large kingdom of Europe, situated between 5° W. and 8° E. Long, and between 42° and 51° N. Lat. being bounded by the English channel and the Netherlands on the north; by Germany, Switzerland, Savoy, and Piedmont, on the east; by the Mediterranean sea, and the Pyrenean mountains, which separate it from Spain, on the south; and by the bay of Biscay on the west.

The kingdom of France was originally possessed by the Celts or Gauls. They were a very warlike people, and often checked the progress of the Roman arms; nor did they yield till the time of Julius Caesar, who totally subdued their country, and reduced it to the form of a Roman province*. The Romans continued in quiet possession of Gaul, as long as their empire retained its strength, and they were in a condition to repress the incursions of the German nations, whom even in the zenith of their power they had not been able to subdue. But in the reign of the emperor Valerian, the ancient Roman valour and discipline had begun to decline, and the same care was not taken to defend the provinces as formerly. The barbarous nations, therefore, began to make much more frequent incursions; and among the rest the Franks, a German nation, inhabiting the banks of the Rhine, proved particularly troublesome. Their origin is variously accounted for; but the most probable supposition is, that about the time of the emperor Gordian, the people inhabiting the banks of the Lower Rhine, entered into a confederacy with those who dwelt on the Weser, and both together assumed the name of Franks or Freemen. Their first irruption, we are told by Valerius, happened in the year 254, the second of Valerian's reign. At this time they were but few in number; and were repulsed by Aurelius, afterwards emperor. Not discouraged by this check, they returned two years after in far greater numbers; but were again defeated by Gallienus, whom Valerian had chosen for his partner in the empire. Others, however, continued to pour in from their native country in such multitudes, that Gallienus, no longer able to drive them out by force of arms, made advantageous proposals to one of their chiefs, whom he engaged to defend the frontiers against his countrymen as well as other invaders.

This expedient did not long answer the purpose. In 260 the Franks, taking advantage of the defeat and captivity of Valerian in Persia, broke into Gaul, and afterwards into Italy, committing everywhere dreadful ravages. Five years afterwards they invaded Spain; which they possessed, or rather plundered, for the space of 12 years: nor could they be driven out of Gaul till the year 275, when the emperor Probus not only gave them a total overthrow in that country, but pursued them into their own, where he built several forts to keep them in awe. This intimidated them so much, that nine of their kings submitted to the emperor, and promised an annual tribute.—They continued quiet till the year 287; when, in conjunction with the Saxon pirates, they plundered the coasts of Gaul, carrying off an immense booty. To revenge this insult, the emperor Maximian entered the country of the Franks the following year, where he committed such ravages that two of their kings submitted to him; and to many of the common people who chose to remain in Gaul, he allowed lands in the neighbourhood of Treves and Cambrey.

The restless disposition of the Franks, however, did not allow them to remain long in quiet. About the year 293, they made themselves masters of Batavia and part of Flanders; but were entirely defeated, and forced to surrender at discretion, by Constantius the father of Constantine the Great, who transplanted them into Gaul. Their countrymen in Germany continued quiet till the year 306, when they renewed their depredations; but being overtaken by Constantine the Great, two of their kings were taken prisoners, and thrown to the wild beasts in the shows exhibited on that occasion.

All these victories, however, as well as many others said to have been gained by the Romans, were not sufficient to prevent the incursions of this restless and turbulent nation: insomuch that, in the year 355, they had made themselves masters of 40 cities in the province of Gaul. Soon after, they were totally defeated by the emperor Julian, and again by Count Theodosius, father to the emperor of that name; but in the year 388, they ravaged the province with more fury than ever, and cut off a whole Roman army that was sent against them. As the western empire was at this time in a very low state, they for some time found more interruption from other barbarians than from the Romans, till their progress was checked by Aetius.

When the war with Aetius broke out, the Franks were governed by one Pharamond, the first of their Pharamond kings of whom we have any distinct account. He is the first supposed to have reigned from the year 417 or 418, king to 428; and is thought by Archbishop Usher to have been killed in the war with Aetius. By some he is supposed supposed to have compiled the Salic laws, with the assistance of four sages named Wiegast, Lorgast, Wiedergast, and Solgast. But Valesius is of opinion that the Franks had no written laws till the time of Clovis.

Pharamond was succeeded by his son Clodio, who likewise carried on a war against the Romans. He is said to have received a terrible overthrow from Aetius near the city of Lens; notwithstanding which, he advanced to Cambrai, and made himself master of that city, where for some time he took up his residence. After this he extended his conquests as far as the river Somme, and destroyed the cities of Treves and Cologne, Tournay and Amiens. He died in the year 448, and was succeeded by Merovagus.

Authors are not agreed whether the new king was brother, or son, or any relation at all, to Clodio. It seems probable indeed, that he was of a different family; as from him the first race of French kings were styled Merovingian. He was honoured and respected by his people, but did not greatly enlarge the boundaries of his kingdom. He died in 458.

Merovagus was succeeded by his son Childeric; who being no longer kept in awe by Aetius, made war on the Romans, and extended his conquests as far as the river Loire. He is said to have taken the city of Paris after a siege of five years, according to some, and of ten, according to others. The Roman power was now totally destroyed in Italy; and therefore Clodovanus, Clovis, or Louis, for his name is differently written, who succeeded Childeric, set himself about making an entire conquest of Gaul. Part of the province was still retained by a Roman named Syagrius, who probably had become sovereign of the country on the downfall of the western empire in 476. He was defeated and taken prisoner by Clovis, who afterwards caused him to be beheaded, and soon after totally reduced his dominions.

Thus was the French monarchy established by Clovis in the year 487. He now possessed all the country lying between the Rhine and the Loire; which, though a very extensive dominion, was yet considerably inferior to what it is at present.

Clovis had been educated in the Pagan religion, and continued in that profession till the 30th year of his age; notwithstanding which, he allowed his subjects full liberty of conscience. Having married, however, Clotilda, daughter of the duke of Burgundy; this princess, who was a zealous Christian, used all her influence with her husband to persuade him to embrace her religion. For some time he continued to waver; but happening to gain a battle, where, being in great danger, he had invoked the god of Clotilda and the Christians, he afterwards gave such a favourable ear to the discourses of Remigius bishop of Rheims, that he soon declared himself a convert, and was baptized in the year 496. His acknowledgment of the truths of the gospel was not followed by any amendment of life; on the contrary, he employed the remainder of his life in the aggrandizement of himself and extension of his dominions by the most abominable treachery, fraud, and violence. In his attacks on Armorica he proved unsuccessful. The inhabitants of this country, which comprehended the maritime part of ancient Gaul lying between the rivers Seine and Loire, had united for their defence; and though abandoned by the Romans, made a powerful defense against the barbarians who assaulted them on all sides. Clovis, finding them too powerful to be subdued by force, proposed an union with his people, which they readily accepted, and this the more easily on account of his professing the Christian religion. Thus the Christianity of Clovis in several instances proved subservient to the purposes of his ambition, and his power became gradually very formidable. The Burgundians at this time possessed all the country from the forest of Vosges to the sea of Marseilles, under Gondebaud the uncle of Clotilda; who, to secure his own authority, had put to death two of his brothers, one of whom was the father of the French queen. The third brother, Godagesil, whom he had spared and allowed to possess the principality of Geneva, conspired with Clovis to drive him from his dominions. A war having commenced between the French and Burgundian monarchs, the latter was deserted in a battle by Godagesil, and obliged to fly to Avignon, leaving his antagonist master of the cities of Lyons and Vienne. The victor next laid siege to Avignon; but it was defended with such vigour, that Clovis at last thought proper to accept of a sum of money and an annual tribute from Gondebaud; who was likewise obliged to cede to Godagesil the city of Vienne, and several other places taken during the war.

Gondebaud no sooner found himself at liberty from his enemies, than he assembled a powerful army; with which he advanced towards Vienne, where Godagesil himself resided at that time. The place was garrisoned by 3000 Franks, and might have made considerable resistance; but Gondebaud being admitted through the subterraneous passage of an aqueduct, massacred most of the Franks, sent the rest prisoners to the king of the Visigoths, and put Godagesil to death. This was quickly followed by the submission of all the other places which had owned the authority of Godagesil; and Gondebaud, now thinking himself able to resist the power of Clovis, sent a message to inform him, that he must no longer expect the promised tribute; and though Clovis was very much mortified with this defection, he found himself obliged for the present to put up with the injury, and accept of the alliance and military service of the king of Burgundy.

His next expedition was against the Visigoths, who possessed considerable territories on both sides of the Pyrenean mountains. His motives for this undertaking were expressed in the following speech to his nobility when assembled in the city of Paris, which he considered as the capital of his dominions. "It is with concern (said the religious monarch) that I suffer the Arians to possess the most fertile part of Gaul: let us, with the aid of God, march against them; and having conquered them, annex their kingdom to our dominions." The nobility approved of the scheme; and Clovis marched against a prince for whom he had but lately professed the greatest regard, vowing to erect a church in honour of the holy apostles, if he succeeded in his enterprise. Alaric the king of the Visigoths was a young man destitute of military experience, though personally brave. He did not therefore hesitate at engaging his antagonist; but unable to contend with the veteran troops of Clovis, his army was utterly defeated on the banks of the Clain, 10 miles France miles south of Poictiers, in the year 507. Alaric, receiving the ruin of his troops, rushed against Clovis in person, by whom he was killed, and the remainder of the army pursued for some time with great slaughter. After this victory the province of Aquitaine submitted, and Clovis established his winter quarters at Bordeaux. Thoulose surrendered next spring; and the royal treasures of the Visigoths were transported to Paris. Angouleme was next reduced, and the city of Arles invested. But here the victorious career of Clovis was stopped by Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths, who had overturned the dominion of Odoacer in Italy. He had married Abollfeda the sister of Clovis, but had also given his own daughter in marriage to the king of the Visigoths, and had endeavoured, as much as was in his power, to preserve a good understanding between the two sovereigns. Finding this impossible, however, and that no bounds could be set to the ambition of Clovis, he sent one of his generals with a powerful army against him; by whom the French monarch was defeated with the loss of 30,000 men. By this misfortune Clovis was obliged to raise the siege of Arles with precipitation; however, the Franks still retained the greatest part of their conquests, and the province of Aquitaine was indissolubly annexed to their empire.

In 509, Clovis had the title of Roman consul; by which means the people of Rome were insensibly led to pay a peculiar regard to the French monarchs; and Clovis was now supposed to be invested with a just title to all his conquests in whatever manner they had been acquired. He was solemnly invested with his new dignity in the church of St Martin in the city of Tours; after which he entered the cathedral clothed in a purple tunic and mantle, the badges of his office.

Clovis now proceeded to augment his power by the murder of his kinsmen the princes of the Merovingian race. Among those who perished on this occasion were Sigebert king of Cologne, with his son Cloderic; Carnac, another prince whose dominions have not been accurately pointed out by historians; Ranacaire, who governed the present diocese of Cambrai; and Renomer, king of the territory of Maine. All these murders, however, were expiated, according to the views of the clergy of those times, by the great zeal he expressed in the cause of Christianity, and his liberality to the church.

Clovis died in the year 511, after having reformed and published the Salic laws: a few lines of which, debarring women from inheriting any part of the Sali lands, have been extended so far as to deprive the females of the royal family of France of their right of succession to the throne of that kingdom.

Clovis was buried in the church of St Peter and St Paul, now Genevieve, in the city of Paris, where his tomb is still to be seen. His dominions were divided among his four sons. Thieri, or Theodoric, the eldest, had the eastern part of the empire; and, from his making the city of Metz his capital, is commonly called the king of Metz. Clodomir, the eldest son by Clotilda, had the kingdom of Orleans; Childebert, and Clotaire, who were both infants, had the kingdoms of Paris and Soissons, under the tutelage of their mother. The prudence of Clotilda kept matters quiet in all the parts of the empire for eight years; but about the year 520, a numerous fleet of Danes arrived at the mouth of the Meuse; and their king Cochiliac, having landed his forces, began to destroy the country with fire and sword. Against him Thieri sent his son Theodobert, who defeated the Danish army and navy, and killed their king, forcing the rest to retire with precipitation.

In 522, Hermanfroi king of Thuringia, having destroyed one of his brethren named Berthaire, and seized on his dominions, applied to Thieri for assistance against his other brother Balderic, whom he intended to treat in the same manner. In this infamous enterprise Thieri embarked, on condition that he should have one half of Balderic's dominions; but after the unhappy prince was overcome and killed in battle, Hermanfroi seized all his dominions. Thieri had no opportunity of revenging himself till the year 531; when perceiving the power of the Ostrogoths, whom he much dreaded, to be considerably lessened by the death of King Theodoric, he engaged his brother Clotaire to assist him; and they accordingly entered Thuringia with two powerful armies. They joined their forces as soon as they had passed the Rhine, and were quickly after reinforced by a considerable body of troops under the command of Theodobert. The allies attacked the army of Hermanfroi, which was advantageously posted; and having totally defeated it, he was forced to fly from place to place in disguise. Soon after this the capital was taken, and Hermanfroi himself being invited to a conference by Thieri, was treacherously murdered; after which his extensive dominions became feudatory to Thieri.

