, which he thought equal to all their expectations and to all their wishes.

The Americans, however, accounted for the conduct of Arnold in a different manner. They alleged, that he had so involved himself in debts and difficulties by his extravagant manner of living in America, that he had rendered it very inconvenient for him to continue there: that after the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British troops, Arnold, being invested with the command in that city, had made the house of Mr Penn, which was the best in the city, his head quarters. This he had furnished in an elegant and expensive manner, and lived in a style far beyond his income. It was manifest, they said, that he could at first have no great aversion to the French alliance, because that when M. Gerard, minister plenipotentiary from the court of France, arrived at Philadelphia in July 1778, General Arnold early and earnestly solicited that minister, with his whole suite, to take apartments and bed and board at his house, until a proper house could be provided by the order of the congress. This offer M. Gerard accepted, and he continued with him some weeks. The French minister resided upwards of 14 months in Philadelphia, during which time General Arnold kept up the most friendly and intimate acquaintance with him, and there was a continued interchange of dinners, balls, routes, and concerts: so that M. Gerard must have believed, that in General Arnold he had found and left one of the warmest friends the court of France had in America. He was also one of the first in congratulating the Chevalier la Luzerne, the second French minister. About this time complaints and accusations were exhibited against him by the government of Philadelphia for divers mal-practices; among which charges were, the appropriation of goods and merchandise to his own use, which he had seized as British property in Philadelphia in July 1778. It was determined by a court-martial, that his conduct was highly reprehensible; but he was indulgently treated, and was therefore only reprimanded by the commander in chief General Washington. It was in these circumstances, the Americans said, bankrupted in reputation and fortune, loaded with debts, and having a growing and expensive family, that General Arnold first turned his thoughts towards joining the royal arms.

After the defeat of General Gates by Earl Cornwallis, that nobleman exerted himself to the utmost in extending the progress of the British arms, and with considerable effect. But one enterprise, which was conducted by Major Ferguson, proved unsuccessful. That officer had taken abundant pains to discipline some of the Tory militia, as they were termed; and with a party of these and some British troops, amounting in the whole to about 1400 men, made incursions into the country. But on the 7th of October he was attacked by a superior body of Americans at a place called King's Mountain, and totally defeated. One hundred and fifty were killed in the action, and 810 made prisoners, of whom 150 were wounded. Fifteen hundred stand of arms also fell into the hands of the Americans, whose loss was inconsiderable. But the following month Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who continued to exert his usual activity and bravery, with a party of 1700, chiefly cavalry, attacked and defeated General Sumpter, who is said to have had 1000 men, at a place called Block Stocks. Sumpter was wounded, and about 120 of the Americans killed, wounded, or taken. Of the British troops about 50 were killed and wounded.

On the 3d of September, the Mercury, a congress capture packet, was taken by the Vestal, Captain Keppel, near Mr Lee's Newfoundland. On board this packet was Mr Laurens, late president of the congress, who was bound on an embassy to Holland. He had thrown his papers overboard, but great part of them were recovered without having received much damage. He was brought to London, and examined before the privy council; in consequence of which he was committed close prisoner to the Tower on the 6th of October, on a charge of high treason. His papers were delivered to the ministry, and contributed to facilitate a rupture with Holland, as among them was found the sketch of a treaty of amity and commerce between the republic of Holland and the United States of America.

At the beginning of the year 1781, an affair happened in America, from which expectations were formed by Sir Henry Clinton, that some considerable advantage might be derived to the royal cause. The long long continuance of the war, and the difficulties under which the congress laboured, had prevented their troops from being properly supplied with necessaries and conveniences. In consequence of this, on the 1st of January, the American troops that were butted at Morris Town, and who formed what was called the Pennsylvania line, turned out, being in number about 1300, and declared, that they would serve no longer, unless their grievances were redressed, as they had not received their pay, or been furnished with the necessary clothing or provisions. It is said that they were somewhat inflamed with liquor in consequence of rum having been distributed to them more liberally than usual, New-year's-day being considered as a kind of festival. A riot ensued, in which an officer was killed, and four wounded; fire or six of the insurgents were also wounded. They then collected the artillery, stores, provisions, and waggons, and marched out of the camp. They passed by the quarters of General Wayne, who sent a message to them, requesting them to desist, or the consequences would prove fatal. They refused, and proceeded on their march till the evening, when they took post on an advantageous piece of ground, and elected officers from among themselves. On the second, they marched to Middlebrook, and on the third to Princeton, where they fixed their quarters. On that day a flag of truce was sent to them from the officers of the American camp, with a message, desiring to know what were their intentions. Some of them answered, that they had already served longer than the time for which they were enlisted, and would serve no longer; and others, that they would not return, unless their grievances were redressed. But at the same time they repeatedly, and in the strongest terms, denied being influenced by the least disaffection to the American cause, or having any intentions of deserting to the enemy.

Intelligence of this transaction was soon conveyed to New York. A large body of British troops were immediately ordered to hold themselves in readiness to move on the shortest notice, it being hoped that the American revolters might be induced to join the royal army. Messengers were also sent to them from General Clinton, acquainting them that they should directly be taken under the protection of the British government; that they should have a free pardon for all former offences; and that the pay due to them from the congress should be faithfully paid them, without any expectation of military service, unless it should be voluntary, upon condition of their laying down their arms and returning to their allegiance. It was also recommended to them to move beyond the South river; and they were assured, that a body of British troops should be ready to protect them whenever they desired it. These propositions were rejected with disdain; and they even delivered up two of Sir Henry Clinton's messengers to the congress. Joseph Reed, Esq. president of the state of Pennsylvania, afterwards repaired to them at Princeton, and an accommodation took place: such of them as had served out their full terms were permitted to return to their own homes, and others again joined the American army, upon receiving satisfactory assurances that their grievances should be redressed.

Lord Cornwallis now began to make very vigorous exertions, in order to penetrate into North Carolina. United States. On the 11th of January his lordship's army was in motion, and advancing towards that province; but was somewhat delayed by an attempt made by the Americans, under General Morgan, to make themselves masters of the valuable district of Ninety-six. In order to prevent this, Lord Cornwallis detached Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with 300 cavalry, 300 light infantry, the 7th regiment, the 1st battalion of the 71st regiment, and two three-pounders, to oppose the progress of Morgan, not doubting but that he would be able to perform this service effectually. The British troops came up with the Americans under General Morgan, on the 17th of January. The Americans were drawn up in an open wood, and, having been lately joined by some militia, were more numerous than the British troops under Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton; but the latter were so much better disciplined, that they had the utmost confidence of obtaining a speedy victory. The attack was begun by the first line of infantry, consisting of the 7th regiment and a corps of light infantry, with a troop of cavalry placed on each flank. The first battalion of the 71st and the remainder of the cavalry formed the reserve. The American line soon gave way, and their militia quitted the field; upon which the royal troops, supposing the victory already gained, engaged with ardour in the pursuit, and were thereby thrown into some disorder. General Morgan's corps, who were supposed to have been routed, then immediately faced about, and threw in a heavy fire on the king's troops, which occasioned the utmost confusion amongst them; and they were at length totally defeated by the Americans. Four hundred of the British infantry were either killed, Colonel wounded, or taken prisoners: the loss of the cavalry Tarleton was much less considerable; but the two three-pounders fell into the hands of the Americans, together with the colours of the 7th regiment; and all the detachment of royal artillery were either killed or wounded in defence of their colours. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, however, made another effort: having assembled about 50 of his cavalry, with which he charged and repulsed Colonel Washington's horse, retook his baggage, and killed the quence of Americans who were appointed to guard it. He then that event retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth of Bullock's creek, carrying with him part of his baggage, and destroying the remainder.

This defeat of the troops under Tarleton was a severe stroke to Lord Cornwallis, as the loss of his light infantry was a great disadvantage to him. The day after that event, he employed in collecting the remains of Tarleton's corps, and in endeavouring to form a junction with General Leslie, who had been ordered to march towards him with a body of British troops from Wynesborough. Considerable exertions were then made by part of the army, without baggage, to retake the prisoners in the hands of the Americans, and to intercept General Morgan's corps, on its retreat to the Catawba. But that American officer, after his defeat of Tarleton, had made forced marches up into the country, and crossed the Catawba the evening before a great rain, which swelled the river to such a degree, as to prevent the royal army from crossing for several days; during which time the British prisoners were got over the Yadkin; whence they proceeded to Dan River, Lord Cornwallis employed a halt of two days in collecting some flour, and in destroying superfluous baggage and all his waggons, excepting those laden with hospital stores, salt, and ammunition, and four reserved empty in readiness for sick or wounded. Being thus freed from all unnecessary encumbrances, he marched through North Carolina with great rapidity, and penetrated to the remotest extremities of that province on the banks of the Dan. His progress was sometimes impeded by parties of the militia, and some skirmishes ensued, but he met with no very considerable opposition. On the first of February, the king's troops crossed the Catawba at McCowan's Ford, where General Davidson, with a party of American militia, was posted in order to oppose their passage; but he falling by the first discharge, the royal troops made good their landing, and the militia retreated. When Lord Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough, he erected the king's standard, and invited, by proclamation, all loyal subjects to repair to it, and to stand forth and take an active part in assisting his lordship to restore order and government. He had been taught to believe that the king's friends were numerous in that part of the country; but the event did not confirm the truth of the representations that had been given. The royalists were but few in number, and some of them too timid to join the king's standard. There were, indeed, about 200 who were proceeding to Hillsborough, under Colonel Pyle, in order to avow their attachment to the royal cause; but they were met accidentally, and surrounded by a detachment from the American army, by whom a number of them are said to have been killed when they were begging for quarter, without making the least resistance. Meanwhile General Greene was marching with great expedition with the troops under his command, in order to form a junction with other corps of American troops, that he might thereby be enabled to put some effectual stop to the progress of Lord Cornwallis.

In other places some considerable advantages were obtained by the royal arms. On the 4th of January, some ships of war, with a number of transports, on board which was a large body of troops under the command of Brigadier-general Arnold, arrived at Westover, about 150 miles from the capes of Virginia, where the troops immediately landed and marched to Richmond; which they reached without opposition, the militia that was collected having retreated on their approach. Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe marched from hence with a detachment of the British troops to Westham, where they destroyed one of the finest foundries for cannon in America, and a large quantity of stores and cannon. General Arnold, on his arrival at Richmond, found there large quantities of salt, rum, sail-cloth, tobacco, and other merchandise; and that part of these commodities which was public property he destroyed. The British troops afterwards attacked and dispersed some small parties of the Americans, took some stores and a few pieces of cannon, and on the 20th of the same month marched into Portsmouth. On the 23rd Captain Barclay, with several ships of war, and a body of troops under the command of Major Craig, arrived in Cape Fear river. The troops landed about nine miles from Wilmington, and on the 28th entered that town. It was understood that their having possession of that town, and being masters of Cape Fear river, would be productive of very beneficial effects to Lord Cornwallis's army.

General Greene having effected a junction about the 10th of March with a continental regiment of what were called eighteen months men, and two large bodies of militia belonging to Virginia and North Carolina, formed a resolution to attack the British troops under the command of Lord Cornwallis. The American army marched from the High Rock Ford on the 12th of the month, and on the 14th arrived at Guildford. Lord Cornwallis, from the information he had received of the motions of the American general, concluded what were his designs. As they approached more nearly to each other, a few skirmishes ensued between some advanced parties, in which the king's troops had the advantage. On the morning of the 15th, Lord Cornwallis marched with his troops at daybreak in order to meet the Americans, or to attack them in their encampment. About four miles from Guildford, the advanced guard of the British army, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, fell in with a corps of the Americans, consisting of Lieutenant-colonel Lee's legion, some Black Mountain men and Virginian militia, with whom he had a severe skirmish, but whom he at length obliged to retreat.

The greater part of the country in which the action happened is a wilderness, with a few cleared fields interspersed. The American army, which was superior to the royal in point of numbers, was posted on a rising ground about a mile and a half from Guildford court-house. It was drawn up in three lines: the front line was composed of the North Carolinian militia, under the command of the generals Butler and Eaton; the second line, of Virginian militia, commanded by the generals Stephens and Lawson, forming two brigades; the third line, consisting of two brigades, one of Virginia and one of Maryland continental troops, commanded by General Huger and Colonel Williams. Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with the dragoons of the first and third regiments, a detachment of light infantry composed of continental troops, and a regiment of riflemen under Colonel Lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security of their right flank. Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detachment of light infantry, and a corps of riders under Colonel Campbell, formed a corps of observation for the security of their left flank. The attack of the American army was directed to be made by Lord Cornwallis in the following order: On the right, the regiment of Bose and the 71st regiment, led by Major-general Leslie, and supported by the first battalion of guards; on the left the 23d and 33d regiments, led by Lieutenant-colonel Webster, and supported by the grenadiers and second battalion of guards commanded by Brigadier-general O'Hara; the yagers and light infantry of the guards remained in a wood on the left of the guns, and the cavalry in the road, ready to act as circumstances might require.

About half an hour after one in the afternoon, the action commenced by a cannonade, which lasted about twenty minutes; when the British troops advanced in three three columns and attacked the North Carolinian brigades with great vigour, and soon obliged part of these troops, who behaved very ill, to quit the field; but the Virginian militia gave them a warm reception, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time, till being beaten back, the action became general almost everywhere. The American corps under the lieutenant-colonels Washington and Lee were also warmly engaged, and did considerable execution. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton had directions to keep his cavalry compact, and not to charge without positive orders, excepting to protect any of the corps from the most evident danger of being defeated. The excessive thickness of the woods rendered the British bayonets of little use, and enabled the broken corps of Americans to make frequent stands with an irregular fire. The second battalion of the guards first gained the clear ground near Guildford court-house, and found a corps of continental infantry, superior in number, formed in an open field on the left of the road. Desirous of signaling themselves, they immediately attacked and soon defeated them, taking two six-pounders; but as they pursued the Americans into the wood with too much ardour, they were thrown into confusion by a heavy fire, and instantly charged and driven back into the field by Lieutenant colonel Washington's dragoons, with the loss of the six-pounders they had taken. But the American cavalry were afterwards repulsed, and the two six-pounders again fell into the hands of the British troops. The spirited exertions of Brigadier-general O'Hara and of Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, greatly contributed to bring the action to a termination. The British troops having at length broken the second Maryland regiment, and turned the left flank of the Americans, got into the rear of the Virginian brigade, and appeared to be gaining their right, which would have encircled the whole of the continental troops, when General Greene thought it prudent to order a retreat. Many of the American militia dispersed in the woods; but the continental troops retreated in good order to the Reedy Fork river, and crossed at the ford about three miles from the field of action, and there halted. When they had collected their stragglers, they retreated to the iron works, 10 miles distant from Guildford, where they encamped. They lost their artillery and two wagons laden with ammunition. It was a hard fought action, and lasted an hour and a half. Of the British troops, the loss, as stated by Lord Cornwallis, was 532 killed, wounded, and missing. General Greene, in his account of the action transmitted to the congress, stated the loss of the continental troops to amount to 329 killed, wounded, and missing; but he made no estimate of the loss of the militia. Lieutenant-colonel Stuart was killed in the action; and Lieutenant-colonel Webster, and the captains Schutz, Maynard and Goodriche, died of the wounds that they received in it. Brigadier-general O'Hara, Brigadier-general Howard, and Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, were also wounded. Of the Americans, the principal officer killed was Major Anderson of the Maryland line; and the generals Stephens and Huger were wounded.

The British troops underwent great hardships in the course of this campaign; and in a letter of Lord Cornwallis's to Lord George Germain, dated March 17th, he observed, that "the soldiers had been two days without bread." His lordship quitted Guildford three days after the battle which was fought in that place; and on the 7th of April arrived in the neighbourhood of Wilmington. Soon after, General Greene, notwithstanding his late defeat, endeavoured to make some vigorous attempts against the king's forces in South Carolina. Lord Rawdon had been appointed to defend the post of Camden, with about 800 British and provincials; and on the 19th of April General Greene appeared before that place with a large body of continentals and militia. He found it, however, impossible to attempt to storm the town with any prospect of success; and therefore endeavoured to take such a position as should induce the British troops to sally from their works. He posted the Americans about a mile from the town, on an eminence which was covered with woods, and flanked on the left by an impassable swamp. But on the morning of the 25th, Lord Rawdon marched out of Camden, and with great gallantry Greene attacked General Greene in his camp. The Americans made a vigorous resistance, but were at last compelled to give way; and the pursuit is said to have been continued three miles. For some time after the defeated action commenced, General Greene entertained great hopes of defeating the British troops: in which, as the Americans were superior in point of numbers, he would probably have succeeded, had not some capital military errors been committed by one or two of the officers who served under him. On the American side Colonel Washington had behaved extremely well in this action, having made upwards of 200 of the English prisoners, with ten or twelve officers, before he perceived that the Americans were abandoning the field of battle. The loss of the English was about 100 killed and wounded. Upwards of 100 of the Americans were taken prisoners; and, according to the account published by General Greene, they had 126 killed and wounded. After this action, Greene retreated to Rugeley's mills, 12 miles from Camden, in order to collect his troops and wait for reinforcements.

Notwithstanding the advantage which Lord Rawdon had obtained over General Greene at Camden, that nobleman soon after found it necessary to quit that post; and the Americans made themselves masters of several other posts that were occupied by the king's troops, and the garrisons of which were obliged to surrender themselves prisoners of war. These troops were afterwards exchanged under a cartel which took place between Lord Cornwallis and General Greene for the release of all prisoners of war, in the southern district. After these events, General Greene laid close siege to Ninety-six, which was considered as the most commanding and important of all the posts in the back-country; and on the 19th of June he attempted to storm the garrison, but was repulsed by the gallantry of the British troops, with the loss, as it is said, of 75 killed and 120 wounded. General Greene then raised the siege, and retired with his army behind the Saluda, to a strong situation within 16 miles of Ninety-six.

On the 18th of April a large body of British troops, under the command of Major-general Phillips and Brigadier-general Arnold, embarked at Portsmouth in Virginia, in order to proceed on an expedition for the purpose of destroying some of the American stores. A party party of light infantry were sent ten or twelve miles up the Chickahominy; where they destroyed several armed ships, sundry warehouses, and the American state ship-yards. At Petersburg, the English destroyed 4000 hogsheads of tobacco, one ship, and a number of small vessels on the stocks and in the river. At Chesterfield court-house, they burnt a range of barracks for 2000 men and 300 barrels of flour. At a place called Osborn's, they made themselves masters of several vessels loaded with cordage and flour, and destroyed about 2000 hogsheads of tobacco, and sundry vessels were sunk and burnt. At Warwick, they burnt a magazine of 500 barrels of flour, some fine mills belonging to Colonel Carey, a large range of public rope-walks and storehouses, tan and bark houses full of hides and bark, and great quantities of tobacco. A like destruction of stores and goods was made in other parts of Virginia.

From the account already given of some of the principal military operations of the present year in America, it appears, that though considerable advantages had been gained by the royal troops, yet no event had taken place from which it could rationally be expected that the final termination of the war would be favourable to Great Britain. It was also a disadvantageous circumstance, that there was a misunderstanding between Admiral Arbuthnot and Sir Henry Clinton, and a mutual disapprobation of each other's conduct. This was manifest from their dispatches to government, and especially from those of General Clinton, whose expressions respecting the conduct of the admiral were by no means equivocal.

On the 16th of March 1781, a partial action happened off the capes of Virginia, between the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, consisting of seven ships of the line and one fifty-gun ship, and a French squadron consisting of the same number of ships of the line and one forty-gun ship. Some of the ships in both fleets received considerable damage in the action, and the loss of the English was 30 killed and 73 wounded; but no ship was taken on either side. The British fleet had, however, considerably the advantage; as the French were obliged to retire, and were supposed to be prevented by this action from carrying troops up the Chesapeake, in order to attack General Arnold and impede the progress of Lord Cornwallis. But it was an unfortunate circumstance, that some time before this engagement, the Romulus, a ship of 44 guns, was captured by the French off the capes of Virginia.

Lord Cornwallis, after his victory over General Greene at Guildford, proceeded, as we have seen, to Wilmington, where he arrived on the 7th of April. But before he reached that place, he published a proclamation, calling upon all loyal subjects to stand forth and take an active part in restoring good order and government; and declaring to all persons who had engaged in the present rebellion against his Majesty's authority, but who were now convinced of their error, and desirous of returning to their duty and allegiance, that if they would surrender themselves with their arms and ammunition at head-quarters, or to the officer commanding in the district contiguous to their respective places of residence, on or before the 20th of that month, they would be permitted to return to their homes upon giving a military parole; they would be protected in their persons and properties from all sorts of violence from the British troops; and would be restored as soon as possible to all the privileges of legal and constitutional government. But it does not appear that any considerable number of the Americans were allured by these promises to give any evidences of their attachment to the royal cause.

On the 26th of May, his lordship arrived at Petersburg in Virginia, where he joined a body of British troops that had been under the command of Major-general Phillips; but the command of which, in consequence of the death of that officer, had devolved upon Brigadier-general Arnold. Before this juncture he had encountered considerable inconveniences from the difficulty of procuring provisions and forage; so that in a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he informed him, that his cavalry wanted every thing, and his infantry every thing but shoes. He added, that he had experienced the distresses of marching hundreds of miles in a country chiefly hostile, without one active or useful friend, without intelligence, and without communication with any part of the country.

On the 26th of June, about six miles from Williamsburgh, Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, and 350 of the actions queen's rangers, with 80 mounted yagers, were attacked by a much superior body of the Americans; but whom they repulsed with great gallantry and with equal success, making four officers and twenty private men prisoners. The loss of the Americans in this action is said to have been upwards of 120, and that of the British troops not more than 40.

On the 6th of July an action happened near the Green Springs in Virginia, between a reconnoitring party of the Americans under General Wayne, amounting to about 800, and a large party of the British army under Lord Cornwallis; in which the Americans had 127 killed and wounded, and the loss of the royal troops is supposed to have been considerably greater. It was an action in which no small degree of military skill and courage was exhibited by the Americans. In a variety of skirmishes, the marquis La Fayette very much distinguished himself, and displayed the utmost ardour in the American cause.

In South Carolina, an action happened on the 9th of September near the Eata Springs, between a large body of British troops under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Stuart and a much superior body of Americans, said to amount to more than 4000, under the command of General Greene. It was an obstinate engagement, and lasted near two hours; but the Americans were defeated, and two of their six-pounders fell into the hands of the English. The loss, however, of the royal troops was very considerable; amounting to more than 400 killed and wounded, and upwards of 200 missing.

In the course of the same month, General Arnold Expedition was sent on an expedition against New London, in Connecticut, where he destroyed a great part of the New London shipping, and an immense quantity of naval stores, European manufactures, and East and West India commodities. The town itself was also burnt, which is said to have been unavoidable, on account of the explosions of great quantities of gunpowder which happened to be in the storehouses that were set on fire. A fort, of which it was thought necessary to gain possession in this this expedition, was not taken without considerable loss. This was Fort Griswold; which was defended by the Americans with great gallantry, and the assault was made by the English with equal bravery. The British troops entered the works with fixed bayonets, and were opposed with great vigour by the garrison with long spears. After a most obstinate defence of near forty minutes, the assailants gained possession of the fort, in which 8 Americans were found dead, and 60 wounded, most of them mortally. Of the British troops Major Montgomery was killed by a spear in entering the American works; and 192 men were also killed and wounded in this expedition.

Notwithstanding the signal advantages that Lord Cornwallis had obtained over the Americans, his situation in Virginia began by degrees to be very critical; and the rather because he did not receive those reinforcements and supplies from Sir Henry Clinton, of which he had formed expectations, and which he conceived to be necessary to the success of his operations. Indeed, the commander-in-chief was prevented from sending those reinforcements to Lord Cornwallis which he otherwise might have done, by his fears respecting New York, against which he entertained great apprehensions that General Washington intended to make a very formidable attack. In fact, that able American general appears to have taken much pains, and to have employed great finesse, in order to lead Sir Henry Clinton to entertain this imagination. Letters, expressive of this intention, fell into the hands of Sir Henry, which were manifestly written with a design that they should be intercepted, and only with a view to amuse and deceive the British general. The project was successful; and by a variety of judicious military manoeuvres, in which he completely out-generalled the British commander, he increased his apprehensions about New York, and prevented him from sending proper assistance to Lord Cornwallis. Having for a considerable time kept Sir Henry Clinton in perpetual alarm in New York, though with an army much inferior to the garrison of that city, General Washington suddenly quitted his camp at White Plains, crossed the Delaware, and marched towards Virginia, apparently with a design to attack Lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry Clinton then received information, that the count de Grasse, with a large French fleet, was expected every moment in the Chesapeake, in order to co-operate with General Washington. He immediately endeavoured, both by land and water, to communicate this information to Lord Cornwallis; and also sent him assurances that he would either reinforce him by every possible means in his power, or make the best diversion he could in his favour. In the mean time, Lord Cornwallis had taken possession of the posts of York town and Gloucester in Virginia, where he fortified himself in the best manner he was able.

On the 28th of August, Sir Samuel Hood, with a squadron from the West Indies, joined the squadron under the command of Admiral Graves before New York. It was then necessary, on account of the situation of Lord Cornwallis, that they should immediately proceed to the Chesapeake; but some time appears to have been needlessly lost, though Admiral Hood was extremely anxious that no delay might be made. They arrived, however, in the Chesapeake, on the 5th of September, with 19 ships of the line; where they found the count de Grasse, who had anchored in that bay on the 30th of August, with 24 ships of the line. The French admiral had previously landed a large body of troops, which had been brought from Rhode Island, and who immediately marched to join the American army under General Washington. The British and French fleets came to an action on the same day in which the former arrived in the Chesapeake. On board the British fleet 90 were killed and 246 wounded; some of the ships were greatly damaged in the engagement, and the Chesapeake Terrible, a 74 gun ship, was so much shattered, that it was afterwards found necessary to set fire to it. That this action had not been favourable to the English, was manifest from the event: the fleets continued in sight of each other for five days successively, and sometimes were very near; but at length the French fleet all anchored within the Cape, so as to block up the passage. Admiral Graves, who was the commander in chief, then called a council of war, in which it was resolved that the fleet should proceed to New York, that the ships might be there put into the best state for the service; and thus were the French left masters of the navigation of the Chesapeake.

Before the news of this action had reached New York, a council of war was held there, in which it was resolved, that 5000 men should be embarked on board the king's ships, in order to proceed to the assistance of Lord Cornwallis. But when it was known that the French were absolute masters of the navigation of the Chesapeake, it was thought inexpedient to send off that reinforcement immediately. In another council of war, it was resolved, that as Lord Cornwallis had provisions to last him till the end of October, it was advisable to wait for more favourable accounts from Admiral Graves, or for the arrival of Admiral Digby, who was expected with three ships of the line. It was not then known at New York, that Admiral Graves had determined to return with the whole fleet to that port.

In the mean time, the most effectual measures were adopted by General Washington for surrounding the Lord Cornwallis army under Lord Cornwallis. A large body of French troops, under the command of Lieutenant-general the count de Rochambeau, with a very considerable train of artillery, assisted in the enterprise. The Americans amounted to near 8000 continentals and 5000 militia. General Washington was invested with the authority of commander in chief of these combined forces of America and France. On the 29th of September, the investment of York Town was complete, and the British army quite blocked up. The day following, Sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to Lord Cornwallis, containing assurances that he would do everything in his power to relieve him, and some information concerning the steps that would be taken for that purpose. A duplicate of this letter was sent to his lordship by Major Cochran on the 3rd of October. That gentleman, who was a very gallant officer, went in a vessel to the capes, and made his way to Lord Cornwallis, through the whole French fleet, in an open boat. He got to York Town on the 10th of the month; and soon after his arrival had his head carried off by a cannon ball.

After the return of Admiral Graves to New York, a council of war was held, consisting of flag and gene- It was on the 19th of October that Lord Cornwallis surrendered himself and his whole army, by capitulation, prisoners to the combined armies of America and France, under the command of General Washington. He made a defence suitable to the character he had before acquired for courage and military skill; but was compelled to submit to untoward circumstances and superior numbers. It was agreed by the articles of capitulation, that the British troops were to be prisoners to the United States of America, and the seamen to the French king, to whose officers also the British vessels found at York Town and Gloucester were to be delivered up. The British prisoners amounted to more than 6000; but many of them, at the time of surrender, were incapable of duty. A considerable number of cannon, and a large quantity of military stores, fell into the hands of the Americans on this occasion.

As no rational expectation now remained of a subjugation of the colonies, the military operations that succeeded in America were of little consequence. Some inconsiderable actions and skirmishes did indeed take place after that event; in which the refugees chiefly distinguished themselves, and discovered an inveterate animosity against the Americans. On the 5th of May 1782, Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New York, being appointed to the command of the British troops in America in the room of Sir Henry Clinton. Two days after his arrival, he wrote a letter to General Washington, acquainting him, that Admiral Digby was joined with himself in a commission to treat of peace with the people of America; transmitting to him, at the same time, some papers tending to manifest the pacific disposition of the government and people of Britain towards those of America. He also desired a passport for Mr Morgan, who was appointed to transmit a similar letter of compliment to the congress. General Washington declined signing any passport till he had taken the opinion of congress upon that measure; and by them he was directed to refuse any passport for such a purpose. However, another letter was sent to General Washington, dated the 2d of August, and signed by Sir Guy Carleton and Rear-Admiral Digby, in which they informed him, that they were acquainted by authority that negotiations for a general peace had already commenced at Paris; that Mr Grenville was invested with full powers to treat with all the parties at war; and was then at Paris in the execution of his commission. They farther informed him, that his majesty, in order to remove all obstacles to that peace which he so ardently wished to restore, had commanded his ministers to direct Mr Grenville, that the independency of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him, in the first instance, instead of making it the condition of a general treaty. But some jealousies were entertained by the Americans, that it was the design of the British court either to disunite them, or to bring them to treat of a peace separately from their ally the king of France: They therefore resolved, that any man, or body of men, who should presume to make any separate convention or agreement with the king's successor of Great Britain, or with any commissioner or commissioners under the crown of Great Britain, ought to be considered and treated as open and avowed enemies of the United States of America; and also that those states could not with propriety hold any conference or treaty with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they should, as a preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or else, in positive or express terms, acknowledge the independence of the said states. They likewise resolved, that any propositions which might be made by the court of Great Britain, in any manner tending to violate the treaty subsisting between them and the king of France, ought to be treated with every mark of indignity and contempt.

In the month of June, the town of Savannah, and the whole province of Georgia, were evacuated by the places evicted by the king's troops; as was also Charlestown, South Carolina, about the close of the year. In the mean time, the negotiations for peace being continued, provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris on the 30th of November by the commissioner of his Britannic Majesty and the American commissioners, in which his majesty acknowledged the united colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent states." They had constituted themselves such on the 4th of July 1776; they had been acknowledged such by the French king on the 30th of January 1778, when he concluded with them a treaty of amity and commerce; Holland had acknowledged them as such April 19th 1782; Sweden acknowledged them as such February 5th 1783; Denmark the 25th February, Spain in March, and Russia in July, the same year.

According to the report of the committee appointed for that purpose, the Foreign Debt of the United States incurred by the war, amounted to $7,885,085; the Domestic Debt to $34,115,290; total at $45,600,375 sterling, the interest of which at 6 per cent. is $567,005l. But the cost to Great Britain is moderately computed at $11,565,491l., and the additional annual burden by it $4,557,575l. since January 1775. As to the loss of men during this unhappy war, the States of America, according to authentic estimates, lost by the sword and in prison near 80,000 men; and by the British returns at New York, the number of soldiers killed in the service amounted to 43,693.

Such was the end of the contest between Great Britain and America: A contest in which the latter attained to an independent rank among the nations, that may be productive of more important consequences than can yet be foreseen; and in which the former, happily for herself, was forced to relinquish a sovereignty that served only to repress her own internal industry, industry, and retard her prosperity. She has, in the event, only suffered a diminution of unwieldy empire, which has been more than compensated by an increase of population, commerce, revenues, and wealth.

As to the general constitution of the American States: By the acts of confederation and perpetual union, each of the colonies contracted a reciprocal treaty of alliance and friendship for their common defence, for the maintenance of their liberties, and for their general and mutual advantage; obliging themselves to assist each other against all violence that might threaten all, or any one of them, and to repel in common all the attacks that might be levelled against all, or any one of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, commerce, or under any other pretext whatsoever. Each of the colonies reserved to itself alone the exclusive right of regulating its internal government, and of framing laws in all matters not included in the articles of confederation.—But for the more convenient management of the general interest of the United States, it was determined that delegates should be annually appointed in such a manner as the legislature of each state should direct, to meet in congress on the first Monday of November of every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No state is to be represented in congress by less than two, nor more than seven members; and no person is capable of being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor is any person, being a delegate, capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his benefit, shall receive any salary, fees, or emoluments of any kind. In determining questions in the United States, in congress assembled, each state is to have one vote. Every state is to abide by the determinations of the United States in congress assembled, on all questions which are submitted to them by the confederation. The articles of confederation are to be inviolably observed by every state, and the union is to be perpetual; nor is any alteration, at any time hereafter, to be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every state.

In the mean time, the return of peace was very far from immediately producing in the United States, all that tranquillity and prosperity, which the eager supporters of the revolution had promised to themselves and their country. The public finances were in such a state of entire derangement, as rendered it utterly impossible to make payment of the arrears due to the army. Accordingly the whole officers and soldiers that composed this body, which, at the end of a long war, is always so formidable and dangerous to a free state, were extremely discontented. Attempts were made, by anonymous publications, to inflame their minds, which were already sufficiently agitated, and to induce them to unite in redressing their own grievances, while they had still arms in their hands. During the time that matters were in this state, had the commander in chief of the army been a less virtuous man, it is not impossible, that the freedom of America might have been overturned, and these colonies might have exchanged the mild government of Britain, for a military usurpa-

It immediately appeared, however, that General Washington was greatly superior to the temptations of vulgar ambition. He summoned a meeting of the general and field officers, with a deputation of an officer from each company, and a proper representation from the staff of the army. Previous to the meeting, he sent for each officer, and enlarged in private on the fatal consequences to their country, and on the loss of reputation to the whole army, which would result from intemperate resolutions. When the day arrived on which they had been summoned to assemble, the 15th of March 1783, he addressed them in a speech, well calculated to produce calmness and moderation. He promised to exert in their favour his whole influence, requesting them to rely on the public faith which had been pledged to them; and he conjured them "as they valued their honour, as they respected the rights of humanity, and as they regarded the military and national character of America, to express their utmost detestation of the men, who were attempting to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and to deluge their rising empire with blood." Having spoken thus, he retired. No reply was made to his speech; and while the assembly hesitated, the friends of tranquillity seized the happy moment, and proposed a resolution, which was carried without opposition, that no circumstances of distress or danger should induce the American army to sully their reputation by sedition, or to distrust the justice of their country.

After all, however, the government was only able to give to the army four months pay, in place of the arrears of several years. Notwithstanding this great deficiency, the soldiers suffered themselves, with tolerable quietness, to be disbanded towards the fall of the year, care having been previously taken to get quit of great numbers of the men individually, by granting leave of absence to all that applied for it; in consequence of which, this dangerous body of veteran troops was soon scattered and lost in the immense extent of the American territory. The commander in chief proceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of congress, and on the 23rd of December, resigned his commission to the president at a public audience. He immediately retired as a private person, to his farm of Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potowmack in Virginia.

But here the troubles of the country seemed only to commence. During the early periods of the revolutions of the states, amidst the dangers of the war, and while the patriotic zeal for independence remained ardent, the defects of the form of government were not felt. From the mere strength which the public opinion conferred, the congress was able to levy armies, to raise extensive loans, and to conduct the war with vigour; but when immediate danger was removed, and the selfish passions had leisure to operate, its powers were soon found altogether inadequate to provide for the public welfare. Articles of confederation had indeed been entered into with a view to confer more extensive powers upon congress, but still its authority was extremely defective. By these articles, it was entitled to require from the different states, the sums necessary for the war, and the public expenses of the union: But as it had no power to legislate over individuals, but only over the states as political bodies, and possessed no means of coercion over such states as should neglect to make good the payments... payments with which they were assessed, the revenue of the union was ill paid, and all its exertions were enfeebled. The congress had no power of making general commercial regulations to bind the whole states, nor could it even interfere to prevent their waging war against each other if they thought fit. Hence, from the mutual jealousies of thirteen separate legislatures, the most discordant regulations arose.

