EDMUND, a writer, orator, and statesman, was born in Dublin, on the first January, in the year 1730. His father was an attorney, first in Limerick, and afterwards in Dublin. Young Burke received the first rudiments of his education at Ballytore, in the county of Kildare, under the tuition of Abraham Shackleton, a Quaker of considerable celebrity. Committed to the care of a master so admirably qualified for the important business of instruction, young Burke applied to his studies with commendable assiduity, and became one of the numerous examples that might be adduced, to demonstrate the falsehood of that popular but dangerous maxim, that young men of genius are always destitute of application.

In this seminary he laid the foundation of his knowledge in the languages of antiquity; whence he was hereafter to borrow the elegance of his taste, and the models and imagery of his eloquence. From this source was also, most probably, derived that love of liberty, which, germinating at certain periods in his bosom, so often pointed his oratory, inflamed his passions, and animated his sentiments; and which in his best days acquired him a reputation almost unequalled in our times.

At this respectable school several years of his life were spent: and the attachment of the master, and the gratitude of the pupil, reflect honour on both. The former lived to see his scholar attain a considerable degree of reputation; and he on his part was accustomed to spend a portion of his annual visit to Ireland at Ballytore.

From a provincial seminary Edmund was sent to the university of Dublin. Here, however, he does not appear to have distinguished himself either by application or talents. His character, as a student, was merely negative. He exhibited no symptoms of early genius, obtained no palms in the academic race, and departed even without a degree. During this period, however, he commenced author. His first essays were of a political nature.

Mr Burke now addicted himself to other pursuits, particularly logic and metaphysics: and is said to have planned a refutation of the systems of Berkeley and Hume. While thus employed in treasuring up the means of attaining a species of celebrity, which far different avocations prevented him afterwards from aspiring to, he was not inattentive to the grand object of obtaining a suitable settlement in life; for his family was not opulent, and he already panted after independence. He accordingly became a candidate for a vacant chair at the university of Glasgow. The immediate reason of his failure is not directly known; but on this he repaired to the metropolis, and enrolled his name as a student of the Inner Temple.

It appears from his speeches, his writings, and his conversation, that he studied the grand outline of our municipal jurisprudence with particular attention; but it may be doubted whether he ever entered into the minutiae. Indeed, the versatility of his talents, and his avocations, were but little calculated for that dull and plodding circuit which can alone lead to an intimate knowledge of our laws. Besides, if he had been gifted with the necessary application, both time and opportunity were wanting: for it is well known that at this period of his life the "res angusta domi" did not permit the student to dedicate his attention solely to this, or indeed to any other single object.

The exhausted state of his finances called frequently for a speedy supply; and, instead of perusing the pages of Bracton, Fleta, Littleton, and Coke, he was obliged to write essays, letters, and paragraphs, for the periodical publications of the day. But if these pursuits diverted his attention from graver studies, they acquired him a facility of composition, and a command of style and of language, which proved eminently serviceable in the course of his future life.

His health, however, became at length impaired, and a nervous fever ensued. This circumstance induced him to call in the aid of Dr Nugent, one of his own countrymen, a medical man, whose manners were more amiable than his practice was extensive. This gentleman, who had travelled on the continent, and was an author himself, readily discovered the source of his malady, and, by removing him from books and business to his own house, soon effected a cure. That event is said to have been hastened, if not entirely completed, by a physician of another kind; the accomplished daughter of his host. This lady was destined to become his wife; a circumstance particularly fortunate for him, as her disposition was mild and gentle, and she continued through a long series of years, and many vicissitudes of fortune, to soothe and tranquillize passions always violent, and often tumultuous.

Our student seems at length to have determined once more to endeavour to distinguish himself as an author, Burke, and he accordingly took advantage of the death of a celebrated peer to write a work after the manner of that nobleman; in which, by exaggerating his principles, he should be enabled to bring them into contempt: but this effort proved unsuccessful, for the treatise in question was for a long time consigned to oblivion, and would never have been heard of, had it not been resuscitated by his future fame. Another performance made ample amends: his "Essay on the Sublime and Beautiful" attracted a high degree of reputation, and acquired him considerable celebrity as a man of letters. In addition to the profits of the publication, he is said on this occasion to have received a present from his father of £100l. But his circumstances must have been greatly embarrassed about this time, as he was obliged to sell his books; and surely nothing but the extremity of distress could have forced a man of letters to such a measure.