In the mean time, Clotilda had excited her children to make war on the Burgundians, in order to revenge the death of her father Chilperic, whom Gondebaud king of Burgundy had caused to be murdered. Gondebaud was now dead, and had left his dominions to his sons Sigismund and Godemar. Sigismund's forces were quickly defeated; and he himself was soon after delivered up by his own subjects to Clodomir, who caused him to be thrown into a pit where he perished miserably. By his death Godemar became sole master of Burgundy. Clodomir marched against him, and defeated him; but pursuing his victory too eagerly, was surrounded by his enemies and slain. After the reduction of Thuringia, however, Childebert and Clotaire entered the kingdom of Burgundy at the head of a powerful army, and in 534 completed the conquest of it; in which, according to some, Godemar was killed; according to others, he retired into Spain, and from thence into Africa.

In 560 Clotaire became sole monarch of France. He had murdered the sons of Clodomir, who was killed in comes sole Burgundy as above related. Thieri and his children were dead, as was also Childebert; so that Clotaire was sole heir to all the dominions of Clovis. He had five sons; and the eldest of them, named Chrammes, had some time before rebelled against his father in Auvergne. As long as Childebert lived, he supported the young prince; but on his death, Chrammes was obliged to implore his father's clemency. He was at this time pardoned; but he soon began to cabal afresh, and engaged the count of Bretagne to assist him in another rebellion. The Bretons, however, were defeated, and Chrammes determined to make his escape; but perceiv- ing that his wife and children were surrounded by his father's troops, he attempted to rescue them. In this attempt he was taken prisoner, and with his family was thrust into a thatched cottage near the field of battle; of which the king was no sooner informed, than he commanded the cottage to be set on fire, and all that were in it perished in the flames.

Cloaite did not long survive this cruel execution of his son, but died in 562; and after his death the French empire was divided among his four remaining sons, Caribert, Gontran, Sigebert, and Chilperic.—The old king made no division of his dominions before he died, which perhaps caused the young princes to fall out sooner than they would otherwise have done. After his death, however, they divided the kingdom by lot; when Caribert, the eldest, had the kingdom of Paris; Gontran, the second, had Orleans; Sigebert, had Metz (or the kingdom of Austrasia); and Chilperic had Soissons. Provence and Aquitain were possessed by all of them in common. The peace of the empire was first disturbed in 563 by an invasion of the Abaras; a barbarous nation, said to be the remains of the Huons. They entered Thuringia, which belonged to the dominions of Sigebert: but by him they were totally defeated, and obliged to repass the Elbe with precipitation. Sigebert pursued them close, but readily concluded a peace with them on their first proposals. To this he was induced, by hearing that his brother Chilperic had invaded his dominions, and taken Rheims and some other places in the neighbourhood. Against him, therefore, Sigebert marched with his victorious army, made himself master of Soissons his capital, and of the person of his eldest son Theodobert. He then defeated Chilperic in battle; and not only recovered the places which he had seized, but conquered the greater part of his dominions: nevertheless, on the mediation of the other two brothers, Sigebert abandoned all his conquests, set Theodobert at liberty, and thus restored peace to the empire.

Soon after this, Sigebert married Brunehaut daughter to Athanagilde king of the Visigoths in Spain; and in a little time after the marriage, died Caribert king of Paris, whose dominions were divided among his three brethren. In 567 Chilperic married Galswintha, Brunehaut's eldest sister, whom he did not obtain without some difficulty. Before her arrival, he dismissed his mistress called Fredegonde, a woman of great abilities and firmness of mind, but ambitious to the highest degree, and capable of committing the blackest crimes in order to gratify her ambition. The queen, who brought with her immense treasures from Spain, and made it her whole study to please the king, was for some time entirely acceptable. By degrees, however, Chilperic suffered Fredegonde to appear again at court, and was suspected of having renewed his intercourse with her; which gave such umbrage to the queen, that she desired leave to return to her own country, promising to leave behind her all the wealth she had brought. The king knowing that this would render him extremely odious, found means to dissipate his wife's suspicions, and soon after caused her to be privately strangled, upon which he publicly married Fredegonde.

Such an atrocious action could not fail of exciting the greatest indignation against Chilperic. His dominions were immediately invaded by Sigebert and Gontran, who conquered the greatest part of them; after which they suddenly made peace, Chilperic consenting that Brunehaut should enjoy those places which on his marriage he had bestowed upon Galswintha, viz. Bordeaux, Limoges, Cahors, Bigorre, and the town of Bearn, now called Lescar.

The French princes, however, did not long continue at peace among themselves. A war quickly ensued, in which Gontran and Chilperic allied themselves against Sigebert. The latter prevailed; and having forced Gontran to a separate peace, seemed determined to make Chilperic pay dear for his repeated perfidy and infamous conduct; when he was assassinated by a contrivance of Fredegonde, who thus saved herself and assassinated Chilperic from the most imminent danger. Immediately on his death, Brunehaut fell into the hands of Chilperic; but Gondebaud, one of Sigebert's best generals, made his escape into Austrasia with Childebert, the only son of Sigebert, an infant of about five years of age, who was immediately proclaimed king in room of his father. In a short time, however, Meroveus, eldest son to Chilperic, fell in love with Brunehaut, and married her without acquainting his father. Chilperic on this news, immediately went to Rouen, where Meroveus and his consort were; and having seized them, sent Brunehaut and her two daughters to Metz, and carried Meroveus to Soissons. Soon after one of his generals being defeated by Gontran, who espoused Brunehaut's cause, Chilperic, in a fit of rage, caused Meroveus to be shaved and confined in a monastery. From hence he found means to make his escape, and with great difficulty arrived in Austrasia, when Brunehaut would gladly have protected him; but the jealousy of the nobles was so strong, that he was forced to leave that country; and being betrayed into the hands of his father's forces, was murdered at the instigation of Fredegonde, as was generally believed.

The French empire was at this time divided between Gontran king of Orleans, called also king of Burgundy, Chilperic king of Soissons, and Childebert king of Austrasia. Chilperic found his affairs in a very disagreeable situation. In 579, he had a dispute with Varoc count of Bretagne, who refused to do him homage. Chilperic dispatched a body of troops against him; who were defeated, and he was then forced to submit to a dishonourable peace. His brother and nephew lived in strict union, and had no reason to be very well pleased with him. His own subjects, being oppressed with heavy taxes, were miserably poor and discontented. His son Clovis, by a former queen named Andovera, hated Fredegonde, and made no secret of his aversion. To add to his embarrassment, the seasons were for a long time so unfavourable, that the country was threatened with famine and pestilence at the same time. The king and queen were both attacked by an epidemic disease which then raged. They recovered; but their three sons Clodobert, Samson, and Dagobert, died; after which, the sight of Clovis became so disagreeable to Fredegonde, that she caused him to be murdered, and likewise his mother Andovera, lest Chilperic's affection for her should return after the tragical death of her son.

In 583 Chilperic himself was murdered by some unknown assassins, when his dominions were on the point of perishing. of being conquered by Gontran and Childebert, who had entered into a league for that purpose. After his death Fredegonde implored the protection of Gontran for herself and her infant son Clotaire; which he readily granted, and obliged Childebert to put an end to the war. He found himself, however, greatly difficulted to keep Fredegonde and Brunehaut in awe; for these two princesses having been long rivals and implacable enemies, were continually plotting the destruction of each other. This, however, was accomplished, by favouring sometimes Brunehaut and sometimes Fredegonde; so that, during his life, neither of them durst undertake anything against the other.

On the 28th of March 593, died Gontran, having lived upwards of 60, and reigned 32 years. Childebert succeeded to the kingdom without opposition, but did not long enjoy it; he himself dying in the year 596, and his queen shortly after. His dominions were divided between his two sons Theodobert and Thierry; the first of whom was declared king of Austrasia, and the latter king of Burgundy. As Theodobert was only in the 11th year of his age, and Thierry in his 10th, Brunehaut governed both kingdoms with an absolute sway. Fredegonde, however, took care not to let slip such a favourable opportunity as was offered her by the death of Childebert, and therefore made herself mistress of Paris and some other places on the Seine. Upon this Brunehaut sent against her the best part of the forces in Austrasia, who were totally defeated; but Fredegonde died before she had time to improve her victory, leaving her son Clotaire heir to all her dominions.

For some time Brunehaut preserved her kingdom in peace; but in the end her own ambition proved her ruin. Instead of instructing Theodobert in what was necessary for a prince to know, she took care rather to keep him in ignorance, and even suffered him to marry a young and handsome slave of his father's. The new queen was possessed of a great deal of affability and good nature; by which means she in a short time gained the affection of her husband so much, that he readily consented to the banishment of Brunehaut. Upon this disgrace she fled to Thierry king of Burgundy, in the year 599. By him she was very kindly received; and instead of exciting jealousies or misunderstandings between the two brothers, she engaged Thierry to attempt the recovery of Paris and the other places which had been wrested from their family by Fredegonde, procuring at the same time a considerable body of auxiliaries from the Visigoths. This measure was so acceptable to Theodobert, that he likewise raised a numerous army, and invaded Clotaire's dominions in conjunction with his brother. A battle ensued, in which the forces of Clotaire were totally defeated, and himself obliged soon after to sue for peace: which was not granted, but on condition of his yielding up the best part of his dominions.

This treaty was concluded in the year 600; but three years afterwards, it was broken by Clotaire. He was again attacked by the two brothers, and the war carried on with great vigour till the next spring. At this time Thierry having forced Landri, Clotaire's general, to a battle, gave him a total overthrow, in which the king's infant son Meroveus, whom he had sent along with Landri, was massacred; to gratify, as Clotaire pretended, the malice of Brunehaut. After this victory, Thierry marched directly to Paris; fully bent on the destruction of his cousin, which now seemed inevitable. This, however, was prevented by Theodobert; who no sooner heard of the victory gained by Thierry, than he became jealous of his success, and offered Clotaire such terms of peace as he gladly accepted. The latter having then nothing to fear on the side of Austrasia, quickly compelled Thierry to listen to terms of accommodation also.

This behaviour of Theodobert greatly provoked his brother; and his resentment was highly inflamed by Brunehaut, who never forgot her disgrace in being banished from his court. A war was therefore commenced between the two brothers in 605; but it was so highly disapproved of by the nobility, that Thierry found himself obliged to put an end to it. The tranquillity which now took place was again disturbed in 607, by Theodobert's sending an embassy to demand some part of Childebert's dominions, which had been added by the will of that monarch to those of Burgundy. The nobility of both kingdoms were so much averse to war, that they constrained their kings to consent to a conference, attended by an equal number of troops; but Theodobert, by a scandalous breach of his faith, brought double the number, and compelled his brother to submit to what terms he pleased. This piece of treachery instantly brought on a war; for Thierry was bent on revenge, and his nobility no longer opposed him. It was necessary, however, to secure Clotaire by a negotiation; and accordingly a promise was made of restoring those parts of his dominions which had formerly been taken from him, provided he would remain quiet. This treaty being finished, Thierry entered Theodobert's dominions, defeated him in two battles, took him prisoner, used him with the utmost indignity; and having caused an infant son of his to be put to death, sent him to his grandmother Brunehaut. By her orders he was first shaved and confined in a monastery; but afterwards, fearing lest he should make his escape, she caused him to be put to death.—Clotaire, in the mean time, thought that the best method of making Thierry keep his word was to seize on those places which he had promised to restore to him, before his return from the war with Theodobert. This he accordingly did; and Thierry no sooner heard of his having done so, than he sent him a message requiring him to withdraw his forces, and, in case of his refusal, declared war. Clotaire was prepared for this; and accordingly assembled all the forces in his dominions, in order to give him a proper reception. But before Thierry could reach his enemies, he was seized with dysentery; of which he died in the year 612, having lived 26 years, and reigned 17.

On the death of Thierry, Brunehaut immediately caused his eldest son, named Sigisbert, then in the 10th year of his age, to be proclaimed king. It is probable that she intended to have governed in his name with an absolute sway; but Clotaire did not give her time to discover her intentions. Having great intelligence in Austrasia and Burgundy, and knowing that the nobility in both kingdoms were disaffected to Brunehaut, he declared war against her; and she being betrayed by her generals, fell into the hands of her enemies. Clotaire gave her up to the nobles; who generally France.

hated her, and who used her in the most cruel manner. After having led her about the camp, exposed to the insults of all who had the meanness to insult her, she was tied by the leg and arm to the tail of an untamed horse, which, setting off at full speed, quickly dashed out her brains. After this her mangled body was reduced to ashes, which were afterwards interred in the abbey of St Martin at Autun.