As soon as the war was at an end, Great Britain naturally treated the American states as a foreign nation, and prohibited, under pain of confiscation, any of their commodities to be conveyed to the British West India islands, unless in British built vessels, navigated by British mariners. Thus the Americans were excluded from that branch of commerce in which they had formerly obtained most of the ready money or specie that came into their country. With a view to induce Great Britain to relax the severity of this and other regulations injurious to their commerce, some of the American states imposed heavy taxes upon goods of British manufacture. Other states took advantage of this circumstance to invite the British merchants to frequent their ports exclusively, and not only received all British commodities free from any duty, but they suffered their people to engage in a smuggling traffic, for the transportation of these commodities into the states in which they had been heavily taxed. Thus the same commodities which were severely taxed in Philadelphia, were imported without difficulty or expense into the Jerseys, on the opposite side of the Delaware, and were daily conveyed by illicit traders across the river. Hence arose a spirit of commercial jealousy, and a warfare between the different legislatures, which filled the whole country with a degree of dissension, little short of hostility.

The Americans were at the same time in a great measure excluded from the trade to the Mediterranean. They could no longer navigate that sea with safety, a privilege which as British subjects they had always enjoyed. As the congress possessed no funds, wherewith to enter into a compromise with the piratical states of Barbary, to whom all Europe pays tribute, the American vessels were constantly exposed to danger. Being unable to defend themselves from the corsairs, they were obliged either to relinquish the beneficial trade which they had formerly possessed in that quarter, or to ensure it at a ruinous premium.

Independent of these partial evils, the general balance of trade speedily became extremely unfavourable to the United States. The debts due from the merchants to Great Britain, the payment of which had been prohibited by congress during the war, were now impatiently demanded. The American merchants were almost universally sued, and the remnant of their effects seized by the agents of British houses. To relieve their own distress, they proceeded against the retailers, who had been unable to pay them during the war, and to whom peace had not yet restored prosperity. In this way the old traders were almost universally ruined, and compelled to abandon all commercial concerns. At the same time, however, as the ravages of armies and the want of a free communication between Europe and America during the war, had multiplied the wants of the latter, an inundation of European manufactures was one of the first effects that followed the establishment of peace. These were purchased by the Americans far beyond their means of payment, and thus almost every person connected with commerce was brought to ruin, and a great part of the people were involved in their distress.

All these evils were aggravated by the want of an efficient government. Congress had incurred debts, and issued paper money for payment of the interest of these debts, or of the current public expenses; but as it possessed no efficient revenue, its paper was soon depreciated, and became an object of speculation. Dishonest men paid their debts with it, and thus defrauded their creditors, and the morality of the people was severely wounded. The several states had themselves also contracted debts for the war. Some states willing to fund their debts, imposed taxes for the purpose, which were so far beyond the means of the inhabitants, that they could not be levied without extreme rigour. The extremities to which government proceeded in these cases, occasioned general discontent, and even produced an insurrection in the state of Massachusetts.—From all these causes, an embarrassed commerce, a depreciated paper money which inundated all America, the inability of the laws to enforce payment of the taxes, a spirit of jealousy between the different states, and the inadequacy of congress to apply a remedy to these complicated evils, something little short of anarchy was produced in the United States.

In the midst of these calamities, a proposition was made in 1785, in the house of delegates in Virginia, to new commissioners to meet such commissioners as other states might appoint, to form a system of commercial regulations for the United States. Accordingly, several states appointed commissioners, who, in 1786, assembled at Annapolis. But, as the states were not all represented, and the commissioners thought their own powers too limited to authorize them to propose a proper remedy for the evils that pressed upon their country, they agreed to recommend a general convention, to be held at Philadelphia the following year, with power to frame a general plan of government for the United States. In consequence of this recommendation, in May 1787 delegates from all the states, except Rhode Island, assembled at Philadelphia, and chose General Washington for their president. They sat four months, and deliberated in private. Their debates have never been published; but they are known to have been extremely animated. The public opinion was, at that period, by no means fixed with regard to the kind of government that ought to be adopted. At the commencement of the war, a considerable party disliked the violent measures of their countrymen. At different periods about 30,000 men had been in the service of Great Britain. This implied that a large body of royalists existed in America. Even of those who disliked the supremacy of Britain, and wished to establish American independence, many were by no means prepared to relish the whole principles of a republican government. When the question, therefore, came to be agitated concerning the best political constitution for the United States, a variety of opinions were broached. These, however, in a great measure resolved themselves into two systems: one party, at that time called federalists, wished to establish a constitution as purely republican as possible; and the other party, party, then called antifederalists, wished to give the new government a monarchical character and tendency. It is even said that some were not wanting who eagerly desired to copy closely the model of the British constitution. This was not wonderful. Under the principles of that constitution Britain had become a great nation, and America had prospered. It was the most free form of government at that time known. The vices which had crept into it were evidently independent of its radical structure, and might easily be avoided in a new country. By adopting this tried and well-known form of government, it was said that the hazard of new experiments would be avoided, and the states might at once place themselves in a secure train of prosperity. But the feelings of the people at the time were, upon the whole, hostile to these reasonings. Their sufferings, in consequence of British hostility, were too recent to permit them to regard with complacency, in speculation, a system which in practice they had taught themselves to dislike. Their pride would not suffer them to become the servile imitators of another nation; and the public sentiments were so generally republican, as to lead them to dislike all kinds of permanent or hereditary ranks and privileges. Hence, when in the early sittings of the convention of Philadelphia a plan was presented, which proposed the establishment of a president for life, and senators for life, and expressed a desire to render these offices hereditary, and to subject the laws of the respective states to the review of the general government, it met with no adequate support; and a committee was appointed to prepare a plan of a new constitution for the United States.

In addition to the divisions that existed among the members of this convention, from their tendency to republican or to monarchical principles, they were also divided in consequence of the different interests of their constituents. The votes were given by states, and when the delegates of a state differed in opinion, the majority was reckoned the vote of the state. The greater states, after a considerable contest, carried the point, that in the new house of representatives, the representation should stand upon the basis of the population of each state, though they were under the necessity of conceding to the lesser states, that each state should be equally represented in the new senate. Virginia and the southern states, with the aid of the antifederalists, in opposition to the federalist or republican party, obtained the strange privilege, in a nation of freemen, of numbering three-fifths of their slaves as a part of their population in all questions about the number of their representatives. In other questions, however, the delegates of the great states frequently voted with the federalist party, though, upon the whole, the more zealous republicans were greatly disgusted by many articles of the new constitution. Of these the celebrated Dr Franklin was one. He had the integrity, and the moderation, however, on this occasion, to prefer the peace of his country to his private political opinions; and when the plan was completed, he proposed that it should be signed by all the members of the convention, that from their apparent unanimity, it might have the better chance of being accepted by the different states. "In the long career I have already run" (said that eminent statesman and philosopher), "I have more than once been compelled to abandon opinions I had openly maintained, and which I thought well founded from the deep consideration I had given them. As I grow older I am more and more disposed to question my own judgment, and to pay respect to that of others. There are some men, as well as some religious sects, who imagine that reason is entirely on their side; and that their opponents plunge deeper into error in proportion as they depart from their opinions. Struck with these examples, which are but too common, I accept of this constitution with all its faults, even supposing I am not mistaken in my opinion of its faults; for I am persuaded that a general government is necessary to our safety, and that no form of government that is well administered is incapable of producing the happiness of the people; and I think there is reason to believe that this constitution will be well administered for a number of years, and that it will not end, as too many other governments have done, in despotism, unless the American people shall reach that degree of corruption, in which, at once incapable of being directed by a free constitution, and unworthy of its blessings, despotism becomes necessary to their existence. I therefore give my vote for this constitution, both because, in the present circumstances of this nation, I cannot hope to see one more perfect, and because I am not sure this is not as perfect as any it can have. I make a sacrifice of the opinion I have expressed of its defects to the public happiness. I have never uttered my objections out of this house; here they had their birth, and here I wish them to be forever buried. If every one of us who have opposed the constitution, when we return to our constituents, were to unfold the motives of our opposition, and endeavour to gain partisans to our side, perhaps we might prevent the unanimous adoption of the constitution; but, by this, we should only lose the advantage which the appearance of unanimity will give us with foreign nations, and indeed with our own people. The general good opinion of a nation respecting its government is as necessary as the wisdom and integrity of its administration, to the happiness of its people. I trust, therefore, both for our own safety as members of the community, and for the sake of our posterity, that we shall be of one mind, in recommending this constitution wherever our influence reaches; and that afterwards our whole thoughts will be bent to its happy administration. I cannot forbear to form the wish that such of us as still entertain objections to this constitution will follow my example, and doubt a little of their infallibility, and sign this constitutional act, that no question may be left of our unanimity."

The authority and example of Franklin prevailed, and the following constitution was unanimously transmitted by the convention to the different states for their acceptance.

"We, the people of the United States, in order to constitute a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America.

Article I.

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives." Sect. 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states; and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.

No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States; and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives, and direct taxes, shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within the union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand; but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey, four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.

The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

Sect. 3. The senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have one vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year; and the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States; and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen.

The vice-president of the United States shall be president of the senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro tempore in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United States.

The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments: When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.

Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend farther than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law.

Sect. 5. The times, places, and manners of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the placing or choosing senators.

The congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Sect. 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a small number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide.

Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.

Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgments require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.

Neither house during the session of congress shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

Sect. 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time: and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office.

Sect. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the president of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to re-consider it.

If after such re-consideration two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be re-considered; and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays; and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law.

Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary, (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the president of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the senate and house of representatives; according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

Sect. 8. The congress shall have power

To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes;

To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures;

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States;

To establish post-offices and post-roads;

To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries;

To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme courts;

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations;

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;

To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;

To provide and maintain a navy;

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

To provide for the calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia; and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States; reserving to the states, respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress;

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings;—and

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof.

Sect. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person.

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.

No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed.

No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state.—No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

Sect. 10. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No state shall, without the consent of the congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any state on imports or exports shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the congress. No state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state or with a foreign power, or engage in war unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II.

"Sect. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows:

"Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the states may be entitled in the congress; but no senator, or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.

"The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot, for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the president of the senate. The president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates; and all the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes, shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for president; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said house shall, in like manner, choose the president. But in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representatives from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case after the choice of the president, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the vice-president. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall choose from them by ballot the vice-president.

"The congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States.

"No person except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States.

"In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice-president, and the congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability both of the president and vice-president, declaring what officer shall then act as president; and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a president shall be elected.

"The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them.

"Before he enter on the execution of his office he shall take the following oath or affirmation.

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States.

"Sect. 2. The president shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.

"He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But the congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

"The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session.

"Sect. 3. He shall from time to time give to the congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them; and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper: he shall receive ambassadors, and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States.

"Sect. 4. The president, vice-president, and all civil ARTICLE III.

"Sect. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall at stated times receive for their services, a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

"Sect. 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be party; to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.

"In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the congress shall make.

"The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crime shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the congress may by law have directed.

"Sect. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.

"The congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.

ARTICLE IV.

"Sect. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state, and the congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

"Sect. 2. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.

"A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime.

"No person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.

"Sect. 3. New states may be admitted by the congress into this union: but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the congress.

"The congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state.

"Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and on application of the legislature or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.

ARTICLE V.

"The congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate.

ARTICLE VI.

"All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this constitution as under the confederation.

"This constitution and the laws of the United States shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.

"The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States." ARTICLE VII.

"The ratification of the convention of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same.

Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, the 17th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the independence of the United States of America the 12th. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names:

George Washington, president and deputy of Virginia. Dep. of New Hampshire, John Langdon Massachusetts, Nicholas Gilman Nathaniel Gorham Rufus King Connecticut, William Samuel Johnson Roger Sherman New York, Alexander Hamilton New Jersey, William Livingston David Brearly William Paterson Jonathan Dayton Pennsylvania, Benjamin Franklin Thomas Mifflin Robert Morris George Clymer Thomas Fitz-simons Jared Ingersoll James Wilson Gouverneur Morris Delaware, George Read Gunning Bedford, junior Richard Bassett Jacob Broom Maryland, James Mac Henry Daniel St Thomas Jenifer Daniel Carroll Virginia, John Blair James Madison, junior North Carolina, William Blount Richard Dobbspaight Hugh Williamson South Carolina, John Rutledge Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Charles Pinckney Pierce Butler Georgia, William Few Abraham Baldwin.

Attested, WILLIAM JACKSON, secretary.

To the constitution the following resolutions were added:

"That the preceding constitution be laid before the United States in congress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this convention, that it should afterwards be submitted to a convention of delegates, chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature for their assent and ratification; and that each convention assenting to, and ratifying the same, should give notice thereof to the United States in congress assembled.

Resolved, that it is the opinion of this convention, that as soon as the conventions of nine states shall have ratified this constitution, the United States in congress assembled, should fix a day on which the electors should be appointed by the states which shall have ratified the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the president, and the time and place for commencing proceedings under this constitution. That after such publication the electors should be appointed and the senators and representatives elected. That the electors should meet on the day fixed for the election of the president, and should transmit their votes certified, signed, sealed, and directed, as the constitution requires, to the secretary of the United States in congress assembled; that the senators and representatives should convene at the time and place assigned; that the senators should appoint a president of the senate for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the votes for president; and that after he shall be chosen, the congress, together with the president, shall proceed without delay to execute this constitution.

The ten following articles were afterwards, in 1789, proposed by congress to be added to the constitution; and having received the ratification required by article fifth of the above constitution, they are to be regarded as forming a part of it.

ARTICLE I.

"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE II.

"A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.

"No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.

"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmations; and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.

"No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, excepting in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall be tried twice for the same offence; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law: nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.

"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused party shall United States shall enjoy the right to speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.

**Article VII.**

"In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law."

**Article VIII.**

"Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted."

**Article IX.**

"The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."

**Article X.**

"The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively or to the people."

The reference of the constitution to the several states to be adopted or rejected by them, in conventions assembled for that special purpose, occasioned the most violent debates. Pamphlets poured from the press, and the newspapers were daily filled with discussions of the merits and defects of the proposed plan of government. Three states, Delaware, New Jersey, and Georgia, accepted the constitution unanimously; but in the other states the parties were more nearly balanced. The conventions convoked by the state legislatures, went into an analysis of the constitution in detail. This took place more especially in Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, and Virginia; and every part of it was made the subject of separate votes. The objections stated against the constitution were chiefly the following: That the convention was only entitled to revise the articles of the original confederation, and had exceeded its powers in framing a new constitution, more especially, as it had declared the acceptance of this constitution by nine states sufficient to make it law: That the constitution ought to have been preceded by a declaration of rights to secure to the several states their particular constitution. It was alleged, that the proposed senate would possess excessive powers and privileges, by being authorized to make amendments in money bills, by its concurring with the president in the nomination to places, while its members were eligible to every appointment, and by its having the sole trial of impeachments entrusted to it. The prerogative given to the president to pardon criminals convicted of high treason, was represented as dangerous to public liberty, and his power of conferring appointments upon the members of both houses of legislature was accounted a source of corruption. It was said, that the jurisdiction given to the federal courts would prove vexations, by drawing individuals from distant states to attend to suits instituted before them. The powers given to congress to impose all kinds of taxes, to regulate the election of its members, to maintain a standing army in time of peace, were alleged to be exorbitant. It was said, that the most important of all privileges, the trial by jury, and the liberty of the press, were not secured: And lastly, it was asserted that the function of president being made capable of indefinite continuance in the same hands, might give an ambitious and artful man an influence dangerous to the congress, to individuals, and to the constitution itself.

Some of these objections do not appear very forcible, and others of them have been obviated by the articles afterwards added to the constitution, which have been already noticed; but it is said, that at the period in question they possessed considerable influence, and that a very great majority of the people of the United States was averse to the constitution. So sensible, however, were all parties, of the extreme defectiveness of the existing government, and of the absolute necessity of putting an end to the anarchy in which the country was plunged, that a majority in the different states was prevailed upon to give their votes for its acceptance. In Connecticut, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, a minority voted against it, but it passed without any amendment. In Pennsylvania, where the opposition was strong, the minority withdrew and protested against the constitution. South Carolina, Virginia, New York, and Massachusetts, accepted the constitution by a very small majority, but proposed several amendments. New York was on the eve of rejecting the constitution, when intelligence arrived, that it was already accepted by nine of the states; and this circumstance produced an acceptance there also. The convention of New Hampshire separated without coming to a resolution; and, having afterwards assembled, gave its assent, with some proposals for amendment. North Carolina not only proposed amendments, but made them the condition of its acceptance. Some time afterwards, however, it accepted the constitution without reserve. Rhode Island, instead of calling a convention, referred the constitution to the assemblies of the towns, by a majority of which it was rejected; but a convention for the purpose being afterwards called, it accepted the constitution. The following table indicates the periods and the manner in which the constitution was accepted. Of the public officers appointed under the constitution of the United States, those of president and vice-president are the most conspicuous and important. In March 1791, the following law was enacted by congress for regulating the mode of their election.

"Section 1. The case of the election of president or vice-president of the United States before the usual period of election, which case is herein after provided for, being accepted, the electors for choosing the president and vice-president shall be named within 34 days immediately preceding the first Wednesday of December 1792, and thenceforth within 34 days immediately preceding the first Wednesday of December, in the fourth year after the last election. The said electors shall be equal in number to that of the senators and representatives in congress, of which the several states shall have a right to compose their deputation at the time when the president and vice-president to be chosen shall enter into office; provided that, if the new apportioning of representatives in virtue of the new enumeration of the inhabitants, shall not take place before the period for choosing the electors, then the number of electors shall be proportioned to the number of senators and representatives of the present congress.

"Section 2. The electors shall assemble and vote on the first Wednesday of December in each state, at such place as shall be named by the legislature of the state; and shall draw up and sign three certificates of their respective votes, and shall fold up and seal the same separately, and shall indorse upon the cover of each packet a declaration, that it contains a list of the votes of the state for the president and vice-president; and every elector, or majority of electors, shall appoint by ballot the person to whom they will entrust one of the said certificates, to be by him conveyed to the president of the senate, at the place of residence of the government, before the first Wednesday of the January following; and shall address another of the said certificates, by the post, to the president of the senate at the place of residence of the government; and shall transmit the third of the said certificates to the judge of the district in which their assembly shall be held.

"Section 3. The executive power, in each state, shall cause to be drawn up, and properly certified, three lists of the names of the electors of the state, and shall transmit the same to the electors before the first Wednesday of December; and the electors shall add one of the said lists to each of the before-mentioned lists of their votes.

"Section 4. In the case of a list of the votes of a state not arriving at the place of residence of the government in January, the secretary of state shall despatch an express to the judge of the district of such state in whose hands the third certificate shall have been deposited, who shall transmit it by the same messenger to the place of residence of the government.

"Section 5. The congress shall commence its sittings on the second Wednesday of February 1793; and thenceforth on the second Wednesday of the February following each assembly of electors; and the certificates, or as many of them as shall have arrived, shall be opened, the votes counted, and names of the persons elected to fill the offices of president and vice president declared and proclaimed, according to the forms of the constitution.

"Section 6. In the case of the president of the senate not being present at the place of residence of the government on the arrival of persons charged with the lists of the votes of the electors, such person shall deliver the lists to the secretary of state, who shall carefully preserve them, and remit them as soon as possible to the president of the senate.

"Section 7. The persons appointed by the electors to convey the lists to the president of the senate, shall receive, at the time of delivering the said lists, 15d. per mile, for the distance, by the high road, from the place of election to the residence of the government.

"Section 8. If any person being appointed to convey the votes of the electors to the president of the senate, and having accepted that trust, shall neglect to discharge the same, he shall incur a penalty of 1000 dollars.

"Section 9. In the case of the removal, death, resignation, or incapacity to fill his office of the president or vice-president, the provisional president of the senate, or, where no such officer has been appointed, the speaker of the house of representatives, shall fulfil the duties..." duties of president of the United States, or vice-president, until the president or vice-president shall resume his functions, or a new election shall take place.

"Sect. 10. When the offices of president and vice-president shall become vacant at the same time, the secretary of state shall give notice of the same to the executive power of each state; and shall publish the said notice, in one gazette at least of each state, in which it shall be declared, that the electors for the president of the United States shall be appointed or chosen in the several states within the 34 days immediately preceding the first Wednesday of the month of December following, provided a space of two months shall intervene between the date of such notice, and the first Wednesday of the December following; but when the said space of time shall not so intervene, or if the term for which the late president and vice-president were elected does not expire on the third day of March following, then the secretary of state shall declare in such notice that the electors are to be appointed, or chosen, within the 34 days immediately preceding the first Wednesday of December in the following year; and the electors shall be appointed accordingly, and shall proceed as is provided in this act.

"Sect. 11. The only evidence that shall be required of the refusal to accept the office of president or vice-president, or resignation of either of said offices, shall be a declaration in writing to that effect, signed by the person refusing to accept or resigning such office, which shall be transmitted to, and deposited in the office of the secretary of state.

"Sect. 12. The term for which the president and vice-president shall be chosen shall be four years; commencing, in all cases, on the 4th of March following the day of the election.

By this law, as well as by the constitution, the power of declaring the manner of nominating the electors who are to choose the president and vice-president, was left to the legislatures of the several states; the result of which was that a uniform mode was not adopted. In some of the states the people were left to nominate the electors in the same manner as they voted for other representatives. In other states, that power was confined to the legislatures themselves.

During the session of congress, the president and vice-president necessarily remain at Washington; but during the recess they retire to their usual places of residence. The president, when at the seat of government, lives in the house destined for him, which is furnished at the public expense. The vice-president, who is president of the senate, has no similar mark of distinction, but lodges at an inn, or private house, like other members of congress. The yearly salary of the president is $25,000; that of the vice-president only $5000; but the latter is not subject to any extraordinary expense, while the president, according to established custom, spends more than his salary in the expenses of his table.

In case of the death, resignation, or removal of the president, his powers devolve upon the vice-president. He is commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia when called into actual service. He is authorised to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. By and with the advice of the senate, he appoints ambassadors, and judges of the supreme court, and all military and other officers, not otherwise provided for by law.

In the executive government of the United States there are three departments, the department of state, the department of finances, and that of war: a secretary is at the head of each of these, who acts under the authority of the president. The secretary of state is keeper of the seals of the union. It belongs to his office to countersign the laws, and to promulgate them. He has the custody of all public papers, but his principal employment is to transact affairs with foreign powers.

At the head of the finances is a secretary of the treasury. This part of the public business was attended with many difficulties at the period when the constitution was formed, and for some years thereafter. The new congress, at the close of its first session, in September 1789, ordered the secretary of the treasury of the union, Mr Hamilton, to prepare a plan for the restoration of public credit. This duty was performed in January 1792, and, after long debates, the congress, on the 4th of August of that year, passed the plan into a law. By this law, the debt due to foreign nations, as well as to the creditors at home, was funded, together with a long arrear of interest, and even interest upon interest. The debt due to foreign nations amounted to $11,928,188 dollars, and the domestic debt to $49,903,485 dollars, making together $61,831,673 dollars. The president of the United States was authorized to borrow $12,000,000 of dollars to pay the foreign debt. Another loan was made to extinguish the domestic debt, and in payment of this loan certificates of interest due (one of the kinds of public paper then current) were received and funded at three per cent. The capital of the debt, including the rest of the paper money then in circulation, was funded at 6 per cent. interest, with a provision that for a third of the debt thus funded no interest should be paid till the year 1800. This part of the debt therefore received the name of deferred stock. The deferred stock was appointed to be redeemed in the proportion of eight per cent. per annum. For the rest of the debt two other funds were created, one of three per cent. and one of six per cent.—By this law the whole debts due by the several states to the union, and for which the credit of congress stood pledged to the public creditors, were adopted as the debt of the union. But as the debts due by the several states were very unequal, this part of the plan met with much opposition. It is understood, however, to have been at last carried, in consequence of a kind of compromise between the northern and southern states. The northern states, including New York, were the principal debtors, Massachusetts alone owed $6,000,000 of dollars. The northern states therefore were deeply interested, that the public debt should be adopted by the whole union. The southern states, on the contrary, were all, with the exception of South Carolina, creditors of the union. But it was their favourite project to draw the seat of the federal government nearer to them. Virginia was more eager in the prosecution of this object than the rest, and Virginia was the principal public creditor. Accordingly, the deputies of the northern states made a compromise with the southern states, agreeing to vote that the seat of the federal govern- ment should be placed on the river Potomac, on condition of the others voting for the consolidation of the debts. Orders were given to prepare buildings for the public offices, previous to December 1820. In honour of the president of the union, who had so long been the commander in chief of the armies of the states, the new city was ordained to be called Washington.

The congress afterwards created an office for the reduction of national debt; but the government, from an infirmity natural to governments in general, rather exceeded its revenue, and the debt, instead of diminishing, increased till the period of Mr Jefferson's administration. In 1790 the debt of the United States was $72,613,254 dollars; in 1824 it was $86,427,120; but from this time it was gradually reduced till it reached $45,211,981 dollars in 1812. The war which began then made great additions to it, and in 1816 it amounted to $123,630,691 dollars. About $35,000,000, however, have been paid off since the peace; and on the 1st January 1820, the amount was $88,885,203 dollars.

A bank of the United States was incorporated in 1791, with a capital of $10,000,000 of dollars, of which $2,000,000 were subscribed by the United States. It had branches in Boston, New York, Baltimore, Washington, Norfolk, Charlestown, and Savannah. It expired in 1811, and congress refused to renew it. A new bank of the United States was established in 1816, with a capital of $35,000,000, with branches at eighteen of the most considerable towns in the union. It seems likely to succeed no better than its predecessor; having fallen into embarrassments in 1819, when such extraordinary failures took place among the banks in the United States as to cover the country with general distress. Banks have increased with extraordinary rapidity in the United States. The whole number of these establishments in 1790 was 95, and in 1818 there were above 400. They are most numerous in Pennsylvania and Kentucky. They issue notes for sums as low as a dollar, which are cut into halves and quarters; and generally pass at a discount, which increases in proportion to the distance of the place whence they are issued.

On the conclusion of the war with Great Britain in 1815, the army of the United States was reduced to 10,000 men; consisting of 32 companies of artillery, 3200 men; 10 companies of light artillery, 660 men; 80 companies, or eight regiments, of infantry, 5440 men; 10 companies of riflemen, 680; in all 9980 men. The chief officers are two major-generals (Jackson and Brown) for the southern and northern divisions, four brigade inspectors, and four brigade quarter-masters. From the accounts presented to congress in December 1819, this force appears to be reduced to little more than 8000 men. Forts have been established also, or are erecting at the mouths of the principal bays. The whole expense of the military department in 1819 was $9,195,961 dollars. The pay of a major-general is $200 dollars per month, with 15 rations a day; a colonel of infantry $75 dollars, with 6 rations; a major $50 dollars, with 4 rations; a captain $40 dollars, with 3 rations; a first lieutenant $30 dollars and 3 rations; a regimental surgeon $45 dollars and 3 rations; a sergeant $8 dollars and 1 ration; a private $5 dollars and 1 ration. During the war which ended in 1815, the United States had 62,588 men in their service. The militia of the United States, on the 13th September 1816, amounted to 748,566 men, including officers. (Warden's America, chap. 44.).

The navy of the United States was very small before the late war. They had no vessel above the size of a frigate, and but a few of these. But their unexpected success in battles with British vessels of the same class, has brought the naval service into high esteem; and since the peace they have been diligently employed in building ships of the line. In the beginning of 1819 the navy consisted of 5 ships of the line of 74 guns, 5 frigates of 44 guns, and 32 vessels of inferior size, carrying altogether 1142 guns. There were besides some barges and gunboats, and five large ships building. By an act of congress, dated April 1816, the president was authorized to build 9 ships of 74 guns, and 12 frigates of 44 guns. The steam frigate constructed by Mr Fulton, a new and singular species of naval force, measures 145 feet by 55, on the deck; and draws only 8 feet water. The machinery by which it moves is placed in the centre, and is defended by a side of six feet in thickness. The navy is managed by a board of three commissioners, each with a salary of $3500 dollars.

For the administration of justice, an attorney general of the United States, is by law attached to the executive government. In the United States, justice is administered by district courts, circuit courts, and a supreme court. These possess exclusive jurisdiction, in all suits that affect the interests of the union. The courts of district are held four times a year in each state, by a judge appointed by the federal government, and residing in the state. They have jurisdictions in crimes within the district and the adjoining sea, where the penalty does not exceed $100 dollars, or a slight corporal punishment. They judge also in civil questions, in which the union or foreigners are interested to the amount of $100 dollars, and unless in admiralty cases, the question is tried by a jury.

The circuit courts are held by a judge of the supreme court, twice a-year in each state, along with the judges of the district. They have an exclusive cognizance of all crimes against the union, and they are courts of appeal from the district courts. They have cognizance, along with the courts of the different states, of all civil causes, not exceeding $300 dollars in value, or where a foreigner is party, or the dispute is between citizens of different states.

The supreme court of the union consists of a chief justice, and five judges. It sits twice a year at the seat of government. It is a court of appeal from the circuit courts, and the tribunals of the several states. It has exclusive jurisdiction in all civil causes, where one of the states is a party, unless the adverse party be a citizen of the same state, and over all suits against foreign ambassadors or envoys, and their domestics, according to the law of nations. It may also try, but not exclusively, causes in which an ambassador, consul, or other foreign minister, is interested as prosecutor.

On account of the distance of the states of Kentucky and Tennessee, and the province of Maine, their courts of district exercise the jurisdiction of courts of circuit, except in cases of appeal, which are carried before the supreme federal court. Juries serving in the federal... United States federal courts, are chosen according to the forms observed in the states where these courts happen to be held.

Crimes or offenses of which the federal tribunals take cognizance, are treasons, rebellions, refusals to pay imposts enjoined by the union, smuggling, frauds by officers of the revenue in matters of revenue, and in short, every offense committed against laws passed by the congress. In addition to these, the federal courts take cognizance of all offenses committed within what is accounted not the territory of any particular state, but of the union at large, such as, the open seas, or forts or arsenals belonging to the union, and also the precincts of the federal city of Washington, which is considered as the common property of the American nation.

In civil matters, both in the courts of the union, and of the particular states, the common law of England is considered as the law of America, where no special enactments exist to the contrary. The administration of justice, however, is understood to be no less embarrassed by intricacies and delays in North America, than it is under some of the oldest governments of Europe. A reform in this respect will not readily be expected, when it is considered, that more than one half of the legislature of the union, as well as of the legislatures of the different states, is always composed of lawyers.

In April 1792, the congress ordered the establishment for the United States, of a public mint, by a law which regulates the division, the value, and the standard of their money. The division and value of these moneys, are as follows.

**Gold Coin.**

- The Eagle, value ten dollars. - The Half-Eagle, value five dollars. - The Quarter-Eagle, value two dollars and a half.

**Silver Coin.**

- The Dollar, value a hundred cents. - The Half-Dollar, value fifty cents. - The Quarter-Dollar, value twenty-five cents. - The Tenth of a Dollar, value twelve cents and a half. - The Half-Tenth, value six cents and a quarter.

**Copper Coin.**

- The Cent, value the hundredth part of a dollar. - The Half-Cent, value the two hundredth part of a dollar.

The weight of these is as follows: The eagle ought to contain 247½ grains of pure gold, or 270 grains of standard gold, which is thus regulated; 11 parts of pure gold in 12½ of alloy, of which one half ought to be of silver.

The half-eagle ought to contain 123½ grains of pure gold, or 135 grains of alloy gold.

The quarter-eagle ought to contain 61 grains of pure gold, or 67½ grains of alloy gold.

The dollar ought to contain 371½ grains of pure silver, or 416 grains of alloy silver.

The standard of silver is 1485 parts of pure silver, and 179 parts of alloy which is of pure copper.

The half-dollar ought to contain 182½ grains of pure silver, or 280 grains of standard silver.

A quarter-dollar ought to contain 92½ grains of pure silver, or 104 grains of standard silver.

The tenth of a dollar ought to contain 37½ grains of pure silver, or 52 grains of standard silver.

The half-tenth ought to contain 18½ grains of pure silver, or 26 grains of standard silver.

The cent ought to contain 11 pennyweights of copper.

The half cent ought to contain five and a half.

The gold and silver coins ought, according to law, to bear on one side an emblematical figure of liberty, and upon the other, the eagle of the United States, with the words "United States."

The copper coins, instead of the American eagle, bear an inscription denoting their value.

The proportional value between gold and silver, when coined, to the coin of the United States, is determined by comparing one pound of the one to fifteen of the other; that is to say, one pound of coined gold is equal to fifteen pounds of coined silver.

All the countries of the United States are required to make use of these coins.

The Spanish dollar is the only piece of foreign coin which is current in the United States as money; all others, which had received a valuation by the law, are only received by weight since 1765. It does not appear, however, that the United States have hitherto made much use of their mint, at least for the coinage of the more valuable metals.

The convulsions of nations and the calamities and crimes of mankind, always form the most interest-containing subject of history; and happy is that people concerning whom the historian finds little to relate. From the period of the acceptance of their constitution, the American states have, in a great degree, enjoyed that fortunate situation. On the 13th of September 1788, the old congress having received the ratification of the constitution from eleven states, declared it to be in force, and appointed the first Wednesday of the following January for choosing the electors, who were to assemble on the first Wednesday in February following to elect the president and vice-president. The new congress was also appointed to meet on the first Wednesday of March following at New York. Accordingly, on the first Wednesday of February 1789, George Washington, who had been the commander in chief of the armies of the United States, and president of the convention of Philadelphia that framed the constitution, was elected president, and John Adams, who had seconded Mr Jefferson in proposing the original declaration of American independence, was at the same time elected vice-president. The popularity of the president was deservedly very great; and, as all parties concurred in supporting the new constitution, much unanimity prevailed in the public councils. By degrees, however, it appeared, that two parties continued to exist, possessing the same radical principles as formerly. The party most attached to the principles that leaned towards monarchy, or rather towards aristocracy, concurred steadily in giving support to the new authorities in all their exertions as soon as they were constituted, adopting for themselves the appellation of federalists, which had by that time become popular. On the other hand, the more strict and zeal- ous republicans, who had originally been called federalists, and who had only opposed the constitution, because, in their opinion, it did not sufficiently incorporate the whole states into one nation, now began to receive the appellation of antifederalists: because, from their temper and character they frequently opposed the measures of the new federal government. In this way the names of the parties were changed, while their principles remained the same. It is not believed, however, that in the United States there exists any party that wishes to dissolve the confederation; the word antifederalist being only used to express the democratic or most zealous republican party, whereas the appellation of federalist is applied to those of a more aristocratical character and tendency, who array themselves most steadily on the side of established authority, in opposition to every kind of innovation. In the earliest period of the constitution, the only extraordinary effort that we find to have been made by either of these parties, consisted of a proposal made in the senate of congress, in which the aristocratical party, now called federalists, were very numerous, to give the titles of illustrious highness to the president of the United States, of right honourable to the members of the senate, and honourable to the members of the house of representatives; but this project was abandoned by the senate itself, as the public opinion was found to be adverse to it, and as the house of representatives was disposed to impose a negative upon it. When the system of finance, of which we have already taken notice, and which still exists, was proposed, it was vehemently combated by the opposition or the antifederalist party, on account of the tendency, which, in their opinion, it must have to introduce a funding system, and by means of it an extravagant and expensive government, in consequence of the facility with which that system enables ministers to negotiate loans, and thereby rather to increase than diminish their own power by the dependence upon government which these loans produce. The same reasons which induced the antifederalist party to oppose the new system of finance, or the introduction of a funding system, recommended it to the support of the federalists, who, by means of it, expected to increase the strength and influence of government. This last motive probably derived greater weight from the personal interests and prejudices of the individuals who usually joined the federalist or aristocratical party.