The work we have just mentioned, having an immediate relation to taste, excited a desire in Sir Joshua Reynolds, even then at the head of his profession, to become acquainted with Mr Burke; and a friendship ensued which continued uninterrupted during the life of the painter, and was unequivocally testified by a handsome bequest in his will. Dr Johnson also sought and obtained an intimacy with him, and he now became the constant frequenter of two clubs, composed of some of the most celebrated men of that day. One of these met at the Turk's Head tavern in Gerrard-street, and consisted of the following members: Dr Johnson, Mr (afterwards Sir Joshua) Reynolds, Dr Goldsmith, Mr Topham Beauclerc, Dr Nugent, Sir John Hawkins, Mr Bennet Langton, Mr Chamier, Mr Garrick, and Mr Burke.

The other assembled—at the St James's coffee-house, and besides many of the above, was composed of the following members: Mr Cumberland, Dr Douglas bishop of Salisbury, Dr Bernard dean of Derry, Mr Richard Burke, Mr William Burke, Mr Hickey, &c. Dr Goldsmith, who was Mr Burke's contemporary at Dublin College, was a member of both, and wrote the epitaphs of those who composed the latter. That on Mr Burke has often been praised.

Here lies our good Edmund whose genius was such, We scarcely can praise it or blame it too much; Who, born for the universe, narrowed his mind, And to party gave up what was meant for mankind. Though fraught with all learning, yet straining his threat To persuade Tommy Townshend to lend him a vote; Who, too deep for his hearers, still went on refining, And thought of convincing while they thought of dining; Though equal to all things, for all things unfit; Too nice for a statesman, too proud for a wit; For a patriot too cool, for a drudge disobedient; And too fond of the right, to pursue the expedient. In short, 'twas his fate, unemployed, or in place, Sir, To eat mutton cold, and cut blocks with a razor.

A literary work on a new plan, first suggested in 1750, and by some attributed to the Dodsleys, and by others to Mr Burke, became, for some time, a considerable source of emolument to him. This was called the "Annual Register;" a publication that soon obtained considerable celebrity, and of which he had the superintendence for several years.

He was at length called off from his literary labours by avocations of a far different kind. A gentleman who afterwards derived the cognomen of "single-speech Hamilton," from a celebrated oration, having been appointed secretary to the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, invited his friend Mr Burke to accompany him thither; this offer he readily complied with, and although he acted in no public station, and performed no public service while he remained in that country, he was rewarded with a pension of £300 per annum, which he soon after disposed of for a sum of money.

On his return to England he amused himself, as usual, with literary composition. A series of essays, written by him in a newspaper, which, at one time, obtained great celebrity, attracted the notice of the late Marquis of Rockingham; and Mr Fitzherbert, a member of parliament, and father of the present Lord St Helen's, in consequence of this circumstance, introduced him to that nobleman. From this moment he was destined to become a public man, and to dedicate his studies, his eloquence, and his pen, to politics.

Lord Rockingham having proved more compliant than the Earl of Chatham, the former nobleman was brought into power, and seated on the treasury bench. On this occasion he selected Mr Burke as his private secretary, an office of no power and very little emolument, but which naturally leads to both. As it was now necessary he should have a seat in parliament, although it cannot be supposed that he was legally qualified in respect to property, he applied to Lord Verney, who was patron of Wendover, a borough at that time dependent on him, and principally occupied by his tenants.

Having thus obtained a seat in 1765, he prepared to fit himself for his new situation. He was already provided with all the necessary talents, and was only deficient in the forms of business, and the facility of expressing his sentiments before a public audience. The first of these was mastered by sedulous attention; and as to the second, if we are to give credit to those who pretend to be intimately acquainted with this period of his life, he overcame all difficulties by a previous initiation elsewhere. In short he had acquired celebrity at the "Robinhood," before he attempted to speak in the British senate, and vanquished an eloquent "baker" ere he began to cope with the great orators of the nation.