Thus in the year 613, Clotaire became sole monarch of France; and quietly enjoyed his kingdom till his death, which happened in 628. He was succeeded by Dagobert; who proved a great and powerful prince, and raised the kingdom of France to a high degree of splendour. Dagobert was succeeded by his sons Sigebert and Clovis; the former of whom had the kingdom of Austrasia, and the latter that of Burgundy. Both the kings were minors at the time of their accession to the throne, which gave an opportunity to the mayors of the palace (the highest officers under the crown) to usurp the whole authority. Sigebert died in 640, after a short reign of one year; leaving behind him an infant son named Dagobert, whom he strongly recommended to the care of Grimoalde his mayor of the palace. The minister caused Dagobert to be immediately proclaimed king, but did not long suffer him to enjoy that honour. He had not the cruelty, however, to put him to death; but sent him to a monastery in one of the Western islands of Scotland; and then, giving out that he was dead, advanced his own son Childebert to the throne. Childebert was expelled by Clovis king of Burgundy; who placed on the throne Childeric, the second son of Sigebert. Clovis died soon after the revolution, and was succeeded in his dominions by his son Clotaire; who died in a short time, without issue. He was succeeded by his brother Childeric; who, after a short reign, was murdered with his queen, at that time big with child, and an infant son named Dagobert; though another, named Daniel, had the good luck to escape.

The affairs of the French were now in the most deplorable situation. The princes of the Merovingian race had been for some time entirely deprived of their power by their officers called mayors of the palace. In Austrasia the administration had been totally engrossed by Pepin and his son Grimaude; while Archambaud and Ebroin did the same in Neustria and Burgundy. On the reunion of Neustria and Burgundy to the rest of the French dominions, this minister ruled with such a despotic sway, that the nobility of Austrasia were provoked to a revolt; electing for their dukes two chiefs named Martin and Pepin. The forces of the confederates, however, were defeated by Ebroin; and Martin having surrendered on a promise of safety, was treacherously put to death. Pepin lost no time in recruiting his shattered forces; but before he had any occasion to try his fortune a second time in the field of battle, the assassination of Ebroin delivered him from all apprehensions from that quarter. After his death, Pepin carried every thing before him, overthrew the royal army under the command of the new minister Bertaire; and, having got possession of the capital, caused himself to be declared mayor of the palace; in which station he continued to govern with an absolute sway during the remainder of his life.

Pepin (who had got the surname of Heristal from his palace on the Meuse) died in the year 714, having enjoyed unlimited power for 26 years. He appointed his grandson Theudolinde, then only six years of age, to succeed him in his post of mayor of the palace. This happened during the reign of Dagobert already mentioned; but this prince had too much spirit to suffer himself to be deprived of his authority by an infant. The adherents of the young mayor were defeated in battle, and this defeat was soon followed by his death.

Charles, however, the illegitimate son of Pepin, was now raised to the dignity of duke by the Austrasians, Charles and by his great qualities seemed every way worthy of Martel that honour. The murder of Dagobert freed him from a powerful opponent; and the young king Chilperic, who after Dagobert's death was brought from a cloister to the throne, could by no means cope with such an experienced antagonist. On the 19th of March 717, Charles had the good fortune to surprise the royal camp as he passed through the forest of Arden; and soon after a battle ensued, in which the king's forces were entirely defeated. On this Chilperic entered into an alliance with Eudes duke of Aquitain, whose friendship he purchased by the final cession of all the country which Eudes had seized for himself. Charles, however, having placed on the throne another of the royal family named Clotaire, advanced against Chilperic and his associate, whom he entirely defeated near Soissons. After this disaster, Eudes, despairing of success, delivered up Chilperic into the hands of his antagonist; after having stipulated for himself the same terms which had been formerly granted him by the captive monarch.

Charles, now advanced to the summit of power, treated Chilperic with great respect; and on the death of Clotaire, caused him to be proclaimed king of Austrasia; by which, however, his own power was not in the least diminished; and from this time the authority of the kings of France became merely nominal; and so inactive and indolent were they accounted, that historians have bestowed upon them the epithet of fainéants, i.e. "lazy or idle." Charles, however, had still one competitor to contend with. This was Rainfroy, who had been appointed mayor of the palace; and who made such a vigorous resistance, that Charles was obliged to allow him the peaceable possession of the country of Anjou. No sooner, however, had Charles thus set himself at liberty from domestic enemies, than he was threatened with destruction from foreign nations. The Suevians, Frisons, and Alemanni, were successively encountered and defeated. Eudes also, who had perniciously broken the treaties to which he had bound himself, was twice repulsed; after which Charles invaded Aquitain, and obliged the treacherous duke to hearken to reason. This was scarce accomplished, when he found himself engaged with a more formidable enemy than any he had yet encountered. The Saracens having overrun great part of Asia, now turned their victorious arms westward, and threatened Europe with total subjection. Spain had already received the yoke; and having passed the Pyrenees, they next invaded France, appearing in vast numbers under the walls of Thoulouse. Here they were encountered and defeated by Eudes; but this proved only a partial check. The barbarians once more passing the Pyrenees, entered France with such a powerful army, that Eudes was no longer able France. to resist. He encountered them indeed with his accustomed valour; but being forced to yield to superior power, he solicited the protection and assistance of Charles. On this occasion the latter, on account of his valour and personal strength, acquired the name of Martel, i.e., "the hammer," alluding to the violence of the strokes he bestowed on his enemies. Three hundred and seventy-five thousand of the Infidels, among whom was the commander Abdelrahman himself, are said to have perished in the battle; notwithstanding which they soon made another irruption; but in this they were attended with no better success, being again defeated by Charles; who by so many victories established his power on the most solid foundation. Having again defeated the Frisons, and with his own hand killed their duke, he assumed the sovereignty of the dominions of Eudes, after his decease, reserving to himself the claim of homage, which he ought to have yielded to Thierry his lawful sovereign. At last, his fame grew so great, that he was chosen by Pope Gregory III. for his protector. He offered to shake off the yoke of the Greek emperor, and to invest Charles with the dignity of Roman consul; sending him at the same time the keys of the tomb of St Peter; but while this negotiation was going on successfully, the pope, the emperor, and Charles Martel, himself, died. After his death, which happened in the year 741, his dominions were divided among his three sons, Carloman, Pepin, and Gripon, according to the dispositions he had made in his lifetime. By this, Carloman, the eldest, had Austrasia; Pepin, the second, Neustria and Burgundy; while Gripon, the third, had only some lands assigned him in France; by which he was so much displeased, that the tranquillity of the empire was soon disturbed. With the assistance of his mother Sonnechilde he seized on the city of Lahon, where he endured a violent siege. In the end, however, he was obliged to submit; Sonnechilde was put into a monastery, and Gripon imprisoned in a castle at Arden. The two brothers, having thus freed themselves from their domestic enemy, continued to govern the empire with uninterrupted harmony; but their tranquillity was soon disturbed by the intrigues of Sonnechilde. That enterprising and ambitious woman had negotiated a marriage between Odilon duke of Bavaria and Hiltrude the sister of the two princes. This was no sooner accomplished than Odilon, instigated by Sonnechilde, and alarmed at the growing power of the two princes, entered into an alliance with Theobald duke of the Alemanni and Theodoric duke of the Saxons; who having assembled a formidable army, advanced directly against the princes. They posted themselves in an advantageous manner, with the river Lech in their front; but Carloman and Pepin, passing the river at different fords in the night time, attacked the camp of the allies with great vigour. The engagement continued doubtful for five hours; but at last the entrenchments were forced on all sides, the Bavarians and Saxons entirely routed, and the vanquished dukes obliged to submit to the clemency of the victors. During their absence on this expedition, Hunalde, whom Charles Martel had appointed duke of Aquitain, having likewise entered into a confederacy with Odilon, passed the Loire, ravaged the open country, and burnt the magnificent cathedral of the city of Chartres. The two princes, however, having returned with their victorious army, Hunalde found himself obliged to retreat; and even this availed him but little: for the Franks entering the duchy of Aquitain, committed such devastations, that Hunalde in despair resigned his dominions to his son, and retired into a convent. This event was soon followed by a similar resignation of Carloman, notwithstanding the uninterrupted success he had met with. He suddenly took the resolution of retiring into a convent, and persisted in his design notwithstanding the entreaties of Pepin, who, to appearance at least, did all he could to dissuade him.

By the resignation of Carloman, which happened in the year 746, Pepin was left sole master of France; and in this exalted station he acquitted himself in such a manner as has justly rendered his name famous to posterity. One of the first acts of his new administration was to release his brother Gripon from prison; but that treacherous prince had, no sooner regained his liberty, than he again excited the Saxons to take up arms. His enterprise, however, proved unsuccessful; the Saxons were defeated, their duke Theodoric taken, and his subjects obliged to submit to the will of the conqueror; who upon this occasion caused them make a profession of the Christian religion. Gripon then fled to Hiltrude, his half sister, whose husband Odilon was now dead, and had left an infant son named Tassilon. He met with a favourable reception from her; but with his usual treachery, seized both her and her son by the assistance of an army of malecontent Franks, whom he had persuaded to join him. His next step was to assume the sovereignty and title of duke of Bavaria; but being driven from the throne by Pepin, he was obliged to implore his clemency, which was once more granted. All these misfortunes, however, were not yet sufficient to cure Gripon of his turbulence and ambition: He once more endeavoured to excite disturbances in the court of Pepin; but being finally detected and baffled, he was obliged to take refuge in Aquitain.

Pepin having now subdued all his foes, both foreign and domestic, began to think of assuming the title of king, after having so long enjoyed the regal power. His wishes in this respect were quite agreeable to those of the nation in general. The nobility, however, were bound by an oath of allegiance to Childeric the nominal monarch at that time; and this oath could not be dispensed with but by the authority of the pope. Ambassadors for this purpose were therefore dispatched both from Pepin and the nobility to Pope Zachary, the reigning pontiff. His holiness replied, that it was lawful to transfer the regal dignity from hands incapable of maintaining it to those who had so successfully preserved it; and that the nation might unite in the same person the authority and title of king. On this the unfortunate Childeric was degraded from his dignity, shaved, and confined in a monastery for life; Pepin assumed the title of king of France, and the line of Clovis was finally set aside.

This revolution took place in the year 751. The attention of the new monarch was first claimed by a revolt of the Saxons; but they were soon reduced to subjection, and obliged to pay an additional tribute; and during this expedition against them, the king had the satisfaction of getting rid of his restless and treacherous competitor Gripon. This turbulent prince, having having soon become weary of residing at the court of Aquitain, determined to escape from thence, and put himself under the protection of Astolthus king of the Lombards; but he was killed in attempting to force a pass on the confines of Italy. Pepin in the mean time continued to push his good fortune. The submission of the Saxons was soon followed by the reduction of Brittany; and that by the recovery of Narbonne from the Infidels. His next exploit was the protection of Pope Stephen III. against Astolthus the king of the Lombards, who had seized on the exarchate of Ravenna, and insisted on being acknowledged king of Rome. The pope, unable to contend with such a powerful rival, hastened to cross the Alps and implore the protection of Pepin, who received him with all the respect due to his character. He was lodged in the abbey of St Dennis, and attended by the king in person during a dangerous sickness with which he was seized. On his recovery, Stephen solemnly placed the diadem on the head of his benefactor, bestowed the regal unction on his sons Charles and Carloman, and conferred on the three princes the title of patrician of Rome. In return for these honours, Pepin accompanied the pontiff into Italy at the head of a powerful army. Astolthus, unable to withstand such a powerful antagonist, shut himself up in Pavia, where he was closely besieged by the Franks, and obliged to renounce all pretensions to the sovereignty of Rome, as well as to restore the city and exarchate of Ravenna, and swear to the observance of the treaty. No sooner was Pepin gone, however, than Astolthus broke the treaty he had just ratified with such solemnity. The pope was again reduced to distress, and again applied to Pepin. He now sent him a pompous epistle in the style and character of St Peter himself; which so much inflamed the zeal of Pepin, that he instantly set out for Italy and compelled Astolthus a second time to submit to his terms, which were now rendered more severe by the imposition of an annual tribute. Pepin next made a tour to Rome; but finding that his presence there gave great uneasiness both to the Greeks and to the pope himself, he thought proper to finish his visit in a short time. Soon after his return Astolthus died, and his dominions were usurped by his general Didier; who, however, obtained the papal sanction for what he had done, and was recognized as lawful sovereign of the Lombards in the year 756.

Pepin returned to France in triumph; but the peace of his dominions was soon disturbed by the revolt of the Saxons, who always bore the French yoke with the utmost impatience. Their present attempts, however, proved equally unsuccessful with those they had formerly made; being obliged to submit and purchase their pardon not only by a renewal of their tribute, but by an additional supply of 300 horse. But while the king was absent on this expedition, Vaisar duke of Aquitain took the opportunity of ravaging Burgundy, where he carried his devastations as far as Chalons. Pepin soon returned, and entering the dominions of Vaisar, committed similar devastations, and would probably have reduced the whole territory of Aquitain, had he not been interrupted by the hostile preparations of his nephew Tassilon the duke of Bavaria. The king, however, contented himself at present with securing his frontiers by a chain of posts, against any invasion; after which he resumed his enterprise on the dominions of Vaisar. The latter at first attempted to impede the progress of his antagonist by burning and laying waste the country; but finding this to no purpose, he determined to try his fortune in an engagement. Victory declared in favour of Pepin; but he refused to grant a peace upon any terms. The French monarch advanced to the banks of the Garonne; while Vaisar was abandoned by his ally the duke of Bavaria, and even by his own subjects. In this distress he retired with a band of faithful followers into the country of Saintonge, where he defended himself as long as possible, but was at last deprived both of his crown and life by the victor.