It is to be observed, that, in North America as in Europe, the political opinions of men are, in a great measure, formed by their situations. At the same time, local situation produces in America an effect precisely the reverse of what it does among the Europeans. In Europe the proprietors of land constitute the aristocracy of the country in which they live, and are the pillars of the government; whereas the inhabitants of towns, from being crowded into a narrow space, and from their want of personal distinction, have a tendency to assume a more levelling and turbulent character. But, in America, unless when land is bought in large quantities to be speedily disposed of as an object of commercial speculation, it is usually held in property by the cultivators of it, who labour upon their own farms, and constitute a body of yeomanry in easy circumstances, but not possessed of great wealth. Hence in all political questions they are led to adopt equalizing notions, and a jealousy of the conduct of those entrusted with power. In the towns, on the contrary, a great diversity of rank exists. By means of an extensive commerce large fortunes are made, the owners of which live in a style of great splendour, and along with the members of the learned professions constitute the aristocracy of America. The commercial men being also intimately connected with Great Britain, are naturally led to approve of the institutions that exist in it, and to favour her cause in every quarrel with European nations.

It was not till the second period of the French revolution, or the fall of monarchy in that country, that the American parties became in any great degree exasperated against each other. That extraordinary event, by which Europe was convulsed from its centre to its extremities, and by which all its nations were roused to arms, carried agitation and discord even beyond the shores of the Atlantic. The people of the American states belonging to the race of Europe, and having so recently been an object of lively interest and of hostility between different states, could not fail to have their minds occupied by the new events and speculations which at that time engaged the attention of all ranks of men. The French had been the allies of America. Their troops had fought for the independence of that country, and Lafayette and other names that were distinguished in the early periods of the French revolution, were well known, and enjoyed much personal popularity among the Americans. It is not wonderful, therefore, that the antifederalist party in America regarded with favour the early progress of the French revolution, especially as they considered the French soldiers as now engaged on the side of principles which they had learned in the school of America. They contemplated with exultation the progress of republicanism in France, and fancied they beheld in it a confirmation of their own sentiments, and the means of preventing their own government from acquiring an aristocratical or a monarchical tendency. When the governing party in France dishonoured themselves and human nature by the excess of their barbarity and of their crimes under Robespierre, the antifederalists in America being men of a better character, could not fail to regard the conduct of the European revolutionists with much horror. Still, however, they flattered themselves that the disorders of France were only temporary: and they vainly hoped that the spirit of freedom would in that country soon be rendered consistent with the existence of public order.

On the other hand, the federalist party in America, whose objects were to strengthen the government of the union, to increase the influence of the executive power, and to carry the constitution as far as possible towards aristocracy and monarchy, naturally considered the example and influence of the English government as a barrier against the system of French republicanism. As many of the members of this party were strongly bound to Great Britain by the ties of commercial interest, they soon became extremely eager to detach the United States from France, and to connect them with Britain. This party derived a great accession of strength from the crimes, which nobody pretended to justify, of the rulers of the French republic. They They derived still greater strength from the disorganizing system with regard to foreign nations which the French adopted, and which they extended even to the republican states of America. Their ambassador, M. Genet, and their consuls at different ports, instituted political clubs in the towns and villages, and attempted to introduce everywhere the Jacobin practice of affiliation or fraternization. The ambassador also attempting to force the United States into a war with Great Britain, quarrelled openly with the president, and attempted, by the publication of official notes addressed to him, to excite discontents, and to introduce a distinction between the government and the people of the country. He was recalled by the French government, but not till his conduct had excited the disapprobation of all parties in America. It would appear, however, that for a time the American government was disposed to regard the French republic with favour. Payment was readily made to the republic of the debt incurred by the United States to the late French monarch; and as France suffered great distress from a scarcity of provisions, the money was laid out in the purchase of grain and flour, which was conveyed from America to France in a fleet of 165 ships. It was in defence of this fleet that the French fought the naval engagement with Lord Howe on the 1st of June 1794, in which their ships of war were defeated; but they were successful in conveying the transports loaded with grain into Brest harbour. But the American government soon found itself much embarrassed with regard to the part which it ought to act towards the contending powers of Europe. George Washington was still at the head of affairs, having been re-elected president in December 1792, though not altogether unanimously, as in the former instance. This prudent statesman saw that the interest of his rising country required that she should remain disengaged from the destructive quarrels of the European nations. The restless spirit of the French, however, on the one hand, and the eagerness of Great Britain to force an universal combination against them on the other, rendered the preservation of neutrality no easy task. He saw a confederacy of all Europe formed against France; and he could scarcely avoid supposing that it must be successful against an anarchy stained with crimes and blood, assailed by choice troops, and having nothing to oppose this force but new soldiers and inexperienced generals, supported by a treasury furnished only with a paper currency, which must speedily be discredited.

At the same time, the American commerce was greatly harassed by Great Britain, whose ships, with a view to distress France, seized all vessels going thither with provisions, which formed the chief article of American export. The debates which occurred in the house of representatives in congress in consequence of this state of affairs were extremely violent; and the people without doors were greatly agitated throughout the whole extent of the United States. The general wish was, to preserve peace and neutrality; but the complaints against Britain were very loud, especially as the extensive traders who were most attached to the British interests were the chief sufferers by the interruption of commerce. The antifederalists on this occasion became still more attached to France, the contagion of whose anarchy among a virtuous people they declared they did not fear. If satisfaction could not be obtained from Britain, they proposed a sequestration of British property in America, an interruption of all commerce with Britain; and they imagined, that by arming American privateers, prohibiting the conveyance of provisions to the British islands, and seizing on Canada, they possessed more certain means of injuring Britain, if she was resolved upon war, than any she had with which to make reprisals upon the states. The federalists, on the other hand, were eager to avoid all connexion with France, and proposed the mildest measures of remonstrance and negotiation with regard to England, deprecating the idea of entering into a contest with her; and the president appears at length to have adopted the resolution of going fully into the measures of this last party. He dismissed Thomas Jefferson from the office of secretary of state, he being of that party that had always avowed an attachment to pure republicanism, and that was at present most hostile to Great Britain. He at the same time resolved to send Mr Jay to England for the purpose of negotiating with the British government. This last gentleman being known to be decidedly attached to the federalist party, indicated to the public in very clear terms the measures which the government had resolved to adopt.

About this time some internal disorders broke out in one part of America, and, as political factions render every event subservient to their mutual hatred, the federalists accused their adversaries, though evidently without reason, of being the contrivers and authors of the disturbance, the history of which was this:—Among the different objects of taxation which presented themselves to congress during the session of 1790, none had appeared more proper than the distilleries throughout the United States. As a revenue from this source could only be collected by an excise, this form was adopted: The duty was light, and the object unexceptionable. But at all times this form of collecting a revenue has been unacceptable to the people in general. By fixing the duty not on the raw material, but on the manufactured commodity, the capital of the trader is less deeply involved, and the price is commonly rendered less burdensome to the consumer; but from the right which, under this form of taxation, it is necessary to confer upon the revenue officers, of entering into private buildings, and of interfering with the operations there going on, it has always been submitted to with reluctance at its first introduction. This tax, however, was peaceably submitted to throughout the whole American continent, excepting in one quarter, that is say, in the four western counties of Pennsylvania beyond the Alleghany mountains, near the junction of the three great rivers Alleghany, Yohogany, and Monongahela, whose confluence at Fort Pitt forms the river Ohio. This district had been settled for a considerable time, and is tolerably populous. The inhabitants at first refused to pay the tax, but they were not altogether unanimous in this respect; and government for some time avoided to press the matter by prosecutions, in the hopes that by degrees the authority of law would be established without trouble or alarm. Petitions in the mean time were transmitted to congress against the tax, and some modifications of it had taken place; so that the government at last endeavoured ed generally to put it in force. The marshal was ordered to proceed by legal process against all rioters and delinquent distillers who should be found to resist or evade the tax; but no sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance of armed men was aimed at his person, and the person and property of the inspector of the revenue. They fired on the marshal, arrested him, and detained him some time as a prisoner. The house and papers of the inspector of the revenue were burnt; and both these officers were obliged to fly to Philadelphia. In a few days thereafter, in the month of August 1794, a general meeting was held at Pittsburg, consisting of six or seven thousand men in arms. A strong remonstrance was drawn up, to be presented to congress. Committees were appointed to correspond with the counties of Washington, Fayette, and Alleghany; and a resolution was entered into, against having any intercourse or dealings with any man who should accept of any office for the collection of the duty.

The American government on this emergency acted with much prudence. Commissioners were dispatched to confer with the leaders of the opposition in the disaffected counties, but the conference was unfortunately without effect. A committee of 60 persons was elected to confer with the commissioners, but of these only a small number voted in favour of the conciliatory proposition. The others threatened, that if the tax was not repealed, the people of the western counties would separate from the American union, and place themselves under the protection of Great Britain. The conduct of the populace was still more outrageous. They surrounded the house where the commissioners resided, broke the windows, and grossly insulted them; so that they were under the necessity of departing without effecting an accommodation.

Nothing now remained but to repeal the tax, or to reduce the refractory counties by force. The former was neither judged prudent nor safe; and as a trifling force might have been ineffectual, and therefore extremely pernicious, by encouraging and extending the insurrection, the militia of all the adjacent states were embodied, and different detachments, amounting in all to 15,000 men, were ordered to rendezvous at Carlisle, the principal town of Cumberland county. Governor Mifflin, formerly general, marched thither in the middle of September, at the head of 6000 volunteers, who, for the honour of their country, engaged on this occasion to support the laws of the federal government. In the beginning of October, the president joined the army at Carlisle, of which Governor Lee of Virginia was commander in chief; and Governor Mifflin was second in command. From Carlisle the army proceeded immediately, amounting in all to 15,000 men in two divisions; and the result was, that the insurgents, after a variety of consultations by representative committees, came to a resolution to disband, and submit to the law; and their leaders disappeared. On the 23rd of October, a considerable meeting was held at Pittsburg, of the inhabitants of the western counties, in which they entered into a solemn engagement to support order and obedience to the laws of the republic by every means in their power. A small force was, however, stationed in the counties in which the disturbance had taken place. A considerable number of the insurgents who had been made prisoners were tried, and convicted of high treason; but they were all afterwards pardoned. Thus did this rebellion, which at one time exhibited a formidable aspect, terminate without bloodshed, and almost without violence or damage to the public.

During the same summer, a part of the western territory of the United States was ravaged by a desperate incursion of the Indians. To repel this attack, Majorans General Wayne was despatched with a moderate force early in the summer, and about the middle of August he penetrated to the Miami river, where the British had lately re-occupied a fort within the territory which, according to the treaty of 1783, undoubtedly belonged to the American states. Along with the Indians General Wayne found a number of Canadian settlers encamped without the fort; and he asserted in his correspondence, that Colonel McHee, the British Indian agent, was the principal instigator of the war between the savages and the United States. The savages, with a few white auxiliaries, amounted to 2000 men, while General Wayne had only 900; but he resolved not to retreat, and, after a last overture for peace, which was rejected, he advanced to the attack on the 20th of August. His advanced guard was at first thrown into disorder by a severe fire from the Indians, but the second line was immediately brought forward, while the first line was directed to rouse the Indians from their cover by the bayonet; and the cavalry were directed to turn their flank. The effect of the charge of the infantry, however, was, that the savages were routed and immediately dispersed, the battle terminating under the guns of the British garrison, commanded by Major Campbell. This last gentleman and General Wayne now reciprocally accused each other as guilty of hostility in time of peace. The one complained that a fort was occupied within the American territory; and the other, that so near an approach was made to a garrison possessed by the troops of his Britannic majesty. It was agreed, however, that the point should be left to be discussed by the ambassadors of their different nations; and General Wayne retired. These occurrences excited strong apprehensions in the American government that the British ministry seriously meditated hostilities against the United States.

These apprehensions, however, were soon done away by the treaty which Mr Jay concluded with Great Britain in the end of the year 1794. By this treaty the British government agreed to indemnify the American merchants for the illegal seizure of their ships and property that had taken place during the war; the forts within the American territory which had been occupied by the British, and which had never been evacuated, were agreed to be given up, and the boundary line to be clearly ascertained. On the other hand, the American government consented, that French property on board American vessels might be lawfully seized, and that no privateers belonging to a nation at war with either party should be allowed to bring their prizes into the ports of the other, unless forced by stress of weather; and at all events, that they should not be allowed to sell their prizes there. Various articles favourable to the American commerce were at the same time stipulated in the treaty.

When this treaty was laid before the legislature of United States, it occasioned the most violent debates. The senate, however, approved of it, which was all that was necessary, according to the constitution, to render it binding. The house of representatives at first refused to concur in the arrangements necessary for carrying it into effect, though they at last agreed to depart from their opposition, from the dread of involving their country in a war with England, and from the great respect which the country at large entertained for the judgment of the president.

In the mean time, this treaty, along with other events, had nearly involved the United States in what was undoubtedly at that time less formidable; a war with France. The French had repeatedly made remonstrances to the American government against the conduct of the British, in seizing American vessels, even in their own rivers and bays, when they found either French persons or French property, without any resistance being made on the part of the American states. When the above treaty, authorizing such seizures, in a manner so hostile to the interests of France, and even to the spirit of neutrality which it was the interest of the American government to observe, came to be publicly known, the French at first entertained hopes that it would not be sanctioned by the American legislature. Their indignation was greatly roused when they understood that a legalized preference was shown to the English interest, by allowing them to seize French property in American vessels; while France stood engaged by treaty, not to seize American property in English vessels, or in the vessels of any other nation with which France might happen to be at war. Still, however, the French government regarded less the treaty itself, than the spirit from which it rose, of a greater attachment to Great Britain than to France. Their indignation in this respect was increased, by an intercepted letter from the president of the United States addressed to Mr Morris, who had lately been the American ambassador in France, and who was then the private agent of the American government in London. This letter, dated, at Philadelphia, December 2, 1795, was a detailed answer to various letters of Mr Morris. The president complained highly of the haughty conduct of the English administration, and of the arbitrary measures which they were continuing to pursue with respect to American navigation. He requested Mr Morris to represent to the minister not only the injustice, but the impolicy of this conduct; particularly at a moment when it was so much the interest of England to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of the United States to the acceptance of the treaty. He detailed the efforts he had made, and the difficulties he had encountered to overcome the wayward disposition of his countrymen towards French politics, the abettors of which were the chief opponents of the treaty in question; which, however, he said, had the approbation and sanction of the greater and more respectable part of the community. His only object, he observed, was peace, which he was most anxious to preserve; and if America was happy enough to keep herself out of European quarrels, she might, from the increase of her trade, vie in 20 years with the most formidable powers of Europe.

This letter, saved from the wreck of the Boston packet, which had foundered on the coast of France, was considered as decisive evidence of the dispositions of the American government towards the French republic. Their ambassador, M. Adet, was therefore directed to make strong representations against the privileges granted to Great Britain, of seizing French property in American vessels. The answer given by the American government stated, in justification of their conduct, that a special treaty made with France in 1778, formally expressed, that neutral vessels should neutralize the cargo; whereas the treaty lately concluded between the United States and England, contained no similar regulation. The American government therefore asserted, that it acted in perfect conformity to both treaties; and though it was lawful for the English to seize French property on board American vessels, the French, without a breach of their treaty with America, could not be permitted to make reprisals in similar circumstances on the English. This mode of reasoning, which was undoubtedly consistent with the letter of the treaties, if not with political honesty, did not satisfy the French directory; and, accordingly, they entered into a formal resolution to suspend the execution of their treaty with America, and declared, that they would treat all neutral vessels in the same manner, as they should suffer the English to treat them. The only effect of this threatening, was to augment the maritime power of Great Britain; merchants belonging to neutral states being thereby induced on all occasions to entrust their goods to the British flag, as the only power capable of affording them full protection. Still, however, by the management of the American ambassador Mr Munroe, who was known to belong to the antifederalist party, the French directory was preserved in tolerable temper with the Americans; but upon his being recalled, and Mr Pinckney, a man of the opposite faction, appointed his successor, they manifested their indignation, by refusing to receive him, or even to suffer him to reside as a private citizen at Paris. They proceeded to no further hostility, however, in expectation that a change favourable to their interests might occur in the American government. For now in the month of October 1796, George Washington, the president, publickly announced his resolution of retiring from political affairs on account of the infirmities of age, and requested his friends not to nominate him in the next election of president.

The election of a new president to succeed a man of New pre- such distinction as George Washington, afforded abundant aliment for the animosity of the political parties in America. The federalists wished to advance to the office of president Mr Pinckney of South Carolina, a man whose personal character was much respected, and who had lately been ambassador in England. He had also been engaged in some negotiations with Spain, in which his conduct gave general satisfaction. His name was associated by the federalists, in their votes, along with that of John Adams, the vice-president. They considered it as probable, that he would have the second greatest number of votes in the north, where it was expected that John Adams would have the majority; and it was hoped, that he would at least have the second number of votes in the southern states, if Mr Jefferson should have the majority. Upon the whole, however, the federalists generally professed a wish that Mr Adams should be president, although it is said, that the views of their leaders were privately directed to procure the elevation of Mr Pinckney.

The antifederalists, on the contrary, openly and unanimously supported Mr Jefferson. He was well known to the public as a man of letters. He had been secretary of state and ambassador in France, and was active in procuring the original declaration of independence. The two parties strained every nerve to support their respective candidates. They mutually accused each other of tricks to invalidate votes, of frauds in the returns, and of all the other unfair proceedings so well understood in the parent state of which they are colonists. The leaders of the federalists were deceived in their expectation of gaining a majority for Mr Pinckney. John Adams had only one vote beyond an absolute majority of the whole which is required by the constitution, and was declared president; and Mr Jefferson having the second greatest number of votes, or three votes fewer than Mr Adams, was declared vice-president.

When the news arrived in America of the French directory's refusal to receive Mr Pinckney as minister from the United States, their conduct was represented by Mr Adams the president, in a speech to congress, as a high and aggravated insult to the dignity of the American people. The federalist party, by whom he was supported, had a majority in congress, and some preparations for war were voted; but as the parties were nearly balanced, the opinions of the opposition very frequently prevailed, and the mission of three ambassadors to demand an explanation from the French government was scarcely followed by any preparations for hostility. But by this time the persons who retained the possession of the supreme power in France, under the appellation of an executive directory, had displayed a character which deeply wounded the interests of their country with all foreign nations, and ultimately overturned the republican constitution which had been attempted to be established. Their conduct was insolent and corrupted, while at the same time they were unable to compensate these defects by the ability of their management. Their negotiation with the American ambassadors terminated in an obscure and unprincipled intrigue, in which it appeared that the directory wished to levy a sum of money upon America, as the price of their forbearance; a part of which sum was to go into the public treasury, and a part was to be received privately by the individual members of the directory. They also, from a short-sighted policy, authorized their privateers and cruisers to seize all neutral vessels in which any article of British produce or manufacture should be found, to whomsoever it belonged. As the British manufactures were in great demand in every country, this was equivalent to a declaration of hostility against all nations, while, at the same time, the absolute dominion which the British navy had at this period acquired over the ocean, converted it into an impatient menace.

In consequence of these events, the American congress, towards the end of their session in 1798, by a small majority, enacted a law, to break off all commercial relations with France or its dependencies, and to forbid the entrance of French vessels into the American ports till the end of the sittings of next congress. A premium was also offered for the capture of French armed ships by American vessels. Still, however, though the president, Mr Adams, supported by the leaders of the federalist party, continued to urge the necessity of a war with France, yet, as the majority of the people appeared decidedly averse to this measure, he had the good sense to depart from his own sentiments, and to attempt a new negotiation. As the French directory, by their misconduct, speedily brought their country to the greatest embarrassments, by once more arming all Europe against France, that nation found it necessary, for the sake of its safety, to relinquish those hopes of freedom for which it had made so many sacrifices, and to submit the whole power of the state to Bonaparte, who had been the most successful commander of its armies. He repaired the errors in the directory by more moderate and better management, and settled all differences with the American states.

During these political transactions, the two greatest yellow cities of these states, Philadelphia and New York, had fever suffered very severely by a pestilential disorder called the yellow fever. It is understood to have been brought originally by vessels employed in the slave-trade on the western coast of Africa to the West India islands. After producing the most dreadful mortality in that quarter, it was conveyed to the two great cities in America already mentioned, in consequence of their frequent intercourse with the islands. From them it at times extended itself to the other maritime towns. Having once begun, it returned during different seasons towards the end of summer, and many thousand persons perished by it, besides those whose health was permanently injured. More than half the inhabitants fled from the cities; but those infected fortunately either did not infect the inhabitants of the country to whose houses they went, or the infection produced a less dangerous form of disease. The rents of houses sunk about one half in Philadelphia and New York, and their rapid increase was considerably retarded. In consequence, however, of the adoption of those measures of precaution which have been so long practised in Europe, but which have been neglected in America, the danger of a return of the same calamity seems to be somewhat diminished, though from the latest accounts it is by no means done away.

It has been already mentioned, that a resolution Washington was very early adopted in America of endeavouring to establish a federal city, as it is called, as the capital of the United States, which should be the seat of government independent of every particular state, and having its sovereignty vested in the whole union; and we have stated the circumstances which led to its establishment on the banks of the Potomack. Congress accordingly commenced its sittings at Washington at the end of the year 1800. For several years preceding that period the commissioners of congress had been employed in making out a plan of the city, and in erecting public buildings for the accommodation of the government. As the desire of wealth is a prevailing passion in America, and as the people there readily engage in extensive speculations upon every subject, the federal city of Washington was for some time made the object of an endless variety of purchases and sales of lots of building. building ground. The city, however, has not advanced so rapidly as was expected, and many of the speculators have suffered severely. In 1810, the city contained 8263 inhabitants, and Georgetown 4948. In 1817, the two places contained about 20,000.

The strong party spirit which raged in America was rather inflamed by some measures of Mr. Adams's administration. The new alien law, which required 14 years residence before a foreigner could be naturalized, and the sedition bill, which rendered it penal to use expressions tending to bring the government into contempt, were peculiarly offensive. Under the latter bill, some individuals were tried and punished for speaking disrespectfully of the president. The republicans represented these proceedings as inconsistent with the democratic spirit of the government; regarding them as the introduction of a system of violence and coercion, borrowed from the despotisms of Europe. These feelings operated powerfully at the election of a president in 1801, when, after a keen contest, the democratic party prevailed; Mr. Adams was set aside, and Mr. Jefferson raised to the presidency. The virulence of party continued for some time, but gradually subsided under the moderate and conciliatory measures of the new administration. The obnoxious laws were repealed or suffered to expire; the military establishment was reduced; the expenses of the government diminished, and in 1802 all internal duties were abolished; the revenue derived from the customs, and from the sale of lands, being found sufficient for the support of the public establishments. Since this period the democratic party has been continually increasing in strength. The history of the crisis in 1801 cannot indeed be too much studied by public men. For some years previous, the American government, supported and strengthened by adventitious circumstances, was pursuing a course certainly at variance with the opinions of the great mass of the people. The resentment which this excited rendered measures of a coercive nature necessary: these measures inflamed still farther the spirit they were meant to repress; and had the government been independent of the people, still stronger measures would have been resorted to under the pretext of extirpating a turbulent and dangerous spirit, till liberty would have expired under the increasing weight of the restrictions imposed on it. But the purity of the representation enabled the people to arrest the government in its career, and to bring it back to a course, which whether wiser in itself or not, was more consonant to the opinions of the people, and therefore preferable. From that period the public discontent ceased, and the government has been administered with a degree of tranquillity, prudence, and moderation, of which it would be difficult to find a parallel instance in the same period.

In 1803, the United States acquired Louisiana by purchase from France, to which it had been ceded by Spain in 1801. The French government received for this country 65,000,000 of francs, in which, however, was included the amount of debts due by France to citizens of the United States.

The vexations to which the American commerce was exposed from the long hostilities of France and England, were greatly aggravated by Bonaparte's famous Berlin decree, (21st November 1806), and that of Milan, (17th December 1807), and by the British orders in council. To avoid being embroiled in the quarrels of these states, congress passed embargo and non-intercourse laws in December 1807; but the mercantile interest, who suffered severely under this system, were so loud in their complaints, that the acts were repealed in March 1809. This same year Mr. Madison succeeded Mr. Jefferson as president; but this made no change in the course of policy pursued by the government. Circumstances in the mean time were gradually widening the breach between Britain and America. The attack on the Chesapeake vessel of war, the mission of Henry, the numerous seizures of vessels under the orders in council, and the standing grievance of the impressment of American seamen, were all inflaming the public mind in the United States. The orders in council were recalled in June 1812, but before intelligence of this reached America, war had been declared against Britain. The first campaign commenced very disastrously for the Americans. General Hull, who had crossed into Upper Canada at Detroit with 2300 militia, surrendered without resistance on the 16th August 1812. Another expedition into Canada, under General Von-Renselaer, was equally unfortunate; the army, after carrying the forts opposite Lewistown, being forced to capitulate. A third army, under General Winchester, was defeated by the British under Colonel Proctor, near Detroit, and also capitulated on the 27th January. The Americans had some compensation for these defeats by land in their unexpected success by sea. The capture of the British frigate Guerrier of 49 guns, by the Constitution of 54 guns; of the Frolic of 22 guns, by the Wasp of the same force; of the Macedonian and Java of 49 guns each, by the United States and Constitution of 54, all in the course of 1812, tended greatly to cheer the Americans under their reverses, and to stimulate them to new efforts. The actual difference of force, however, between the vessels, was greater than appears from the enumeration of the guns, as the American ships carry more men and heavier metal.

In February 1813, the British crossed the St Lawrence and captured Ogdensburg; and the Americans on the other hand took York the capital of Upper Canada by storm in April. In order to destroy the American naval resources on Lake Ontario, Sir George Prevost made an attack on Sackets harbour, but was repulsed with considerable loss. The Americans in the mean time were making great exertions to equip a naval force to command the lakes, and the British had been equally diligent. On Lake Erie, the two flotillas, consisting each of six or seven small vessels, fought an obstinate battle on the 10th September, which terminated in the capture of the whole of the British vessels. This enabled the American general Harrison to drive the British from Malden, Detroit, and all the Michigan territory. On Lake Ontario, the force of the parties was more equally balanced. Sir James Yeo, and Commodore Chauncey chased one another alternately, each being unwilling to fight unless under peculiar advantages. An expedition was undertaken by General Wilkinson against Montreal, but after some unimportant fighting this enterprise was abandoned. Little more was done during this campaign, except that some American villages along the Niagara frontier were destroy- ed by the British. The most important naval action in 1813 was that between the American frigate Chesapeake, and the British frigate Shannon, nearly equal in force, in which the former was taken.

The third campaign threatened to prove much more serious for the Americans; the overthrow of Bonaparte's government in April 1814, having released the British force which had been acting in France. The United States were now assailed at both extremities, and on the sea coast, at the same time. In the month of July, Sir George Prevost having received reinforcements from England, advanced along the western shores of Lake Champlain, with 15,000 men, with the view of gaining possession of Plattsburg. He had advanced to the vicinity of the town, and from the feeble means of resistance it possessed would most probably have carried it; but the British and American fleets on the lake were in the mean time engaged, and Sir George, with every prospect of success, had the mortification to see his fleet defeated, and nearly all captured by the enemy. Considering the co-operation of the fleet as essential to his plan, he abandoned the enterprise, and withdrew to Canada. On the Niagara frontier where the forces were nearly equal, there was much hard fighting. The American general Brown fought two battles with General Rial, and one with General Drummond, in July and August, in all of which the Americans claimed the victory, though no beneficial result followed. The British fleets in the mean time had closed up the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, the Hudson river, and all the other considerable inlets on the coast. By this blockade the American commerce was much harassed and ultimately almost annihilated. The revenue, depending chiefly on their imports, was greatly reduced; and though internal taxes of various kinds were imposed, the supplies were so inadequate, that the government was forced to depend chiefly on loans. At last money could not be raised even in this way. Most of the banks stopped payment, and general distrust and alarm prevailed. To add to the perplexities of the government, Massachusetts and some other of the New England states, took a perfidious advantage of the difficulties of the country, and not only opposed the measures of the general government with the most factious zeal, but actually held a convention with the view of dissolving the union. There is no doubt that many of the leading men in these states corresponded secretly with the British commanders, and were guilty of actions for which in any other country they would have forfeited their lives.

In August 1814, a large British fleet with 6000 troops on board entered the Chesapeake bay, and ascended the Patuxent river, as high as Benedict. The army having disembarked, advanced to Bladensburg, defeated a body of American militia posted there, took possession of Washington, and after burning the president's house, the capitol, navy yard, bridge, and public offices, retired next day to their ships. Alexandria, situated a few miles below Washington, at the same time capitulated; but an attack made on Baltimore on the 12th September, was repelled with great spirit, with the loss of 250 men to the assailants, including the commander in chief General Ross. The destroying of public works at Washington, unconnected with the purposes of war, was represented with some justice by the Americans, as a flagrant violation of the laws of nations; and the keen resentment these acts excited, healed in some measure the party divisions among the leading men, and made them more ardent in the prosecution of the war. While these occurrences were passing on the east coast, a small British force in the gulf of Mexico attacked Fort Bowyer on Mobile point, but was repulsed by General Jackson. The Creek Indians also in the Alabama territory, who had taken arms, were subdued. A more formidable British force, consisting of about 5000 men, under General Packenham, was subsequently assembled in the bay of Mexico, to attack New Orleans. After destroying an American flotilla of gun boats in lake Borgne, a landing was effected. General Jackson was now placed in critical circumstances. To oppose this force, consisting of veterans, he had only about 4700 men, chiefly militia who had never been in battle; and a part of the inhabitants, who were Spaniards, were secretly disposed to favour the enemy. His prudence, judgment, and decision, supplied all deficiencies, and saved Louisiana. He seized certain suspected individuals, and put the town under martial law on his own responsibility. His troops, a part of whom were from Tennessee and Kentucky, though unaccustomed to face an enemy, were admirably skilful in the use of the rifle. Taking a position about five miles below New Orleans, with the river on one flank, and a marsh on the other, he threw up a temporary entrenchment, and waited the attack. The British accordingly advanced on the 8th January 1815, early in the morning. But the riflemen, protected by their breastwork, poured in such a destructive fire upon the assailants, that in the space of one hour the British, though they reached the entrenchment, were compelled to fly, with the enormous loss of 2500 men killed and wounded, besides the general in chief, and the two officers next in command. The loss of the Americans, according to their own accounts, was only six killed and seven wounded. The British reembarked about a fortnight afterwards. This was the last action of the war by land. Several actions between single ships took place by sea in 1815; of which the most important was that between the President and Endymion, in which the former was taken; and that betwixt the Constitution and two British vessels of inferior size, in which the latter were captured.

Negotiations had been carrying on for some months at Ghent in the Netherlands; and they were brought to a close by a treaty signed the 24th December 1814. In this treaty it was agreed that the disputes as to boundaries should be settled by a special commission; and that peace should be made with the Indians; but the discussion of the questions relative to impressment and the rights of neutrals was waived as the new circumstances of Europe rendered it unnecessary to stir them.

After the conclusion of the peace, a naval force was sent to chastise the Barbary powers, who had renewed their depredations on the American commerce during the war with Britain. Captain Decatur, after taking an Algerine frigate, dictated a peace to that power, in June 1815, compelling the Dey to give up all slaves, and make reparation for past injuries. Tunis and Tripoli were treated in the same way.

Mr Madison retired from office in 1817, and Mr Munroe, Munroe, who had been employed in many foreign missions, and in various public situations within the states, was elected president. Mr Munroe came in on the democratic interest, which seems now to have acquired an immense preponderance; but it is to the credit both of the man and the party, that the public measures have been conducted with singular prudence and moderation; and with much less of party spirit than could have been expected in a government rested entirely on party support.

The Seminoles, a tribe of southern Indians, having committed some excesses in 1817, General Jackson was employed to reduce them; and, in the course of his operations, having formed an idea that they were secretly encouraged by the Spanish authorities in Florida, he advanced into that province, and took Pensacola by force on the 24th May 1818. The United States however restored the place to Spain some time after; but being anxious to gain possession of both Floridas, they continued to treat with Spain for their cession. A treaty to this effect was accordingly signed at Washington, 22d February 1819; but when transmitted to Spain, Ferdinand refused to ratify it. In this state the matter rests.

In 1816, after the close of the war, the debt of the United States amounted to $123,630,691 dollars. During the four years of peace since elapsed, this debt has been reduced to $88,885,203 dollars, or about £9,300,000 sterling. In 1817 the internal duties were again abolished; and the United States were thus put into a condition which presents a singular contrast with that of every other civilized power. The revenue for 1818 amounted to about $25,000,000 dollars, exclusive of arrears of internal duties; but the shock which trade has received there, from the numerous failures among the banks, and the mercantile interest generally, in 1818 and 1819, renders it probable that the customs and sale of lands will be no longer sufficient to meet the annual expenditure. (Warden's Account of the United States, Nile's Register.)

The territory of the United States over which the population is at present spread, may be compared to a slender cone, the axis of which passes through the Alleghany mountains, bounded by the sea on the southeast and south sides, and on the north-west and west sides by the Canadian lakes, the Wabash, part of its course, and the Mississippi. In this way, excepting on the corners touching New Brunswick belonging to Britain on the north-east, and Florida belonging to Spain on the south-east, the United States are almost entirely surrounded by water. Parallel to the Atlantic ocean, from Georgia on the south to the most northern states, runs a tract of mountainous country, which receives the general appellation of the Alleghany mountains. The principal chain of these mountains is crossed by no river. On the eastern side of it a vast variety of streams of the greatest magnitude are formed, which descend into the Atlantic ocean. Beyond this chain of mountains, and parallel to it, at a considerable distance, is the great river Ohio. All the rivers that take their origin among the Alleghany mountains, beyond the principal ridge, flow westward into the Mississippi or Ohio. This last river, after passing along the western side of the Alleghany mountains, falls into the Mississippi, which passes round the southern extremity of these mountains, into the Atlantic ocean at the gulf of Mexico. The territory of the United States west of the Ohio may also be considered as forming a triangle, of which the river Ohio, on the east, forms the base; while the two sides are formed by the chain of lakes already mentioned, and by the river Mississippi. A considerable part of this western territory is still possessed by the Indians. The whole territory of the United States, eastward of the Mississippi, contains, by computation, a million of square miles, in which are 640,000,000 acres, Deduct for water, 51,000,000 Acres of land in the United States, 589,000,000

By the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, the United States obtained a prodigious accession of territory acquired. The whole surface west of the Mississippi is estimated by Mr Warden at 1,800,000 square English miles; and though there is in this space great tracts of barren mountains and sands, the greater part of it consists of excellent soil, well watered, and abundantly supplied with coal, lime, and salt.