Holding a confidential place under the Rockingham administration, he of course supported all its measures. A former ministry, anxious to increase its influence by means of increased imposts, had conceived the idea of taxing America through the medium of a parliament in which she was not represented. Having attempted to carry this into effect by means of the famous stamp act, the Americans, alarmed at what they conceived to be a flagrant violation of every principle of the English constitution, made such a spirited resistance to the measure that it was abandoned, and the Rockingham party readily consented to the repeal. Under the pretext, however, of vindicating the honour of the crown, they unfortunately proposed and carried the declaratory claratory act, by means of which, although the original scheme had been abandoned, the principle on which it was built was asserted anew, and a foundation laid for all the miseries that afterwards ensued. But if this short-lived administration deserved no great credit on this occasion, it is entitled to considerable praise on account of other parts of its conduct; for it repealed the cider act, procured a declaration of the house of commons, condemning the seizure of papers, and a resolution against general warrants. The first of these afforded great relief to such of the counties as cultivated orchard grounds, and the two last seemed to be called for by the conduct of their predecessors in respect to Mr Wilkes.

On retiring from office they, however, did not carry much popularity along with them, as Lord Chatham and his friends, who in some measure monopolized the public favour, were entrusted with the management of affairs for a short time; and it is extremely probable that they would have sunk into neglect, had not America been driven into resistance.

It now fell to the lot of Lord North to enforce the scheme which the Grenville party had projected, and wished to carry boldly into execution; which the Rockingham administration had by an unaccountable blunder at once annihilated and recognised, and which they afterwards manfully, and at length successfully opposed.

This forms the most brilliant epoch of Mr Burke's life. He was hostile to the expulsion of Mr Wilkes; an act which the house of commons afterwards rescinded from its records. On the application of the Dissenters for relief, he took up their cause, and expressed his resentment, in very animated terms, against that misguided policy, which permits all those not within the pale of establishment to enjoy liberty less by right than by connivance. But perhaps the noblest part of his conduct consisted in his steady and uniform opposition to the American war, and his marked and declared hostility to the abettors of it. His speech against the Boston Port bill was one of the most charming specimens of oratory that had ever been exhibited in the British senate; and on the 16th of April, 1774, on a motion for the repeal of the tea duty, he discovered such talents, that an old and respectable member exclaimed, "Good God! what a man is this!—How could he acquire such transcendent powers?" And when, in reply to another who had said, "That the Americans were our children, and it was horrible to revolt against their parent!" the orator uttered the following passage, the whole house was electrified:—"They are our children, it is true; but when children ask for bread, we are not to give them a stone. When those children of ours wish to assimilate with their parent, and to respect the benevolent countenance of British liberty, are we to turn to them the shameful parts of our constitution? Are we to give them our weakness for their strength; our opprobrium for their glory; and the slough of slavery, which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their freedom?"

The city of Bristol, the merchants of which had become rich by the commerce with America, were likely to suffer by its interdiction. This consideration alone rendered many of them hostile to the proceedings of the ministry; but nobler and more exalted motives actuated the bosoms of others, particularly the Quakers, Dissenters, and other sectarists who were moved by zeal against oppression, and a love of liberty imprinted on their minds by a constitution which had remained until then inviolate. Gratified by the exertions of Mr Burke in behalf of civil and religious freedom, they put him in nomination for their city, and sent into Yorkshire, to request his immediate personal attendance. After consulting with his patron concerning an offer so flattering and unexpected, accompanied at the same time with assurances most punctually fulfilled, that he should be put to no expense whatever, he immediately set out for the west of England, and found that no less than three candidates had started before him. The first was Lord Clare, afterwards Lord Nugent, one of the former representatives, whose unpopularity was such, that he soon discovered the necessity of resigning all his pretensions; two, therefore (Mr Cruger and Mr Brickdale), only remained in the field, and the former of these, like Mr Burke himself, was averse to a rupture with America.