Thus the duchy of Aquitain was once more annexed to the crown of France; but Pepin had scarce time to indulge himself with a view of his new conquest when he was seized with a slow fever, which put an end to his life in the year 768, the 54th of his age, and 17th of his reign. He was of a short stature, Pepin, whence he had the surname of Le Bref, or the Short; but his great actions justly entitled him to the character of a hero; though under the succeeding reign his own fame seemed to have been entirely forgot, and on his tomb was only inscribed, "Here lies the father of Charlemagne."

Pepin was succeeded in his authority by his two sons Charles and Carloman; to whom with his dying breath he bequeathed his dominions. They continued to reign jointly for some time; but the active and enterprising spirit of Charles gave such umbrage to the weak and jealous Carloman, that he regarded him with envy, and was on the point of coming to an open rupture with him, when he himself was taken off by death, and thus the tranquillity of the empire was preserved.

The first military enterprise of Charles was against Hunalde, the old duke of Aquitain; who leaving the monastery where he had resided upwards of 20 years, assumed the royal title, and was joyfully received by his subjects, already weary of the French yoke.—Charles took the field with the utmost expedition, and with difficulty prevailed upon his brother Carloman, who was then alive, to join him with his forces. But the junction was scarce effected, when Carloman withdrew his forces again, and left his brother to carry on the war in the best manner he could. Charles, though thus deserted, did not hesitate at engaging the enemy; and having overthrown them in a great battle, Hunalde was obliged to fly to the territories of Lupus duke of Gascony. Charles quickly sent an embassy demanding the fugitive prince; and Lupus, not daring to disobey the orders of such a powerful monarch, yielded up the unfortunate Hunalde, who was instantly cast into prison, from which, however, he afterwards made his escape.

The death of Carloman, which happened in the year 771, left Charles sole master of France, but the revolt of the Saxons involved him in a series of wars from Great Britain, which he did not extricate himself for 33 years. These had long been tributaries to the French, but frequently revolted; and now, when freed from the terror of Pepin's arms, thought they had a right to shake off the yoke altogether. Charles entered their country with a powerful army; and having defeated them in a number ber of small engagements, advanced towards Eresbourg near Paderborn, where they had their capital post, and where was the image of their god Irminsul, represented as a man completely armed, and standing on a column. The Saxons made an obstinate defence, but were at last obliged to submit; and Charles employed his army three days in demolishing the monuments of idolatry in this place; which so much disheartened the whole nation, that for the present they submitted to such terms as he pleased to impose; and which were rendered easier than they probably would have been, by the news which Charles now received from Italy.—He had concluded a marriage with the daughter of Didier king of the Lombards; but this had been dissolved by the pope, who reproached the Lombards with the first stain of the leprosy. Thus all friendship was dissolved betwixt Didier and Charles; and as the Lombard monarchs seem to have had a kind of natural enmity towards the popes, it is not surprising that it should now break out with uncommon fury. Didier having seized and frighted to death Pope Stephen IV., used his utmost endeavours to reduce his successor Adrian I. to a state of entire dependence on himself. Adrian applied to the French monarch, the usual resource of the pontiffs in those days. Charles was very willing to grant the necessary assistance, but the nobility were averse to an Italian war; so that he was obliged to act with great circumspection. Several embassies were therefore sent to Didier, entreating him to restore to the Pope those places which he had taken from him, and at last even offering him a large sum of money if he would do so; but this proposal being rejected, he obtained the consent of his nobility to make war on the Lombards. Didier disposed his troops in such a manner, that the officers of Charles are said to have been unanimously of opinion, that it would be impossible to force a passage. This, however, was accomplished, either through the superior skill of Charles, according to some historians, or a panic which seized the Lombard soldiers, according to others; after which Didier, with the old duke of Aquitain, who had escaped from his prison, and taken refuge at his court, shut themselves up in Pavia. Adalgise, the only son of the Lombard monarch, with the widow and children of Carloman, fled to Verona. That city was immediately invested by the conqueror, and in a short time obliged to submit. Adalgise had the good luck to escape to Constantinople, but we are not informed what became of Carloman's widow and children.—Charles, after paying a short visit to Rome, returned to the siege of Pavia. The place was vigorously defended, until famine and pestilence obliged the inhabitants to implore the clemency of Charles. Humalde fell a sacrifice to his own obstinacy in opposing the intention of the people; Didier was taken prisoner and carried into France; but we are not informed of his fate afterwards. His kingdom, however, was totally dissolved, and Charles was crowned king of Lombardy at Milan in the year 774.

Having received the oaths of allegiance from his new subjects, Charles set out for Saxony, the inhabitants of which had again revolted, and recovered Eresbourg their capital. The king soon recovered this important post; but a detachment of his army being cut off, and new troubles arising in Italy, he was obliged to accept of the proposals of the Saxons, though their sincerity was very doubtful. Having therefore only strengthened the fortifications of Eresbourg, and left a sufficient garrison in the place, he set out for Italy, which was all in commotion through the intrigues of the emperor of the East; and Adalgise the son of Didier. The presence of Charles restored tranquillity in that quarter; but in the mean time, the Saxons having taken Eresbourg and destroyed the fortifications, threatened to annihilate the French power in that quarter. On the king's return, he found them employed in the siege of Sigebourg. His sudden arrival struck the barbarians with such terror, that they instantly sued for peace; which the king once more granted, but took care to secure their obedience by a chain of forts along the river Lippe, and repairing the fortifications of Eresbourg. An assembly of the Saxon chiefs was held at Paderborn, and a promise was made, that the nation should embrace the Christian religion: after which the king set out on an expedition to Spain in the year 778.

This new enterprise was undertaken at the request of Ibunala, the Moorish sovereign of Saragossa, who had been driven from his territory. He was restored, however, by the prowess of Charles, who reduced the cities of Pamplona and Saragossa. He reduced also the city of Barcelona, and the kingdoms of Navarre and Arragon; but, on his return, he met with severe check from the Gascons, who attacked and defeated the rear-guard of his army with great slaughter as they passed the Pyrenean mountains. This engagement, which seems to imply some defect in the prudence or military skill of Charles, has been much celebrated among romance writers, on account of the death of Roland a famous warrior.

Next year, 779, he paid a visit to Italy with his two sons Carloman and Louis. Having passed the winter at Pavia, he entered Rome next spring amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. Here, in the 39th year of his age, he divided his dominions in presence of the pope betwixt his two sons Carloman and Louis. The former, who now took the name of Pepin, had Lombardy; the latter Aquitain. Having then received the submission of Tassilon duke of Bavaria, he set out for Saxony, where he took a most severe revenge on the people of that country for the many treacheries they had been guilty of. The present revolt was chiefly owing to a chief named Witikind, who had twice before fled from the victorious arms of Charles, and taken refuge at the court of Denmark. Returning from thence, in the king's absence, he roused his countrymen to action, while the generals of Charles, disagreeing among themselves, neglected to take the proper methods for repelling the enemy. In consequence of this, they were entirely defeated on the banks of the Weser in the year 782. Charles arrived in time to prevent the total destruction of his people, and directly penetrated into the heart of the country. Witikind unable to resist his antagonist, once more fled into Denmark; but 4500 of his followers perished at once by the hands of the executioner. An universal insurrection was the consequence of this unheard of cruelty; and though during three years the French monarch was constantly successful in the field, he found it impossible by any force whatever to subdue the spirit spirit of the people. At last therefore he was obliged to have recourse to negotiation. Witikind and several other chiefs were invited to an interview; where Charles represented to them in such strong colours the ruin which must necessarily ensue to their country by persisting obstinately in opposition to him, that they were induced not only to persuade their countrymen finally to submit, but to embrace the Christian religion.

Charles having thus brought his affairs in Saxony to a happy conclusion, turned his arms against Tassilon duke of Bavaria, who had underhand supported the Saxons in their revolt. Having entered his country with a powerful army in the year 787, he made such rapid advances, that the total destruction of Tassilon seemed inevitable. Charles had advanced as far as the river Lech, when Tassilon privately entered his camp, and threw himself at his feet. The king had compassion on his faithless kinsman on seeing him in this abject posture; but no sooner did the traitor find himself at liberty, than he stirred up the Huns, the Greek emperor, and the fugitive Adalgise, against the king. He fomented also the dissents of the factions nobles of Aquitain and Lombardy: but his subjects, fearing lest these intrigues should involve them in destruction, made a discovery of the whole to Charles. Tassilon, ignorant of this, entered the diet at Ingelheim, not suspecting any danger, but was instantly arrested by order of the French monarch. Being brought to a trial, the proofs of his guilt were so apparent, that he was condemned to lose his head; the punishment, however, was afterwards mitigated to perpetual confinement in a monastery, and the duchy of Bavaria was annexed to the dominions of Charles.

The Huns and other enemies of the French monarch continued to prosecute their enterprises without regarding the fate of their associate Tassilon. Their attempts, however, only served to enhance the fame of Charles. He defeated the Huns in Bavaria, and the Greek emperor in Italy; obliging the latter to renounce for ever the fortune of Adalgise. The Huns, not disheartened by their defeat, continuing to infest the French dominions, Charles entered their country at the head of a formidable army; and having forced their intrenchments, penetrated as far as Raab on the Danube, but was compelled by an epidemic distemper to retire before he had finished his conquest. He was no sooner returned to his own dominions, than he had the mortification to be informed, that his eldest son Pepin had conspired against his sovereignty and life. The plot was discovered by a priest who had accidentally fallen asleep in a church where the conspirators were assembled. Being awakened by their voices, he overheard them consulting on the proper measures for completing their purpose; on which he instantly set out for the palace, and summoned the monarch from his bed to inform him of the guilt of his son. Pepin was seized, but had his life spared, though condemned to expiate his offences by spending the remainder of his days in a monastery.

Charles was no sooner freed from this danger than he was again called to arms by a revolt of the Saxons on the one hand, while a formidable invasion of the Moors distressed him on the other; the Huns at the same time renewing their depredations on his dominions. The king did not at present make war against France, the Moors; probably foreseeing that they would be called off by their Christian enemies in Spain. This accordingly happened; the victories of Alonso the Chaste obliged them to leave France; after which Charles marched in person to attack the Saxons and Huns. The former consented again to receive the Christian religion, but were likewise obliged to deliver up a third part of their army to be disposed of at the king's pleasure; but the Huns defended themselves with incredible vigour. Though often defeated, their love of liberty was altogether invincible; so that the war was not terminated but by the death of the king, and an almost total destruction of the people: only one tribe could be induced to acknowledge the authority of the French monarch.

These exploits were finished betwixt the years 793 and 798: after which Charles invaded and subdued the islands of Majorca and Minorca; which the dissensions of the Moorish chiefs gave him an opportunity of doing. The satisfaction he felt from this new conquest, however, was soon damped by the troubles which broke out in Italy. After the death of Pope Adrian, his nephew aspired to the papal dignity; but a priest named Leo being preferred, the disappointed candidate determined on revenge. He managed matters so well, that his designs were concealed for four years. At last, on the day of a procession, a furious assault was made on the person of Leo. The unfortunate pontiff was left for dead on the ground; but having with difficulty recovered, and made his escape to the Vatican, he was protected by the duke of Spoleto, at that time general of the French forces. His cause was warmly espoused by Charles, who invited him to his camp at Paderborn in Westphalia; whence he dispatched him with a numerous guard to Rome, promising soon after to visit that metropolis, and redress all grievances. His attention for the present, however, was called by the descents of the Normans on the maritime provinces of his dominions; so that he was obliged to defer the promised assistance for some time longer. Having constructed forts at the mouths of most of the navigable rivers, and further provided for the defence of his territories, by instituting a regular militia, and appointing proper squadrons to cruise against the invaders, he set out for the fourth and last time on a journey to Rome. Here he was received with the highest possible honours. Leo was allowed to clear himself by oath of the crimes laid to his charge by the enemies, while his accusers were sent into exile. On the festival of Christmas, in the year 800, after Charles had made his appearance in the cathedral of St Peter, and assisted devoutly at mass, the pope suddenly put a crown on his head; and the place instantly resounded with acclamations of "Long life to Charles the Anointed, crowned by the hand of God! Long life and empire to the great and pacific emperor of the Romans!" His body was then consecrated and anointed with royal unction; and after being conducted to a throne, he was treated with all the respect usually paid to the ancient Caesars; from this time also being honoured with the title of Charlemagne, or Charles the Great. In private conversation, however, he usually protested, that he was ignorant of the pope's intention at this time; and that, had he known it, he would have been disappointed. France disappointed him by his absence; but these protestations were not generally believed; and the care he took to have his new title acknowledged by the eastern emperors, evidently showed how fond he was of it.