No part of the world has so many navigable waters adjoining to its territory, or passing through it, as the United States of America. The Atlantic ocean, which forms their eastern boundary, is indented with numerous bays, some of which are of very considerable extent, and advance to a considerable distance into the country. On the northern or north-easterly part of the states is the bay of Fundy, between Nova Scotia and New England, chiefly remarkable for its tides, which rise to the height of 50 or 60 feet, and flow so rapidly as to overtake animals that feed upon the shore. Next to it, on the southward, are the bays called Penobscot and Casco, extending along the coast of the province of Maine, which is the most northern territory of the United States. Massachusetts bay follows these, which washes the town of Boston, and is comprehended between Cape Ann on the north, and Cape Cod on the south. Various small bays succeed to these, to the southward, after which is Long Island sound. This is a kind of inland sea, from three to 25 miles broad, and about 140 miles long, extending the whole length of the island, and dividing it from Connecticut. It communicates with the ocean at both ends of Long Island, and affords a very safe inland navigation. Near the west end of this sound, about eight miles eastward of the city of New York, is the strait called Hell Gate. It is remarkable for its whirlpools, which make a tremendous roaring at certain times of the tide. They are occasioned by the narrowness and crookedness of the pass, and by a bed of rocks that extends quite across it; but a skilful pilot can with safety conduct a ship of any burden through this strait, with the tide, or at still water, with a fair wind. Still proceeding to the south, is Delaware bay, 60 miles in length, which is so wide in some of its parts, that a ship in the middle cannot be seen from the land. But of all the American bays, the Chesapeake is the largest. Its entrance is between Cape Charles, and Cape Henry in Virginia, 12 miles wide, and it extends 270 miles to the northward, dividing Virginia from Maryland. It is from seven to 18 miles broad, and generally as much as nine fathoms deep, affording many commodious harbours and and a safe and easy navigation. It receives the waters of the Susquehannah, Potomac, Rappahannock, York, and James's rivers, which are all large and navigable.

To the south of the Chesapeake, on the coast of North Carolina, are the three bays or sounds called Albemarle, Pamlico, and Core. Of these Pamlico sound, which lies between the other two, is the greatest. It is a kind of lake, or inland sea, from 10 to 20 miles broad, and nearly 100 miles in length. It is separated from the sea in its whole length by a beach of sand, hardly a mile wide, and generally covered with small trees and bushes. Through this bank are several small inlets by which boats may pass. But Ocracoke inlet is the only one that will admit vessels of burden into the most important districts of Edenton and Newbern. This inlet is in lat. 35° 10', and opens into Pamlico sound, between Ocracoke island and Core bank; the land on the north is called Ocracoke, and on the south Portmouth. A bar of sand having 14 feet water at low tide crosses this inlet; and six miles within this bar the channel is crossed by a shoal called the Swash, having only eight or nine feet water at full tide. Few mariners, though acquainted with the inlets, choose to bring in their own vessels, as the bar often shifts during their absence on a voyage. To the north of Pamlico sound, and communicating with it, Albemarle sound extends 60 miles in length, and is from eight to 12 in breadth. Core sound, which lies to the south of Pamlico, likewise communicates with it. These sounds are so large, when compared with their inlets from the sea, that no tide can be perceived in any of the rivers which empty into them, nor is the water salt even in the mouths of these rivers. A tract of low marshy territory between Pamlico and Albemarle sounds is called Dismal Swamp. The same name, however, is also given to another tract at some distance to the northward of Albemarle sound. A part of this last tract is in North Carolina, and the rest within the boundaries of Virginia.

As already stated, the northern or north-western boundary of the United States, consists almost entirely of a chain of lakes dividing the country from Canada. These lakes consist of by far the largest collections of fresh water that are to be found in the world. The uppermost or most westerly is called the Lake of the Woods, from the great forests upon its banks. Its length from east to west is about 70 miles, and in some places it is 40 miles wide. To the eastward of it is Rainy or Long Lake, which is nearly 100 miles long, but never more than 20 miles wide. To the eastward of this is Lake Superior, justly termed the Caspian of America. It is undoubtedly the largest basin of fresh water in the world, being 1500 miles in circumference. The water is pure and transparent, and appears generally to rest upon a bed of huge rocks. A great part of its coast is likewise rocky and irregular. It contains many islands, two of which are very considerable. The one, called Isle Royal, is about 100 miles long, and in many places 40 miles broad. The lake abounds with fish, particularly trout and sturgeon. It is affected by storms in the same manner as the ocean. Its waves run as high, and the navigation is equally dangerous. It discharges its waters from the southeast corner, by a strait called St Marie, of about 40 miles long, into Lake Huron; but this strait is not navigable, on account of its having at one part what the Americans call a rapid, that is, a quick descent of the waters among rugged rocks. It does not appear, however, that above one-tenth of the waters which are conveyed by about 40 rivers into Lake Superior, pass out of it by the strait of St Marie, which nevertheless is its only visible outlet. Considerable quantities of copper ore are found in beds upon many small islands in Lake Superior, but it has not hitherto become an object of commerce.

Lake Huron is next in magnitude to Lake Superior, being about 1000 miles in circumference. On the north side of it is an island 100 miles in length, and no more than eight miles broad. This island is considered as sacred by the Indians. On its south-west side Lake Huron sends out a bay, called Sagamoon Bay, into the country, of about 80 miles in length, and about 18 in breadth. At its north-west corner, this lake communicates with Lake Michigan by the straits of Michillimakinac.

Lake St Claire receives the waters of the three great lakes, Superior, Michigan, and Huron, and discharges them, through a river or strait called Detroit, into Lake Erie. It is about 90 miles in circumference. Its navigation is obstructed by a bar of sand near the middle, which prevents loaded vessels from passing.

Lake Erie is nearly 300 miles long from east to west, and about 40 in its broadest part. Its islands and banks are much infested with rattle-snakes. Near the islands the water is covered for many acres together with the large pond lily, on the leaves of which, in the summer season, lie myriads of water snakes basking in the sun. The American geographers tell us of a remarkable snake found in this lake, called the hissing snake. It is about 18 inches long, and small and speckled. When approached, it flattens itself, and the spots upon its skin become visibly brighter. At the same time it blows from its mouth with great force a subtile wind, said to be of a nauseous smell, which, if drawn in by the breath of the traveller, infallibly brings on a decline, that in a few months proves fatal. This lake is of more dangerous navigation than any of the others, on account of the many perpendicular sharp rocks which it contains. It communicates with Lake Ontario by the river Niagara, which is about 30 miles in length; and which being crossed by a branch of the Alleghany mountains, consisting of limestone rock, forms the celebrated falls of Niagara, one of the most wonderful natural objects in the world, on account of the immense weight of water that is at once precipitated from a height which different travelers have estimated variously, from 137 to 160 feet. It has been often described; but as every traveller seems to view it with greater astonishment than his predecessors, we shall state the terms in which it is mentioned by the duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, who visited it in 1795. "At Chippaway the grand spectacle begins. The river, which has been constantly expanding from Fort Erie to this place, is here upwards of three miles wide; but on a sudden it is narrowed, and the rapidity of the stream redoubled by the declivity of the ground on which it flows, as well as the sudden contraction of its bed. The channel is rocky; and the interspersed fragments of rocks increase the violence of the stream. The country is flat and even to this point; but here a range of white rocks arises..." on each side of the river, which is contracted to half a mile's breadth. This range is a branch of the Alleghany mountains, which proceeding from Florida, previously to their reaching this point, intersect the whole continent of America. The river, more closely hemmed in by the rocks on the right encroaching upon its channel, branches into two arms, one of which flows along the bank formed by the rocks on the right; and the other, far more considerable, being separated by a small island, makes straight on to the left, and sweeps through a basin of stone which it fills with much foam and noise. At length, being again obstructed by other rocks which it meets on its right, it alters its course, with redoubled violence; and, along with the right arm, rushes down a perpendicular ledge of rocks 160 feet high, nearly half concave, and probably worn out by the incessant impetuosity of the waters. Its width is nearly equal to that of its bed, the uniformity of which is only interrupted by an island which separates the two arms, rests unshaken on its rocky basis, and seems, as it were, to swim between the two streams which rush down at once into this stupendous chasm. The waters of the lakes Erie, Michigan, St Claire, Huron, and Lake Superior, and of the numerous rivers emptying themselves into these lakes, incessantly replace the water that thus dashes down. The water of the fall tumbles perpendicularly on the rocks. Its colour is at times a dark green; at others a foaming white, brilliant throughout, and displaying a thousand variegations as it is struck by the rays of the sun, or, according to the time of the day, the state of the atmosphere, the force of the wind, &c. The water which rushes down the rocks rises in part in a thick column of mist, often towering above the height of the falls and mixing with the clouds. The remainder, broken in its perpendicular descent by fragments of rocks, is in continued agitation, spouts and foams, and casts on shore logs of wood, whole trees, boats, and wrecks, which the stream has swept along in its course.

The bed of the river formed by the two ridges of rocks, which extend a great way farther, is still more narrowed, as if part of this mighty stream had vanished during the fall, or were swallowed up by the earth. The noise, agitation, irregularity, and rapid descent of the stream, continue seven or eight miles farther on; and the river does not become sufficiently placid for a safe passage, till it reaches Queenstown nine miles from the falls. It is superfluous to mention, that notwithstanding the severity of the winter in this country, the cataract as well as the river above it are never frozen. But this is not the case with the lakes and smaller rivers that supply it with water. Enormous flakes of ice rush constantly down this cataract when the thaw sets in, without being entirely dashed to pieces on the rocks; and thus are frequently piled in huge masses up to half its height. With the noise occasioned by the falls, we were less struck than we expected; and Mr Guillemand, as well as myself, who had both seen the Rhine fall near Schaffhausen, could not but acknowledge that the noise it produces is far more striking. Yet I must repeat it again and again, that nothing can stand the test of comparison with the falls of Niagara. Let no one expect to find here something pleasing, wildly beautiful, or romantic; all is wonderfully grand, awful, sublime: every power of the soul is arrested; the impression strikes deeper the longer you contemplate, and you feel more strongly the impossibility of doing justice to your perceptions and feelings."

Lake Ontario, which is the lowest of the great lakes that form the northern frontier of the United States, is of an oval form, and abounds with fish of an excellent flavour. It discharges itself on the north-east into the river Iroquois, which, at the town of Montreal, takes the name of the river St Lawrence; and passing by Quebec, falls into the Atlantic ocean at the gulf of St Lawrence.

The river Mississippi is supposed, when its windings are included, to be upwards of 3000 miles in length, and to extend nearly 2000 in a direct line. It is navigable to the falls of St Anthony in about lat. 44° 30'. About lat. 29°, a large river called the Illinois, belonging to the United States, falls into it; and it is soon afterwards joined by a larger river than itself from the south, called the Missouri, which has a greater length of navigation. At the distance of 230 miles below its junction with the Missouri, the river Ohio, which is a mile in breadth, falls into the Mississippi. From the mouth of the Ohio it continues to descend 105 miles to the town of New Orleans, after passing which it falls into the gulf of Mexico. In spring floods the Mississippi rises to a great height, and overflows its banks, depositing upon them immense quantities of fertilizing mud or slime. After its junction with the Missouri, its waters become so loaded with the earthy particles, that in a half-pint tumbler they have been found to deposit a sediment of two inches of slime. Its banks, to a great distance from its mouth, appear to have been gradually formed by the deposition of trees and mud, which its floods bring down from the higher country. The soil is accordingly extremely soft, rich, and moist. It is apt to be broken up by the periodical floods of the river, which sometimes appears to alter its channel.

When in flood, the current of the Mississippi is so strong that with difficulty it can be ascended. The current descends at the rate of five miles an hour; but it is observed, that at this period there is a counter current which runs at the rate of about two miles an hour, close to the banks of the river, which greatly assists the ascending boats. In autumn, when the waters are low, it does not descend faster than two miles an hour, unless where the stream is narrowed by clusters of islands, shoals, and sand banks. The upper parts of the Mississippi are usually navigated in vessels carrying about 40 tons, and rowed by 18 or 20 men; and what is remarkable, the depth of the river increases as it is ascended. The voyage from New Orleans, near the mouth of the Mississippi, upwards to the river Illinois, is usually performed in eight or ten weeks; but the steam-boats recently introduced have rendered the communication vastly more rapid. According to a recent statement, there were in 1819 about 35 steam-boats on the Mississippi, which generally sail at the rate of 60 miles a-day against the stream.

The Missouri exceeds 3200 miles in length, reckoning from the Mississippi; and it is navigable for boats about 3090 miles. The whole extent of navigable waters in the Missouri, and its branches, is estimated at 15,000 miles: that of the Mississippi and its tributa- The lakes in the interior are by no means equal in extent to those upon the frontier. They are chiefly situated in the state of New York, or in its vicinity. Lake Champlain is the largest. It lies nearly to the east of Lake Ontario, and is about 80 miles in length from north to south, and 14 miles over at its broadest part. The others most considerable in size, are Lake George, which is about 55 miles long from north-east to south-west, but narrow; the Seneca and Cayuga, each about 30 or 40 miles in length; and Lake Oneida, which extends to 25 miles.

It has been already mentioned, that, to the eastward of the Alleghany mountains, all the rivers flow into the Atlantic ocean. Of these, beginning with the north, and going southward, the following are the most remarkable. In the states to the eastward of New York, which were formerly called the New England colonies, and which are now divided into the five states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Vermont, there is only one river of any importance, called Connecticut river. It rises in lat. 45° 10', long. 71° west from London. Its length in a straight line is nearly 300 miles. At its mouth is a bar of sand which obstructs the navigation. Ten feet water at full tides is found upon this bar. The river is navigable to Hartford, which is upwards of 50 miles from its mouth, and the produce of the country for 200 miles above is brought thither in boats. The boats which are used in this business are flat-bottomed, long, and narrow, for the convenience of going up the stream, and of so light a make as to be portable in carts. They are taken out of the river at different carrying-places.

To the south of Connecticut river is Hudson's river, one of the largest and finest in the United States. It rises in the mountains between the lakes Ontario and Champlain, and is 250 miles in length, falling into the ocean near New York, which stands upon it. About 60 miles above New York, the water becomes fresh; but the tide flows a few miles beyond the flourishing town called Albany, 160 miles above New York, and to this distance the river is navigable by sloops of 80 tons burden. From Albany to the neighbourhood of Lake George is 65 miles, and to this distance the river is navigable by light boats; but there are two portages, or carrying-places, in the way, of half a mile each. By this river the produce of the remotest farms is easily and speedily conveyed to a certain and profitable market at the great trading city of New York. Its banks are populous to a considerable distance, and a flourishing inland trade is carried on upon it between Albany and New York in nearly 100 vessels of about 70 tons burden, the greater part of which belong to the inhabitants of Albany. They make ten voyages in a year, are navigated by a master, a mate, and two men. The steam boats, however, now furnish a much more speedy conveyance.

The next great river to the southward is the Delaware. It rises in the state of New York in Lake Utstayantho, and takes its course south-west, till it crosses into Pennsylvania, in latitude 42°. Thence it still proceeds southward, dividing the states of New York and New Jersey, passing into the ocean through Delaware bay, having New Jersey on the north-eastern side, and Pennsylvania and Delaware on the west. From the mouth of Delaware bay, between Cape Henlopen and Cape May, to the city of Philadelphia, is about 118 miles. So far there is a sufficient depth of water for a 74 gun ship. At Philadelphia the river is extremely beautiful, passing through a rich and populous country. It is three miles broad, and the water is perfectly fresh. From Philadelphia upwards to Trenton Falls, where the sloop-navigation ends, is 35 miles. The river is navigable 40 miles farther for boats that carry eight or nine tons; and, with some carrying-places, it is navigable for Indian canoes, or such boats as we have already mentioned to be in use upon Connecticut river, for 150 miles. The tide reaches Trenton Falls, and rises six feet at Philadelphia. Three miles below this city, the Delaware receives the river Schuylkill, which is navigable about 85 or 90 miles.

The Susquehannah river also rises in the state of New York, crosses the state of Pennsylvania, and flows into the great bay of Chesapeake, after receiving many large streams, several of which are navigable for 50 miles; this river itself being navigable to an immense extent, though sometimes interrupted by rocks, which form troublesome rapids.

Next to these follow the Virginian rivers, the greater part of which flow into the bay of Chesapeake. The value of these streams can only be understood by an inspection of the map of the country. Almost every farm house, to the eastward of the Alleghany mountains, has a navigable river at its door: the result of which has been, that few towns of any consequence exist there, and every planter is in some measure a merchant as well as a cultivator of the soil. The most northerly of the Virginian rivers is the Potowmack, upon which the federal city of Washington is placed. It is seven miles and a half broad at the mouth. The distance from the capes of Virginia to the termination of the tide-water in this river is above 300 miles, and it is navigable for ships of the greatest burden nearly to that extent. Thereafter it is obstructed by four considerable falls, or rather rapid descents of the stream among rocks, which for a few miles interrupt the navigation. At these falls, however, navigation is continued, by means of canals supplied with locks; so that this river affords a water communication for many hundred miles above the termination of the tide. It also receives a great variety of navigable streams; one of which is the Shenandoah, which is said to be navigable for small vessels for upwards of 100 miles. The Rappahannock, York river, and James's river, with their various tributary streams, follow in succession. In a multitude of directions, they afford a communication across the first ridge of mountains, called the Blue mountains, to the foot of the great middle ridge, or the proper Alleghany mountains. In their course they not only facilitate the intercourse of the inhabitants, but, in several situations, exhibit instances of splendid and beautiful scenery. The junction of two of these rivers presents some beautiful scenery.

To the southward of Virginia, that is, in the states of North Carolina and Georgia, a great variety of rivers flow into the ocean. As the face of the country, however, is very level, the sand which they bring down in spring floods, or which is cast up by the ocean upon the coast, is apt to obstruct the entrance into them; so that they are deeper within the country than at the shore. One general rule obtains with regard to them: They are navigable by any vessel that can pass the bar at their mouths; and while a river continues broad enough for a vessel to turn round, there is generally a sufficient depth of water for it to proceed. In North Carolina, the principal rivers are, the Roanoke, which is navigable for small vessels about sixty or seventy miles; the Pamlico, which is navigable for 90 miles; Neus river, which carries small boats to the distance of 250 miles; and Trent river, which is navigable for 40 miles. In South Carolina are the Sante, the Savannah, and the Pedee, which rise from various sources in that ridge of mountains which divides the waters which flow into the Atlantic ocean from those which fall into the Mississippi. They are navigable to a great distance, as well as a variety of others of less note. In Georgia there are also several rivers, which are navigable to the distance of eighty or ninety miles; but the entrance into them from the ocean is very difficult, as the extreme flatness of the country prevents the stream from having sufficient force to keep their current clear of obstructions at their confluence with the sea-tides.

The western waters of the United States, or those beyond the Alleghany range, are not less abundant, or less convenient for navigation, than those on the eastern side of the mountains. We have already remarked, that at Pittsburg the great river Ohio commences; being there formed by the confluence of two, or rather three rivers, the Alleghany, the Monongahela, and the Yohogany; which last runs into the Monongahela, about fifty miles above Fort Pitt. These three rivers, previous to their junction, afford an inland navigation of many hundred miles. The Monongahela is no less than 400 yards wide at its mouth. At the distance of 100 miles above this, it is still 300 yards in breadth, and affords good navigation for boats. For 50 miles higher it is still navigable; though the navigation is apt to be interrupted during dry seasons. The Alleghany also affords a very distant navigation, extending at times, in very small vessels, to within 15 miles of Lake Erie, on the northern boundary of the United States. The Ohio, being formed by the junction of these rivers, proceeds along the back, or western side, of the Alleghany, to the distance of 1188 miles before it falls into the Mississippi, receiving in its course a great variety of tributary streams, both from its eastern and western sides. It is said to be one of the most beautiful rivers on earth; its current is gentle; its waters are clear; and its bosom smooth and unbroken by rocks and rapids, a single instance excepted. It is one quarter of a mile wide at Pittsburg, and increases gradually to one mile in width at its mouth; though at various places it is occasionally broader and narrower. At the rapids, or rocky part of its channel, which for about a mile disturb the navigation, it is only a quarter of a mile in breadth. These rapids are in latitude 38° 3'. It affords at all times a sufficiency of water for light boats to Pittsburg. The inundations of the river begin about the last of March, and subside in July. During these, were it not for the rapidity of the current, and the sudden turns of the river, a first rate man of war might ascend from the ocean to the rapids. But at this place the rise of the water does not exceed ten or twelve feet. The water there descends about thirty feet in a mile and a half. The bed of the river is a solid rock, and is divided by an island into two branches. But it is said that the southern branch is at most seasons navigable in small boats, when conducted by skilful pilots.

The following are the chief rivers which flow into the Ohio from the east: The Great Kanawha, and the Little Kanawha; the navigation of which last is much interrupted by rocks. The former, however, affords a tolerable navigation of about 90 miles, and is 280 yards wide at its mouth. The Little Kanawha is 150 yards broad; but it is navigable only for 10 miles.—After these are the rivers called Sandy, Licking, and Kentucky. The former constitutes the eastern boundary of Kentucky, and reaches the Alleghany mountains. It is of no great size. Licking river is 100 miles in length, and 100 yards broad at its mouth. The Kentucky is a very crooked stream, of 200 miles in length. It falls into the Ohio by a mouth of 100 yards broad.

Below the rapids of the Ohio, in the rich country of Kentucky, is Salt river, 90 miles in length, and 80 yards wide. Green river falls into the Ohio 120 miles below the rapids. Its course is upwards of 150 miles. Cumberland river falls into the Ohio 413 miles below the rapids. Its length is upwards of 550 miles. These rivers are navigable for boats almost to their sources, without rapids or interruptions, for the greatest part of the year. Their banks are generally high, and composed of limestone. Below these is the Tennessee, which runs into the Ohio a short way below the mouth of the Cumberland. The Tennessee is 600 yards wide at its mouth, and upon ascending it, to the distance of 200 miles, it widens to between two and three miles; which width it continues for nearly thirty miles. Thus far it is navigable by vessels of great burden. Here, however, it is interrupted by certain shoals, called the Mussel Shoals, from the great quantity of shell fish with which they are covered. These shoals can only be passed in small boats; above which, however, the river again becomes navigable for boats of forty or fifty tons burden for some hundred miles; and it is easily navigated at least 600 miles above the Mussel Shoals.

Of the rivers that flow into the Ohio from the west the following are the chief: The Muskingum, which is a gentle stream, confined by high banks. With a portage or carrying-place of about one mile, it affords a communication with a small navigable stream called the Cayohoga, which flows into Lake Erie. Thereafter is the river Hockhocking, inferior to the Muskingum, but navigable for large boats about seventy miles, and for small ones much farther, through a country abounding with coal, iron, stone, and other minerals. Next is the Sioto, which can be navigated with large barges for 200 miles. Then follows the Great Miami, which is navigable to an immense distance, even to the neighbourhood of Lake Erie. The Wabash falls into the Ohio by a mouth 270 yards wide, 1020 miles below Pittsburg. The Wabash is a beautiful river, with high and fertile banks. It can be navigated with boats drawing three feet water, 412 miles, and by large canoes 167 miles farther. Besides these streams which fall into the Ohio, a variety of rivers of great size and importance are to be found still farther to the westward within the territories of the United States. They either fall into the Mississippi on the south-west, or into the great northern lakes; but a particular description of them here is unnecessary. One of the chief of them is the Illinois, which falls into the Mississippi, 176 miles above or to the westward of the Ohio, by a mouth about 400 yards wide. It is navigable to a great distance, and interlocks with the rivers that fall into the northern lakes, in such a way as to furnish a communication with Lake Michigan, with the aid of two portages, the longest of which does not exceed four miles. It receives a number of rivers, which are navigable for boats from 15 to 180 miles.

One general remark must be made with regard to all the American rivers; that, in consequence of the immense torrents of rain which fall at certain seasons of the year, they are liable to swell, and to overflow their banks in a most violent manner; arising, in a short time, 10, or even 20 or 25 feet in height. This renders their navigation not a little difficult, on account of the great force that is necessary to convey a vessel upwards against the rapidity of the stream. These great floods also render it difficult to establish canals at those parts of any river where falls, or, as the Americans stile them, rapids, occur; because the locks, which, in such situations, are necessary upon the canals, to raise and let down the vessels, are in great danger of being swept away by the sudden swelling and overflowing of the river. Notwithstanding this inconvenience, however, it is abundantly evident, that no country on earth possesses the same advantages, in point of internal communication, with the United States of America. Even the great Alleghany ridge, which seems to form a barrier between the east and the west, is so closely approached on both sides by navigable streams, that the land carriage necessary in crossing it extends, in some situations, to little more than 40 miles; and, when the increasing population of the country shall have rendered such a measure useful or necessary, it will probably be found not difficult to complete the communication by water by the aid of artificial canals.

With regard to the general face of the country within the territory of the United States, it is very various. We have already stated, that a great chain of mountains runs from the state of Georgia northward, parallel to the Atlantic ocean, all the way to the great northern lakes. These mountains are not solitary, or scattered in a confused manner; but are formed into different ridges, receiving various appellations in different states. In Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina, the principal ridges, beginning on the east, are called, first, the Kittatinny or Blue Mountain, at the distance of from 120 to 130 miles from the sea. It is about 4000 feet high, and the country rises from the sea so slowly and gradually towards it, as to appear altogether level. Back from the first ridge, and nearly parallel to it, are the ridges called Peters, Tuscorora, and Nescopeck; but these names are not in all places adhered to. Then follow the ridges called in Pennsylvania Shuerman's hills, Sidelong hills, Ragged, Great-warriors, Erits and Wills mountains; then the great Alleghany ridge which gives its name to the whole. Beyond it are the Laurel and Chesnut ridges, and various others. These ridges being parallel to each other are themselves incapable of cultivation; but they are divided by rich plains of various breadth and of immense length, containing rivers of different degrees of magnitude. On the east of the mountains, from the lowest ridge to the ocean, the country, as already mentioned, descends very gradually; and in the southern states, for 150 miles from the ocean, is almost entirely level, consisting of a low flat country, apparently formed by sand thrown up by the tides, and by particles of mud deposited by the rivers in their spring floods. In the southern states, that is, those to the south of New York, the soil near the rivers is coarse or fine, according to its distance from the mountains. Near them it contains a large mixture of coarse sand; but on the banks of the rivers towards the sea, it consolidates into a fine clay; which, when exposed to the weather, falls down into a rich mould. In the states of South Carolina and Georgia, for many miles from the ocean, when a pit is dug to the depth of 20 feet, every appearance of a salt marsh is usually found, such as marsh grass, marsh mud, and brackish water.

Beyond the Alleghany mountains the country to the westward is irregular, broken, and variegated, but without great mountains. Various small ridges, however, descend to the westward, between which flow the rivers that run into the Ohio. In some situations, particularly in the neighborhood of Pittsburg, the variety of its surface is said to render the country extremely beautiful.

Towards the north part of the state of New York, and in the New England states, the country, different from the rest of America, is rough and hilly, or even mountainous, though, upon the whole, their mountains are trifling when compared to those in other parts of the world. Nor does it appear, that in almost any part of the United States, any such thing is to be met with as mountains entirely rugged and barren, rearing their naked summits to the clouds. Even to the top of the Alleghany ridge the whole country is one waving forest, though the trees are of different size and species, according to the variety of soil upon which they stand. Notwithstanding this general regularity of the surface of the country, to the eastward of the mountains, it is not destitute of objects which mark it to have undergone convulsions or changes. Of these we may mention one instance, being a curiosity worthy of attention, in the state of Virginia, called Natural Bridge or Rockbridge. It is on the ascent of a hill Natural Bridge which seems to have been cloven through its length by some great convulsion. The fissure just at the bridge is, by some admeasurements, 270 feet deep, by others only 205. It is about 45 feet wide at the bottom, and 60 feet at the top. The breadth of the bridge in the middle is about 60 feet, but more at the ends, and the thickness of the mass at the summit of the arch is about 40 feet. A part of this thickness consists of a coat of earth which gives growth to many large trees. The residue, with the hill on both sides, is one solid rock of limestone. Though the sides of this bridge are provided in some places with a parapet of fixed rocks, yet few men have resolution to advance, without creeping upon their hands and feet, to look over into the abyss. To a spectator from the low ground, the arch appears beautiful and light, as if springing springing towards heaven; affording through it a pleasing view of the mountains at five miles distance. The water passing under the bridge is called Cedar Creek, and the bridge itself is a part of a public road, as it affords a commodious passage across a valley. The county, in which it is situated, is called from it the County of Rockbridge.

In the same state of Virginia, there are some caverns mentioned by the American geographer, Dr Morse, which are not unworthy of notice as natural curiosities. The most noted is that called Maddison's Cave, on the north side of the mountains denominated the Blue Ridge, near the river Shenandoah. It is in a hill of about 200 feet perpendicular height, the ascent of which on one side is so steep, that you may pitch a biscuit from its summit into the water which washes its base. The entrance of the cave is in this side, about two-thirds of the way up. It extends into the earth about 300 feet, branching into subordinate caverns, sometimes ascending a little, but more generally descending, and at length terminates in two different places, at basins of water of unknown extent, nearly on a level with the water of the river, of which, however, they do not seem to be affluent water, as they are never turbid, and do not rise and fall in correspondence with it, in seasons of rain or drought. The vault of the cave is of solid limestone, from 20 to 40 and 50 feet high, through which water is continually percolating. This water has deposited a crust, forming the appearance of an elegant drapery on the sides of the cave, and, in dropping from the roof of the vault, generates, on that and on the base, stalactites of a conical form, some of which have met and formed massy columns.

There is another cave, in the North Ridge or North Mountain, which enters from the summit of the ridge. The descent is at first 30 or 40 feet perpendicular, as into a well, from whence the cave extends nearly horizontally 400 feet, preserving a breadth of from 20 to 50 feet, and a height of from five to 12 feet. The heat of the cave is permanently at about 47° of Fahrenheit's thermometer.

In another ridge is a blowing cave in the side of a hill. It is about 100 feet diameter, and constantly emits a current of air, of such force, as to keep the weeds prostrate to the distance of 20 yards before it. The current is strongest in frost, and weakest after long rains. It probably communicates with a waterfall in the bowels of the earth, the dashing of which generates the current of air, as we know that at the mines, called Lead Hills, in Scotland, for more than a century past, a small waterfall at the bottom of a mine, has been used for the purposes of ventilation, the air generated from the water being conveyed in large tubes to any place where it is wanted. The blowing engine, called the trompe, which is used at some foundries, is also constructed on the same principle.

On the first of June 1796, a pretty remarkable phenomenon occurred in the vicinity of the town of Catskill, in the state of New York. The country in the neighbourhood is a succession of little hills, or rather small elevations, detached from each other, and only connected a little at the basis. One of these hills, the nearest to Catskill Creek, and elevated about 100 feet above the level of the creek, suddenly suffered a sinking of more than half its declivity. It might have measured about 150 feet, from its summit to the extremity of its base, following the line of inclination. A breadth of about 80 fathoms fell in, beginning at about 3 or 4 fathoms from the top. The sunken part gave way all of a sudden, and fell so perpendicularly that a flock of sheep feeding on the spot, went down with it without being overturned. The trunks of trees that remained on it in a half rotten state, were neither uprooted, nor even inclined from their former direction, and now stand at the bottom of this chasm, of above four acres in extent, in the same perpendicular position, and on the same soil. However, as there was not sufficient space for all this body of earth, which before had lain in a slope, to place itself horizontally between the two parts of the hill that have not quitted their station, some parts are cracked, and as it were furrowed. But a more striking circumstance is, that the lower part of the hill, which has preserved its former shape, has been pushed and thrown forward by the sinking part making itself room; that its base has advanced five or six fathoms beyond a small rivulet, which before flowed at the distance of above 10 fathoms from it; and that it has even entirely stopped the course of its stream. The greatest elevation of the chasm is about 50 or 60 feet: in its sides it has discovered a blue earth, exhibiting all the characteristics of marl. In some of the strata of the marl is found sulphate of lime in minute crystals. The sinking of the hill made so little noise, as not to be heard at the proprietor's house, at the distance of 300 fathoms, nor at the town, which is separated from the hill only by the narrow stream of the creek.

The soil of the United States is not less various than soil in other countries. In the New England states, in consequence of the irregularity of the surface, rich and poor territory are interspersed; but in the southern states, the limits of the fertile and of the more unproductive parts of the country are more distinctly marked. In general the soil is less deep and rich as the land approaches towards the mountains. The neighbourhood of the sea consists of great swamps, which being overflowed by the adjoining rivers, render the land unhealthy, though fit for the cultivation of rice and other valuable productions. Hence, as the first or lowest ridges of mountains possess a considerable degree of fertility, they are better inhabited, because more healthful than the low country. The long valleys between the ridges of the Alleghany mountains are everywhere fertile; but they are sometimes very narrow. Beyond the mountains from Pittsburg to the northern lakes in the back parts of the state of New York, the country is fertile but moist, and lies low. Around Pittsburg itself, as already mentioned, to a considerable distance, the country has a beautiful variegated aspect. On the eastern side of the Ohio, however, below Pittsburg, the country speedily becomes rugged; and, for some hundred miles, is little inhabited, to the borders of the fertile country of Kentucky, which in a few years has been settled, rendered populous, and assumed into the number of the United States. To the westward of the Ohio river the soil is generally rich, but in some places rather marshy. The surface has an agreeable undulation, and there are extensive tracts of land called prairies, which are found naturally clear of wood, and ready for cultivation. In general, concerning the whole whole American territory, it may be observed, that wherever the land is tolerably level, it must have been originally fertile. Being covered with forests, it received every year a bed of leaves spread over its surface; which, by continually rotting in succession, have formed a vegetable mould of great fertility.

The mineral productions of the territory of the United States are various, as in other parts of the world. The form of mountains, rocks, and beds of different minerals, is the same here as elsewhere. There are found different species of granite, combined and varied as in the mountains of Europe; innumerable kinds of schists, of limestones, more or less perfect, and minerals of almost every species. In general, however, it may be remarked, that American mineralogy offers few varieties for observation, as the same substances usually pervade a considerable tract of country. The great mountains, that is to say, the most elevated, particularly the central ridge of the Alleghany, and the highest mountains of New England, are generally formed of granite. Those of inferior altitude successively exhibit schists more or less perfect, slate, feldspar, calcareous stone, and some sand stones of extreme hardness, and in a state of great perfection. The whole territory to the eastward of the Alleghany mountains, appears to embrace vast quantities of iron ore. The iron ore is of two kinds: one is capable of being manufactured into malleable iron, and is found in the mountains, and also in low barren soils. The other kind of iron is called bog-ore. It is produced in rich valleys. It is said to consist of iron united with the phosphoric acid. In the furnace it yields iron of a hard brittle quality. In consequence of the abundance of timber still to be found in the country, a considerable number of iron mines are wrought to the eastward of the mountains; the fuel used in which consists of charcoal. Their produce, however, is very trifling; none of them make more than to the amount of 1600 tons of pig iron annually, and about 150 of bar iron. The toughness of the cast iron manufactured in some of the Virginian furnaces, is said to be very remarkable. Pots and other utensils, cast thinner than usual, of this iron, may be safely thrown into or out of the waggons in which they are transported. Salt pans made of it, and no longer wanted for that purpose, cannot be broken up to be melted again, unless previously drilled in many parts. Coal mines are wrought in the eastern part of Virginia; but, upon the whole, little coal is found in the United States to the eastward of the mountains, where iron ores are extremely abundant. On the contrary, to the westward of these mountains, iron has scarcely been perceived; whereas coal is in the greatest plenty. In the fine country round Pittsburg, at the head of the Ohio, 320 miles west from Philadelphia, coal is not only extremely plentiful, but of a very superior quality. A bed of it in that neighbourhood was on fire for about twenty years, but little damage appears to have been produced. Coal has been discovered in so many places to the eastward of the Ohio, as to produce an opinion, that the whole tract of country beyond the mountains, from Pittsburg to the Mississippi, abounds with it. Immense beds of limestone rock are to be found in the most eastern tract of mountains. Below these mountains it seldom appears; but in Virginia, from the Blue Ridge westward, the whole country seems to be founded on a rock of limestone, besides great quantities on the surface both loose and fixed. It is formed into beds which range as the mountains and sea coast do, from south-west to north-east; the laminae of each bed declining from the horizon towards a parallelism with the axis of the earth. In some instances, however, but rarely, they are found perpendicular and even reclining the other way. But such cases are always attended with signs of convulsion, or other circumstances of singularity. Limestone is also found on the Mississippi and Ohio. Indeed that mineral appears to pervade the whole length of the ridges of the Alleghany mountains; and towards the lakes Erie and Ontario, the whole country rests upon limestone. It is not found on the high ridges themselves of the Alleghany mountains; but it occupies the fertile valleys between them, and is seen at the banks of the rivers which pass along these valleys. It sometimes appears to the eastward, in the form of very fine marble, chiefly coloured, quarries of which are wrought to adorn the houses of the wealthier citizens in the great towns.