The new candidate did not appear on the hustings until the afternoon of the sixth day's poll, on which occasion he addressed the electors in a very able speech, admirably calculated for the occasion. He began by expressing a modest diffidence of his own abilities, and a high opinion of the important trust they were assembled to confer. He then boldly declared himself hostile to a contest with America, and asserted, that England had been rendered flourishing by liberty and commerce, the first of which was dear to his heart, while the latter had been a favourite object of his studies, both in its principles and details.

This harangue was well received by the electors; the contest proved propitious to his wishes; and when the sheriffs had notified, at the close of the poll, that he was elected, he made the most brilliant address on the occasion that had ever been heard within the walls of a city celebrated rather for its opulence than its eloquence.

Mr Burke immediately returned from his new constituents to parliament, with increased vigour, reputation, and zeal. The Earl of Chatham, having failed, notwithstanding his reputation for wisdom, in an attempt to adjust the troubles of the colonies by means of a conciliatory bill introduced by him into the house of peers for that purpose, the obstinacy of the ministry now became apparent to every one. This circumstance, which would have appalled an inferior man, did not, however, discourage the member for Bristol from a similar attempt in another place; and accordingly, March 22, 1775, he brought forward his thirteen celebrated propositions, which were intended to close the fatal breach, and heal all the differences between the mother country and her colonies.

His plan, on this occasion, embraced not only an immediate conciliation, by a repeal of the late coercive acts, but also the creation of an independent judiciary, and the regulation of the courts of admiralty. The whole, however, was quashed by a large majority on the side of the minister, who moved the previous question. Mr Burke had hitherto chiefly distinguished himself in opposition to the measures of others; but in 1780, he himself stood forth as the original author and proposer of a scheme which soon engaged the attention of the public, and actually appeared big with the most prosperous results. When he found ministers obstinately persisting in a disastrous war, and perceived that the people began to bend beneath the weight of the taxes for its support, it struck him as advantageous on one hand, and political on the other, to diminish the public burdens and the number of adherents to the court at the same time. Accordingly, on the 11th of February, he brought in a bill "for the regulation of his majesty's civil establishments, and of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions, and the suppression of sundry useless, expensive, and inconvenient places, and for applying the monies saved thereby, to the public service."

This scheme was manifestly founded on the late reforms that had taken place in France; for by an edict of the king, registered in the parliament of Paris, it appeared that he had suppressed no less than 406 places in his household by one regulation. The orator, with great judgment, fastened upon this event, and endeavoured to make use of it as an incitement to a similar attempt here; nay, he called in national rivalry itself, by way of an inducement to consent to this sacrifice on the part of the crown.

To this bill the minority did not at first give much opposition. Indeed the mover of it contrived to soften those features that appeared harsh to them. Notwithstanding this, it did not prove successful during Lord North's administration; and when it was at length carried, it was much modified and altered.

Parliament was dissolved in 1780, but Mr Burke was not re-elected for Bristol, and this is said to have made a deep impression on the mind of the orator; but this must have been obliterated by the important events that speedily ensued; for the minister now tottered on the treasury bench, being abandoned by many of his staunchest supporters, and but little confident in his own schemes, all of which had proved eminently unsuccessful. The opposition, having by this time increased to a considerable degree, unceasingly assailed him; until at length, March 28, 1782, Lord North assured the house of commons that his administration was at an end.

The day had now arrived when the ministry and opposition were to change places, and the former to be arrayed in the spoils of the latter. Of this rich booty Mr Burke, whose services had been so conspicuous in hunting the enemy into the toils prepared for them, had his portion; for he was made a privy counsellor, and invested with the lucrative appointment of paymaster-general of the forces. He was at length now enabled to enforce his plan of political economy, tendered before in vain; and the board of trade, the board of works, the offices of third secretary of state, treasurer of the chamber, cofferer of the household, the lords of police in Scotland, the master of the harriers, the master of the stag hounds, the six clerks of the board of green cloth, and the paymaster of the pensions, were abolished.

At length the reins of government were confided to the hands of the Marquis of Lansdowne, then Earl Shelburne; and this event gave such offence to those who wished to place the duke of Portland at the head of affairs, that Mr Fox, Lord John Cavendish, and Mr Burke, immediately resigned.