Charles, now raised to the supreme dignity in the west, proposed to unite in himself the whole power of the first Roman emperors, by marrying Irene the empress of the East. But in this he was disappointed by the marriage of that princess by Nicephorus; however, the latter acknowledged his new dignity of Augustus, and the boundaries of the two empires were amicably settled. Charles was further gratified by the respect paid him by the great Haroun Al-Rashid, caliph of the Saracens, who yielded to him the sacred city of Jerusalem, and holy sepulchre there. But in the mean time his empire was threatened with the invasion of a very formidable enemy, whom even the power of Charles would have found it hard to resist. These were the Normans, at this time under the government of Godfrey a celebrated warrior, and who by their adventurous spirit, and skill in maritime affairs, threatened all the western coasts of Europe with desolation. From motives of mutual convenience a transitory peace was established, and Charles made use of this interval to settle the final distribution of his dominions. Aquitain and Gascony, with the Spanish Marche, were assigned to his son Louis; Pepin had Italy confirmed to him; and to this was added the greatest part of Bavaria, with the country now possessed by the Grisons. Charles the eldest had Neustria, Austrasia, and Thuringia. The donation was supposed to be rendered more authentic by the sanction of the pope. This division, however, had scarce taken place, when the princes were all obliged to defend their dominions by force of arms. Louis and Pepin were attacked by the Saracens, and Charles by the Slavonians. All these enemies were defeated; but while Charles hoped to spend the short remainder of his life in tranquillity, he was once more called forth to martial exertions by the hostile behaviour of Godfrey the Norman leader. Charles sent him a message of defiance, which was returned in the same style by Godfrey; but the former, by artfully fomenting divisions among the northern powers, prevented for a while the threatened danger; but, these disturbances being quelled, the Normans renewed their depredations, and Charles was obliged to face them in the field. An engagement, however, was prevented by the death of Godfrey, who was assassinated by a private soldier; on which the Norman army retreated, and the dominions of the empire still remained free from these invaders. Still the latter days of Charles were embittered by domestic misfortunes. His favourite daughter Rotrude died, as did also Pepin king of Italy; and these misfortunes were soon followed by the death of his eldest son Charles. The emperor then thought proper to associate his only surviving son Louis with him in the government; which was formally done at Aix-la-Chapelle. Charles himself survived this transaction only a few months: his death happened on the 27th of January 814, in the 71st year of his age, and 47th of his reign.

By the martial achievements of this hero, the French monarchy was raised to its utmost pitch of splendour. He had added the province of Aquitain to the territories of his ancestors; he had confined the inhabitants of Brittany to the shores of the ocean, and obliged them to submit to a disgraceful tribute. He had reduced under his dominion all that part of Spain which extends from the Pyrenees to the river Ebro, and includes the kingdoms of Roussillon, Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia. He possessed Italy from the Alps to the borders of Calabria; but the duchy of Beneventum, including most of the present kingdom of Naples, escaped the yoke after a transitory submission. Besides these extensive countries, Charles added to his territories the whole of Germany and Pannonia; so that the French now had the jurisdiction of all the country from east to west, from the Ebro in Spain to the Vistula; and from north to south, from the duchy of Beneventum to the river Eyder, the boundary between Germany and the dominions of Denmark. In acquiring these extensive dominions Charles had been guilty of horrid and repeated massacres, for which, however, he had been in some measure excusable by the barbarity and rebellious disposition of the people with whom he had to deal, upon whom no mild measures would probably have had any effect. His establishing of schools throughout the conquered provinces, showed also his inclination to govern his subjects in peace, and to take proper steps for their civilization; though indeed many parts of his private conduct showed no small inclination to cruelty; particularly the fate of the sons of Carloman, of whom no account could ever be obtained. His advice to his son Louis indeed was excellent; exhorting him to consider his people as his children; to be very mild and gentle in his administration, but firm in the execution of justice; to reward merit; promote his nobles gradually; choose ministers deliberately, but not remove them capriciously or without sufficient reason. All these prudent maxims, however, were not sufficient to enable Louis to govern his empire so extensive, and people so turbulent as he had to deal with. At the time of the decease of his father this prince was about 36 years of age, and had married Ermengarde, daughter of the count of Hesbaye of the diocese of Liege, by whom he had three sons, Lothaire, Pepin, and Louis. Lothaire, the eldest, was associated with himself in the empire, and the two youngest were intrusted with the governments of Aquitain and Bavaria. Every one of the princes proved unfaithful to their father, as well as enemies to one another. The death of Ermengarde, and the marriage of the emperor with Judith a princess of Bavaria, artful but accomplished, proved the first source of calamity to the empire. In the year 823, Charles, the emperor's youngest son, was born; and his pretensions became in time more fatal to the public tranquillity than the ambition and disobedience of all the rest. Various parts of the Imperial dominions were likewise assaulted by foreign enemies. The inhabitants of Brittany and Navarre revolted; the Moors invaded Catalonia; while the ambition of Judith produced a war amongst the brothers themselves.

Charles at first had been appointed sovereign of that part of Germany bounded by the rivers Danube, the Maine, the Neckar, and the Rhine; the country of the Grisons and Burgundy, comprehending Geneva and the Swiss cantons; but this was opposed by the three elder sons. Pepin and Louis advanced with the united forces of Aquitain and Bavaria, while the Imperial perial forces deserted their standard and joined the malecontents. The emperor was taken prisoner, and the empress retired to a monastery. Lothaire, the eldest of the younger princes, to whom the rest found themselves obliged to submit, was the person who retained the emperor in his possession; but notwithstanding his breach of duty, his heart was touched with remorse on account of the crimes he had committed. Dreading the reproach of the world at large, and being threatened with the censures of the church, he threw himself at his father's feet, and begged pardon for his guilt, consenting to relinquish the authority he had unjustly usurped. Thus Louis was re-established in his authority by the diet of the empire which had met to depose him. His first step was to recall his empress from the monastery to which she had retired; but this princess, implacable in her resentment, now persecuted Lothaire to such a degree, that he was obliged to join his two brothers Pepin and Louis in a confederacy against their father. The old emperor thought to check this rebellious disposition by revoking his grant of Aquitain to Pepin, and conferring it on his youngest son Charles, then only nine years of age; but Pope Gregory IV. conferred the Imperial dignity itself on Lothaire, deposing the unhappy monarch, and again sending the empress to a nunnery in the forest of Arden. The unnatural behaviour of his son, however, once more excited the compassion of his subjects. Dreux, the bishop of Mentz, used his interest with Louis king of Bavaria to arm his subjects in defence of his father and sovereign. In this enterprise the Bavarian monarch was joined by the French and Saxons; so that the aged emperor was once more restored, the empress released from her nunnery, and Charles from his prison, in the year 833.

The ambition of Judith now set matters once more in a flame. Taking advantage of the affection her husband bore her, she persuaded him to invest her son Charles with the sovereignty of Neustria as well as the dominions formerly assigned him. This was productive of great discontent on the part of Lothaire and Pepin; but their power was now too much broken to be able to accomplish anything by force of arms. The death of Pepin, which happened soon after, produced a new division of the empire. The claims of young Pepin and Charles, sons of the deceased prince, were entirely disregarded, and his French dominions divided between the two brothers Charles and Lothaire, the latter being named guardian to his infant nephew. This enraged Louis of Bavaria, whose interest was entirely neglected in the partition, to such a degree, that he again revolted; but the unexpected appearance, with the hostile preparations of the Saxons, obliged him to submit and ask pardon for his offences. Still, however, the ambition of the empress kept matters in a continual ferment, and the empire was again threatened with all the calamities of civil war; but before these took place, the emperor died, in 841, after a most unfortunate reign of 27 years.

Louis was eminent for the mildness of his manners and peaceful virtues, which procured him the title of Le Debonnaire, or, "the gentle;" but such was the turbulence and excessive barbarity of the age in which he lived, that all his virtues, instead of procuring him respect and esteem, were productive only of contempt and rebellion from those whom both duty and nature ought to have rendered the most submissive and obedient.

The decease of the emperor was followed by a civil war among his sons. The united forces of Lothaire and his nephew Pepin were defeated by those of Charles and Louis in a very bloody battle in the plains of Fontenoy, where 100,000 Franks perished, in the year 842. This victory, however, bloody as it was, did not decide the fortune of the war. The conquerors having, through motives of interest or jealousy, retired each into their own dominions, Lothaire found means not only to recruit his shattered forces, but pressed the other two princes so vigorously, that they were glad to consent to a new partition of the empire. By this Lothaire was allowed to possess the whole of Italy, with the whole tract of country between the rivers Rhone and Rhine, as well as that between the Meuse and Scheldt. Charles had Aquitain, with the country lying between the Loire and the Meuse; while Louis had Bavaria, with the rest of Germany, from whence he was distinguished by the appellation of Louis the Great.

By this partition, Germany and France were divided in such a manner as never afterwards to be united under one head. That part of France which was allowed to Lothaire, was from him called Lotharingia, and now Lorraine, by the gradual corruption of the word. The sovereignty, however, which that prince had pursued at the expense of every filial duty, and purchased with so much blood, afforded him now but little satisfaction. Disgusted with the cares and anxieties of his situation, he sought relief in a monastery in resigning the year 855. On his retreat from the throne, he allotted to his eldest son Louis II. the sovereignty of Italy; to his second son Lothaire the territory of Lorraine, with the title of king; and to his youngest son Charles, surnamed the Bald, Provence, Dauphiny, Reims, and part of the kingdom of Burgundy; so that he Charles may be considered as properly the king of France. Bald.

From the year 845 to 857 the provinces subjected to his jurisdiction had been infested by the annual depredations of the Normans, from whom Charles was at last fain to purchase peace at a greater expense than might have carried on a successful war. The people of Brittany had also revolted; and though obliged by the appearance of Charles himself, at the head of a powerful army, to return to their allegiance, they no sooner perceived him again embarrassed by the incursions of the Normans, than they threw off the yoke, and under the conduct of their duke Louis subdued the neighbouring diocese of Rennes; after which exploit Louis assumed the title of king, which he transmitted to his son Herispee. By him Charles was totally defeated; and his subjects, perceiving the weakness of their monarch, put themselves under the protection of Louis the German. His ambition prompted him to give a ready ear to the proposal; and therefore, taking the opportunity of Charles's absence in repelling an invasion of the Danes, he marched with a formidable army into France, and was solemnly crowned by the archbishop of Sens in the year 857. Being too confident of success, however, and fancying himself already established on the throne, he was persuaded to dismiss his German forces; which he had no sooner done, than Charles marched against him with an army, and Louis abandoned his new kingdom as easily as he had obtained it.

Notwithstanding this success, the kingdom of Charles continued still in a very tottering situation. The Normans harassed him in one quarter, and the king of Brittany in another. He marched against the latter in the year 860; but had the misfortune to receive a total defeat, after an engagement which lasted two days. The victory was chiefly owing to a noted warrior named Robert le Fort, or the Strong, who commanded the Bretons; but Charles found means to gain him over to his party, by investing him with the title of duke of France, including the country which lies between the rivers Seine and Loire.

For some time the abilities of Robert continued to support the tottering throne of Charles; but the difficulties returned on the death of that hero, who was killed in repelling an invasion of the Danes. Some amends was indeed made for his loss by the death of the king of Lorraine in the year 869; by which event the territories of Charles were augmented by the cities of Lyons, Vienne, Toul, Besançon, Verdun, Cambrai, Viviers and Urez, together with the territories of Hainault, Zealand, and Holland. Cologne, Utrecht, Treves, Mentz, Strasbourg, with the rest of the territories of Lothaire, were assigned to Louis the German.

All this time the Normans still continued their incursions to such a degree, that Solomon king of Brittany was persuaded to join his forces to those of Charles, in order to repel the common enemy. The event proved unfortunate to the Normans; for their principal leaders were besieged in Angiers, and obliged to purchase leave to depart by relinquishing all the spoil they had taken. Charles thus freed from a formidable enemy, began to aspire to the Imperial crown, which about this time became vacant by the death of Louis. This belonged of right to Louis the German; but Charles, having instantly assembled a powerful army, marched with it into Italy before Louis could be apprised of his designs; and being favourably received at Rome, the Imperial crown was put on his head without any hesitation by the pope, in the year 873. Louis, enraged at his disappointment, discharged his fury on the defenceless country of Champagne; and though the approach of Charles obliged him for the present to retire, yet he continued his preparations with such vigour, that Charles would in all probability have found him a very formidable adversary, had he not been taken off by death in the year 877. Charles was no sooner informed of his brother's decease, than he invaded the dominions of his son Louis, who possessed Franconia, Thuringia, the Lower Lorraine, with some other territories in that quarter. The enterprise, however, proved unsuccessful. Charles, though superior in numbers, was defeated with great slaughter, and had scarcely time to reunite his scattered forces, when he was informed that the Normans had invaded his territories, laid waste part of that country, and taken possession of the city of Rouen. So may disasters affected him in such a manner that he fell dangerously ill, and was scarcely recovered of his sickness when he found himself called into Italy to the assistance of the pope against the Saracens, whose invasions were encouraged by the duke of Beneventum and the Greek emperor. Charles passed into Italy with only a few followers; but when he came to Pavia, at which place the pontiff had appointed to meet him, he was informed that Carloman king of Bavaria, and son of Louis the German, was already in Italy with a powerful army, and laid claim to the imperial title in virtue of his father's right. Charles prepared to oppose him by force of arms; but his generals conspired against him, and the soldiers declared their resolution not to pass the Alps. On this he was obliged to retire to France, at the very moment that Carloman, dreading his power, prepared to return to Germany. This was the last of Charles's enterprises. His journey brought on a return of his indisposition, which was rendered fatal through the treachery of a Jewish physician named Zedechius, who administered poison to him under pretence of curing his malady. He expired in a miserable cottage upon Mount Cenis, in the 54th year of his age, and 38th of his reign over the kingdom of France.