Copper has been found in a variety of situations to the eastward of the mountains. At the distance of eight or ten miles from New York is a pretty rich copper mine. The ore is irregularly scattered through a kind of sand-stone, often resembling grit, and sometimes the padding-stone. It yields from 60 to 70 pounds of fine copper per cwt. Previous to the revolution it used to be carried to England, where it bore a higher price than any other ore of the same metal. The mine has been several times wrought, abandoned, and resumed. Some workmen, mostly Germans, were brought over from Europe for the purpose within these few years, and paid from 15 to 20 dollars per month. But the high price of labour and the difficulty of obtaining well executed machinery, impose in the United States great difficulties upon all mineralogical enterprises. At New Brunswick in New Jersey, a copper mine was at one time wrought, in which large quantities of virgin copper were discovered. In particular, in the year 1754, two lumps of virgin copper are said to have been found, which together weighed 1000 pounds. In the course of a few years preceding, within a quarter of a mile of New Brunswick, several pieces of virgin copper, from five to thirty pounds weight, in whole upwards of 200 pounds, were even turned up in a field by the plough; but the mine has ceased to be wrought, and the search for the metal discontinued.

Considerable quantities of black lead are found, and occasionally taken for use from a place called Winterham, in the county of Amelia in Virginia. No work is established there; but those who want the mineral go and procure it for themselves.

To the westward of the mountains some lead mines have been found, which will probably hereafter become valuable. In the western part of the state of Virginia, one mine has been for some time wrought by the public. The metal is mixed sometimes with earth, and sometimes with rock, which requires the force of gunpowder to open it. The proportions yielded are from 50 to 80 pounds of pure metal, from 100 pounds of worked ore. The most common proportion is that of 60 to 100 pounds. The lead contains a portion of silver, too small to be worth separation under any process known. to the American workmen. The veins are at times very flattering, and afterwards disappear suddenly and totally. They enter the side of the hill and proceed horizontally. Only about 30 labourers have been employed, and they cultivate their own corn. They have produced 60 tons of lead in a year, but the general quantity is from 20 to 25 tons. Lead mines are also said to have been discovered on the upper parts of the Mississippi, extending over a great length of country; but they are not wrought. Silver mines are also said to have been found in the territory of New York, and in the western country, particularly on the Wabash river; but they are too poor to be worth working. In the territory of New York zinc has been found, and likewise manganese, with various kinds of pyrites, and petrified wood, plaster of Paris, talc, crystals of various kinds and colours, asbestos, and several other fossils; also a small black stone, which vitrifies with little heat, and makes good glass.—A kind of mica, called by the Americans isinglass, has also been found, which is transparent, and capable of being divided into thin laminae or sheets, which may be used as a convenient substitute for window glass. Amethysts have been frequently found in Virginia; and even the emerald is not unknown. In the north mountains are immense bodies of schist, containing impressions of shells of various kinds. Petrified shells are also found in very elevated situations at the first sources of the Kentucky river. On the banks of Savannah river in South Carolina, about 90 miles from the sea in a direct line, and 150 or 200 as the river runs, there is a remarkable collection of oyster shells of an uncommon size. They run in a north-east and south-west direction, nearly parallel with the sea-coast, in three distinct ridges, which together occupy a space of seven miles in breadth. Such a phenomenon cannot easily be accounted for in any other way than by supposing the whole of this flat country to have been at one period an appendage of the ocean.

Sulphur is said to be found in several places of the western territory; and nitre is obtained, as in Spain, by lixiviating the fat earth that is found upon the banks of the rivers. But the most valuable mineral that has hitherto been found in Kentucky and other parts of the western territory, consists of the salt that is obtained by the evaporation of the water of certain springs. Such springs appear to be unknown to the eastward of the mountains; but they abound upon the Ohio, where they are more necessary on account of the great distance from the sea. They were discovered in the following curious manner:—The first inhabitants found, that the wild beasts of the forest, especially the buffaloes and deer, were accustomed to come in great crowds to certain spots, and there to employ themselves, apparently with much pleasure, in licking the ground. On examining the soil at these places, it was found to possess a considerable impregnation of sea salt, of which almost all animals that feed upon vegetables are known to be fond. The want of this commodity was a source of much distress to the first emigrants to Kentucky, and was one of the chief obstacles to the settlement of the country; but the example of the inferior animals, indicated a mode of relieving their wants. The spots frequented by the buffaloes were called licks, and at every lick it was found that an area of from five to ten acres is impregnated with common salt; so that by digging wells salt water might be obtained, from which salt can be extracted by evaporation. At least 12 of these licks, or salt springs, have been found in the new state of Kentucky; the principal of which are, Bullet's Lick, or Salt River, 20 miles from the rapids of the Ohio; Drinnon's Lick, about a mile and a half from the mouth of the Kentucky. On springs what is called Licking Creek there are two springs, called the Upper and Lower Blue Licks; and there is one called Great Bone Lick, from the bones of animals of a monstrous size, of a species that no longer exists, that have been found scattered in its neighbourhood. The water obtained from these springs is by no means so strong as sea water. It requires nearly 400 gallons to make one bushel of salt, which is more by one half than would be wanted of sea water in the same latitude to produce that quantity. In consequence, however, of the abundance of fuel that exists in a country where the finest timber is still considered as a nuisance, salt is here manufactured in plenty, and is sold tolerably cheap.

Various springs of water impregnated with other mineral ingredients have been found in the territory of the United States, some of which are much frequented by valetudinarians. In 1794, a sulphureous spring was discovered at a few yards distance from the banks of the river Chippaway, which falls into the Niagara, a little above the falls. On the approach of a firebrand, the vapour or steam kindles, assumes the form of burning spirit of wine, and burns down to the bottom. In the state of New York, the springs of Saratoga are much noted. They are eight or nine in number, situated on the margin of a morass, about twelve miles west from the confluence of a stream called Fish Creek with Hudson's river. They are surrounded by a limestone rock, apparently formed of petrifications deposited by the water. One of the springs particularly attracts attention: It sometimes rises above the earth in the form of a pyramid. The aperture in the top which discovers the water is perfectly cylindrical, about nine inches diameter. In this the water is about twelve inches below the top, except at its annual discharge, which is commonly at the beginning of summer. At all times it appears to be in as great agitation as if boiling in a pot, although it is extremely cold. The same appearances obtain in the other springs, except that the surrounding rocks are of different figures, and the water flows regularly from them. The air which rises in the springs, and causes the ebullition, appears to consist in part at least of carbonic acid gas, with which the water is strongly impregnated, as well as with lime, dissolved by the acid. It also contains a chalybeate impregnation. In the chain of the Alleghany mountains called Laurel Ridge, about latitude 36°, there is a spring of water 30 feet deep, very cold, and as blue as indigo; but the nature of the impregnation has not been ascertained.

There is in Pennsylvania, beyond the mountains, a stream called Oil Creek, which flows into the Alleghany river. It issues from a spring, on the top of which floats an oil similar to that called Barbadoes tar, and from which one man may gather several gallons in a day. The troops sent to guard the western post halted at this spring, collected some of the oil, and bathed their joints with it. This gave them great relief from the rheumatic complaints with which they were affected. The waters, of which the troops drank freely, operated as a gentle purge.

In the county of Augusta in Virginia, near the sources of James's river, are two springs, distinguished by the appellation of Warm and Hot. They are eight miles distant from each other, and are strongly impregnated with sulphur. They are said to be useful for rheumatic, and some other complaints. The warm spring issues with a very bold stream, sufficient to work a grist mill, and to keep the waters of its basin, which is 30 feet in diameter, at blood heat, or 96° of Fahrenheit. The hot spring is much smaller, and has been so hot as to boil an egg. Some believe its degree of heat to be lessened. It raises the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer to 112°. It sometimes relieves where the warm spring fails. A fountain of common water issuing near its margin gives it a singular appearance.

What are called the sweet springs are in the county of Botetourt in the same state, at the eastern foot of the Alleghany, 42 miles from the warm springs. They are quite cold, like common water, and their nature is little known; but all the three sorts of springs are much frequented. On the Potomack, and on York river, are also some springs, supposed to be medicinal; but in favour of whose virtues little is known.

In the low grounds of the river called Great Kanawha, 67 miles above the mouth, is a hole in the earth, of the capacity of thirty or forty gallons, from which issues constantly a bituminous vapour, in so strong a current as to give to the sand about its orifice the motion which it has in a boiling spring. On presenting a lighted candle or torch within 18 inches of the hole, it flames up in a column of 18 inches diameter, and four or five feet in height, which sometimes burns out within 20 minutes, and at other times has been known to continue three days, and then has been left still burning. The flame is unsteady, of the density of that of burning spirits, and smells like burning pit-coal. Water sometimes collects in the basin, which is remarkably cold, and is kept in ebullition by the vapour issuing through it. If the vapour be fired in that state, the water soon becomes so warm that the hand cannot bear it, and evaporates wholly in a short time. On Sandy river there is a similar hole that sends forth a bituminous vapour, the flame of which is a column of about twelve inches diameter and three feet high.

In the state of Georgia, in the county of Wilkes, about a mile and a half from the town of Washington, a spring rises from a hollow tree, four or five feet in length. The inside of the tree is incrusted with a coat of nitre an inch thick, and the leaves round the spring are incrusted with a substance as white as snow, which has not been analyzed. It is recommended for scurvy and scrophulous disorders.

The vegetable kingdom in the United States of America is so extremely rich, that even an enumeration of its remarkable objects would greatly exceed the bounds which we have here prescribed to ourselves. Indeed, it does not appear that, excepting the sugar cane, any valuable vegetable production is known which cannot be reared within some part of the territory of the states. With regard to the natural growth of these countries, it consists of an endless variety of trees and shrubs, and lesser plants. Each tract of different soil is usually distinguished by its peculiar vegetation, and is pronounced good, middling, or bad, from the species of trees which it produces; and one species generally predominating in each soil, has produced the descriptive name of Oak Land, Birch, Beech, and Chesnut Lands, Pine Barren Land, Maple, Ash and Cedar Swamps. Intermingled with these, which in the New England states are the predominating species, we find in that northern territory others, as walnut, fir, elm, hemlock, moose wood, sassafras, and many others. Walnut and chesnut trees indicate the best lands; beech and oak grow upon the second; the fir and pitch pine upon the third; barberry and other bushes upon lands of the next quality; and marshy shrubs upon the worst. Along with these are found a variety of flowering trees and shrubs, including all those known in Europe. Among the fruits which grow wild in all the states are several kinds of grapes, which are small, sour, and thick skinned. The vines on which they grow are very luxuriant, and often overspread the highest trees of the forest. They are extremely tough, and possess almost the strength of cordage. On the more fertile soils, the largest trees seldom push their roots into the earth beyond the depth of one foot, being no doubt fed by the rich mould which is formed on the surface by the perpetual shedding of the leaves and the rotting of the grass. In the northern states, the fragrance of the woods from flowering shrubs and trees is not so remarkable as in the south; nor is the timber so valuable. In South Carolina, indeed, the luxuriance of the woods stands unrivalled. There are 18 different species of oak, particularly the live oak, palmetto or cabbage tree, cucumber tree, deciduous cypress, liquid amber, hickory, &c.; in short, all the species of trees which are so excessively dear in Europe, ten of which are planted to save one, for which both situation and soil are carefully selected, and which yet never attain any considerable height, are here the natural produce of the country, and vegetate with the utmost rapidity. Equally striking to Europeans is the pleasing luxuriance of shrubs, plants, and various kinds of grass; most of which diffuse an exquisite fragrance.

Of the smaller vegetables, maize, or Indian corn, is a native of America. It agrees with all climates, from the equator to latitude 45°, but flourishes best between latitudes 30° and 40°. The wild rice is a grain which grows in great plenty in some of the interior parts of the states, and seems the most valuable of the spontaneous productions of the country. It grows in the water, where it is about two feet deep, with a rich muddy bottom. In its stalk, ears, and manner of growing, it very much resembles oats. It is gathered by the Indians in the following manner: About the time that it begins to turn from its milky state, and to ripen, they run their canoes into the midst of it, and, tying bunches of it together, just below the ears, they leave it in this situation for three or four weeks, till it is perfectly ripe. At the end of this time, commonly about the last of September, they return to the river, and placing their canoes close to the bunches of rice, in such a position as to receive the grain when it falls, they beat it out with pieces of wood. Thereafter they dry it with smoke, and, lastly, tread or rub off the outside husk; after which it is fit for use.

We have already enumerated the American quadrupeds, and have seen, that of these a considerable number is peculiar to America. Upwards of 130 American birds have been enumerated, and many of them described by Catesby, Jefferson, and Carver. The following catalogue will show the astonishing variety that exists in the American states, of this beautiful part of the creation:

| Blackbird. | American goldfinch. | |-----------|---------------------| | Razor-billed do. | Painted finch. | | Baltimore bird. | Crested fly-catcher. | | Bastard Baltimore. | Black-cap do. | | Blue bird. | Little brown do. | | Buzzard. | Red-eyed do. | | Blue jay. | Finch creeper. | | Blue grosbeak. | Storm finch. | | Brown bittern. | Goatsucker of Carolina. | | Crested do. | Gull. | | Small do. | Laughing gull. | | Booby. | Goose. | | Great booby. | Canada goose. | | Blue Peter. | Hawk. | | Bullfinch. | Fishing hawk. | | Bald coot. | Pigeon do. | | Cutwater. | Night do. | | White curlew. | Swallow-tailed do. | | Cat bird. | Hangbird. | | Cuckow. | Heron. | | Crow. | Little white heron. | | Cowpen bird. | Heath cock. | | Chattering plover or killdeer. | Humming bird. | | Crane or blue heron. | Purple jackdaw or crow blackbird. | | Yellow-breasted chat. | King bird. | | Cormorant. | Kingfisher. | | Hooping crane. | Loon. | | Pine creeper. | Lark. | | Yellow-throated creeper. | Large lark. | | Dove. | Blue linnet. | | Ground dove. | Mock bird. | | Duck. | Mow bird. | | Flathera duck. | Purple martin. | | Round-crested do. | Nightingale. | | Sheldrake or canvass do. | Noddy. | | Buffels-head do. | Nuthatch. | | Spoonbill do. | Oyster-catcher. | | Summer do. | Owl. | | Blackhead do. | Screech owl. | | Blue-winged shoveller. | American partridge or quail. | | Little brown duck. | Pheasant or mountain partridge. | | Sprigtail. | Water pheasant. | | White-faced teal. | Polican. | | Blue winged teal. | Water pelican. | | Pied-bill dobchick. | Pigeon of passage. | | Eagle. | White-crowned pigeon. | | Bald eagle. | Fieldfare of Carolina, or robin. | | Flamingo. | Parrot of paradise. | | Bahama finch. | Paroquet of Carolina. | | Purple finch. | Raven. | | Bahama do. | Rice bird. | | Red bird. | Towhe bird. | | Summer red bird. | Red thrush. | | Swan. | Fox-coloured thrush. | | Soree. | Little thrush. | | Snipe. | Tropic bird. | | Redstart. | Turtle of Carolina. | | Red-winged starling. | Water wagtail. | | Swallow. | Water hen. | | Chimney do. | Water witch. | | Snow bird. | Wakan bird. | | Little sparrow. | Whetsaw. | | Bahama do. | Large white-billed woodpecker. | | Stork. | Large red-crested do. | | Turkey. | Gold-winged do. | | Wild turkey. | Red-bellied do. | | Tyrant. | Hairy do. | | Crested titmouse. | Red-headed do. | | Yellow do. | Yellow-bellied do. | | Bahama do. | Smallest spotted do. | | Hooded do. | Yellow rump. | | Wren. |

Of all these, it has been remarked, that the birds of America generally exceed those of Europe in the beauty of their plumage; but are much inferior to them in the melody of their notes. The buzzard, commonly called the turkey buzzard, from its resemblance to a key buzz-turkey in plumage and shape, is very common all over South Carolina. It appears that the police of Charlestown is extremely deficient in those measures which should not be neglected in a populous town, in so hot a climate. Hence the bodies of dead animals are frequently left exposed in the neighbourhood, together with the refuse of slaughter-houses. But the voracity of the turkey buzzard alleviates the effects of this negligence. It speedily devours everything, and leaves only the bones of any carcass that it finds. Hence it is accounted a kind of sacred bird: no law has been enacted prohibiting it to be killed; but among the whole inhabitants of the town, the public opinion sufficiently protects its safety.

In all parts of the United States, considerable numbers of snakes are found. But they are neither so numerous nor so venomous in the northern as in the southern states. The following is given as a list of them:

| Rattlesnake. | Corn snake. | |-------------|------------| | Small rattlesnake. | Hognose do. | | Yellow rattlesnake. | House do. | | Water viper. | Green do. | | Black do. | Wampum do. | | Brown do. | Glass do. | | Copper-bellied snake. | Bead do. | | Bluish-green do. | Wall or house adder. | | Black do. | Striped or garter snake. | | Ribbon do. | Water do. | | Spotted ribbon do. | Hissing do. | | Chain do. | Thorn-tailed do. | | Joint do. | Speckled do. | | Green-spotted do. | Ring do. | | Coachwhip do. | Two-headed do. |

The joint snake is a curiosity. Its skin is as hard as parchment, and as smooth as glass. It is beautifully marked striped. striped with black and white. Its joints are so few and stiff, that it can hardly bend itself into the form of a hoop. When struck, it breaks like a pipe's stem, and with a whip it may be broken from the tail to the bowels into pieces not an inch long, without producing the least tincture of blood. It is not venomous. It is not known whether the two-headed snake be a distinct species, or only a monstrous production, very few of them having ever been seen. But of all the American snakes, the rattlesnake is the chief, being the most frequent and the most dangerous. It is a peaceful animal, however, and never bites but on being irritated. In the northern states it is little regarded, and its bite seems not to be fatal. "We found (says the duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt), a young man, who, about six weeks before, had been bitten on the knee by a rattlesnake, while he was fishing on the banks of Lake Cauandaqua. At first he did not feel much pain in the part affected; but an hour afterwards a swelling appeared, which gradually extended all along the leg to the foot, and both became so stiff that he was unable to move them. A cure was effected within the space of only six days by the juice of snake root laid on the wound and swelling, as a poultice, mixed with milk, together with a few drops of that juice, pure and unmixed, taken internally. Instances of such bites occur but very seldom, and only, it seems, when the animal has been touched; otherwise it constantly retires, and may be killed by a blow with the slenderest stick." But in the southern states, particularly in South Carolina, the inhabitants are more afraid of these animals than in New York or Pennsylvania; as instances are known in that southern climate of people having died a quarter of an hour after they were bitten by the rattlesnake. The juice of plantago Virginiana, Linm. or the root and branches of mahuba bruised, are the remedies most commonly applied. Either of these plants is sufficient; but they are deemed more efficacious when they are applied jointly. A tobacco leaf, steeped in rum, or a single leaf of one of the above plants, takes off the pain and swelling. Caesar, a negro, discovered this cure in South Carolina; he proved its efficacy to the assembly of the states, in 1780, by causing a rattlesnake to bite him; and obtained for this arcanum his liberty, and a pension of 100 guineas a-year.

An astonishing variety of insects is found in the United States. Of these, during the summer, the musketo is the most troublesome. In the back parts of the state of New York, the lands are frequently visited by a species of locusts which fix chiefly on the trees and consume the leaves. They are so extremely numerous, that every attempt to destroy or remove them is apparently fruitless. Flies, likewise, in moist situations, are very troublesome, being found in such prodigious swarms, especially about noon, that the farmers are obliged to keep large fires burning near their houses, where the cattle find shelter from these tormenting insects till the cool of the evening, when the latter disappear, and retire into the woods.

Bees are found in the woods in swarms, which produce large quantities of honey, of different qualities, according to the kinds of flowering shrubs and plants that prevail in the neighbourhood. It is said, however, that this valuable insect is most usually found in the vicinity of cultivated places, where a part at least of the timber has been cut down, and that hence, when the savages perceive a swarm of bees, they say, that it is time for them to remove, as the approaches of cultivation not only bring white men, who are always in some measure their enemies, but also tend to narrow their hunting grounds. The planters not only rear enough of bees to supply themselves with honey of an excellent quality, but considerable quantities are brought to the coast for exportation.

An account has been given by an American physician, Dr Benjamin Smith Barton, of a poisonous or injurious kind of honey collected by bees in the territory of the United States, which is, perhaps, worthy of attention both for philosophical and for commercial reasons. "The honey which I call deleterious (says he) or poisonous honey, produces, as far as I have learned, the following symptoms, viz. In the beginning a dimness of sight, or vertigo succeeded by a delirium, which is sometimes mild and pleasant, and sometimes furious, ebriety, pain in the stomach and intestines, profuse perspiration, foaming at the mouth, vomiting and purging, and, in a few instances, death. In some persons a vomiting is the first effect of the poison. When this is the case, it is probable that the persons suffer much less from the honey than when no vomiting is induced. Sometimes the honey has been observed to produce a temporary palsy of the limbs: an effect which I have remarked in animals that have eaten of one of those very vegetables, the kalmia latifolia, from whose flowers the bees obtain a pernicious honey. Death is very seldom the consequence of eating this kind of honey. The violent impression which it makes upon the stomach and intestines often induces an early vomiting or purging, which are both favourable to the speedy recovery of the patient. The fever which it excites is frequently relieved, in a short time, by the profuse perspiration, and perhaps by the foaming at the mouth. I may add, that, as the human constitution resists to an astonishing degree the effects of the narcotic or other poisonous vegetables that are best known to us, so we need not wonder, that it also resists the effects of the deleterious honey that is produced from such vegetables.

"It deserves to be mentioned, that the honey which is formed by two different hives of bees in the same tree, or at a little distance from each other, often possesses the most opposite properties. Nay, the honey from the same individual combs is sometimes not less different in taste, in colour, and in its effects. Thus one stratum or portion of it may be eaten without the least inconvenience, whilst that which is immediately adjacent to it shall occasion the several effects which I have just enumerated. I have taken some pains to learn what are the signs by which the deleterious honey may at first view be distinguished from innocent honey. I am informed that there is no difficulty in the matter.

"The poisonous honey is said by some to be of a crimson colour; by others, it is said to be of a reddish brown colour, and of a thicker consistence than common innocent honey. These are the signs by which I am told the most experienced hunters in the southern parts of North America are enabled to distinguish pernicious from innocent honey."

Dr Dr Barton, however, justly doubts the infallibility of these signs, so far as they depend upon the colour of the honey, as Mr Bruce found honey red like blood at Dixan in Abyssinia, which he does not say was poisonous; and the honey collected in Scotland from the flowers of the erica, or blooming heather, is usually of a dirty brown colour, though it was never known to possess any noxious property. He proceeds to state, that a friend of his, Mr William Bertram, who has written upon the natural productions of North America, informed him, that "in the Carolinas and Floridas the poisonous honey is often so similar in colour, taste, and odour, to the common or innocent honey, that the former cannot be distinguished from the latter. It is owing, he says, to this circumstance, that so many accidents daily happen from the use of the wild honey. He was informed, that it is experience alone which enables the hunters and others to determine whether the honey which they find in the woods be poisonous or innocent. They have observed that the injurious effects manifest themselves in a short time after the honey is taken into the stomach. They are accustomed, therefore, to eat a small quantity before they venture to satisfy their appetite. Should this produce any disagreeable effect, they do not think it prudent to continue the use of it; but, if in a short time it should occasion no inconvenience, they think they may, with perfect safety, indulge their appetite to the full.

"I have been informed, that the poisonous honey, by boiling and straining, may be rendered as innocent as any honey whatever. It is likewise said, that, by long keeping, it becomes harmless. It is poisonous to dogs as well as to men. Hitherto I have not been able to obtain any certain information concerning the means to be pursued in the treatment of persons labouring under the effects of the poisonous honey. It is said, that the Indians and some of the whites use cold bathing with advantage. As the effects produced by this honey are similar to those produced by several narcotic vegetables that are well known to us, such as opium, hyoscyamus niger or henbane, datura stramonium or thorn-apple, &c. it is probable that the same means of treatment will apply to both cases. In South Carolina, Georgia, and the two Floridas, but more especially in East Florida, the instances of injury from the eating of wild honey are more numerous than in any other parts of North America that are known to us. There is a tract of country, included between the rivers St Illa and St Mary's in East Florida, that is remarkable for immense numbers of bees. These insects, which were originally introduced into Florida by the Spaniards, have increased into innumerable swarms, from the facility with which they procure their food, in, perhaps, the richest flowered country of North America. In this tract of country the alarming effects of the wild honey are often experienced by the settlers, by wandering hunters, and by savages.

"It is highly probable that this poisonous honey is procured from a considerable number of the flowers of the countries which I have mentioned. A complete list of these flowers would be acceptable; but such a list it will be difficult to procure at present. Meanwhile I am happy to have it in my power to mention some of the vegetables from whose flowers the bees extract a deleterious honey, not only in the country between the United States and St Mary's, but also in some other parts of North America. These vegetables are the kalmia angustifolia and latifolia of Linnaeus, the kalmia hirsuta flora of Walter, the andromeda mariana, and some other species of this genus.

"Every American has heard of the poisonous properties of the kalmia angustifolia and latifolia. The former of these plants is known in the United States by the names of dwarf laurel, ivy, lambkill, &c. It has long been known that its leaves, when eaten by sheep, prove fatal to them. The following fact likewise will shew, that the flowers also are endowed with a poisonous property. About 20 years since, a party of young men, solicited by the prospect of grain, moved with a few hives of bees from Pennsylvania into the Jerseys. They were induced to believe, that the savannahs of this latter country were very favourable to the increase of their bees, and consequently to the making of honey. They accordingly placed their hives in the midst of these savannahs, which were finely painted with the flowers of the kalmia angustifolia. The bees increased prodigiously; and it was evident, that the principal part of the honey which they made was obtained from the flowers of the plant which I have just mentioned. I cannot learn that there was anything uncommon in the appearance of the honey; but all the adventurers, who ate of it, became intoxicated to a great degree. From this experiment they were sensible that it would not be prudent to sell their honey; but unwilling to lose all their labour, they made the honey into the drink well known by the name of metheglin, supposing that the intoxicating quality, which had resided in the honey, would be lost in the metheglin. In this respect, however, they were mistaken: the drink also intoxicated them, after which they removed their hives. In North Carolina, this species of kalmia, and the andromeda mariana, are supposed to be the principal vegetables from which the bees prepare the poisonous honey that is common in that part of the United States.

"The kalmia latifolia, known in the United States by the names of laurel, great laurel, winter green, spoon laurel, spoon wood, &c. is also a poison. Its leaves indeed are eaten with impunity by the deer, and by the round-horned elk; but they are poisonous to sheep, to horned cattle, and to horses. In the former of these animals they produce convulsions, foaming at the mouths, and death. Many of General Braddock's horses were destroyed by eating the leaves and the twigs of this shrub in the month of June 1755, a few days before this unfortunate general's defeat and death. In the severe winter of the years 1790 and 1791, there appeared to be such unequivocal reasons for believing that several persons in Philadelphia had died in consequence of their having eaten our pheasant, in whose crops the leaves and buds of the kalmia latifolia were found, that the mayor of the city thought it prudent, and his duty, to warn the people against the use of this bird by a public proclamation. I know, that by many persons, especially by some lovers of pheasant flesh, the circumstance just mentioned was supposed to be destitute of foundation; but the foundation was a solid one. This might be shown by several well authenticated facts. It is sufficient for my present purpose to observe," observe, that the collection of a deleterious honey from the flowers of this species of kalmia gives some countenance to the opinion, that the flesh of pheasants that had eaten the leaves and the buds of this plant may have been impregnated with a pernicious quality.

"In Georgia and Florida the kalmia hirsuta is supposed to be the principal vegetable from which the deleterious honey in those parts of our continent is procured. The andromeda mariana or broad-leaved moorwort, is a very common plant in many parts of North America. The leaves are poisonous to sheep. The petioli or footstalks of the leaves, and the seeds within the seed-vessel, are covered with a brown powder similar to that of the kalmia. This powder, applied to the nostrils, occasions violent sneezing. From the flowers of this plant the bees extract considerable quantities of honey; and it deserves to be mentioned, that this honey, as well as that obtained from some other American species of andromeda, has frequently the very smell of the flowers from which it is obtained."

In addition to the above plants, from whose flowers the bees are known to obtain poisonous honey, the same writer mentions some others which are suspected to be dangerous, as the rhododendron maximum or Pennsylvania mountain laurel. The seeds of this plant and the footstalks of the leaves are covered, like some of the andromedas and kalmias, with a brown powder which excites sneezing; and, it is singular, that Dioscorides mentions sneezing as one of the symptoms produced by honey made about Heraeaca Pontica. The azalea nudiflora, called in the United States the wild honeysuckle, is also suspected of producing poisonous honey. A species of this genus, the azalea pontica of Linneus, is supposed to be the egolathron of Pliny, who mentions it as the plant from which the poisonous honey about Heraeaca Pontica is prepared. The datura stramonium, called in America James-town weed, gynsin, stink-weed, or French chestnut, produces in the tube of its flower a considerable quantity of honey, which is suspected to be of a bad quality; because the plant itself is known to possess poisonous properties. Upon the whole, from what is known upon the subject in America, Dr Barton is led to suspect, that every flower that is poisonous to man may produce a honey injurious to man, since the properties of the fluid are so dependent upon the properties of the plant from which it is produced. Hence he thinks, that there is more of poetry than philosophy in the following lines of Pope.

In the nice bee, what sense so subtly true, From poisonous herbs extracts the healing dew?

Essay on Man.

The kaiman, a species of the alligator or crocodile, is also found in the southern rivers of the United States. Some of the kaimans are of so monstrous a size as to exceed five yards in length. They devour all living animals that they can catch. They are fond of the flesh of hogs and dogs. When basking on the shore, they keep their huge mouths wide open, till they are filled with musquitoes, flies, and other insects; when they suddenly shut their jaws, and swallow their prey. They are great destroyers of fish in the rivers and creeks, which they catch with the same address. Eight or ten of them lie at the mouth of the river or creek, whilst others go to a distance up the river, and chase the fish downwards; by which means, none of any bigness escape them. They are said, however, to remain torpid during the winter in dens which they find in the banks of the rivers, having previously swallowed a large number of pine knots, which forms their only sustenance till the period of their revival or wakening. The kaiman seldom touches a man, however near it may lie to him. It constantly flees when at land; but in the water it is fiercer, and has been known to bite off the leg of a person bathing. It more frequently attacks dogs. Sometimes when hounds, in pursuit of a stag, swim through the water, the kaimans seize both hounds and deer, and pull them down to the bottom without their ever appearing again. The scales with which they are coated render them invulnerable, unless the wound be inflicted in the insterstices of the scales, or at the extremities.

The climate of the great territory belonging to the United States, must necessarily be various, in consequence of the difference of latitude and soil that takes place in it. The snow covers Vermont and the province of Maine, during five or six months of the year; and the winter there lasts seven months, while there is hardly any winter in South Carolina, and still less in Georgia. Should any snow fall in the latter of these states, it does not remain two days upon the ground. The sudden variation of temperature, which frequently occurs, is the most remarkable characteristic of the climate of the whole states. It is usual to see the thermometer rise or fall 25° of Fahrenheit's scale in 24 hours. In April 1796, it fell in 12 hours from the 77th degree of Fahrenheit to 44°, and this observation was made at Wilmington in Delaware, and in Baltimore. The river Delaware at Philadelphia, three miles in breadth, is sometimes frozen over in one night, and the same thing occurs in all the rivers of Virginia and to the northward. The seasons, in the United States, are only three: summer, winter, and autumn, or what the Americans more expressively call the fall, from the falling of the leaves in the forests. The transition, from the locking up of all vegetation in winter to the sudden burst of it again to life at the beginning of summer, is so rapid as utterly to exclude that progressive and delightful season, which, in the more moderate climate of Europe, receives the appellation of spring. Within a week or ten days after the melting of the snow, the woods and orchards are in full bloom. Both the heat and cold are more intense in America than in Europe. The frost is stronger and more durable. The sunshine is more ardent and permanent, and the heat is far more oppressive and insupportable. It may be remarked, that in the different latitudes of the United States, the heat differs more in its duration than in its power. In 1795 at Newark, on the frontiers of Upper Canada, the duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt saw the thermometer of Fahrenheit rise in July to 92°. In the month of August the same year he saw it at 96° at Albany in the state of New York. At Savannah in Georgia, it seldom rises above that height; though from Newark or Albany, to Savannah, there is a difference of 14° of latitude. But the thermometer remains during a month or two at Savannah at this height, and very seldom two days together in the northern states. The following following remarks and facts, relative to the climate and seasons in America and Europe, are given by Dr Holyoke of Salem in the state of Massachusetts; and completely demonstrate the intenseness both of the heat and the cold that are experienced in the most northerly states of the American union.

"The following table exhibits the mean or medium degree of greatest heat and cold by Fahrenheit's thermometer:

| Lat. | Mean of gr. heat | Mean of gr. cold | |------|------------------|-----------------| | Stockholm | 59° 20' | 83.98 | 10.19b | | Copenhagen | 55° 40' | 81.77 | 2.98a | | Berlin | 52° 32' | 89.37 | 0.62a | | Mons | 50° 25' | 89.15 | 1.18a | | Prague | 50° 4' | 92.7 | 12.77b | | Wurtzburg | 49° 46' | 93.87 | 4.6 | | Mannheim | 49° 27' | 89.6 | 1.2a | | Ratisbon | 48° 56' | 79.7 | 2.42b | | Buda | 47° 40' | 90.7 | 4.26a | | Geneva | 46° 12' | 88.9 | 10.2a | | Rochelle | 46° 0' | 90.5 | 19.93a | | Padua | 45° 22' | 91.4 | 16.93a | | Marseilles | 43° 17' | 89.6 | 27.5a | | Rome | 41° 53' | 85.43 | 33.46a | | Salem in Massachusets | 42° 31' | 97.2 | 2.42b |

"These European cities, except Rome, are all north of the latitude of Salem. But in the whole middle region of Europe, which is from 7 to 10 degrees north of Salem, the heat in summer and cold in winter are, on an average, less than at Salem by a difference of 5, 8, and 10 degrees. Comparing the temperature of the European atmosphere under nearly the same parallel of latitude with Salem, viz., at Rome, Padua, and Marseilles, it is found that the mean of greatest heat in Europe falls short of ours by 8 degrees, and the mean of greatest cold by more than 30 degrees. It is also found, by observations made at different times and places, that in America there falls a greater quantity of rain annually than in Europe; we have notwithstanding more fair weather, and fewer cloudy, foggy, and rainy days. The medium quantity of rain that falls yearly in Europe does not exceed 30 inches of water, whereas in America the medium quantity is at least 50 inches.

"The mean number of fair days, according to observations made in 20 cities of Europe, amounts only to 64. Several observations in America make the mean number of fair days to be about 130. The mean number of cloudy days in the same cities of Europe (all which are upon the continent) was, in 1785, 113; in America there are about 80 or 90. The number of rainy days in the same cities was, on a mean, 122; the number in America is 85 or 90. These facts seem to prove that the atmosphere of Europe is more humid than that in America; and this may be one cause why the European climate is more temperate under the same parallels of latitude, and less subject to extremes of heat and cold.

"The following facts concerning the temperature of our own climate are extremely curious. From observations made at four different hours in the day for seven years, it is found that the mercury in Fahrenheit rose to 80° and upwards.

In 1786. In 1787. In 1788. June 13 June 10 June 5 July 11 July 13 July 13 Aug. 8 Aug. 13 Aug. 8 Sept. 2 Sept. 2 Sept. 1 Oct. 1

In 1789. In 1790. In 1791. In 1792. May 1 May 1 May 7 May 7 June 12 June 5 June 15 June 10 July 13 July 14 July 16 July 15 Aug. 11 Aug. 7 Aug. 15 Aug. 10 Sept. 1 Sept. 2 Sept. 1 Sept. 2 Oct. 1

The thermometer was at and above 90°,

In 1786, 4 days 1790, 2 days. 1787, 2 do. 1791, 12 do. 1788, 1 do. 1792, 8 do. 1789, 4 do.