In the mean time, the critical state of the English East India Company had long agitated the public mind, and become occasionally a subject of discussion in parliament. The seizure, imprisonment, and confinement of Lord Pigot, by a faction in the council of Madras; the conduct of Mr Hastings, in respect to several of the native powers; the grand question of sovereignty, relative to the territorial possessions of the company in Asia: all these subjects had, at different times, excited the attention of the nation.

No sooner did Mr Fox behold himself and his friends in possession of power, than he brought in a bill, to remedy the various abuses in the government of British India. Of this bill Mr Burke is well known to have been the principal penman, and upon this occasion he defended its principles and provisions with all the zeal of a parent. In a speech of considerable length he exhibited an able retrospect of the system, both political and commercial, of the company. He then proceeded to state the benefit likely to result from the plan under contemplation, which he considered as calculated to effect "the rescue of the greatest number of the human race that ever were so grievously oppressed, from the greatest tyranny that ever was exercised." In short, he contemplated it as a measure that would "secure the rice in his pot to every man in India." "I carry my mind (adds he) to all the people, and all the names and descriptions that, relieved by this bill, will bless the labours of this parliament, and the confidence which the best house of commons has given to him who best deserves it."

This celebrated bill, notwithstanding much opposition both within and without, was carried triumphantly through the house of commons; but in the house of peers it experienced a far different fate, and with it fell the power and consequence of its authors, framers, and supporters.

In the course of the next year (February 28, 1785), he made a celebrated speech relative to the nabob of Arcot's debts; and depicted one of his creditors, who had taken an active share in the late elections, "as a criminal who long since ought to have fattened the region kites with his offal; the old betrayer, insulter, oppressor, and scourge of a country (Tanjore), which had for years been an object of an unremitting, but unhappily an unequal, struggle, between the bounties of Providence to renovate, and the wickedness of mankind to destroy."

But there appeared to Mr Burke to be a still greater delinquent, on whom he was determined to inflict all the wounds of his eloquence, and sacrifice, if possible, the powerful offender himself at the shrine of national vengeance. This was Mr Hastings; and soon after his arrival in England, the orator gave notice of his intentions. On the 17th of February, 1785, he opened the accusation by a most eloquent speech; in which he depicted the supposed crimes of the late governor-general, in the most glowing and animated colours. This trial, however, turned out, in the event During the debate on the commercial treaty with France (January 23, 1787), the member for Malton exhibited an undiminished versatility of talents, and pointed his ridicule with no common success at Mr Pitt, who, according to him, contemplated the subject with a narrowness peculiar to limited minds:

"He seems to consider it (adds he) as an affair of two little compting-houses, and not of two great nations. He seems to consider it as a contention between the sign of the fleur-de-lis and the sign of the old red lion, for which should obtain the best custom."

The next public event of importance in which we find Mr Burke engaged, occurred in consequence of his majesty's indisposition. On this occasion he took an active part in the debates of the house of commons; and is supposed to have penned a letter for one, and a speech for another, branch of the royal family. When Mr Pitt moved his declaratory resolutions relative to the provisional exercise of the royal authority, he attacked him with much asperity of language, and was particularly severe on the manner in which the royal assent was to be given to all future acts of parliament.

The men who held most of the high places under the government were treated as "jobbers, old hacks of the court, and the supporters and betrayers of all parties; and it was a mock crown, a tinsel robe, and a sceptre from the theatre, lacquered over and unreal," which were about to be conferred on the prince of Wales.

The opposition, lessened indeed by a few occasional desertions, had hitherto acted as a great public body, supposed to be united in general principles, for the common welfare and prosperity of the state; but the French revolution thinned their ranks, dispelled their consequence, and, by sowing jealousy between the chiefs, spread consternation and dismay among their followers.

It was on the 2d of March 1792, when Mr Fox moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the corporation and test-acts, that this disunion became evident; and soon after this Mr Burke declared, "that his honourable friend and he were separated in their politics for ever."