The ambition of Charles had been productive of much distress both to himself and to his subjects. His son Louis, surnamed, from a defect in his speech, the Stammerer, was of a quite different disposition; but his feeble administration was ill calculated to retrieve matters in their present situation. He died on the 10th of April 879, while on a march to suppress some insurrections in Burgundy. He left his queen Adelaide pregnant; who some time after his decease was delivered of a son, named Charles. After his death followed an interregnum; during which a faction was formed for setting aside the children of Louis the Stammerer, in favour of the German princes, sons to Louis the brother of Charles the Bald. This scheme, however, proved abortive; and the two sons of the late king, Louis and Carloman, were crowned kings of France. Another kingdom was at that time erected by an assembly of the states, namely the kingdom of Provence, which consisted of the countries now called Lyonnaise, Savoy, Dauphiny, Franche Comté, and part of the duchy of Burgundy; and the kingdom was given to Duke Boson, brother-in-law to Charles the Bald. In 881, both kings of France died; Louis, as was suspected, by poison; and Carloman, of a wound he received accidentally while hunting. This produced a second interregnum; which ended with the calling in of Charles the Gross, emperor of Germany. His reign was more unfortunate than that of any of his predecessors. The Normans, to whom he had given leave to settle in Friesland, sailed up the Seine with a fleet of 700 ships, and laid siege to Paris. Charles, unable to force them to abandon their undertaking, prevailed on them to depart by a large sum of money. But as the king could not advance the money at once, he allowed them to remain in the neighbourhood of Paris during the winter; and they in return plundered the country, thus amassing vast wealth besides the sum which Charles had promised. After this ignominious transaction Charles returned to Germany, in a very declining state of health both as to body and mind. Here he quarrelled with his empress; and being abandoned by all his friends, he was deposed, and reduced to such distress, that he would not even have had bread to eat. had he not been supplied by the archbishop of Mentz, out of the principle of charity.

On the deposition of Charles the Gross, Eudes count of Paris was chosen king by the nobility during the minority of Charles the son of Adelaide, afterwards named Charles the Simple. He defeated the Normans, and repressed the power of the nobility; on which account a faction was formed in favour of Charles, who was sent for, with his mother, from England. Eudes did not enter into a civil war; but peaceably resigned the greatest part of the kingdom to him, and consented to do homage for the rest. He died soon after this agreement, in the year 898.

During the reign of Charles the Simple, the French government declined. By the introduction of fiefs, those noblemen who had got into the possession of governments, having these confirmed to them and their heirs for ever, became in a manner independent sovereigns: and as these great lords had others under them, and they in like manner had others under them, and even these again had their vassals; instead of the easy and equal government which prevailed before, a vast number of insupportable little tyrannies was erected. The Normans, too, ravaged the country in the most terrible manner, and desolated some of the finest provinces in France. At last Charles ceded to Rollo, the king or captain of these barbarians, the duchy of Neustria; who thereupon became a Christian, changed his own name to Robert, and that of his principality to Normandy.

During the remainder of the reign of Charles the Simple, and the entire reign of Louis IV. surnamed the Stranger, Lothaire, and Louis V. the power of the Carlovigian race continually declined; till at last they were supplanted by Hugh Capet, who had been created duke of France by Lothaire. This revolution happened in the year 987, and was brought about much in the same manner as the former one had been by Pepin. He proved an active and prudent monarch, and possessed such other qualities as were requisite for keeping his tumultuous subjects in awe. He died on the 24th of October 997, leaving his dominions in perfect quiet to his son Robert.

The new king inherited the good qualities of his father. In his reign the kingdom was enlarged by the death of Henry duke of Burgundy, the king's uncle, to whom he fell heir. This new accession of territory, however, was not obtained without a war of several years continuance, on account of some pretenders to the sovereignty of that duchy; and had it not been for the assistance of the duke of Normandy, it is doubtful whether the king would have succeeded.—As Robert was of opinion, that peace and tranquillity were preferable to wide extended dominions with a precarious tenure, he refused the kingdom of Italy and imperial crown of Germany, both which were offered him. He died on the 20th of July 1030; having reigned 33 years, and lived 60.

Robert was succeeded by his eldest son Henry I., who in the beginning of his reign met with great opposition from his mother. She had always hated him; and preferred his younger brother Robert, in whose favour she now raised an insurrection. By the assistance of Robert duke of Normandy, however, Henry overcame all his enemies, and established himself firmly upon the throne. In return for this, he supported William, Robert's natural son, and afterwards king of England, in the possession of the duchy of Normandy. Afterwards, however, growing jealous of his power, he not only supported the pretenders to the duchy of Normandy secretly, but invaded that country himself in their favour. This enterprise proved unsuccessful, and Henry was obliged to make peace; but no sincere reconciliation ever followed; for the king retained a deep sense of the disgrace he had met with, and the duke never forgave him for invading his dominions. The treaty between them, therefore, was quickly broken; and Henry once more invaded Normandy with two armies, one commanded by himself, and the other by his brother. The first was harassed by continual skirmishes, and the last totally defeated; after which Henry was obliged to agree to such terms as the duke thought proper; but the rancour between them never ceased, and was in reality the cause of that implacable aversion which for a long series of years produced perpetual quarrels between the kings of France and those of the Norman race in England.

Henry died in 1059, not without a suspicion of being poisoned; and was succeeded by his eldest son Philip, at that time in the eighth year of his age. Baldwin earl of Flanders was appointed his guardian; and died in the year 1066, about the time that William of Normandy became king of England. After the death of his tutor, Philip began to show a very insincere, haughty, and oppressive disposition. He engaged in a war with William the Conqueror, and supported his son Robert in his rebellion against him. But after the death of William, he assisted Robert's brothers against him; by land, which means he was forced to consent to a partition of his dominions.

In 1092, King Philip being wearied of his queen Bertha, procured a divorce from her under pretence of consanguinity, and afterwards demanded in marriage Emma daughter to Roger count of Calabria. The treaty of marriage was concluded; and the princess was sent over, richly adorned with jewels, and with a large portion in ready money; but the king, instead of espousing her, retained her fortune, and dismissed the princess herself, carrying off from her husband the countess of Anjou, who was esteemed the handsomest woman in France. With her he was so deeply enamoured, that not satisfied with the illegal possession of her person, he procured a divorce between her and her husband, and prevailed upon some Norman bishops to solemnize his own marriage with her. The whole of these transactions, however, were so scandalous, that the pope having caused them to be revised in a council at Autun, in the year 1094, pronounced sentence of excommunication against Philip in case he did not part with the countess. On his repentance, the censure was taken off; but as the king paid no regard to his promises, he was, in 1095, excommunicated a second time. He again professed repentance, and was absolved; but soon after, living with the countess of Anjou as formerly, he was excommunicated a third time. This conduct, so unworthy of a prince, exposed him to the contempt of the people. Too many of the nobility followed his example, and at the same time despised his authority; not only making war up- In the year 1110, Philip prevailed on the court of Rome to have his affair reviewed in an assembly at Poictiers; where, notwithstanding his utmost efforts, sentence of excommunication was a fourth time pronounced against him. Yet, in spite of all these sentences, as Queen Bertha was dead, and the count of Anjou offered, for a large sum of money, to give whatever assistance was requisite for procuring a dispensation, Philip at last prevailed, and the countess was proclaimed queen of France. But though the king's domestic affairs were now in some degree quieted, his negligence in government had thrown the affairs of the nation into the greatest disorder. He therefore associated with him in the government his eldest son Louis. This prince was the very reverse of his father; and by his activity and resolution, keeping constantly in the field with a considerable body of forces, he reduced the rebellious nobility to subjection, and according to the best historians, at this time saved the state from being utterly subverted.

For these services the queen looked upon the young prince with so jealous an eye, and gave him so much disturbance, that he found it necessary to retire for some time into England; where he was received by King Henry I. with the greatest kindness. He had not been long at court, before Henry received by an express a letter from Philip; telling him, that, for certain important reasons, he should be glad if he closely confined his son, or even despatched him altogether. The king of England, however, instead of complying with this infamous request, shewed the letter to Louis, and sent him home with all imaginable marks of respect. Immediately on his return he demanded justice; but the queen procured poison to be given him, which operated so violently that his life was despaired of. A stranger, however, undertook the cure, and succeeded; only a paleness remained in the prince's face ever afterwards, though he grew so fat that he was surnamed the Gross.

On his recovery, the prince was on the point of revenging his quarrel by force of arms; but his father having caused the queen to make the most humble submissions to him, his resentment was at length appeased, and a perfect reconciliation took place.

Nothing memorable happened in the reign of King Philip after this reconciliation. He died in the year 1118, and was succeeded by his son Louis the Gross. The first years of his reign were disturbed by insurrections of his lords in different places of the kingdom; and these insurrections were the more troublesome, as they were secretly fomented by Henry I. of England, that by weakening the power of France his duchy of Normandy might be the more secure. This quickly brought on a war; in which Henry was defeated, and his son William obliged to do homage to Louis for the duchy of Normandy. As the kings of England and France, however, were rivals, and exceedingly jealous of each other, the latter espoused the cause of William the son of Robert duke of Normandy, whom Henry had unjustly deprived of that duchy. This brought on a new war; in which Louis, receiving a great defeat from Henry, was obliged to make peace upon such terms as his antagonist thought proper. The tranquillity, however, was but of short duration. Louis renewed his intrigues in favour of William, and endeavoured to form a confederacy against Henry; but the latter found means not only to dissipate this confederacy, but to prevail upon Henry V. emperor of Germany to invade France with the whole strength of the empire on one side, while he prepared to attack it on the other. But Louis having collected an army of 200,000 men, both of them thought proper to desist. Upon this the king of France would have marched into Normandy, in order to put William in possession of that duchy. His great vassals, however, told him they would do no such thing; that they had assembled in order to defend the territories of France from the invasion of a foreign prince, and not to enlarge his power by destroying that balance which arose from the king of England's possession of Normandy, and which they reckoned necessary for their own safety. This was followed by a peace with Henry; which, as both monarchs had now seen the extent of each other's power, was made on pretty equal terms, and kept during the life of Louis, who died in 1137, leaving the kingdom to his son Louis VII.

The young king was not endowed with any of those qualities which constitute a great monarch. From a weak superstition common to the age in which he lived, he undertook an expedition into the Holy Land, from whence he returned without glory. In this expedition he took his queen Eleanor along with him; but was so much offended with her gallantries during her stay there, as well as her behaviour afterwards, that he divorced her, and returned the duchy of Guineche which he received with her as a portion. Six weeks after this she married Henry duke of Normandy, count of Anjou and Maine, and heir apparent to the crown of England. This marriage was a very great mortification to Louis; and procured him the surname of the Young, on account of the folly of his conduct. When Henry ascended the throne of England, some wars were carried on between him and Louis, with little advantage on either side: at last, however, a perfect reconciliation took place; and Louis took a voyage to England, in order to visit the shrine of St Thomas of Canterbury. On his return he was struck with an apoplexy; and though he recovered for that time, yet he continued ever after paralytic on the right side. After having languished for about a year under this malady, he died on the 18th of September 1180, leaving the kingdom to his son Philip.

This prince, surnamed The Gift of God, The Magna-Philip the Minoous, and The Conqueror, during his lifetime; and, as Great, if all these titles had fallen short of his merit, styled Augustus after his death,—is reckoned one of the greatest princes that ever sat on the throne of France, or any other. It doth not, however, appear, that these titles were altogether well founded. In the beginning of his reign he was opposed by a strong faction excited by his mother. This indeed he suppressed with a vigour and spirit which did him honour; but his taking part with the children of Henry II. of England in their unnatural contests with their father, and his treacherous combination with John to seize his brother's kingdom when he was detained in prison by the emperor of Germany, must be indelible stains in his character. character, and for ever exclude him from the title of Magnanimous. As to military skill and personal valour, he was evidently inferior to Richard I. of England; nor can his recovering of the provinces held by the English in France, from such a mean and dastardly prince as King John, entitle him with any justice to the surname of Conqueror. In politics he was evidently the dupe of the pope, who made use of him to intimidate John into a submission, by promising him the kingdom of England, which he never meant that he should enjoy. An account of these transactions, which are the principal ones of this reign, is given under the article ENGLAND, No 121—141.