During the same years in winter, the thermometer was at and below 32°, the freezing point;

In 1786, 108 days, and below 0, 4 days. 1787, 111 do. do. 4 do. 1788, 108 do. do. 6 do. 1789, 105 do. do. 3 do. 1790, 119 do. do. 5 do. 1791, 111 do. do. 1 do. 1792, 102 do. do. 3 do.

The mean of the mean temperature of each month during the seven years is as follows:

| Jan. | Feb. | Mar. | April | May | June | |------|------|------|-------|-----|------| | 24.8 tenths | 25.7 | 36. | 45.5 | 56.8 | 67. |

Mean temperature of each season.

| Winter | Spring | Summer | Autumn | |--------|--------|--------|--------| | 1786 | 25.7 | 45.9 | 70.6 | 50.9 | | 1787 | 25.8 | 45.7 | 68.1 | 50.3 | | 1788 | 25.5 | 45.2 | 68.9 | 52.1 | | 1789 | 24.9 | 43.9 | 70.2 | 49.5 | | 1790 | 29.2 | 43.6 | 67.9 | 49.5 | | 1791 | 23.3 | 48.6 | 71.0 | 49.0 | | 1792 | 25.5 | 49.4 | 68.7 | 51.3 |

Total mean temperature of each year:

| Year | Temperature | |------|-------------| | 1786 | 48.53 | | 1787 | 47.88 | | 1788 | 47.67 | | 1789 | 47.68 | | 1790 | 46.43 | | 1791 | 48.96 | | 1792 | 48.44 |

Total mean temperature of the seven years, 47.94. As the observations in the morning were not made at sunrise, but at eight o'clock, Dr Holyoke supposes a small abatement must be made; and the mean temperature of the seven years fixed at 47.5.

Mean temperature at the time of each observation:

| At eight o'clock A.M. | 46.55 | |-----------------------|-------| | At noon | 54.15 | | Sunset | 47.65 | | At ten o'clock P.M. | 43.7 |

"Whence it appears that the mean temperature of the day is at sunset, and that the temperature of the month of April is very little below the mean temperature of the year."

The very great variations of climate here indicated are said not to extend themselves in an equal degree beyond the tract of the Alleghany mountains; so that in the same latitude the climate is much more mild upon the banks of the Ohio than on the shores of the Atlantic ocean. As that part of the country, however, is yet less inhabited, or has only been so for a short period, very few authentic documents have reached us concerning it.

The extremes of heat and cold which so rapidly succeed each other in America at different seasons, and which persevere so steadily when they are once begun, do not fail to affect very sensibly the health of the inhabitants of the United States. In general, people become old in America sooner than in Europe. In the more northern parts of the country, that is, in the New England States, and also near the mountains, this is less sensibly the case; but excepting in these situations, it is more rare to see men of a great age there than in Europe. The influence of the climate upon females is still more sensible. When young, they are generally beautiful, and more particularly so at Philadelphia, and in the other middle states. But after 20 years of age they soon begin to lose their fresh colour. At 25, many of them might be taken for Europeans of 40; as their bloom is faded, and their form has already suffered a change. If they have previously been mothers, which in this rising country is usually the case, their alteration is still more premature. Yet, it is admitted, that neither nightly revels, the abuse of spirituous liquors, the want of exercise, nor an excess of it, can be brought to account for this early change. In the northern states, the period of their beauty is indeed lengthened, but only for a few years. Whereas, in the southern states it is shortened. In South Carolina, at the age of 30, a woman appears old; and both men and women soon lose the bloom of youth, and feel the infirmities of age. At the age of 50, in that exhausting climate, the hair becomes entirely white. The number of children that die in their infancy is said to be proportionally much greater than in Europe; though this does not prevent the population from advancing with nearly twenty times the rapidity that it does with us. Colds, hooping-coughs, and disorders of the throat, carry off great numbers of children. The most common mortal diseases in all the states are dropsies of the chest, consumptions, and bilious and putrid fevers. Of diseases that are not mortal, the most frequent of all is the ague or intermitting fever, which, however, sometimes degenerates into a bilious fever. These intermitting fevers are undoubtedly the result of a climate abounding in moisture, arising from immense rivers, swamps, and forests, acted upon by the intense heat of a burning sun. In such a situation the human strength is exhausted, so as to be at all times liable to fall into this simplest and least dangerous form of fever. Though it is experienced by almost every stranger, and at times by most of the natives, it is seldom hazardous; but at the same time it undoubtedly enfeebles the constitution, and prepares it for sinking under other diseases. It is always towards the end of summer, when the heat is most intense, and the health of the people most weakened by the hot and moist climate of America, that the dreadfiul disease, the yellow fever, makes its appearance. It thus comes at a period when intermittent fevers at all times abound; and the extreme mortality which it produces is probably to be accounted for, not less from the state of debility and relaxation with regard to general health, than from any peculiar malignity of the distemper, which never fails to yield to the restorative and strengthening power of a few frosty days, or even of rainy. It is a singular circumstance, that of the great number of French who were in Philadelphia during the different periods at which it was desolated by this fatal scourge, sometimes none, and never more than four or five in a season, suffered by the yellow fever, though none of them deserted the city on that occasion. The only plausible, though probably inadequate, account which has ever been given of the cause of their escaping that calamity, is their habitual abstinence from spirituous liquors; in the use of which the Americans of all ranks, that is the men, not the women, indulge very freely, and thereby no doubt increase the degree of debility which the climate has a tendency to produce, and consequently expose themselves in a greater degree to the influence of any contagious distemper. Under all its disadvantages, however, the climate of America allows the full exertion and enjoyment of all the human faculties. Men of sound constitutions in every part of it attain to old age. Even in South Carolina in 1787, of the 9600 white inhabitants of Charlestown 200 were above 60 years; and in the New England states instances of great longevity abound.

Till the late war the manufactures carried on in American United States were very few. A year seldom passed away without attempts being made by individuals to establish cotton-works, glass-houses, and other extensive manufactories, but without success. Sometimes particular states assist in the most liberal manner, with the public money, the undertakers of these plans; but the money is soon spent, and the work obliged to be dropped. The reason is obvious. In the European nations, men and women abound, and the lower classes are, therefore, under the necessity of giving their industry, and the result of their skill, for little more than what is barely sufficient to afford them subsistence. In America the case is different. Men are few, the soil is fertile and unoccupied, and subsistence is easily procured. Every man aspires, therefore, to the possession of something beyond the gratification of his present wants, or the mere necessaries of life. He endeavours to become independent, by obtaining and cultivating a portion of the soil for his his own use. To withdraw him from an enterprise of this kind, which is so flattering to the passions of all men, a large reward is necessary, or, in other words, if an ordinary tradesman in America do not receive high wages, he will go to the woods, and settle as a farmer, or small proprietor, which in that country he can do upon easy terms. Hence it happens, that the manufacturers of Europe find it easy to undersell all those who attempt to rival them in America. Even when a skilful European manufacturer conveys his capital and his tools across the Atlantic, the case is not altered. His servants and labourers must be carried along with him. Supposing this difficulty to be surmounted, he must immediately give them three times the wages that they received in Europe, or they will not remain in his service, as they can easily obtain such a price for their industry there. In consequence of high wages, they are enabled, in a year or two, to accumulate enough of money to enable them to purchase or obtain credit for a small farm, in a fertile though remote part of the country. They never fail, therefore, speedily to desert the business to which they were originally educated, and to betake themselves to agriculture, which, from the independence it affords, is of all occupations the most grateful to the human mind. Thus, any great manufacture carried on in America, could only be supported by a succession of emigrant workmen, receiving exorbitant wages, and having the prospect of immediately deserting it; a situation, in which it evidently could not prosper. Hence, to a very remote period, that is, till land shall become scarce and precious, in consequence of an overflowing population, the United States of America must chiefly depend upon Europe for their most valuable manufactures. Neither is this a misfortune to America. Men there, as elsewhere, in following out their own private intents, contribute most effectually to advance the prosperity of their country. Agriculture is there pursued because it is the most profitable of all employments to those who engage in it, and leads them most rapidly to the possession of property and independence; at the same time, by providing in abundance the means of subsistence, it facilitates to the community the acquisition of what chiefly it wants, a numerous population, which, by the natural progress of things, will ultimately bring in its train the cultivation of all the arts.

The Americans, however, are not destitute of a considerable variety of such manufactures, as their peculiar situation has naturally led them to establish. We have already mentioned, the manufacture of iron from the ore, which they practise in several situations to the eastward of the mountains, though not to such extent as to supply the wants of their country. They also tan leather, which they are induced to do from the abundance of oak-bark that they possess; and they manufacture hats in considerable quantities. They have distilleries for the preparation of spirituous liquors, and of late they have spinning machinery to a considerable extent. Tradesmen in the towns, and private families in remote situations, prepare soap, candles, and malt liquors. In the remoter districts, the women also prepare a considerable part of the clothing of their families. Upon the rivers, great numbers of saw mills are erected, for the purpose of converting to profit, the timber; which they are under the necessity of cutting down, before the lands can be brought into cultivation. Connected with this operation, of clearing the land of timber, is the preparation of pot and pearl ashes. As this forms a considerable branch of the trade of many American towns, the back country of which has been recently settled, we shall here state the mode of preparing this salt, which has been generally adopted.

Large tubs with a double bottom are filled with the potash ashes of wood: the uppermost bottom, which contains works, several holes, is covered with ashes, about 10 or 11 inches deep, while the under part of the tub is filled with straw or hay. Water being poured over the ashes extracts the particles of salt, and discharges all the heterogeneous matter which it may yet contain on the layer of hay or straw. The ley is drawn off by means of a cock, and if it should not yet have attained a sufficient degree of strength, poured again over the same or over fresh ashes. The ley is deemed sufficiently strong when an egg swims on it. This ley is afterwards boiled in large iron caldrons, which are constantly filled out of other caldrons, in which ley is likewise boiling. If the ley begins to thicken in the caldron, no fresh ley is added, but the fire is well fed with fuel until all the aqueous particles are separated, and the whole is completely inspissated and indurated. This salt is of a black colour, and called black potash. Some manufacturers leave the potash in this state in the caldron, and increase the fire, by means of which the oil is disengaged from the salt in a thick smoke, and the black potash assumes a gray colour, in which state it is packed up in the barrels for sale.

The process of preparing the potash requires more or less time according to the quality of the ashes and the ley, and to the degree of strength of the latter: the medium time is 24 hours. The ashes of green wood, and especially of oak, are preferred. No potash can be prepared from the ashes of resinous trees, and ashes which are five or six months old are better than those that are new.

Some manufacturers use only one caldron for boiling, which they fill with cold ley as it comes from the tubs, and others put the salt, as soon as it begins to congealate, into smaller caldrons to complete the process.

In many parts of the state of New York, especially in the north, and the vicinity of Albany, the inhabitants who fell the wood prepare the potash. But there are also large manufactories, where from 30 to 40 tubs are used for preparing the ley, and from 10 to 12 caldrons for its evaporation. The manufacturers buy the ashes from private families. The tubs and caldrons are of different sizes, in proportion to the greater or less extent of the manufactory. By a general estimate, from five to six hundred bushels of ashes yield a ton of potash.

The barrels in which the potash is packed up, must be made of white oak, or, if this cannot be had, of wood which is but little porous. The staves ought to be far more durable than for casks in which other dry goods are packed, the hoops also must be more numerous; for the least fissure would expose the potash to humidity, to the air, and consequently to deliquescence and dissolution. Instances have occurred, when barrels badly made and hooped, and which had been filled with potash, were soon after found to be half empty.

Pearl-ash is well known to be potash purified by calcination. To this end the potash is put into a kiln, constructed in an oval form, of plaster of Paris; the inside of which being made otherwise perfectly close, is horizontally intersected by an iron grate, on which the potash is placed. Under this grate a fire is made; and the heat reverberated by the arched upper part of the kiln, completes the calcination, and converts the potash into pearl-ash, which is taken out of the kiln, and, when completely cooled, packed in barrels. The process of calcination lasts about an hour. Pearl-ash is proportionally more heavy than potash, on account of its greater compactness, and the loss of weight experienced by the latter, though the calcination is very trifling. Although pearl-ash is less liable to deliquesce by the air than potash, yet the barrels in which it is packed are of the same sort and structure with those in which the latter salt is barrelled. They are of different sizes, and contain from 200 to 300 pounds. Potash as well as pearl-ash is sold by tons in the course of trade; and it is not lawful to export either before it is duly inspected by the public searchers, who are appointed for this purpose in all the states where pearl or potash is manufactured.

The manufacture of sugar from the maple tree, *acer saccharinum* Linn., called by the Indians *saccheta*, is peculiar to the United States of America. The whole country to the northward of Pennsylvania abounds with these trees, and also to the southward upon approaching the mountains. In the western territory they everywhere abound. Very considerable quantities of sugar are made from them; so as to afford to the inhabitants an abundant supply of that valuable commodity. The medium produce of a tree standing in the midst of a wood, is three pounds of sugar. The average produce of trees standing on ground which has been cleared of all other woods, is from six to seven pounds per tree. A barrel of the first juice which comes from the maple tree will yield seven pounds of sugar, and four if it stand in the midst of other wood. The ordinary price of this sugar is 18. per pound. A barrel of the second juice will yield three gallons and a half of treacle. Four or five barrels of the third juice will yield one barrel of a good and pleasant vinegar. The vinegar is found to be better in proportion as the juice is more concentrated by boiling. Hence some persons brew but one barrel of vinegar from 10 barrels of the third juice. To clarify this vinegar it must be boiled with leaves. The third juice, when not used for vinegar, yields, if mixed with an equal quantity of water, a fermented liquor of an excellent flavour. The longer the first juice is boiled, the better and finer the sugar becomes. In order that the trees may continue productive, they require to be tapped with extraordinary care, that is, the fissures or wounds made in them for extracting the juice, must neither be too deep nor too wide; so that no water may settle in them, and that the wood may close again in the space of a twelvemonth. During the time the juice is flowing out, which lasts about six weeks, and generally begins about the commencement of the month of February, all the days on which it freezes or rains are lost; so that the number of days on which the business can be pursued to advantage, is frequently from these circumstances much diminished. Yet during the above time, two persons can often make from 500 to 600 pounds of good sugar, and this quantity is increased in proportion to the number of workmen employed. Since 1812 they have made great progress in the cultivation of the cane, particularly in Louisiana and Georgia. It has been stated, that sixteen million of pounds of sugar, from the cane, were produced in Louisiana in 1814.

Ship-building is an art much practised in the northern states upon the sea coast. The Americans are understood to possess considerable skill in this branch of business, and to perform their work both in a substantial and frugal manner. In building vessels in New England, they make the beams which support the deck from the trunk of the spruce fir; taking care that these, and some other parts which are framed of this timber, have a sufficient thickness of wood, and be strongly rivetted together. The rest of the vessel is made of oak planks. It is only of late that the spruce fir has been used in building ships in this quarter. The ship-builders affirm, that it is an improvement to the vessels; though, in all probability, the scarcity of oak which now begins to be felt on the sea coast of New England, has been the chief cause of the innovation. It is said, however, that the spruce fir resists, better than almost any other kind of wood, the action of the sun and the weather, which in the American climate put all kinds of timber to a severe trial. The planks of the body of their ships, to the water's edge, are often made, not of oak but of beech wood, or of the wood of the black birch, which is reckoned equally hard and durable. The keel is of the wood of the beech, of the sugar maple, or of what is called the rock maple. By using these kinds of wood for so many purposes, there is often not above a fifth-part of the ship made of oak. The ship-builders maintain, that the beech, the black birch, and the maple, are very serviceable for the preservation of iron, which the saline particles of the oak are apt to consume. Instead of using tallow for those purposes in ship-building, to which it has been usually applied, all the ship-carpenters in America make use of train oil very plentifully laid on. By these devices, they have reduced the expense of ship-building to half of what it formerly was, to the great emolument of the persons engaged in it.

The fisheries are a branch of industry in which the Americans engage to a considerable extent. The whole coast of Massachusetts, and especially of the district of Maine, is inhabited by fishermen engaged in the fishing of cod upon the great bank of Newfoundland, or in the sea in their own neighbourhood. They bring all the fish on shore, where they receive the last dressing. The fish are washed and laid in heaps, that the water may run off. Thereafter they are exposed for two or three days to the air: after which they are placed on hurdles that are about four or five feet in breadth, three or four feet above the ground, and as long as the field on which they are erected. The fish are laid separately, and frequently turned, that they may get thoroughly dry; which happens under a bright bright American sun in about six days. At last they are packed in cases, pressed down, and exported either to the West Indies or to Europe. The best fish, that is, those caught in the first fishing mouths, are superior to the rest, from being dried more slowly. They are sent to Spain, excepting a few that are usually bespoke by the better sort of people in the neighbourhood, and are sold at double the price of those which are caught later in the year, when the heat is more intense. The fish caught on the coasts of Massachusetts and of Maine are neither so large nor so plentiful as those taken at the Great Bank near Newfoundland; yet this fishery employs a considerable number of vessels, which proceed only five or six miles from the coast, and return home every week.

Besides this, and the salmon and herring fisheries, which are considerable, the Americans also engage extensively in the whale fishing, on the coast of Brazil, and in the Pacific ocean in the same latitude, and in the West Indian seas, as far eastward as to the Cape of Good Hope, from the 18th to the 25th degree of latitude. The business is sometimes also prosecuted in Hudson's bay, and the seas adjacent to the coast of Greenland and Labrador, which abound more than the southern seas in whales, and those of a larger size, and such as afford oil of a better quality. But as the vast masses of ice which infest the seas in these northern latitudes render the fishing dangerous, the Americans in general abandon the fishery in the north to the European fishermen. Of late years, the whales have altogether abandoned the coasts of the United States, though they were formerly found in considerable numbers in that quarter. The spermaceti whales are chiefly found in the Indian ocean, on the coasts of Africa and Madagascar, in the Pacific ocean, and on the coasts of Peru and Chili. A voyage to this fishing occupies from ten to eighteen months. The crew receive no wages, but have a certain share of the blubber; the captain has a fifth; the pilot a five-and-fortieth or a sixtieth part of what is taken. The owners never make less than 20 per cent. upon the adventure; and the captain, from a successful voyage, in common years, and at ordinary prices, usually receives about eight or nine hundred dollars. A ship of 160 tons has a crew of 15 persons and two boats. At their return, the blubber which has been barreled at sea is put into fresh barrels, and cleared from its sediment before it is carried to market; for though the sediment be as fit as the rest for use in the soap-works, yet the oil in which it appears is regarded as of inferior quality in the European market. This sediment, and a sort of white flesh which is found in the head and belly of the whale, are then squeezed in a press. A new quantity of oil of the best quality is thus obtained. The residue which remains after the first pressing is put again into the press, and more forcibly squeezed than before. It affords a certain quantity of oil; and it is the produce of this last squeezing which, after undergoing a boiling, is poured into moulds, and forms spermaceti candles: These are sold for half a dollar a pound. Those which are called spermaceti fishes yield this matter in great quantity. In their heads alone there are often five or six tons of this matter; though the other whales have the head differently composed, and do not afford above a quarter of a ton out of each head. Thus all whales yield more or less of this matter, which is so much valued as a material for candles.

Though the Americans have few manufactures, they engage extensively in every kind of trade. In the interior of the country, almost every person who can command the requisite capital is an innkeeper, or keeps a store. The employment of innkeeper is there perfectly respectable, and is carried on by persons of distinguished character. What is called a store in America is a shop or place where all kinds of commodities intended for consumption are to be found and sold by retail. Nothing is excluded from it. Train oil and candles, stationary wares, hardware, and cloth, together with distilled spirits, sugar, wines, and coffee, are all kept in it in the same manner as in the shops of some of the remote villages in Scotland. In some situations in America, these stores produce considerable profit, and are made subservient to other speculations. When a man engages in the clearing of land, and can at the same time afford to lay in the goods necessary for keeping a store, he is enabled to get back from the workmen whom he employs the greatest part of the wages he has paid them, in the form of profit upon the goods which they purchase at his store. In this way, he contrives to have his work performed at a price which ultimately does not amount to more than a half of what is paid by others for the same labour.

With regard to foreign trade, the United States have of late years possessed a very great proportion of trade, which has been carried on among civilized nations. The vast extent of sea coast, amounting to nearly 2000 miles, which spreads before the United States, the number of excellent harbours, the numerous creeks and immense bays which indent the coast, and the rivers and lakes which peninsulate the whole country, so habituate all young persons in America to the idea of a maritime life, and to a fondness for navigation, that great numbers of them are at all times found ready to engage in it. The enterprising spirit of the people favours this tendency; and accordingly, every kind of commercial speculation easily finds men ready to embark in it. For some time after the treaty of peace with Britain, by which their independence was acknowledged in 1783, while each state continued to have its particular laws, prohibitions, and regulations; while the customhouse rates changed every year, according to momentary considerations; and while an active jealousy and rivalry subsisted between the different states, the commerce of the whole remained on a very precarious footing. It was only from the period of the establishment of their new constitution that a consistent system of national commerce could be adopted. It so happened, that this period proved extremely favourable to their engaging extensively in foreign trade. The violent shock, or rather the utter ruin, which the revolution brought along with it to the manufactures and commerce of France, forced her to open the ports of her colonies to the vessels of neutral powers. From that moment, the Americans grossed all the commerce of the French colonies, which they were so well situated to carry on to advantage. The other powers of Europe, which had also colonies in the West Indies, being all successively engaged in the war, opened the ports of their colonies in like manner to the Americans, or at least considerably diminish- ed their prohibitive regulations. Thus the commerce of the United States had the victualling of the West India islands, as well as an exclusive trade with the French and Dutch colonies, not only in provisions, but also in commodities of every kind. Their ships were freighted to carry West India produce to Europe, and to bring back in return the articles necessary for the consumption both of the United States and of those same colonies. Add to this, that, in consequence of the great scarcity of provisions that during various years prevailed either in France or in Great Britain, the Americans found in these countries a ready and profitable market for all the productions of their country. By these means, aided by the establishment of banks, and by an unexpensive, though efficient, government, the commerce of the United States soon became extremely extensive. It reached the East Indies, China, and every part of the known world. It is true, that by the rashness of their speculations, many American merchants suffered; but the tide of commercial prosperity was very great upon the whole, and almost unexampled. The whole exports of the United States in 1818 amounted to $93,281,153 dollars.

Whether this commercial prosperity will be permanent, now that the European nations have returned to the enjoyment of peace, and consequently have recovered the power of carrying on their own commerce without danger or interruption, with all the advantages of an abundant population, and of inferior wages of labour, is a question about which many doubts have been entertained. It remains, however, with men of sound reflection in America, a question of some difficulty, whether, in the present state of their affairs, the attempt that has been made to conduct an extensive foreign commerce, is, upon the whole, favourable to the prosperity of their empire. Distant navigations are undoubtedly unfavourable to the progress of population, by the great number of men which they consume, and by preventing the increase of families. This kind of commerce, also, by keeping up a taste for foreign luxuries, induces a people that have no manufactures to lavish away the necessaries of life on the purchase of superfluities, and thus to introduce a costly style of living, which is said already to prevail too much in the United States, and which in every country has been found to be the greatest enemy to the increase of the people.

One circumstance in the mode of managing the American commerce ought not to pass unnoticed. In Europe, we are accustomed to imagine that a man cannot be qualified to act as captain of a ship till he has made a number of voyages, and passed through a regular course of study; whereas, in New England, the merchants do not hesitate to entrust their ships to young persons, who have frequently been only one year at sea. As they have grown up in the business of the counting-house, they are perfectly acquainted with the price, the quality, and the sale of each different commodity. The first year they are associated with a skilful steersmate, and act at once in the capacity of captain and supercargo. Their vessels do not suffer shipwreck more frequently than other ships which are more cautiously navigated. In the course of a few years, these young people become merchants themselves, the captain's profits being always considerable. As they are generally appointed from the families of merchants, they receive assistance from their employers.

There is one kind of commerce which, in speaking of the trade of the United States, ought not to be omitted, as it is altogether peculiar to North America, that is, the traffic of land. This trade is founded upon the considerable mass of land in the territory of the United States, in comparison with their present population, and upon the probability of the rapid augmentation of that population, either by the natural and ordinary means of reproduction, or by foreign emigrations. This, like all other branches of trade, and more than any other, is a traffic of speculation. At the end of the revolution, the waste lands, which amounted to more than four-fifths of the American empire, were found to belong to different states, which, as sovereigns, now inherited this property from the sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain. The lands granted by the kings of Great Britain have, with some exceptions, remained in the possession of the grantees; but the amount of these was infinitely small in proportion to the mass of the uncultivated land. The small states near the sea having been longer inhabited, possessed but a small portion; and some had none at all; while the great states, whose territory extended far into the interior, such as Georgia, the Carolinas, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York, were in possession of immense quantities of forest lands. It was necessary for these states to sell the waste lands, to afford encouragement to their growing population, to present a bait to foreign emigration, and to liquidate the debts resulting from the war without burdening the people with new taxes, which at that time they were little able to bear. Among the lands to be sold were the confiscated estates of the royalists, who had given assistance to the British during the war. To bring these lands to sale, the states opened land offices, where persons who meant to purchase received warrants to have the lands they pointed out surveyed by the surveyor of the state, possession being delayed till payment of the price, or fulfilment of some part of the conditions of the transferance. Great speculations immediately began, land being purchaseable of all the states at a very low price. The states were then inundated with paper money, peculiar to each, and all in a state of depreciation. By buying up this paper at a trifling price throughout the country, and delivering it to the states as the price of territory, many speculators acquired land with a real value of two or three cents or hundredth parts of a dollar per acre, payable in six or eight years, with a discount from the treasury of the state for prompt payment, according to the value at which the land was rated by the law. Other speculators, without adopting such a mode of payment, made purchases merely upon the hope entertained by every American of an immediate increase of population, by emigration and otherwise, which would necessarily soon raise the price of lands. Considerable quantities of land were also bestowed by the states upon the officers and soldiers who had been employed in their armies during the war, as a remuneration for their services. By these grants, and by purchases made by individuals from the land offices of the several states, or from commissioners appointed... pointed to put up large portions to public sale, a great extent of territory in all the states soon came to be held, and continues to this day to be speculated upon, by private persons. The speculators in land who hold great quantities of that commodity, endeavour to turn it to account chiefly in three ways: 1st, By selling the land in large parcels to men of fortune in Europe or America; 2dly, By selling it in small parcels to families who mean to settle upon it; and, lastly, By preserving it till time and a diminution of the quantity of this sort of merchandise have raised the value of it to a price answerable to their expectation.

The first of these modes, is that which is most generally desired. To accomplish it, agents have at different times been sent to Europe. Several great sales were by their means effected in England upon advantageous terms, which raised the price of the remaining lands, increased the confidence of the speculators, added to their numbers, and extended their schemes. The opinion of an immense emigration, to which the French revolution and the situation of Europe gave rise, conspired for some time to give confidence to these speculators. The great sales to Europeans were facilitated by the periods of the payments to be made to the states, which were always distant, and by the delays of these payments, which could not be obtained without much difficulty. In the states of Pennsylvania and Maryland, every foreigner could buy and possess land as well as a citizen. In some others, although this privilege was not given by law to foreigners in general, yet it was readily permitted by the legislature when applied for. In all the states, a foreigner may hold land in the name of an inhabitant; and the great interest the states had in selling, and in buying foreign capitals into their territory, has always given entire security to this borrowed right of possession. In making bargains of this kind, the conditions are various according to the views of the parties. The periods of payment are generally short: at least a large part of the purchase money is paid down when the bargain is concluded. The conditions imposed by the states in the contracts of sale, are binding by law upon the new purchasers; but very often the old purchaser remains responsible, in case of their not being fulfilled by the new one. The new purchasers become speculators themselves, and in order to turn their new property to account, have recourse to the same means that were employed by those of whom they bought it.

Land is sold in small parcels in several ways: either out and out for ready money, a mode of sale which, though not unfrequent, is not the most common; or out and out, but to be paid for by instalments; in which case the title deeds are not delivered till after the purchase money is entirely paid; and the seller retains a right of ejecting the new settler from his land, if the conditions of payment be not fulfilled. Sometimes the seller only requires a small part of the price of the land in ready money; and the land remains subject to a perpetual rent, payable in money or in produce, which the purchaser is not always left at liberty to redeem. Sometimes the seller endeavours to let his lands, for a certain number of years, for an annual rent, or under condition of clearing annually a certain number of acres, the whole improvements being to return to himself at the termination of the lease:

But such bargains are unusual; settlers being unwilling to accept of a temporary right. Almost all the great landed proprietors, therefore, endeavour to get some persons to accept, upon moderate terms, of small lots, and to settle upon their estates; because by clearing some portions of it, they enhance the value of the rest.

The third mode of deriving advantage from purchases of land, by waiting till time has raised its price, is the resource of great proprietors who have not been able to employ the two others. Some persons, however, with little capital, endeavour to wait upon the mere calculation of the rise that will probably take place in a given time. In these calculations, men of a sanguine temper are frequently deceived; and there are many examples of proprietors, who in the following year, would be extremely glad to sell at the price that they had refused the year before. These speculations in land, however, have been the means of making great fortunes in America; but they have also, when engaged in without sufficient capital, occasioned more distress and greater and more disastrous bankruptcies than any other kind of commercial adventures. The lands in America are also the branch of trade which has given occasion to the greatest number of law suits, as well on account of the titles as of the boundaries of estates, and of the fulfilment of the conditions of sale.

The most certain, as well as the most advantageous means of deriving profit from a great extent of new lands in America, is said to be for the purchaser to begin clearing it himself; to attract inhabitants as speedily as possible, by giving them, at a low rate, and even for nothing, if necessary, a number of acres sufficient for the maintenance of their families; to erect mills, make bridges and roads, even to build a few houses, and to encourage in every way the efforts of the new settlers. There is no example of these first sacrifices, when made with intelligence and to a suitable extent, having failed rapidly to increase the value of the land reserved by the proprietor, and speedily to enrich him by attracting great numbers of emigrants from other countries. As the subduing of a vast wilderness, and filling it with men of a civilized race and character, is an event of much importance in the history of mankind, we shall here take notice of one of the instances of great success in an undertaking of this kind, that occurred to an European speculator.

The district called Genesee on the southern shore of Remark Lake Ontario, or rather that part of the district which able speculation was not then sold, was in 1791 purchased, in London, from Mr Morris for £8 per acre. He had bought it from Mr Phelps for £6 per acre. The contract was concluded on the supposition that this tract of land contained 1,000,000 acres; and a condition was added that the price or sum of £50,000 sterling, which was to be paid immediately, should be returned by Mr Morris, provided that Captain Williamson, the ostensible purchaser, who was to view the lands, should not find them answerable to the description given of them. The purchaser was satisfied with the lands, and on surveying them a surplus was discovered of no less than 120,000 acres. But Mr Morris made no difficulty on transferring them, together with the rest, to Captain Williamson, without the least remuneration, because, as he observed, he had intended to sell the whole without Captain Williamson is suspected to have been only the agent of a very wealthy British baronet. But in every respect he has acted as proprietor. The district bought by him, bounded on one side by Lake Ontario, and on the other by the river Genesee, extends 20 miles in length by 30 or 40 in breadth. To preserve the continuity of his lands, he made several additional purchases, so that his estate soon amounted to 1,500,000 acres. After surveying the whole, he fixed on spots for building towns, as central points to a system of settlements. These towns were, Bath on the creek of Conhocton, Williamsburgh on the river Genesee, and Great Sodus on Lake Ontario. He immediately established a mode of communication between Philadelphia and this new tract, by forming roads in a direct line, so as to shorten the journey at least 300 miles. These new roads were made merely by felling the trees to the breadth of an ordinary road, in as straight a line as possible through the forest, and by removing them to one side of the path; their stumps to the height of several feet being still left standing. He also erected seven saw mills, and three corn mills. He built a great number of such houses as the first-settlers upon lands usually require; and he began in several places to clear the woodlands. His first labourers were Germans, brought from Hamburgh; but they spent their time in idleness and drunkenness, and soon left him. They were replaced by Irishmen, by whose assistance his roads were soon put into what the Americans account good condition in such a situation; that is, he made lanes through the woods in the way already mentioned. The result was, that his lands, which at first sold at one dollar per acre, in two years time, sold for three dollars. The produce of about 800,000 acres disposed of in this way, not only refunded the purchase money, and the whole amount of the other expenses incurred, but is also understood to have yielded a net profit of 50,000l. sterling. To obtain this success, however, Captain Williamson found it necessary to reside in the woods in the midst of his possessions. When he sold small shares of 500 or 1000 acres, he always stipulated that one family should come to settle upon each share within 18 months, under the penalty of a forfeiture of the bargain. When larger portions were sold, he stipulated, that a proportional number of acres should be cleared of wood. His terms of payment were, to discharge half the purchase money in three years, and the remainder at the expiration of six years; the payment of interest to commence within 18 months after the bargain. Thus, a purchaser who instantly set about clearing the ground, could easily obtain its produce before the interest became due; and his crops frequently assisted him towards the payment of the first instalment. He also established stores of provisions in different places; but these he never opened for sale unless the settlers could not otherwise supply themselves, that the sale of the produce of their lands might not be injured. He likewise built a school at Bath, and endowed it with some hundred acres of land. He gradually built inns, and even a sessions house and a prison, for the public use. By all these efforts, added to great care in preventing litigation among the settlers; by fixing in a precise manner the boundaries of the several pieces of property sold, these extensive forests were in a few years reduced under the dominion of man, and put into a train of speedily becoming populous and valuable.

From what has been already said concerning the state of manufactures in America, and the general situation of the country, it will easily be conceived, that the greater number of the people must be still engaged in agriculture. Indeed, it is understood, that nine-tenths of the inhabitants of the United States follow this employment. Concerning the state of it, when considered as an art, it is difficult to speak with precision, on account of the variety of forms in which it is practised in different districts of that great country. It may justly be said, that the art of agriculture exists in America in all its known degrees and varieties, both of perfection and of imperfection. The ancient state of Massachusetts is as much cultivated as France or England. The houses stand near to each other, in the midst of the fields and farms to which they belong; some of the roads seem to be one continued village; and to support this population much industry is exerted upon the soil. Most of the fences are made of stone. The harvest is always completely secured in houses, and a great part of the ground is always periodically laid down in grass. Numbers of horses employed in country labour are seen in the fields; but they are not remarkable for beauty. The cattle are of a fine breed, and all the pasture grounds are covered with them. But the agriculture of Massachusetts, and of some other parts of the New England states, affords no proper criterion by which to judge of the state of this important art in the greater part of America. The general rule with regard to husbandry in that country is, that it is extremely defective and slovenly. This does not arise so much from the want of skill on the part of the Americans, as from the nature of their situation. In that country, land is plentiful and cheap; but men are few, and labour consequently dear. An American husbandman, therefore, is more studious to make the most of the labour that he can command, than to raise great crops from a small portion of soil. Having abundance of fertile land to waste, he finds it more profitable to turn over negligently, with as little toil as possible, a large portion of it, than to labour any part of it perfectly. In this way he derives the greatest benefit from his own personal industry, or from the labour of those persons whom it is in his power to engage for hire. This negligent mode of cultivation, however, is laid aside in the neighbourhood of the great towns, where land is valuable and dear; and it prevails in proportion to the remoteness of the situation, and the facility with which land is obtained. In some places, in consequence of the multitude of streams that are to be found in America, the valuable practice of flooding land is adopted; and the American husbandmen are said to practise this branch of the art of agriculture with considerable ingenuity and industry. Instead of attempting to level their ground, however, they manage to convey considerable streams of water through the valleys to the summits of the eminences, or high grounds, by means of tubes or pipes, formed of the trunks of trees bored or hollowed out. In other respects, however, the practice of American husbandry is undoubtedly very imperfect. Even in those parts of the country in which timber has become dear, the Americans still continue from habit to use wooden fences. No such thing as a hedge is to be seen in any of the states. The farmers say, that the thorn does not thrive in their climate. This point has not perhaps been well ascertained by experiments; but there can be no doubt, that out of the endless variety of native plants and shrubs, some might easily have been found that are capable of being used as a living fence. All the cultivated fields, at the first clearing of the ground, are inclosed with fences, which consist of poles of wood once split and laid zig-zag upon one another without any stakes. These fences are afterwards exchanged for regular palings of different kinds of wood, which are necessarily attended with all the defects of that mode of attempting to secure either corn or stock, running rapidly into decay, and requiring constant repairs.