The ministry now seemed anxious to provide for their new associate; and he, on his part, certainly appeared deserving of some remuneration at their hands, for he had abandoned all his old friends, and not a few of his old principles. In addition to this, his "Reflections on the Revolution in France," had afforded some degree of countenance, and even popularity, to the measures of administration; and, not content with his own exertions, he had enlisted his son on the same side, and even sent him to Coblenz. The royal munificence at length gratified his warmest wishes; for by a warrant, dated September 24, 1795, and made to commence January 5, 1793, he received a pension of £200l. for his own life, and that of his wife, on the civil list; while two other pensions of £250l. a-year for three lives, payable out of the four and a half per cent. fund, dated October 24, 1795, were made to commence from July 24, 1793. Honours as well as wealth now seemed to await him, for he was about to be ennobled, when the untimely death of an only child put an end to his dreams of ambition, and contributed not a little to hasten his own, which occurred at his house at Beaconsfield, July 8, 1797.

Thus died, in the 68th year of his age, Edmund Burke, one of the greatest orators, statesmen, and authors, of his age; one whose name will long continue to be celebrated; and who, had he fallen during the meridian of his fame and character, would have scarcely been considered as second to any man, either of ancient or modern times.

As a man of letters, he ranks high in point of genius, learning, and composition; and his works are attended with this peculiarity, that they are the production of almost the only orator of his day, who could wield his pen with as much fluency as his tongue, and shine equally in the senate and the closet. His dissertation on the "Sublime and Beautiful" acquired him the applause of all, and secured him the friendship and assistance of many men of taste in the nation. His political tracts betoken much reading, deep thought, uncommon sagacity; and even those who may be disposed to object to his doctrines, cannot but admire his various talents, his happy allusions, and his acute penetration. There is no species of composition which he has not attempted; no subject on which he has not occasionally treated: his first and his last days were equally dedicated to literature, and he disdained not any species of it, from the newspaper column, that supplied needful bread to his early youth, to the more elaborate performance that procured unnecessary opprobrium to his old age.

As an orator, notwithstanding some glaring defects, he stands almost unrivalled. His gesticulation was at times violent and repulsive, his manner harsh and overbearing, his epithets coarse and disgusting; on many occasions he made use of assertions which were not bottomed in fact, and on one in particular, toward the latter end of his life, had recourse to stage trick and pantomime, instead of sense and argument. But on the other hand, no man was better calculated to arouse the dormant passions, to call forth the glowing affections of the human heart, and to "harrow up" the inmost recesses of the soul. Venality and meanness stood appalled in his presence; he who was dead to the feelings of his own conscience, was still alive to his animated reproaches; and corruption for a while became alarmed at the terrors of his countenance. His powers were never more conspicuous than on that memorable day on which he exposed the enormities of a subaltern agent of oriental despotism—on which he depicted the tortures inflicted by his orders, the flagrant injustice committed by his authority, the pollution that ensued in consequence of his sanction—when he painted agonizing nature vibrating in horrid suspense between life and destruction—when he described, in the climax of crimes, "death introduced into the very sources of life," the bosoms of his auditors became convulsed with passion, and those of more delicate organs and weaker frame actually swooned away. Nay, after the storm of eloquence had spent its force, and the captivated ears no longer listened to his voice, his features still spoke the purpose of his heart, his hand still seemed to threaten punishment, and his brow to meditate vengeance. "The qualities of his heart (says one of his biographers) were not less amiable and estimable than his talents were astonishing:—benevolent, just, temperate, magnanimous. He loved his country, loved its constitution, because he believed it the best adapted for its happiness: at different times, from the same principle, he supported different members of it, when he thought the one or the other likely to be overbalanced. During the prevalence of the Bute plans, dreading the influence of the crown, he supported the people; and for the same reason, during the American war.

"After the overthrow of the French monarchy, the aristocracy, and the dissemination in Great Britain of the principles that had destroyed these powers, apprehending similar effects, if not vigorously opposed in England, he strenuously supported the monarchy and aristocracy. Thus discriminatedly patriotic in public life, in his private relations his conduct was highly meritorious. A fond and attentive husband, an affectionate and judiciously indulgent father, a sincere friend, at once fervid and active, a liberal and kind master, an agreeable neighbour, a zealous and bountiful patron, he diffused light and happiness. His principles were as strict, and habits as virtuous, as his dispositions were kind." (Annual Necrology).