Philip died in 1223, and was succeeded by his son Louis VIII. and he, in 1226, by Louis IX., afterwards styled St Louis. This prince was certainly possessed of many good qualities, but deeply tinctured with the superstition of the times. This induced him to engage in two crusades. The first was against the Saracens in Egypt: in which he was taken prisoner by the Infidels, and treated with great cruelty; but at last obtained his ransom, on condition of paying a million of pieces of gold, and surrendering the city of Damietta. He no sooner regained his liberty, than he entered Syria with a view of doing something worthy of his rank and character. From this expedition he was obliged to return sooner than he intended, by the news of the decease of his mother Queen Blanch, whom he had appointed regent in his absence, and who had managed the national affairs with the greatest prudence. The king, however, found many disorders in the kingdom upon his return; and these he set himself to reform with the utmost diligence. Having succeeded in this, he yielded to Henry III. of England, the Limousin, Querci, Perigord, and some other places; in consideration of Henry and his son Prince Edward their renouncing, in the fullest manner, all pretensions to Normandy and the other provinces of France which the English had formerly possessed.

The reputation of this monarch for candour and justice was so great, that the barons of England, as well as King Henry III., consented to make him umpire of the differences which subsisted between them. But though he decided this matter very justly, his decision was not productive of any good effect. At last the king, having settled every thing relating to his kingdom in a proper manner, set out on another crusade for Africa; where he died of the plague, on the 25th of August 1270.

Notwithstanding the misfortunes of Louis, his successor Philip, surnamed the Hardy, continued the war against the Infidels with great vigour. Being reinforced by his uncle Charles king of Sicily, he brought the war to a more fortunate conclusion than his predecessor had been likely to do. The Saracens were defeated in two engagements, and the king of Tunis obliged to sue for peace; offering at the same time to double the tribute he formerly paid to the crown of Sicily; to reimburse the expenses of the war; and to permit the Christian religion to be freely propagated throughout his dominions. Having accomplished this, the two princes set sail for Europe; but the seeds of the distemper which had infected the army in Africa not being eradicated, broke forth on their arrival in Sicily, and raged for some time with great violence.

Besides a vast number of common people, the king's brother John, his queen Isabella, with his brother and sister-in-law the king and queen of Navarre, and his uncle and aunt the count and countess of Poictiers, perished by this dreadful malady.

On his return to France, Philip took possession of the counties of Provence and Thoulouse; married his second son, though then very young, to the only daughter of the king of Navarre; while he himself espoused Mary the daughter of the duke of Brabant, reckoned one of the most beautiful princesses of the age. He steadily enforced the regulations of his predecessor, who had prohibited the barons from making private wars upon one another; procured the friendship of Edward I. of England by ceding to him the county of Agenois; and entered into a war with Spain in order to support the pretensions of his nephews, the Infants de la Cerda, to the throne of Castile.

The events of this war were of no great importance; and the king's attention was quickly called off from them by the death of his eldest son Louis at the age of twelve years. This disastrous event happened in the year 1275, not without a suspicion of poison; and the young queen, Mary, was accused by a surgeon named La Brosse as guilty of his death. Philip gave some credit to the accusation; but having applied to a nun, who pretended to be inspired, for full satisfaction, her answer proved fatal to La Brosse. The queen being cleared by this pretended prophetess, La Brosse was accused of a treasonable correspondence with the king of Castile, and condemned to death. The manner of his trial and execution, however, were such, that the tide of popular favour was turned; La Brosse was by the voice of the people declared to be innocent, and the king and queen themselves loudly condemned. During these unfavourable circumstances, the Sicilians, over whom Charles of Anjou had established his authority, instigated by John of Procida, a noble exile, came to a resolution of freeing themselves at once from the French yoke by a general massacre. This cruel French resolution was accordingly put in execution; and the massacred French, to the number of 8000, murdered in one night; after which Peter of Arragon, sailed to the island, where he was received by the inhabitants as their king and saviour. Charles was sensibly affected by this misfortune: and having laid siege to Messina, sailed directly to Marseilles, where he obtained a powerful reinforcement. But during his absence on this occasion, his son, to whom he had entrusted the care of the siege, having rashly ventured an engagement with the Spanish fleet, was entirely defeated and taken prisoner; which so much affected the father that he died of grief, and Sicily was inseparably attached to the house of Arragon.

The misfortunes of Charles were followed by others equally great to Philip himself. Pope Martin IV., in the warmth of his zeal for the cause of the duke of Anjou, had excommunicated Pedro king of Arragon, and bestowed his kingdom on Charles of Valois, a younger son of the king of France. In attempting to defend himself against the execution of this unjust sentence, Pedro was mortally wounded; but, soon after, the French fleet being defeated by that of Arragon, the king was so much affected by the misfortune that he fell sick. His disease was augmented by the heat heat of the climate and the fatigues of war; so that, quite worn out with grief and infirmities, he expired at Perpignan in the 41st year of his age, and 16th of his reign.

By the death of Philip the Hardy the French crown devolved on his second son, called also Philip, and from the beauty of his person surmamed the Fair; who had espoused the princess of Navarre, and at the time of his accession was in his 17th year. By the marriage with this princess he had obtained the counties of Champagne and Brie; yet with all this increase of power he found himself unable to support the war in which his predecessor had engaged. For this reason he thought proper to abandon the interest of the Infants de la Cerda, and settle the differences with Castile. The treaty was concluded by the mediation of Edward I. of England; at whose intercession Charles the Lame, son to the duke of Anjou already mentioned, was released from his captivity; Edward himself paying part of his ransom. On this Charles consented to renounce his claim on Sicily; and Philip himself promised that his kinsman Philip of Valois should renounce all pretensions to the crown of Arragon. In return for this generosity, the latter obtained the eldest daughter of Charles, with the territories of Anjou and Maine as a dowry.

The tranquillity procured by this treaty, however, was soon interrupted by differences with Edward the promoter of it; Pope Boniface VIII. and Guy de Dampier, count of Flanders. The difference with England took place by a mere accident. A Norman and an English vessel having met off the coast of Bayonne, and having both occasion for water, the crews met and quarrelled at the same spring. A Norman was killed in the squabble by his own weapon, with which he assaulted an Englishman, as the latter pretended; but however the matter was, complaints were made by the Normans to Philip; who, without giving himself much trouble to inquire into the merits of the cause, instantly allowed them to redress their supposed injuries. On this a kind of piratical war commenced between the two nations, in which the two sovereigns for some time took no active part; though other nations interfered; the Irish and Dutch seamen siding with the English, and those of Flanders and Genoa with the French. Thus the powers on both sides were gradually augmented, till at last the affair became so serious, that in one engagement 15,000 French are said to have perished. Philip, alarmed at such a carnage, summoned the king of England as his vassal to attend; and, on his refusal, declared his estates in France to be forfeited. After a number of negotiations, Philip declared that he would be satisfied with the nominal cession of the province of Guienne, which he engaged instantly to restore to the king of England as soon as it should be put into his hands. Edward complied with his demands; but no sooner had the French monarch obtained possession of that country, than he persisted in the forfeiture of the English possessions in France; which treacherous proceeding instantly produced a war betwixt the two nations. Edward, that he might defend himself the better against such a formidable adversary, concluded a treaty with the emperor Adolphus, together with the counts of Brittany, Holland, Bar, Juliers, Gueldres, and Flanders; while Philip strengthened himself by an alliance with John Baliol of Scotland; and thus laid the foundation of that strict union which took place between France and Scotland for two centuries. During this war the French made a descent on the coast of England, and destroyed the town of Dover; while Edward, in revenge, landed in Gascony with an army of 50,000 men. No great exploits, however, were performed with this mighty armament; and both parties finding themselves pretty equally matched, consented to a suspension of arms for two years; during which a peace was finally concluded by the mediation of Pope Boniface VIII. Guienne was restored; Edward espoused Margaret the sister of Philip; while his eldest daughter Isabella was given in marriage to the prince of Wales.

Both Philip and Edward behaved to the allies whom they had engaged in their cause with equal perfidy. Baliol was abandoned by Philip to the resentment of Edward; while Guy, earl of Flanders, was left equally exposed to the resentment of Philip.

The reconciliation betwixt the French and English Difference monarchs was soon followed by a difference with Pope Boniface, whom they had appointed mediator between them. Sensible of his assuming disposition, however, they had inserted in the reference made to him, that he was chosen as a private man, and not as the successor of St Peter. The haughty pontiff, however, soon showed, that he was not by any means to be treated as a private person, and a contest with Philip quickly ensued. Boniface began with forbidding the clergy to grant the king any subsidies without first obtaining the consent of the Holy See, under the pain of excommunication. Philip revenged himself by prohibiting any ecclesiastics from sending money out of the kingdom without his leave; and by protecting the Colonnas, who were the implacable enemies of Boniface. By this his holiness was so much irritated that he sent a most abusive letter to Philip; after which he summoned the clergy of France to a council at Rome; which Philip retaliated, by seizing the temporalities of those who obeyed the summons, and recalling his brother Charles of Valois, who had the title of the Pope's General. Sensible, however, of the danger that attended this contest, he despatched two emissaries, under pretence of conciliating the differences, to levy such a body of troops as might execute his hostile purposes against the holy father. With these he suddenly invested the pope in his native city of Anegnia; and while the bull was preparing for the excommunication of Philip, and releasing his subjects from their obedience, the pope himself was obliged to surrender prisoner to the troops of the prince whom he designed to anathematize.

Though Boniface had been at this time delivered up to the troops of Philip through the treachery of the people of Anegnia, yet he was no sooner taken prisoner and brought to distress, than they rescued him from his guards and conveyed him to Rome, where he soon after died of grief and shame. His successor Benedict revoked the excommunication of Boniface, and attempted to regain the allegiance of Philip by gentle means; but, before this could be effected, he himself was cut off by death, not without strong suspicions of poison. After his decease Philip offered to procure the papal chair for Bertrand archbishop of Bordeaux, provided he would condemn the memory of Boniface, restore the honours and estates of the Colonnes which had been forfeited, allow him, for five years, the tenth of the clergy of France, and comply with a request which at that time it was not proper to divulge.

Bertrand having complied with the terms proposed by the king, ascended the papal throne by the name of Clement V., but narrowly escaped being killed on his return from the cathedral of Lyons, by the falling of a wall which had been overloaded by the number of people who came to see the procession; by which accident the duke of Brittany was killed, and the king and count of Valois considerably bruised. The new pope fixed his residence at Avignon, where he punctually complied with all the conditions of the treaty, except that of condemning the conduct of Boniface, which he absolutely refused to do; and, instead of doing so, vindicated it with much solemnity, after having inquired into the matter, or pretended to do so. The other condition, which Philip had at first concealed, was discovered by the death of the emperor Albert of Austria; after which event he desired Clement to assist him in placing his brother Charles of Valois on the Imperial throne. But his holiness, apprehensive of the danger which might accrue to himself from being surrounded with the powerful relations of Philip, urged the diet to proceed instantly to an election; recommending to them Henry of Luxemburg as a proper person to fill the Imperial throne. In this scheme he succeeded so well, that the election was over before Philip could arrive at Avignon; and the only consolation the French monarch could obtain for his disappointment, was the possession of the city of Lyons, which had hitherto maintained an independency under its archbishop; but was now persuaded to submit to the authority of Philip.

In the mean time Guy, earl of Flanders, being abandoned by his ally Edward king of England, was obliged to throw himself on the mercy of the French monarch, who had sent his brother Charles of Valois, with a powerful army to invade his dominions. From the latter indeed he had obtained a promise, that if he could not, within a year, compose the differences subsisting between him and Philip, he should be at liberty to retire, and pursue what measures he pleased. But Philip, in order to gratify the resentment which his queen entertained against the captive prince, detained him, with two of his sons, in close confinement, while he himself entering Flanders in triumph, was everywhere received as sovereign of the country; and at his departure appointed John de Chatillon, a relation of the queen, to govern those newly acquired territories.

The new governor took care to repair the fortifications which had been suffered to decay by reason of the assiduous application of the Flemings to trade; but being of a very haughty and tyrannical disposition, and the poverty of the times not allowing his master to keep regular garrisons, an insurrection quickly took place. This would have been effectually quelled by the diligence of the magistrates, had not Chatillon unluckily entered Bruges, and publicly displayed two hogsheads of ropes, which he threatened to employ in the execution of the inhabitants. On this they flew to arms, and massacred 1500 French; Chatillon himself being obliged to escape their fury by swimming over the town ditch. The insurgents, now daily gathering strength, soon amounted to an army of 60,000 men, who laid siege to Courtray. Here they were rashly attacked in their trenches by the count d'Artois, who met with the reward of his temerity, being cut off with 20,000 of his troops. Philip determined on revenge; though the raising another army obliged him to debase the coin of the kingdom. Thus, however, he was enabled to enter Flanders with such a force as the enemy would probably have subdued the whole country, had not Edward artfully communicated to the queen of France, as a secret, a feigned correspondence between the French nobility and the court of Rome; by which false intelligence the king was induced to abandon the enterprise without performing any thing worthy of the armament he had fitted out. The war was continued for some time longer; but the attempts of Philip were constantly defeated by the steady valour of the Flemings; and the only recompense Philip obtained for all his trouble and expense was the city of Courtray.