The Americans have an expensive mode of securing their grain. Instead of building it up in stacks, they are at the trouble of bringing it all into houses or barns. They say, that it would not be secure in stacks against the sudden and violent torrents of rain that occur in their climate: an error into which they have undoubtedly been led by building and covering their stacks in an unskilful and improper manner. They do not reap their grain with the sickle, but cut it down with the scythe, which must undoubtedly produce considerable waste. But this is perhaps done from necessity, in consequence of the high price of labour, or rather the difficulty of obtaining a sufficient number of labourers to perform the work in another manner. Instead of threshing, they use in many places, and particularly in Virginia, the ancient custom of treading out the corn by means of cattle, by whose feet it must, no doubt, be considerably bruised and damaged.

The simplest and least artful kind of American husbandry is that practised in the formation of new settlements. When a family have come to a resolution to settle in a particular district, they usually proceed in the following manner: The husband, in the latter end of summer, repairs to the spot where the settlement is to be made. The first thing he does is to cut down the small trees on one or two acres. He next barks the larger trees. This last operation consists of cutting off a circle of bark from the tree all round with a hatchet, penetrating at the same time a short way into the wood; the effect of which operation is, that on the following year, the tree produces few or no leaves to prevent the sun from reaching the soil. In that climate, trees thus barked or girdled, speedily decay, and in a few years are overturned by any storm; after which they can be burnt with little trouble on the ground. Among the trees thus barked, and upon the ground that has been cleared, the new settler breaks up the soil, by dragging along it a common harrow with iron teeth. Without farther preparation, and without the use of a plough, he sows wheat or rye. Wheat thus sown produces from 20 to 25 bushels an acre, of an excellent quality; and, in consequence of the great fertility of the soil, and its natural softness, being wholly formed of rotten leaves and grass, good crops of wheat are obtained with no greater degree of industry during several years in succession. Having sown his grain in this way, the settler, with the wood which he has felled, constructs a small log-house, and makes suitable fences around it; a labour which may be performed in about a month's time; after which the new plantation is left to itself for the winter. It is to be observed that a log-house is built by laying trees upon each other at right-angles in such a way as to enclose a square space; the interstices being filled up with stone and clay, or only with loam, and the roof covered with trees and turf. A chimney is usually built, in one corner, of stones and clay. In the beginning of spring, this adventurer brings his family and the best of his cattle to his new settlement. His cows are turned into the woods to graze. He plants potatoes, and sows Indian corn, and thus is enabled to provide for the first year's maintenance. While thus employed, he is at the same time clearing more ground, burning the trees he has already felled, and, as far as may be, even those which he has barked. The ashes afford a very useful manure; and in the opinion of the best judges, are employed in this way to much greater advantage than when converted into potash, the making of which is with the new settlers merely the result of necessity. For if a saw-mill be at hand, the large trees are conveyed thither by oxen. Thus, within the space of twelve months, a man may clear 15 acres; and few families cultivate more than 30. The barked trees are left standing for a longer or shorter time, according to circumstances, viz. the species of the tree, the nature of the soil, and the degree of the wetness of the season. The hemlock fir will stand eight or nine years, the oak four or five, the maple three or four; and trees, all the branches of which have been burnt off, seldom fall before this time. The stumps of the felled trees, generally two or three feet high above the ground, hardly rot sooner than the barked trees which have been left standing on the lands. Salt pork and beef are the usual food of the new settlers. Their drink is water and whisky; but there are few families unprovided with coffee and chocolate. The axe which the Americans use in felling trees has a shorter handle and a smaller head than that of European wood-cutters; and they assert, that they can do more work with this short-handled light axe than with the European one.

The Americans appear to entertain fewer local attachments than the peasants of Europe; and, accordingly, emigration with them is extremely common. Some families make a business of forming new settlements in the way now mentioned. After building a house, forming enclosures, cutting down a part of the wood, and putting everything into a decent train of cultivation, they sell the settlement which they have formed with so much labour, and proceed farther into the woods, to commence anew the same career of hardship and of industry. By these operations, they never fail to earn a very considerable profit, on account of the additional value which the land acquires by their efforts in the eyes of persons of greater property. The same kind of undertakings, however, are also engaged in by men of a vagrant and restless character, who delight in an idle life, the greatest part of which is spent in hunting. These men keep upon the frontiers of every new colony; and as soon as their amusements begin to be restrained by settlers occupying the country round them, they immediately sell their plantations, and proceed to more remote situations; thus becoming a kind of voluntary outcasts. from civilized society. In these undertakings, there is usually little personal hazard, as the wild animals are less fierce in America than in other parts of the globe. Wolves, bears, nay even panthers, usually fly before man; and the instances of their doing mischief are so rare, that the very reality of it might be doubted. The severest misfortune to which the inhabitants of the American forests are liable, is the loss of their children in the woods. These unfortunate infants, over whom it is almost impossible to keep constantly a watchful eye, are apt to run out of the house, which is seldom fenced the first year, and, straying from their houses, are unable to find them again. In such cases, however, all the neighbours join in the search, and sometimes the children are found. But there are also instances of their being totally lost, or discovered only when dead of hunger or fear.

Both horses and oxen are used in agriculture in America. In some places, however, they have at times found it necessary to confine themselves exclusively to the use of the latter, because they are subject to no disease in that country. Whereas in Pennsylvania, New York, and elsewhere, almost the whole horses are sometimes carried off by a weakness which destroys them in the course of two months. The liver is blown up by a swelling, which extends into the legs and the whole mass of blood, and is called the yellow water. It is said, that in the state of Virginia, the Arabian horse, with a very moderate degree of attention, thrives as in his native climate, and without degenerating. Southwardly, the heat of the sun occasions a deficiency of pasture; and northwardly the winters are too cold for the short and fine hair, and the particular sensibility of constitution of that race. Their patience of heat fits them, in that and the southern climates, even for the drudgeries of the plough; and numbers of them are exported from thence to the West India islands, as articles of luxury to the wealthy planters.

Very few sheep are reared by the American farmers. The wool is of a good enough quality; but there is little or no demand for it, unless for the supply of some manufactories of hats. The mutton is in general not good; the carcases being very large, and the flesh coarse from being fed on the high rank grass of the American pastures. Accordingly, few farmers keep more than 18 or 20 to supply wool to be manufactured in their own families. Great numbers of swine are kept by the Americans. This is said to have soon become a very favourite kind of stock amongst the earliest settlers in the country; from the delight which they found the swine took in hunting out and devouring all kinds of serpents, with which the country abounded, and which were objects of great terror to persons newly arrived from the cultivated countries of Europe, in which these reptiles are more rare.

The kinds of grain cultivated in America are nearly the same with those reared in Europe, with some additions. A regular succession of crops is described by an American writer, as used in recruiting worn-out lands. In Maryland and Virginia, they have long been in the practice of sowing a pint of the beans of the Cassia chamaecrista with every bushel of oats on poor lands. The oats ripen, and are cut in July, when the beans are young, and escape the injury of the scythe. They flower in August and September.

In October the leaves fall off; the seeds ripen, and the pod opens with such elasticity as to scatter the beans to some distance around. The year following the field is cultivated with Indian corn, which is sown in drills. The beans which sprout early are all destroyed by the plough and the hoe; but the more numerous part not making their appearance above ground, till the culture of the corn is ended, spring up unhurt by the instruments of agriculture, and furnish seed for the ensuing year, when the field is again sown with oats. By this alternate cultivation of Indian corn and oats with beans, the land is so far improved by the rotting of leaves and stalks of the beans, that the product is 15 bushels to the acre, on such as prior to this management would not have produced more than five. The American husbandmen are also of opinion, that the common field pea is preferable to everything else for improving land, if the vines or straw be left to rot on the ground, instead of being given to cattle for fodder.

Indian corn or maize everywhere forms a considerable article of the produce of American husbandry. The mode of rearing it is simple. Holes are made in the field, four feet asunder every way, and so as to form straight lines, for the convenience of hoeing, or ploughing. In every hole are put five or six grains previously steeped in water, to make them spring up the quicker. By day people are placed for a short time to guard them against birds, and by night, fires are kept up till the corn has sprung, to frighten away the fox, who would otherwise turn up the ground, and eat the corn of all the rows one after another. As soon as the corn has shot out of the earth, when it mounts up, the earth is drawn towards its root, to strengthen it against the wind. Five or six ears are commonly found on each stalk. The grains are nearly the size of a pea, and 700 grains are commonly found upon one ear. A light black soil agrees better with it than a strong and rich one. The grain is used in various ways, but chiefly in the form of a kind of porridge or gruel. Bread is also made from it, and it is sometimes used in distillation.

As in Europe, wheat is regarded as the most valuable kind of grain. In Virginia, however, near the sea coast, the cultivation of it is not a little discouraged by an insect called the weevil. This is a worm whose eggs are almost constantly deposited in the ear of the grain. A slight degree of heat greater than that of the common atmosphere in summer kills it, and is endeavoured to be obtained in the following way: The grain is thrashed as soon as it is cut, and laid up in its chaff in large heaps. The heat which is speedily produced destroys the vital principle of the egg, and protects the corn from the inconveniences of its being hatched, while at the same time the chaff sufficiently restrains the heat from rising into putrefaction. If the grain continued in the ears without being speedily thrashed, it would be destroyed by the worm which would be excluded from the eggs. This scourge, however, spreads no farther northwards than the Potomack, and is bounded to the west by the ridge called the Blue Mountains. A few weeks after the wheat has been beaten or trodden out by horses, it is free from all danger, is winnowed, and sent to market.

Tobacco continues to be cultivated to a considerable extent. extent in Virginia, and the states to the southward. It is yearly, however, giving place to wheat, which is of infinitely more value to the country, as having a less tendency to impoverish the soil, and contributing in a more direct manner to the encouragement of population. The culture of tobacco, on account of the constant attention and labour which it requires under a burning sun, is chiefly performed by negroes. It is difficult, troublesome, and uncertain. It is sown in the month of March, in a fat and rather moist soil. Before the time of sowing, the land is covered with small branches of trees, which are burnt for the purpose of destroying the herbs and roots that might injure the growth of the plant, and also in order to increase the fertility of the soil by their ashes. The tobacco is thickly sown on a bed in the most sheltered corner of the field. This bed is covered with branches, lest the frost should hinder the unfolding of the seed, and prevent the sprouting of the plants. When they are three or four inches high, they are transplanted into a field, which has been well manured and prepared for their reception. A negro heaps earth around the plants, which are set four feet distant from each other on all sides. The ground is constantly kept clear of weeds, and all the leaves are taken from the plant, which it is thought might injure its perfect growth, beginning always with those that are next the ground, and which might be affected by the wet. More earth is heaped around the stalk, and its head bruised with the nail to prevent its running up too high. All the sprouts which shoot forth below the leaves are cut away, and all the leaves successively torn off, except eight or nine, which alone are left on the stalk. At last, when the plant is supposed to be ripe, which happens in the month of August, it is cut, left several days in the field to dry in the sun, and then carried into the barns, where every plant is suspended by its undermost part. In this position the leaves attain by desiccation the last degree of maturity, but not all of them at the same time; for this desiccation, which, in regard to some, is completed within two days, takes, with respect to others, several weeks. When the leaves are perfectly dry, they are taken from the stalk, and laid one upon another in small parcels. The most perfect leaves must be put together, and those of an inferior quality separated into different classes: this is at least the method followed by such planters as pay most attention to the fabrication of their tobacco. These small parcels of leaves, tied together by their tails, are then brought under the press, and afterwards pressed down into hogsheads. This process varies more or less in the different plantations, but the variations are not by any means considerable. The seed for the next year is obtained from 40 or 50 stalks per acre, which are suffered to run up as high as they will grow without their heads being bruised.

The sorts of tobacco cultivated in Virginia, are the sweet-scented, the most esteemed of all; the big and little, which follow next; then the Frederick; and, lastly, the one-and-all, the largest of all, and which yields most in point of quantity. A negro can cultivate two acres and a half; and, as each acre yields, upon an average, 1000 pounds of tobacco, each negro can consequently produce 2500 pounds. But the culture of this plant is, as has already been stated, extremely troublesome. It is exposed to a great variety of accidents, which cannot always be avoided, and which destroy many stalks, or spoil at least many leaves. After the plant has been transplanted, the root is frequently attacked by a small worm, which causes the leaf to turn yellow, and which must be taken out of the ground with the fingers, to save the plant. Humidity communicates the rot to the plant, that is, covers it with red spots, which cause it to moulder away, and the stalk is lost. Violent winds are apt to break the stalk. When the leaves are at the point of attaining their maturity, horn-worms nestle in them, attack them, and completely destroy the plant, unless they can be torn off. Lastly, when the tobacco is cut and spread on the ground to dry, the wet impairs its quality.

Indigo and cotton are also cultivated in some of the Indigo and southern states. Cotton in particular is exported from cotton. Charlestown in considerable quantities; and of late it has been brought down the river Mississippi, from Kentucky and other settlements to New Orleans, in such abundance as to form an important article of commerce. In South Carolina, rice is cultivated to a great extent. Rice. That country is divided by nature into Upper and Lower. The latter, which is the eastern part, adjoining to the Atlantic ocean, extends inward almost 100 miles. The land in this low district consists of marshes and swamps, interspersed with a little high land. The marshes are a second-rate land, which produces a coarse kind of grass in very great abundance. Little attention is paid to them, though they could in general be drained and cultivated. The high land is also neglected for the sake of the swamps, which are the most valuable kind of soil, consisting of a rich blue clay, or fine black earth, to the greatest depth. The rice which is cultivated upon them is sown in April and May. The ground is turned up eight or nine inches deep in furrows, into which the rice is thrown by a woman; and the negroes, who alone are employed in this cultivation, fill up the furrows. The seed shoots up in 10 or 12 days, according as the ground is more or less wet. When the blade is from six to seven inches high, and after the negroes have cleared away the weeds, the water is made to flow over the field, so that no more than the tops of the blades can be seen. In three or four weeks the water is let off, and the negroes take away the remaining weeds. The field is covered again with water, which is drawn off when the yellow colour of the ear and the hardness of the stalk denote the ripeness of the rice. It is then cut and kept in stacks till winter. It is afterwards thrashed, and put into a small wooden house, which is some feet high, and rests upon four pillars; and in the ceiling of which is fastened a large sieve, which separates it from the other parts, and the wind clears it perfectly before it falls to the ground. The rice, after being thus cleared, must be freed from the first shell that surrounds it. For this purpose, it is carried to a mill, the grinders of which are made of fir, and are about four inches thick, and two and a half in diameter. One is moveable, the other fixed. They are both scooped out in an oblique but concentric form. Against the edges thus formed, the rice is pressed; and by that means separated from the husks. These mills are turned by a negro. On account of the rapid motion, tion and the soft wood of which they are made, they do not last longer than one year. The rice is winnowed as soon as it comes from the mill, but still it has a second shell which must be taken off, and this is done by the negroes pounding it with clubs. These clubs, however, are sometimes put in motion by machinery turned by oxen. After the rice is pounded, it is winnowed again to cleanse it from the second shell; and it is put into another sieve for the purpose of separating the small from the larger grains. The last only are saleable. Whether the separation is carefully made or not, must depend on the honesty of the planter; and, during the late dearth of provisions in Europe, when the rice bore a high price, it is said that they were not very scrupulous in this respect. The rice destined for sale is packed up in barrels, offered for the inspection of the officer appointed for that purpose, and then exported. During its growth, the rice is exposed to several dangers, which render the crop uncertain. Before the blade grows up, it is attacked by small worms, which gnaw the root. It is also frequently injured by little fishes that live in the water which covers the swamps. Against them the rice is only defended by the heron (ardea alba minor) which feeds on these little fishes and worms; and on this account is spared by the planters, as the turkey-buzzard is by the town's people. When the rice is ripe, it is assailed by innumerable quantities of small birds, which are known in Carolina by the name of rice birds. The young negroes are continually kept beside the fields to frighten them away; but these voracious birds cannot be entirely kept off. The rice swamps yield between 70 and 80 bushels of rice an acre, according to the quality of the soil. Sometimes 120 bushels have been produced from an acre: but instances of this kind have been rare. Twenty bushels of rice, with the shells, weigh about 500 pounds. Without the shells, these 20 make but eight bushels; without, however, losing much in weight. The straw is given to oxen and horses.

It will easily be believed, that the cultivation of rice has a tendency to render a hot climate, in which alone it can be practised, extremely unhealthful. The inhabitants accordingly, in the warm and damp climate of South Carolina, suffer severely every autumn from malignant bilious fevers, which cut them off in great numbers. When originally introduced, this consequence was not foreseen; but it now maintains its ground, from the difficulty of altering an established system of industry. It will probably, however, be suppressed in the course of time, as white men will not engage in the operative part of the cultivation; and the unskilful labour of negroes is always expensive, which prevents the cultivation of it from being attended with any great degree of profit. The American rivers also being subject to violent inundations, which they call freshes, often sweep away the whole harvest, together with the woods and fences which surround the rice fields.

The lands that have been brought under cultivation in America do by no means extend in a regular progress at equal distances from the sea coast or from the older settlements. In consequence of the superior goodness of the soil, of the supposed salubrity of particular parts of the country, or of speculations by purchasers of land, who have held out unusual encouragements to new settlers; very remote districts are in many places inhabited, while others at a less distance from the seat of the original colonies, still remain in a state of nature. In general, however, the progress of emigration necessarily must be towards the west, and from choice it usually is from the north to the south. The shortness of the winter in the southern territories of the union, affords a great temptation to this course of things, on account of the heavy tax which is imposed upon human industry, by the necessity of storing up great quantities of fuel for man, and food for cattle, in the more northern regions. In general, the great tract of the Alleghany mountains is left unsettled, and emigrants from the eastern parts of the union usually proceed altogether beyond them before they think of settling. It has been computed that, in some years lately, no less than 30,000 persons have crossed these mountains in search of new habitations. The state of Kentucky, adjoining to the Ohio, has been the chief point towards which these emigrants have directed their course. They usually proceed by land, across the mountains, to Fort Pitt, which is 320 miles from Philadelphia. Families are conveyed thither in waggons, by persons who engage in this employment, and take whole families of men, women, and children, and their goods, at so much per cwt. Near Fort Pitt, where many of the emigrants remain, boats are obtained at a trifling price, in which travellers commit themselves to the stream of the Ohio, which conveys them downwards to these remote regions. Other emigrants travel towards the same place by land, through the high country of Virginia, some of whom advance into the new state of Tennessee, that has been formed in the back parts of Carolina. Of the immense territory beyond the Ohio, very little is yet occupied, though the superior mildness of the climate and the fertility of the soil begin to draw emigrants thither from the western states.

Of the principal cities and towns of the American union, we shall take notice in separate articles. In the mean time, it may be observed, that the kinds of houses used in America are no less various than the situations of men in that country, from remote and solitary families in the woods, to wealthy citizens who inhabit elegant dwellings in the streets and squares of populous towns. In general, however, houses of all kinds throughout the country of America are formed of timber. We have mentioned the log-houses which the first settlers erect. These are substantial habitations, though usually very clumsy. They are generally replaced by handsome houses, finished by carpenters, with chimneys and ovens formed of brick. The towns in the southern states, being built in this way, have repeatedly suffered great calamities by fire. The fear of this evil, together with the increasing price of timber, has introduced in the northern states very extensively the use of brick for building. Accordingly the city of Philadelphia, containing nearly 80,000 inhabitants, and which is said to be one of the most regular and beautiful in the world, has now a very great proportion of its houses built with brick. They are still, however, not a little exposed to accidental fires, as their roofs are formed of shingles or boards, so placed as that the lower edge of each overlaps the upper part of the board immediately below it, in the way that slates or tiles are are laid upon each other, to cover the roofs of houses in Europe. These roofs, and also the whole outside of the wooden houses, are usually very neatly painted.

One convenience that attends the use of wooden houses is, that as they are not lofty, and their structure is very slight, if a man who has only a small house dislikes the place of the town in which he lives, he can remove his dwelling to a more agreeable neighbourhood. The furniture is taken out, the brick chimneys are taken down, and the house is mounted upon very low but very strong carriages, formed for the purpose, and is wheeled away to its new situation in any other street, where ground for the purpose has been procured. When the chimneys are erected, the transference is complete.

In the United States, religion does not form, as elsewhere, a part of the political establishment of the country, but is rather to be regarded as connected with the state of manners, science, and character of the people. In consequence of the entire freedom of religious opinion and worship which has for many years been enjoyed in America, all the varieties of sects have established themselves there, though nobody has departed from the public profession of Christianity. In general, however, religion is considered as an object of more importance in the northern than in the southern states. Accordingly, the emigrants from the New England colonies, who are the most numerous of all, never fail very speedily to establish religious meetings or churches in their new settlements. Throughout the states, the prevailing forms of religious worship are those of the Church of England, and of the Presbyterians. The Independents are also numerous. In Pennsylvania, the greatest variety of religious denominations prevails; but the Quakers are the most numerous. They were the first settlers in that state in 1682, under William Penn; and maintain in that country the reputation which they have acquired in England, of sobriety, industry, humanity, punctuality in their dealings, and strictness in the observance of all the peculiarities of dress, speech, and manners, that their religious opinions enjoin.

The Moravians (see Unitas Fratrum), have made several establishments in Pennsylvania and elsewhere. That at Bethlehem, 53 miles north of Philadelphia, is the oldest and the most considerable. In 1740, Count Zinzendorf purchased the district, and soon brought to it 140 Moravian brethren and sisters from Germany. They had every thing in common: but such was their zeal, that the men soon cleared the woods, made roads, and reduced the lands into cultivation, while the women prepared their clothes and victuals. The system of common property was afterwards done away, excepting as to certain objects, such as corn mills, a tannery, a tavern and buildings, which belong to the whole community. The town of Bethlehem is inhabited by 500 or 600 persons, all of the brother or sisterhood. They are divided into five departments; each under the direction of an inspector or inspectress; and the temporal administration of the society is in some degree mixed with its discipline. The unmarried brethren live together in a separate house; that is, they eat and sleep there, but they do not work there if they can work elsewhere. The money they earn is their own, but they must pay for their board and the proportion of the public taxes. The inspectors supply them with work if they cannot find it elsewhere. Thus these brethren cost nothing to the society at large. The same is the case with regard to the unmarried sisters, some of whom are employed as servants and cookmaids in the houses of the town, where they receive board and lodgings. They pay a certain sum to the society, which preserves their right of entering into the unmarried sisters house when they please. In this house most of the sisters are employed in sewing and embroidery, and are paid for their work by the inspectress, who sells it for the benefit of the house. The widows house is supported by the brethren, and the widows themselves contribute their whole labour, which is not sufficient for its support. They have a school or academy which enjoys some reputation. The married people live in their own houses. No communication is allowed between the young men and the young women. When a young man wishes to marry, he mentions to the inspector the girl of whom he has made choice, but to whom he has never spoken. The inspector applies to the inspectress of the girls, and if she judge the young woman's character not incompatible with that given of the young man by the inspector, the girl is applied to, who may refuse, but is not allowed to say whom she would prefer. If an unmarried brother and sister are detected in a correspondence without marriage, the matter is kept secret by the rulers of the society, but the parties are never allowed to marry each other. They are all of German extraction, and speak that language; but their numbers are not increasing, notwithstanding the fecundity of the American women, of which the Moravian married sisters have their share. They have other settlements in the same state, particularly one at Nazareth, 10 miles north from Bethlehem, and another at Lititz, in Lancaster county. They are also settled in New Jersey and North Carolina. There is a general directory of the whole society for America, which corresponds with the general college of the society in Europe, that meets at Herrnhutt in Upper Lusatia.

At Lebanon, in the state of New York, a religious society is established, of a singular nature, called the Shakers. This society is a republic governed in a despotic manner. All the members work for the benefit of the society, which supplies them with clothes and victuals, under the direction of the chief elder, whom they elect, and whose power is unlimited. Subordinate to him are inspectors of all classes, invested with different degrees of authority. The accounts reach him in a certain regular gradation, and his commands are conveyed in the same manner. It would be an unpardonable breach of order to address the chief elder himself, unless the addressee belongs to a class which enjoys this privilege. Marriage is prohibited in this society, which has been recruited merely by proselytes for 80 years. Married men and women are admitted into the society, on condition that they renounce each other; and they frequently bring their children with them, who in this case are considered as belonging to the society. They make cloth, garze, shoes, saddles, nails, cabinet work, and in short every article that finds a ready market. They sell their commodities in the neighbouring towns, and the women perform such business as is generally allotted to their sex. The society possesses considerable property. property, the amount of which, however, is known to none but the chief elder. They are an honest, good-natured people, are faithful workmen, and very moderate in their prices. Of any peculiar doctrines entertained by them little is known, excepting, that the sect was founded by a woman, called Anna Leese, whom they styled the Elect Lady. They assert, that she was the woman spoken of in the 12th chapter of the Revelations, that she spoke 72 tongues, and could converse with the dead. Their worship consists of little more than a set of whimsical gesticulations performed upon a signal given by the chief elder, along with the chanting of some hymns known only to themselves. This society has nothing in common with the Quakers.

At Ephrata, 60 miles westward of Philadelphia, is the settlement of what are called the Tunkers, or Dunkers, (see Tunkers, or Dumplers). They are a kind of Baptists, but profess a strange medley of tenets. They were instituted in this place by one Conrad Peyssel, a German. He collected them into a society, and conducted them to Pittsburg, which at that time was a wild uninhabited place. The chief of the community who succeeded Peyssel, having made some alterations in their discipline, dissensions took place; they dispersed, but afterwards united again in the same place where they were first established. A community of property is observed among them, and they make a vow of poverty and chastity. This vow is not always kept; as some of them quit the society and marry, which it cannot prevent their doing, as the law regards such vows as not obligatory. They lament the fall of our first parent, who would rather have for his wife a carnal being, Eve, than let the celestial Sophia, a being thoroughly divine, bear a child. She would have communicated only with the spiritual nature of Adam, and thus a race would have been engendered all pure and without the least corporeal ingredient. They lament the indulgence which God showed in regard to this desire of Adam; however, God, according to their doctrine, has merely deferred the period of this state of perfection. It is certainly to arrive, and the Tunkers foresee the time, when, after the general resurrection, the divine Sophia will descend into every one of us.

Three distinct races of men continue to inhabit the territory of the United States. These are the Indians; the Negroes, who were introduced as slaves from the coast of Africa; and the Whites, of European extraction. The Indians, who were the original inhabitants of the country, have now been expelled from a very large portion of it, and their numbers are rapidly declining. "It is a melancholy reflection," (says the American secretary at war, in a memorial addressed to the president in 1794), "that our modes of population have been more destructive to the Indian natives than the conduct of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru. The evidence of this is the utter extirpation of nearly all the Indians in the most populous parts of the union. A future historian may mark the causes of this destruction of the human race in sable colours." The government of the United States has made some humane attempts to regulate the intercourse of their people with the unfortunate original inhabitants of the country. In 1796, a law was passed, with this view, which contains many salutary provisions. It ordains, that the boundaries of the Indian territory shall be ascertained and marked as clearly as possible. All persons are prohibited to hunt upon the territory acknowledged by treaty to belong to the Indians, or to carry off cattle from it, on pain of a fine of 100 dollars, and six months imprisonment. None are allowed to enter the Indian territory without a passport. Any fraud, robbery, or other crime, committed against an Indian, is to be punished by a fine and restitution, and the United States bind themselves to see the restitution made, providing the Indian do not himself take vengeance for the injury; in which case he loses his claim. To kill an Indian of any tribe in amity with the United States, is declared a capital crime. None are allowed to trade with the Indians without a license, and those to whom the privilege is granted, are prohibited to purchase any implements of hunting, agriculture, or household economy; and the troops of the United States are authorised to apprehend white men, who trespass against these laws, even upon the Indian territory; and they may also be apprehended in any part of the United States where they are found. An Indian guilty of any crime may be apprehended within the territory of the United States. If he escape, the person injured by him may state his complaint to the agent of the United States on the frontier of the Indian territory, who is to demand reparation from the tribe to which the offending Indian belongs, and to acquaint the president with the result of his demand. If reparation be not made, the injured party is indemnified from the treasury of the United States; and the sum thus applied is deducted from the subsidies granted by the United States to that tribe. The courts of the United States, and also, when the cause is not capital, the courts of the individual states, take cognizance of offences against this law, even when they have been committed within the territories belonging to the Indians.

Another law enacted in the same year, 1796, with a view to secure to the Indians fair treatment in their commercial dealings with the white people, establishes a trade with them to be carried on under the authority of the president. One hundred and fifty thousand dollars are appropriated to the trade, of which the objects are, to furnish the Indians with such supplies and implements as their wants require, and to purchase from them skins and furs. The law directs, that the prices of the articles sold to the Indians be so regulated as barely to prevent the United States from losing any part of their capital. It restrains the agents employed in their trade from trafficking directly or indirectly on their own account. It forbids them to cheat the Indians, and subjects them to fines of different magnitudes, in proportion to the nature of the offences by which they transgress these regulations. The district courts of the state, where the storehouses are established for the commerce with the Indians, take cognizance of these offences.

It is understood, that the just and liberal provisions of these laws have never been punctually reduced to practice. The extremity of the United States, bordering on the territory of the Indians, is inhabited by a set of men who are in constant hostility with them, are always hostile to this class of inhabitants is universally admitted to consist of the very worst men in all America. The India kind of persons who in Europe become robbers, thieves, poachers and smugglers; in short, the restless spirits, of whom some exist in every community, who can never be confined to regular habits of industry, emigrate in America to the frontiers, and become voluntary exiles from society and civilization. They live, like the savages, by hunting and fishing, or by other trifling exertions of industry; but more frequently, when they find it practicable, they engage in plundering the neighbouring Indians. Accordingly, where these are concerned, the sentiments, and even the idea of honesty and humanity, are unknown to those remote settlers.

With very slight shades of discrimination between them, they are uniformly a plundering and ferocious banditti, who consider an Indian as a being not belonging to the human species, and whom they may justly plunder or destroy. Hence it most commonly happens, in those quarters, that neither accusers, witnesses, nor juries, can be found to convict a white man guilty of a trespass or crime against an Indian. The oppressions, the usurpations, and the crimes committed by the whites against the Indians are therefore never punished, or at least the instances of punishment are so rare, that it would be difficult to find an example of its having occurred.

The Indian, on the other hand, harassed and plundered by a set of men, the meanest of whom possesses more art and more powerful means of doing mischief than himself, contracts the habit of robbery and pilage, of which he sees the example, and is the constant victim. As he extends, according to the practice of savages, his vengeance to every individual of the same colour with the person who has injured him, the whites, even of the best character, are compelled, as a measure of safety, to hold themselves in a state of hostility against the Indians, and thus acquire a spirit of enmity towards them. This hostility uniformly ends to the disadvantage of the original inhabitants of this great country, not only because they are less skilled in war, but because the losses of men which they sustain are not rapidly repaired by reproduction, as happens to a civilized people, who know how to rear upon a fertile soil all the means of subsistence in abundance. It is not a little remarkable, that the Indians say, it is the worst class of their whole tribes that habitually continue near the frontiers, engaged in a constant state of fraud and violence.

The government of the United States does not possess upon its remote frontier sufficient strength to repress the irregularities now mentioned. The governments of the individual states do not attend to them. Every person admits, that the evil arises principally and originally from the lawless aggressions of the whites; but as the evil is become habitual, and so inveterate that it is not easy to discover a remedy, it is usually spoken of by the white Americans without horror. In the mean time, the Indians as a people are the only sufferers by it. They are the weaker party. Every contest ends in their discomfiture, and every transaction tends to their disadvantage; whereas the wandering and restless class of white men that constantly keep upon the frontier of the settled country are of essential service to their country. They act as a kind of pioneers in preparing the way for the establishment of persons of better character, who gradually succeed them.

It is an established opinion in America, among the most exempt from prejudices, that the Indians never can be civilized; that the strictest education, the most assiduous and persevering cares, cannot destroy their savage habits, to which they recur with the most ardent passion, from the tranquillity and from the manners of the white people; and an infinite number of examples are cited, of Indians brought up at Philadelphia and New York, and even in Europe, who never ceased to sigh after their tribe. The opinion that has been reared upon these facts has, no doubt, had a considerable effect in diminishing the exertions of benevolent persons towards their civilization. It has been justly remarked, however, that we have no reason to be surprised by the conduct of those educated Indians who resumed their original habits. "The Indians," says the duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, "whose education has been attempted, or said to be, had already passed some years of their life in the tribe to which they belonged. Transported alone from their species into the midst of white people, different in language, habits, and in colour, and often even in clothing, they became as it were insulated; they were regarded by the whites as a different species of men; they did not even attempt to make them forget that they were from a nation still existing, whose manners and habits had rivetted their first attention, and made the deepest impression upon them. If, when arrived at the age of manhood, they should have imbibed for a white woman that affection which naturally created the desire of an union with her, the difference of colour became an almost insurmountable obstacle. Is it to be wondered at, then, that these Indians should wish to return to their tribe, of which they had still the most lively memory, and where alone they were able to find companions of similar manners to their own, and those pleasures which cause in man an attachment to life?"

There are, however, in Connecticut, and in the state of New York, a considerable number of Indians, both men and women, who serve as domestics in white American families, and who perform their duty as well and as faithfully as those of any other race. One tribe only of Indians, the Oneidas, in the back parts of the state of New York, on the shore of Lake Ontario, appears to have acquired what can be said to resemble civilization. They cultivate the ground with success, and have a considerable number of villages. They are mild and peaceful, and kindly officious in performing little services to the whites. On the whole, they are accounted excellent neighbours.

In the mean time it is evident, from the ordinary progress of things, that unless the other tribes of Indians shall resolve, which seems extremely unlikely, to subsist by agriculture, they must speedily yield to the encroachments of American population and industry. In the territory of the United States, beyond the Ohio, which, with some trifling exceptions, is still occupied by the Indians, it is believed there exists a population of about 50,000 souls. Between the head of the Ohio at Fort Pitt and the northern lakes, a few thousands more are to be found. In the states of Carolina and Georgia, and Florida belonging to Spain, about ten or twelve thousand are still to be found; so that, in the territory of the United States there is probably, in all, between sixty and seventy thousand Indians. The territories territories occupied by the Indians are acknowledged to be their own, and that they cannot be taken away by force. But this affords no protection to these people. A little whisky will bribe their chieftains to give their consent to the largest transfers. It is perfectly common for great tracts of the finest territory in the world to be bartered away, with the consent of all parties, for a few rings, a few handkerchiefs, some barrels of rum, and perhaps some money, which the unfortunate natives know not how to convert to any valuable use. The European nations and their descendants have long been accustomed to regard all the world as their property, and the rest of mankind as a kind of intruders, or an inferior race, whom they have a right to dispossess when it suits their convenience. We are apt to treat as absurd the right which the pope, as high priest of the European states, once claimed, to give away at his pleasure whole empires and immense tracts of unknown territory which never belonged to him; but the conduct of the parties to the treaty of Paris in 1783 was probably neither less unjust nor less absurd, when the king of Great Britain gave up, and the American states were understood to acquire, a right of undisputed sovereignty over an immense territory inhabited by independent nations. The states of America, accordingly, consider themselves as possessing the supreme right to the property of the territory belonging to the Indians; and though they do not seize that territory by force, or transfer it by sale, they readily do what is nearly equivalent; they sell to private persons the right to purchase certain portions of it from the Indians. Thus the state of Massachusetts sold to Messrs Phelps and Gorham the exclusive privilege of purchasing from the Indians a large territory upon the river Genesee, whenever they should consent to part with it. Messrs Phelps and Gorham sold this privilege of purchase to Mr Morris, who again sold it to the Dutch Company; binding himself at the same time to prevail with the Indians to relinquish their right to a certain part at least of the lands. Thus four different sets of purchasers succeeded each other in regard to an object, concerning the sale of which the consent of the true original owners had not yet been obtained; and four different contracts were entered into, founded on the supposition, that it would be an easy matter to remove the Indians from those distant corners to which they had retired; a point about which their more polished neighbours were well assured.

The smallpox has at different periods proved extremely fatal to the Indians, and has greatly diminished their numbers. But the most dangerous enemy which they have to encounter is their attachment to spirituous liquors, which the whites cannot be prevented from selling to them, and which they cannot restrain themselves from purchasing. These liquors are peculiarly fatal to their strength and health, and daily render their marriages less prolific.—So that, from a complication of evils, the hostility and oppression of the neighbouring white people, the imprudent sales which they make of their territory, and the diseases to which they are exposed, the Indian tribes are gradually expatriated and decreasing in number. Every nation is now divided into different branches; the families are dispersed abroad; and whisky is rapidly diminishing the number of those which yet remain. A few years more, and these nations will disappear from the surface of the earth, as civilized people approach.

Negroes originally imported from the coast of Africa, and held in slavery or emancipated, form another part of the population of the United States. The British nation, which refused to pollute its population at home by the existence of domestic slavery, had nevertheless tolerated the practice in its distant colonies, where the character of the people was accounted of less importance to the empire, and where the interests of commerce were regarded as the primary object of attention. In the convention which formed the constitution of the American union, the southern states were successful in obtaining an enactment in favour of the slave trade, which was couched in the following ambiguous terms: "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 dollars for each person." There are no slaves in the commonwealth of Massachusetts; and this is the only state in the union that is entirely exempt from the disgrace of personal slavery. It was abolished in the following manner: No law in New England had positively authorized slavery; but it prevailed under the sanction of custom and of public opinion. Several laws indeed presupposed it; as they authorized the reclaiming of negroes who quitted their masters, enjoined the necessity of restoring them, and prohibited the intermarriage of blacks with free people. The new constitution of Massachusetts, like those of the other states, declared an equality of rights for all men. In 1781, some negroes, prompted by private suggestion, maintained that they were not slaves, and they found advocates who brought their cause before the supreme court. Their counsel pleaded, 1st, That no law established slavery, and that the laws supposing it were the result of error in the legislators who had an authority to enact them; 2dly, They contended, that all such laws were annulled by the new constitution. They gained the cause upon both these principles; and, as there were only few slaves in Massachusetts, all further idea of slavery was banished. But in the other New England states, under similar laws, and in similar circumstances, a contrary decision was given.

It is to be observed, that in 1778, the general enumeration of the population of Massachusetts, included 18,000 slaves; whereas, the census of 1790 exhibits only 6,000 blacks, and at present there are none. It appears that a great proportion of the emancipated negroes went to the towns, where making an indiscreet use of their newly acquired freedom, many of them addicted themselves to the intemperate use of spirituous liquors, and died in consequence; others engaged as sailors even on board foreign ships. The generality of those who did not disappear became servants; some are tradesmen, or even farmers; but only a small number have attained to independence. They fall under the lash of public justice more frequently than the whites, in proportion to the numbers of each class; and indeed the free blacks are generally held to be thievish and disorderly.

In the eastern part of Virginia, one-third of the population consists of Negro slaves, and farther south, where where rice is cultivated, the proportion of negroes is still greater. In New York, and the other middle or northern states, measures have been adopted for their gradual emancipation. Such measures have become popular, not only from the general temper of the age, but from the conviction, now generally diffused, of the tendency of domestic slavery to degrade the character of the free white men.

With regard to the whites, who form the third and last class of the people of this great country, it may be observed, that when the American constitution ordained the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, within three years after its acceptance, it enacted also, that the same enumeration should be renewed every 10 years, and left it to the congress to make a law for regulating the manner of performing it. A law was necessarily passed for this purpose in 1790. The marshal of every district, who is a kind of sheriff, is ordered to superintend the enumeration. In this work he may call in what aid he thinks proper. He must make a return to the president of the United States, distinguishing in the table of population, the number of free males under and over the age of 16 years; and also the free women and girls; and the slaves. The Indians are not included in the list of population. The lists are exhibited upon public places, for the correction of the inhabitants; and the heads of families are required, under a pecuniary penalty, to state correctly the number of their families.

The enumeration of the people taken in 1790, by virtue of this law, announced a population of 3,929,326 inhabitants, of whom 3,231,629 were free. In 1800 the population amounted to 5,308,666, of whom 896,849 were slaves; and in 1810, the population amounted to 7,239,903, of whom 1,191,364 were slaves. The present population (1820) is estimated at ten millions; and the period of doubling is found to be about twenty-three years.

The character of the inhabitants of the United States of America, is necessarily various, according to the climate which they inhabit, and the laws and history of the different states. The use of slaves, in particular, has of itself produced a considerable effect upon the character and habits of the free men of those parts of the empire in which they abound. Certain features of character, however, are in some measure common to the whole inhabitants of the states; and it may be observed in general, that the British nation, which was the founder and the parent of these people, has no reason to be ashamed of them. Indeed, in a country which belonged to Great Britain for a long time, which was peopled from it, of which the most numerous and nearest connections are yet with Great Britain, and which carries on with us almost all its commerce, the manners of the people must necessarily in a great degree resemble our own. Accordingly, the American manners, particularly those relative to living, are the same as in England, or the south of Scotland; and New York and Philadelphia are faithful copies, in this respect, of Liverpool and of Glasgow. As to the dress, the English fashions are as faithfully copied, as the transmissions of merchandise from England, and the correspondence of tailors and mantua-makers, will admit of. The distribution of the apartments in their houses is like that of Great Britain. The furniture is British; the town carriages are either British or in the British taste, and it is no small merit in the fashionable world, to have a coach newly arrived from London, of the newest fashion there. The cookery is British; and as in Britain, after dinner, the ladies withdraw, and give place to drinking wine, a custom which the Americans carry at least to as great a length as the natives of the parent state. Indeed, frequent and sumptuous dinners are said to be held in as high consideration in the new, as in the old world.

In the United States, the British character is modified by the situation in which the inhabitants of this new empire find themselves. The most general qualities common to all Americans, are understood to be, intrepidity, an ardour for enterprise, a high opinion of themselves, humanity, and a boundless love of gain. These qualities, some of which are so apparently discordant, are nevertheless found to unite in the American character. They who consider candidly the history of the war of the revolution, the instances of individual courage which they exhibited in it, and the perseverance which the whole people displayed under repeated discomfiture, will be fully satisfied concerning their firmness and courage. Habituuated to fatigue from their infancy, having for the most part made their fortunes by their labour and their industry, fatigue and labour are not yet become repugnant, even to those in easy circumstances. While they wish to enjoy the luxuries of life, they do not regard them as absolute wants. They know how to dispense with them, and to quit them and to travel in the woods whenever their interest requires it. They can forget them whenever a reverse in the current of their affairs takes them away. They are not depressed by disappointment, but instantly resume the pursuit of fortune when she has most cruelly deceived them.

Great pride of spirit, and a high notion of their own worth, are also striking parts of the American character. A committee of the house of representatives of the United States, appointed to prepare an answer to the address of the president, in December 1796, gave a notable instance of this. These gentlemen very modestly thought fit to call their countrymen the most enlightened nation of the whole world; and very great labour and long discussions were necessary before the majority of the house could be prevailed upon to sacrifice this superlative, which it is said would not have embarrassed the modesty of their constituents. No white American will so far degrade himself, as to consent to accept of the situation of a domestic menial servant or footman. Hence it is said, that throughout the whole extent of the United States, 25 native Americans are not to be found in the state of domestic servants. This class of domestics in America is composed of emigrant priests, Germans, and negroes or mulattoes. As soon as the former of these have acquired a little money, they quit a station which they find to be regarded with such contempt, and establish themselves in a small trade, or upon land which they clear and cultivate. Hence it may easily be inferred, that a good domestic man-servant is not easily to be found in America.

The prejudice which causes the men in America to have so great a repugnance to the state of domestic servitude, servitude, does not influence the women in the same degree. And accordingly, nothing is more common than to see young women of good families, in the situation of servants during the first years of their youth.

At the same time, it must not be imagined, that pure republican manners prevail in America. Though there are no distinctions of rank, formally acknowledged by law in the United States, yet fortune and the nature of professions form different classes. The first class is occupied by the great merchants, the lawyers, the physicians, the clergy, and the land-owners who do not cultivate their land themselves; the number of whom is small from the state of Delaware to the north, but is great in the states of the south, where slavery prevails. The second class consists of the inferior merchants, the farmers, and the artisans. And the third class is composed of workmen, who let themselves to labour by the day, the month, &c. In balls, concerts, and public amusements, these classes do not mix; though, except ordinary labourers, and common sailors, every one calls himself, and is called by others, a gentleman. A small income is sufficient for the assumption of this title, as it easily carries men from one class to another. It is said, indeed, that the struggle for rank between different classes produces, in the great towns, a very ruinous degree of ostentation. In New York and Philadelphia, luxury is very high, and makes a dangerous progress every year, by increasing the expense of living, and altering the public opinion with regard to what constitutes easy circumstances and a competent fortune. Still, however, the inferior class of workmen entertain a higher opinion of themselves than elsewhere. They find the road to independence more practicable, and as the price of their labour is high, their circumstances are easy, and they endeavour to throw aside, as far as possible every appearance of rusticity. They see all ranks of men engaged in business; they do not therefore account themselves degraded by being compelled to labour, especially as they find their skill and industry sought after by others, while it is productive of affluence to themselves; for in the United States there is not a family, even in the most miserable hut, who do not eat butchers meat twice a-day at least, and drink tea and coffee; nor is there a man who drinks pure water. Having heard much of the modes of living usual among persons of their rank in other nations, they are led to entertain an unbounded value for themselves and their country.

Did not the practice of slavery still stand in the way, the Americans would not be surpassed in the reputation of generosity and humanity. When a brother or a sister dies, leaving orphan children, they are readily adopted into the families of their uncles and other kindred, who treat them entirely as their own. This conduct is so common in America, that it meets with no praise, and is considered merely as the performance of the most ordinary duty, and as requiring no effort. Hospitality to strangers is also exerted to a great extent, and in a way that even perplexes for some time the modesty of an European. In cases of unusual calamity also, great liberality is displayed by them. The unfortunate sufferers by the fires of Charlestown and Savannah, and by the dreadful dis-

case which raged at Philadelphia, New York, and other cities, were relieved by the abundant subscriptions of the citizens of all the American towns where these disasters did not occur. The inhabitants of the French West India islands who fled to the shores of America, in consequence of the events of the late terrible revolution, were relieved by voluntary contributions, to the amount of more than 200,000 dollars. Whole families of them were supported for one or two years, according to their necessities, by individual Americans, in their houses, merely because they were unfortunate. There also exists a very considerable number of charitable societies for various purposes, in the United States. Some of these are marine societies, whose purpose is in some towns to provide a subsistence for the wives and children of those who die at sea, or to provide assistance to all vessels wrecked upon their coasts. There are also societies for the assistance of emigrants, that is to say, for assisting with advice and succours those strangers who arrive from Europe, with an intention of establishing themselves in America. Others subscribe for the support of hospitals and schools, and for the distribution of proper medicines. There are societies for the civilization of the Indians, and others for the purposes of ameliorating the situation of prisoners. Indeed, it is with regard to this last subject that the Americans are entitled to boast that the triumph of humanity has been more complete in some parts at least of their country than anywhere else in the world. At Philadelphia, the administration of the prisons has been established upon the most enlightened and benevolent principles, and is conducted with a degree of advantage to the public, and to imprisoned criminals, that has hitherto been unknown in the history of mankind. The jailors receive ample salaries; a constant inspection is exerted over them, by the most respectable characters in the state; the convicts are treated with the utmost mildness; yet licentiousness is banished, they are enabled to support themselves, and sometimes to carry out with them a sum of money, or to support their families during their confinement; and in almost all cases, the much wished-for, but hitherto unattainable end, is said to be gained, of rendering punishment the means of accomplishing the reformation of the criminal. Such is said to be the admirable effect of the humane and skilful management which has been here adopted, chiefly, it is understood, by means of the members of the sect of Quakers; that, instead of the prisons containing what are called old offenders, it usually happens, that of 100 convicts discharged, either in consequence of pardons, or at the expiration of the term of their sentence, there are never above two committed for new crimes, although imprisonment for a longer or shorter period is the only punishment adopted for all great crimes; no crime being capital excepting only wilful murder.

But the most remarkable feature in the American character, and indeed their ruling passion, is a boundless thirst after gain. This passion, however, is in them altogether different from that timid and hoarding appetite which with us is sometimes seen to quench all the energies of the human mind, and to extinguish every generous and liberal sentiment. In truth, the avarice of an American is nothing more than the passion of ambition directed to the acquisition of wealth as the only means of attaining distinction in the state of society in which he is placed. Accordingly he endeavours to gratify his love of riches, not so much by the slow and sure mode of saving what he already possesses, and of suffering it to accumulate, as by entering into bold and hazardous speculations, with a view to the sudden acquisition of fortune. If his speculation is unsuccessful, he thinks not the worse of himself on that account, nor is discouraged from repeatedly encountering similar hazards. If he is at last successful, his wealth is used in such a manner as evidently demonstrates that the love of riches has not fully engrossed his mind. He is luxurious, ostentatious, generous to the unfortunate, and ready to contribute to every scheme of public beneficence or utility. Still, this ardent passion for the acquisition of money, which occupies so much of the thoughts of every American, never fails to appear disgusting to men of letters, or to men of rank who have at any time gone from Europe to America. They are astonished to find physicians, lawyers, and priests, deeply engaged in stock-jobbing and commercial speculations, and that every part of society is composed of men whose ruling passion and great subject of meditation is, the sudden acquisition in some way or other of great pecuniary gain.

The Americans marry very young, especially in the country. Young men, who generally establish themselves very early either in some new lands or in some trade, have occasion for a wife to assist them in their labours; and this conduces to their early marriages as much as the general purity of manners. If a wife die, she is, for the same reason, very speedily replaced by another. Both in town and country, she is an indispensable resource for domestic affairs, when her husband is engaged in his own affairs, as every one is in America. She is also necessary as a companion, in a country where the children soon quit their parents, and where the men, constantly engaged in some kind of business, find it inconvenient to leave their own families in search of society. The manners of the Americans in their conduct towards the other sex are represented as very pure. Young women of uncommon beauty travel alone from 15 to 25 miles to Philadelphia to market with eggs, fowls, butter, and other commodities, beginning their journeys at the commencement of the night, without finding that their youth and beauty expose them to any hazard or inconvenience.

All travellers agree in representing the American women as highly virtuous and respectable; as faithful and industrious wives, and affectionate mothers. The young women enjoy entire freedom, and the commerce of the sexes is free from gallantry and from jealousy. The crime of adultery, which attacks society in its first elements, is said to be unknown. One quality ascribed in a remarkable degree to the American women ought not to pass unnoticed, which is, a remarkable attention to cleanliness, both in their persons and their houses. The French who took refuge in the United States during the revolution, though attentive enough in this respect to the appearance of their persons, were regarded as so slovenly and dirty in the management of their houses and furniture, that they soon rendered themselves altogether odious to the Americans.

The state of education and of literature is still defective in most parts of America. The physical or natural part of the education of the Americans is said to be excellent. Left to themselves from their tenderest age, they are exposed without precaution to the rigour of heat and cold, with their feet and legs bare, and with few clothes. The children of the rich are not brought up much more tenderly than those in less easy circumstances. In the country they often go alone twice a day to schools, two or three miles distant from home. There are few American children who cannot swim boldly, and at ten years of age manage a gun and hunt without danger; and not one who does not ride with great courage, or who fears fatigue. This liberty given to children teaches them to take care of themselves, and bold as they are, they avoid dangers better than children brought up with much greater care. They become strong and enterprising men, whom no difficulties dishearten; and produce a growing generation, which will be as invincible in its territory, as that which preceded it was found to be.

The instructive part of education has not attained the same perfection. Massachusetts is the state in which a system of education has been most regularly established by law. It was enacted in 1789, that each town or township containing 50 families or houses shall have a schoolmaster of good character, to instruct the children in the English language, reading, writing, and arithmetic. The school to be open six months in the year. The towns or townships of 100 families, are to have schools of the same kind, which are to be open during the whole year. Those of 150 families are bound to have two schools, one for 12 months and one for six. Those of 200 families, or more, are bound to have two schools, one for 12 and one for six months, and in addition to these, a grammar school, in which the Greek, Latin, and English languages are to be taught grammatically. The expense of supporting the schoolmasters, together with the school-houses, the fuel, and ink that may be necessary, are defrayed by a general tax or assessment upon the whole people. The parents pay their share of this assessment, in proportion only to their wealth, and not to the number of their children. They supply their children with the necessary books, and with pens and paper. Colleges are also established; but in these the professors receive fees from the students. The books read at the schools are regulated by law; and we are informed, that the Latin grammar which the state of Massachusetts has preferred is that of Dr Alexander Adam, rector of the High School of Edinburgh, author also of the celebrated treatise upon Roman antiquities, and other works illustrative of classical literature.

Though the state of Massachusetts has the most complete system of education, the manners of the people in the whole New England states have produced such a degree of attention to literature, that there are few or no white persons there who cannot read the English language, and the people at large possess a considerable degree of literature. In proportion, however, to the distance from New England southward, education becomes gradually defective, and in the Carolinas and Georgia, schools are scarcely to be found. In different states, however, there are colleges and universities, in which the sciences are taught, and degrees conferred. The education of youth in America is conducted as in Scotland, with a view rather to introduce young persons quickly into life, than to render them men of profound learning. A young man in America hardly arrives at the age of 16 years before his parents are desirous of planting him in the counting-house of a merchant, or in the office of a lawyer; hence he is never likely to resign himself to the sciences and to letters. He soon loses all other ideas than those which can hurry him on to the acquisition of a fortune. He sees no other views in those around him, or in society; and that his whole consideration is attached to this kind of success. Hence it will not appear surprising, that there should be few learned men in the United States. Indeed, the number of learned, ingenious, and well-informed individuals, which is very considerable, that have appeared there, must be ascribed rather to their own native energy of character than to their education, or the state of society in which they were placed.

In the American schools, the instruction in Latin is seldom extended farther than the first classic authors, including Cornelius Nepos, Ovid, and some orations of Cicero. A little of Virgil and Horace are read in the colleges. The New Testament in Greek, and a little of Homer in some colleges, is the limit of classical instruction in that language. Mathematical instruction is usually confined to the Elements of Euclid, and the first principles of conic sections. Practical geometry, however, for the purposes of land-surveying and navigation, is much valued, on account of its connexion with those branches of business which lead to riches. Mechanics, hydrostatics, and hydraulics, are taught after the works of Nicolson, Ferguson, or Enfield. Medicine, however, and the branches of science connected with it, are said to be well taught in some American universities; and that profession has produced many respectable and well-informed men. Still it is probable, that however enlightened the Americans may account themselves, the nature of their pursuits is such, that a considerable time will elapse before they can exhibit any great number of men of profound and extensive learning. Such accomplishments, however, as their situation requires they possess in much perfection. In the debates of congress, speeches full of correct reasoning, drawn from a knowledge of mankind and of history, and expressed with purity and eloquence, are often heard; and almost all persons engaged in business aspire in their correspondence to display much elegance of expression, though their style is apt to swell out into verbosity.

The most common vices of the American people are, an ostentatious luxury, on the part of the rich in great towns; and of the inferior class, a too free use of spirituous liquors. This they are led to by their easy circumstances, and by a great fondness for society. These vices are greater and more remarkable in the southern states than in the northern. In the south, also, men are more fond of gaming than in the north, and the energetic qualities of the American character are less conspicuous; a circumstance which is supposed to arise from the existence of slavery, which in these states renders labour and personal industry less respectable. But in general the character of the Americans is rendered pure by the train of constant industry in which all persons are engaged. One of the most troublesome of their faults, however, ought not to pass unnoticed: They are, upon the whole, a very litigious people, and lawyers abound and flourish among them to a great degree. But, in common with all the countries that have derived any part of their constitution or their laws from England, they possess a very pure administration of justice. This has always been the singular privilege and the glory of the English nation. No people that attains to it can fail to possess sound morals, or consequently to enjoy all the prosperity of which a nation is capable. To the habits of integrity, and a respect for the laws and the magistrates, which it produces, we must ascribe the internal tranquillity of America. Politics form the only science which all men study there; and political zeal hurries the different parties into the most uncharitable misrepresentations of each others views and conduct. But no man has preferred his own personal aggrandisement to the authority of the law or the welfare of his country; no usurpation has defaced the fair page of the American history; and if rebellion has occurred, it has been bloodless, and has only afforded to all ranks of men an opportunity of displaying their attachment to public order.

Upon the whole, though men exclusively attached to the pursuits of literature, and to the enjoyment of idle but polished society, would find themselves ill situated in America, yet we must undoubtedly regard the United States as forming at this moment the most prosperous empire upon the globe. It contains an active people, easy in their circumstances and happy; and every day gives an accession of population and of strength to this new country. See AMERICA, SUPPLEMENT.

INDEX.

| Acr, stamp, framed, received with universal indignation, repealed, Dr Franklin's opinion of, Acts, several, exasperate the Americans, Agriculture, state of, | Agriculture, cattle used in, America, peopling of, divisions of, productions of, different possessors of, coast of, invaded by the British fleet, North, provinces of, successful expedition against the, | N° 126, 127, 128, 129, 157, 461 | N° 467, 92, 117, 118, 119, 307, 322 | America, independence of, acknowledged, immediate consequences of the revolution to, history of, continued, American army, situation of, at the commencement of the war, army for 1777, troops, discontent of the, | N° 381, 385, 402, 237, 261, 351 | Index.

American stores, large quantity of, destroyed by Arnold, No. 338 stores, destruction of, 365 states, constitution of, 384 army, dismission of the, 386 government, executive, officers in the, 394 husbandmen flood the land, 462 Americans, cruelty of the, defeated with great slaughter at Long Island, 238 abandon their camps in the night, 239 greatly dispersed, 252 defeated, 261 detachment of the, surprised and defeated with great slaughter, 262 defeated at Germantown, 265 defeated by land and water, 271 defeated again, and abandon Fort Anne, 272 retreat to Saratoga, 274 detachment of the, cut in pieces, 276 attack the royal army, 282 with difficulty repulsed, 283 send agents to different countries, 298 defeated at Briar Creek, 311 defeated at Port Royal, 315 unsuccessful expedition of the, against Penobscot, 323 take vengeance on the Indians, 327 reasons alleged by the, for General Arnold's conduct, 348 defeated at Guildford, 361 embarrassments of the, 387

Ancients supposed to have had some imperfect notions of the new world, 106 Andre, Major, unhappy fate of, 345 amiable character of, 346

Animals, degeneracy of, asserted by Buffon, 6 growth of, prevented by moisture, considered, 65 growth of, encouraged by moisture, asserted by Mr Jefferson, 66 instinct of, altered by habit, 90 instinct of, altered by habit, confirmed by an observation on the Franks, 91

Antiquity, remains of, 105 Assemblies, public, 18 Assembly of New York disobeys an act of parliament, 131 of Massachusetts required to rescind their circular letter by their governor, 133 refused to rescind their circular letter, 136

Assembly of Massachusetts accuses the governor, and petitions for his removal, No. 137 general proceedings of this, at Salem, 159 general, called, and dissolved by proclamation, 172 of Massachusetts recommends preparations for war, 177

Bank, national, 398 Bees, of, 441 Belts, or wampum, of, 19 Bill, declaratory, gives offence, 130 for the impartial administration of justice, 155 port, resentment occasioned by the, 158 Quebec, disagreeable to those whom it was intended to please, 186 conciliatory, received with indignation by the British troops in America, 301 conciliatory, despised by the colonists, 302 Birds, American, 135 Boston, tumult at, 348 assembly at, dissolved, 130 disturbances, at, increase, 140 troops ordered to, 141 convention of, formed, 142 convention of, dissolves, and labours to vindicate its conduct, 143 mob, some people killed by the soldiers at, 145 tea destroyed at, 151 punishment of, resolved upon, 153 petitions against punishment of, 154 people of, generously treated by the people of Salem, 160 cause of, exposed by all the rest of the colonies, 161 solemn league and covenant formed at, 163 governor at, attempts in vain to counteract the solemn league and covenant, 164 people of, generously treated by the inhabitants of Marblehead, 167 people of, strongly beloved by the country people, 168 neck of, fortified by General Gage, 169 military stores, province of, seized by General Gage, 170 inhabitants, distress of, 175 a great army assembles at, 179 troops in, distressed, 183 inhabitants, miserable situation of the, 212

Boston cannonaded by the provincials, No. 213 evacuated by the British, 214 fortifications of, strengthened, 215

Boundaries of America, 1 Breymann, Colonel, defeated, 281 Bridge, natural, a great curiosity, 426 Britain, confederacy against, joined by Spain, 324 British possessions, vast extent of the, before the late revolution, 120 colonies, state and character of, at the end of the war 1763, 122 parliament, both houses of, address the King against America, 144 taxation, right of, denied by Massachusetts Bay assembly, 148 ministry attempts in vain to arm the Indians, 187 general, humanity of the, forces repulsed, 231 army, situation of the, at the commencement of the war, 237 troops entirely overrun the Jerseys, 248 regiments, three, attempt on, 255 three, make good their retreat, 256 fleet sails for Philadelphia, 259 army lands at the head of the Elk, 260 army attacked at Germantown, 264 ships of war burnt, 266 army in danger of being surrounded, 290 army attempts a retreat, 291 army, distressed situation of the, 292 army in the north obliged to capitulate, 293 troops, predatory war carried on by the, 300 commissioners, bad success of the, 303 troops advance to Charlestown, 312 troops, hardships endured by the, 362 admiral and general, misunderstanding betwixt, 366 and French fleets, action betwixt the, off the capes of Virginia, 367 and Americans, several actions betwixt the, 369 and French fleets, action between the, off the Chesapeake, 374 troops, different places evacuated by the, 380 Bull, famous, of Paul III, 38 Bunker's Hill, battle at, 180

Burgesme, Burgoyne, General, joined by the Indians, proceeded to Fort Edward with great difficulty, distressed for want of provisions, attacks the provincial magazines at Bennington, capture of, occasions great dejection, troops of, detained in America, Buzzard, turkey, Calumny, remarkable instance of, in De Paw, Canada, conquest of, attempted by the Americans, penetrated into by Colonel Arnold, inhabitants of, defeated by the provincials, Candles, spermaceti, Carleton, General, defeated, Sir Guy arrives at New York with powers to treat of peace, Carolina, South and North, governors of, expelled, North, inhabitants of, declare in favour of Britain, royalists of, defeated, invaded, South, actions in, Chamblee, fort of, taken, Champlain, Lake, British send vessels up, Character, Indian, remarkable pensiveness and taciturnity of, national, of the Americans, Charlestown, British armament sent against, attacked by the fleet, General Lincoln advances to the relief of, attempt on, abandoned, expedition against, by Sir Henry Clinton, defended by Lincoln, surrenders to Sir Henry Clinton, Chiefs, Indian, terrible trials of, Climate, moisture of, account of, misrepresented, proofs of its mildness, further described, effects of, on the inhabitants, Clinton, Sir Henry, letter of, to General Burgoyne, with Burgoyne's answer, Sir Henry, successful expedition of,

Clinton, Sir Henry, late arrival of, to the succour of Lord Cornwallis, Cod, fisheries of, Cold, remarkable, reasons for, Colour of the natives, remarkable difference of, arising from accidental causes, no characteristic of a different species, altered by different causes, Columbus, representation of, projects of, to discover a new continent, voyage of, astonishment of, on observing the variation of the compass, perilous situation of, crews ready to mutiny, crews, joy of, upon discovering land, conduct of, upon landing upon one of the islands of the new world, discovers the new continent, Communication between the old and new continent, two ways of, Congress meets at Philadelphia, transactions of, account of, commissioners, speech of, to the Indians, announces the independence of America, proceedings of the, difficulties of the, by the depreciation of their paper currency, resolutions of, in consequence of Carleton's powers to treat of peace, Conolly, Mr, discovered and taken prisoner, Constitution new, proposal of, Continents once joined, reasons for, probable cause of separation, separated by a narrow strait, easiness of passage between, Convention of Philadelphia, Corn, Indian, Cornwallis, Lord, victory of, over General Gates, exertions of, in North Carolina, marches through North Carolina, proclamation by, critical situation of, attempts to assist, ineffectual, Cornwallis, danger of, increased, surrender of, Country well watered, face of the, irregularly settled, Crimes and punishments, Crown Point and Ticonderoga taken by the Americans, Customs of the North Americans, Declaration on taking up arms, Divisions into North and South, Dress, peculiarities of, Dresses and customs common to the eastern Asiatics and Americans, Eloquence, Indian, specimen of, England, New, expedition against, Estaing, D', proclamation of sails to the West Indies, expedition of, against Georgia, absurd conduct of, Extent of America, Federalists attached to Britain, Fever, yellow, Figures painted on their bodies, France and America, treaty betwixt, occasions great debates, disputes with, Franklin, speech of, Frazer, General, killed, French, intrigues of the, fleet arrives in America, fleet, attempt of the, against Rhode Island, and American generals, cruelty of the, and Americans defeated, troops, large body of, land at Rhode Island, Gage, General, difficulties of, in accommodating his troops, Georgia, inhabitants of, accede to the confederacy, expedition against, possession taken of, Germans defeated with great slaughter, Government, form of, Grain, nature of, Greene, General, attacked in his camp, and defeated by Lord Rawdon, defeated by Colonel Stuart, Guildford, battle at, Hedges, America destitute of, Honey, poisonous, Hostilities commence betwixt Britain and America, House Index.

American Indians, constitution and corporeal abilities of, No. 51 labour and industry of, 52 healthiness and strength of, proved, 53 mental qualities of, 54 De Paw's proofs of the cowardice of, 55 De Paw's account of, refuted, 56 Migrations into the new continent, 98 Mr Pennant's opinion of, probably first from the eastern parts of Asia, 100 from Asia, proved by a similarity of customs, 101 of the brute creation from the old continent to the new by the same route as men, 104 of brutes, remarks concerning, 429 Minerals, of, Montgomery, General, killed, and the Americans defeated, 198 Montreal taken, 195 Moravians, of the, 479 Morris, Captain, bravery of, 230 Natives, description of the, their indolence, quickness of sense, vigilance, manner of fighting, character and contrast, treatment of dead friends, superstitions, longevity, vices and defects aggravated, reproached with pusillanimity, accused of perfidy, understandings represented as weak, stupidity, vanity and conceit, eloquence disparaged, partly misrepresented, Buffon and De Paw's physical description of the, refuted, conclusions concerning their capacities, ingenuity asserted, science, tokens of, among, morality, specimen of, degeneracy of the, alleged, observations by Mr Jefferson on their degeneracy, coldness to the sex accounted for, 72

Natives, why few children, their sensibility, courage, anecdotes, politeness and civility, hospitality, Lord Kaimes's argument for different species of, 81 Lord Kaimes's hypothesis concerning the different species of, 82 Kaimes's argument incomplete, general principles to be kept in view in reasoning on the different species of, 84 Lord Kaimes's argument inconsistent, 85 Negroes, of the, 485 Niagara, description of, 421 Ninety-six, post of, laid siege to by General Greene, but without success, 364 Norfolk, town of, destroyed, 210 Norwegian pretensions to the discovery of America considered, 108 O Omoo, Fort, taken by the British, evacuated by the British, 325 Opposition against Britain confirmed, to British parliament still increases, more and more confirmed against Britain, 171 Parties, character of, present state of, Pearl-ashes, of, Petition against Governor Hutchison refused, Pennsylvania line, revolt of the, ineffectual attempts to induce the, to join the royal army, Philadelphia taken possession of by General Howe, forts near, reduced, evacuated, American independence celebrated at, Pittsburg, rebellion at, Political factions, Potash works, Prescott, General, taken prisoner, President and vice-president, how elected, conduct of, new, Prisoners, treatment of, shocking treatment of, constancy of, Proclamation by General Clinton, Provincials Provincials defeated by General Carleton, No 219 pursued by General Carleton, 221 pursued by General Burgoyne, 223 escape to Crown Point, naval force of the, destroyed, 251 expedition of the, against Ticonderago, 286 desperate attack of the, on the royal army, 287

Quadrupeds, aboriginals of Europe and America, comparative view of, 66 aboriginals of one only, Table II. domesticated in Europe and America, Table III. ib. result view of, in Table I. 67 described, Table II. 68 described, Table III. 69

Quarrels between the people of Massachusetts Bay and their governor, 134 Quebec, attempt to surprise, by the Americans, siege of continued, 197

Religion, of, 478 Republic, American, rise of the, 121 Resemblance between the Asiatics and North Americans, 103 Revenge, remarkable instance of, 39 Rhode Island taken, 249 Rice, of, 475 River, eastern, 423

Secretary of state, 396 Settlements, new, how formed, children residing in the, apt to be lost in the woods, 466 Settlers, frontier, always hostile to the Indians, 483 Sheep, nature of, 463 Ship-building, of, 450 Shakers, of the, 480 Skirmishes, different, between the British and Americans, 359 Snakes, American, the joint, rattle, 437 Springs, salt, in Kentucky, names of the, mineral, 439

Stacks of grain not made use of in America, No 464 Stonewall, fort, besieged, 275 Staten Island attacked by the provincials, 334 provincials make a precipitate retreat from, 335 Stature, no proof of a different species, 88 Sugar-maple, 449 Sulphur and nitre found in the western territory, 430 Swine, nature of the, 469

Tarleton, Lieutenant-colonel, activity of, 343 defeat of, operations in consequence of the defeat of, 356 Tax, plan of, by Mr Townshend, 132 plan raises greater indignation than even the stamp act, 133 tea, violently opposed, 147 Taxes, heavy, imposed, and other obnoxious acts framed, 124 exasperate the Americans, all removed except on tea, 146 Tea refused admittance in several places, 152 Thomson, General, defeated and taken by General Fraser, 222 Ticonderago besieged and taken, 270 Titles proposed, 405 Tobacco, of, 474 Trade, American, foreign, 454 Treasury, of the, 397 Tunkers, of the, 481

Union, articles of, betwixt the colonies, 184 United States, constitution of, constitution of, additions to the, 392 constitution of the, opposition against, 393 army of the, law officers of the, 399 the mint of the, 400 description of the boundaries of, 418 errors in the description of the boundaries of, 419

Vegetables, of, 434 Vegetation, luxuriant, 6 Virginia, province of, disputes with their governor, 200

Warriors, dress of, 23 War, preparations for, loss of men and treasure by the, consequences of the, 383 Wars, of, ceremonies before, ensigns of, 21 Welsh, pretensions of the, to the discovery of America in the 12th century, 109 Western waters, 424 Women, condition of the, 33 Whale-fishery, 453 Wheat regarded in America as the most valuable kind of grain, 472 Whites, of the, Washington, George, appointed commander in chief, refuses a letter from Lord Howe, is defeated at the White Plains, president, name of, given to the federal city, 416

York, New, armament sent against, abandoned by the provincials, set on fire, General Washington removes farther from, British excursions from, apprehensions at, forwardness of the inhabitants of, to be enrolled for its defense, 333