The other remarkable transactions of this reign were the expulsion and confiscation of the estates of the Templars, who at that time enjoyed immense possessions in France. The confiscations took place without any form of trial, and upwards of 50 of them were put to death in a cruel manner. The grand master, with three of his principal officers, were burnt by a slow fire in the presence of the king himself. The whole body of these unfortunate knights had been accused of the most gross and abominable sensuality. The particulars were revealed, or pretended to be so, by two criminals who received their pardon for the discoveries they made; and these discoveries were confirmed by the confession of the Templars themselves. But this confession was afterwards retracted, as being extorted from them by the fear of absolute destruction; and those who suffered, maintained their purity to the last: and on the whole, it was believed that Philip consulted his avarice rather than his justice by this cruel execution. The latter part of his life was embittered by domestic misfortunes. His three daughters-in-law, Margaret daughter of the duke, and Jean and Blanch of the count, of Burgundy, who had married his three sons, Louis, Philip, and Charles, were accused of infidelity to their husbands. After a severe examination, Margaret and Blanch were condemned to perpetual imprisonment; in which situation Margaret was afterwards strangled by order of her husband Louis. Their paramours, Philip and Walter de Launay, two brothers, were flayed alive, and afterwards hung upon a gibbet, with an usher of the chamber, who had been their confidant. The uneasiness of mind which Philip suffered on this account is supposed to have impaired his health, and he died of a consumption in the year 1295, the 47th of his age, and 30th of his reign.

On the accession of Louis, surnamed the Boisterous, on account of his violent temper, he found his treasury so much exhausted, that he was obliged to delay for some time the ceremony of his coronation with his new queen Clemence, daughter of the king of Hungary. Finding the kingdom otherwise in a very distracted state, he applied himself very diligently to appease the discontent of his subjects, and conciliate their affection by every means in his power. In this he was assisted by his uncle Charles of Valois, on whom he at length entirely devolved the government of the kingdom. This regent, however, behaved with such cruelty as is supposed to have proved fatal to the king himself; for having put to death a nobleman named Enguerrand de Poitier de Marigny, who enjoyed the confidence of the late king, this cruelty was so much resented, that his friends were thought to have administered poison to the king; who expired suddenly after drinking a glass of cold water, in the 26th year of his age, and second of his reign. Immediately after his death, Charles prepared to dispute the sovereignty with the brothers of the late sovereign. Philip count of Poictou, the eldest brother, was at that time at Rome assisting in the election of a new pope; and it was not until a month after the death of his brother that he was able to put an end to the intrigues which took place on that occasion: but on his arrival in France, the throne was assigned to him by the unanimous voice of the people. His prospects, however, were for a short time clouded by the queen dowager Clemence being delivered of a son, who has been enrolled among the kings of France under the name of John I. His death in three weeks secured the throne to Philip; who, on account of the tallness of his stature, was surnamed the Long. His conduct proved superior to that of his predecessor, who had unsuccessfully attempted to subdue the Flemings, and had even suffered himself to be duped by their count; but Philip, by his vigorous behaviour, so reduced them, that they compelled their sovereign to consent to a peace upon honourable terms. He summoned Edward II. of England to do homage for his possessions in France; but that monarch, finding himself involved in difficulties, which rendered the visit inconvenient, sent excuses to Philip, which he was pleased to accept. As the French monarch had formerly taken the cross during the lifetime of his father, he now proposed to put his vow in execution; but was dissuaded from this by the pope himself, at whose instance he sent an army into Italy to put an end to the contending factions of the Guelphs and Gibbelines, who for so long time filled the country with blood and slaughter. The event proved unfortunate; and the disgrace was rendered more mortifying by a contagious distemper, which swept off many thousands of French subjects. This was supposed by the superstitious people of those times to be occasioned by the Jews, who had conspired with the Saracens to poison the springs; and that the execution of the project was committed to some lepers who lived by themselves in hospitals richly endowed. On this a persecution was instantly commenced against these unfortunate men, and great numbers of them were burnt alive; while the Jews in general were abandoned to the rage of the populace, who insulted their persons, and plundered their houses without remorse.

The remaining part of the reign of Philip was spent in attempting to regulate the internal concerns of his kingdom. A design had been formed by his predecessors of establishing a certain standard for the coin, weights, and measures, throughout France; and this was adopted by Philip; who, in order to carry it more effectually into execution, purchased from the counts of Valois, Clermont, and Bourbon, their right of coinage within their own dominions. But notwithstanding all his endeavours for this purpose, he never could bring the scheme to bear; nor indeed could he in any degree conciliate the affection of his subjects. He died of a fever and dysentery in the year 1322, the 28th year of his age, and 9th of his reign.

By the death of Philip, the crown of France devolved on his brother Charles IV. who had obtained Charles the surname of Fair. After settling some disputes with the duke of Burgundy, his next step was to dissolve his marriage with Blanch, who still continued in prison, and to espouse Mary the daughter of Henry emperor of Germany. This marriage was contracted with a view to the Imperial crown itself, which had been so long separated from that of France; and in 1325 an opportunity offered for Charles to gratify his ambition. At that time the Imperial dignity was disputed between Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria; the latter of whom had been taken prisoner in a battle with Louis. But Pope John, who entertained an implacable hatred against Louis, fulminated the sentence of excommunication against him, infringing the execution of it to Leopold the brother of Ferdinand. The king of France was induced to embark in the same cause, by a promise of the spoils of Bavaria; while Frederic himself consented to relinquish his pretensions to the empire which he had so unsuccessfully maintained. Louis, however, by instantly releasing his prisoner, and dismissing him in an honourable manner, engaged his friendship, and disarmed his most formidable antagonist. But the pope was not to be disappointed. A considerable sum of money induced Leopold to persevere in his hostilities, while it was determined that a new council of electors should be held in order to transfer the Imperial crown to Charles. In pursuit of this visionary scheme, the king of France set out for the frontiers of Germany with a splendid army; but soon found that there was no possibility of accomplishing his wishes. Leopold alone, from motives of interest, remained his friend; the rest shewed the greatest indifference; and even his brother-in-law the king of Bohemia absented himself from the diet; while in a short time the death of the queen put an end to all connexions with that crown.

On the decease of Mary, Charles espoused Joanna daughter to the count of Evreux; and in order to avert the calamities to be feared from an infant succession, he entered into an alliance with Robert king of Scotland; by which it was provided, that should either of the sovereigns die without an heir apparent, the states of the kingdom should fill the vacant throne, and the survivor of the two kings should with his whole force support the legality of the nomination against any other competitor; though even this proved insufficient to avert the danger which now threatened the kingdom, as shall be explained in the sequel.

Charles died in the year 1328, in the 34th year of his age, leaving his queen pregnant; and as the succession depended on the fruit of the queen's pregnancy, a regent in the mean time was necessary; and two candidates instantly appeared for this important post, urging at the same time their right to the crown as well as to the regency. These were, Philip de Valois, cousin-german to the deceased king; the other, Edward III. king of England, who aspired to the throne. France in right of his mother, and the nephew of Charles the Fair. His pretensions, however, were easily set aside, and Philip was confirmed in the regency; from which he soon after stepped into the throne, on the queen being delivered of a daughter; from which circumstance he acquired the surname of Fortunato. But though the pretensions of Edward, both to the regency and crown, were unanimously rejected by the people, it was still impossible for Philip to think of the claims of such a formidable rival without uneasiness. He therefore summoned the English monarch to do homage for his possessions in France; and, upon his not answering his summons, forfeited them, and seized his revenues. This at last induced Edward to cross the sea and pay his homage; which Philip consented to receive in any form, upon condition of a proper explanation being afterwards given; but as this was studiously delayed after the return of the king of England, the province of Guienne was again seized by the French monarch. Edward, unwilling to lose his continental dominions, or involve himself in a war for the sake of a mere ceremony, sent over a formal deed, by which he acknowledged that he owed liege homage to France. Thus the flame was smothered for the present; and would perhaps have been entirely extinguished, had it not been for the intrigues of Robert of Artois, brother-in-law to the king of France himself, who had been expelled his country, and had taken refuge in England. By him he was persuaded to renew his pretensions to the crown of France, which of necessity produced a war.

For some time, indeed, neither party made any open declaration of hostility; but as both monarchs were possessed of great prudence and sagacity, they soon penetrated each other's designs. Philip, under pretence of taking the cross, began to make prodigious armaments, strengthening himself at the same time by alliances on every side; while Edward, determining to renew his claim to the crown of France, projected the conquest of Scotland. This, however, he could not accomplish; and in the mean time Philip, in order to favour the Scots, with whom he was in alliance, suffered his subjects to make irruptions into Guienne.

In 1337, the war broke out openly. Philip having detached a squadron of his fleet against the Infidels, employed the rest, consisting chiefly of Genoese vessels, against the English. As in this war it was of great importance which side was taken by the Flemings, these people were courted by both parties. Louis count of Flanders declared for Philip, but his subjects were more inclined to King Edward. James Arteville, a brewer, the most able and artful man in the country, governed them at that time as much as if he had been their prince; and the advantages arising from the English commerce determined him in favour of Edward, that prince, at his request, embarked for Sluys with a numerous army. Here he arrived in 1338; and on his first landing, it was resolved that the German princes in alliance with him should act against France. But for this a pretence was wanting. The vassals of the empire could not act by Edward's orders, or even as his allies, without directions from the emperor, and he was in league with France. This difficulty, however, was soon overcome: the French had made themselves masters of Cambrai, and the emperor resolved that it should be retaken. With this view he created Edward Vicar General of the Empire; an empty title, but which seemed to give him a right of commanding the services of the princes of Germany. The Flemings, who were vassals of France, likewise pretended scruples at invading the territories of their liege lord. To quiet these, Edward, by the advice of Arteville, assumed the title of King of France; and by virtue of this right challenged their assistance for dethroning Philip de Valois, the usurper of his kingdom. This step, which he feared would beget endless animosities and jealousies, he did not take without hesitation; and, according to Mr. Hume, from this time we may date the commencement of that great animosity which the English have always borne to the French.

Edward's first attempt was upon the city of Cambrai, to which he laid siege; but in a short time he was prevailed upon by Robert d'Artois to raise the siege and march into Picardy. This country he entered with an army of near 50,000 men, composed mostly of foreigners. Philip came within sight of him with an army of near 100,000, composed chiefly of native subjects; and it was daily expected that a battle would ensue. But the English monarch was averse to engage against so great a superiority; and Philip thought it sufficient if he eluded the attacks of his enemy, without running any unnecessary hazard. The two armies faced each other for several days; mutual despatches were sent; and Edward at last retired into Flanders, and dispersed his army.

Such was the fruitless and almost ridiculous conclusion of Edward's first expedition, which had plunged him into the greatest difficulties. He had contracted near 300,000l. of debt; he had anticipated all his revenue; he had pawned every thing of value which belonged either to himself or his queen; nay, he was obliged in some measure even to pawn himself to his creditors, by desiring their permission to go over to England in order to procure supply, and by promising on his word of honour to return in person if he did not remit their money. On his arrival in England, however, he procured a large supply, sufficient to enable him to make all the necessary preparations for a new invasion; and so certain were the English that France would now be conquered, that the parliament, before Edward's departure, protested that they owed him no obedience as king of France, but that the two kingdoms must remain for ever distinct and independent.

The king of England set out on his second expedition with a fleet of 240 vessels. Philip had prepared a fleet of 400 vessels, manned with 40,000 men; which he stationed off Sluys, in order to intercept him in his passage. The two fleets met on the 13th of June 1340; but the English, either by the superior abilities of Edward, or the greater dexterity of his seamen, entirely gained the wind of the enemy, and had the sun in their backs; and with these advantages began the action. The battle was fierce and bloody: The English archers, whose force and address were now much celebrated, galled the French on their approach; and when the ships grappled together, the example of the king and the nobility who were with him so animated the seamen and soldiers, that they maintained everywhere a superiority over the enemy. The Flemings observing the battle, hurried out of their ports, and brought brought a reinforcement to the English; which coming unexpectedly, had a greater effect than in proportion to its power and numbers. Two hundred and thirty ships were taken: and 30,000 Frenchmen were killed, with two of their admirals: the loss of the English was inconsiderable, compared to the greatness and importance of the victory. None of Philip's courtiers, it is said, dared to inform him of the event; till his fool or jester gave him a hint, by which he discovered the loss he had sustained.

After this great victory, Edward landed his forces and laid siege to Tournay. Philip marched to its relief with a very numerous army: but acted with so much caution, that Edward found himself in a manner blocked up in his camp: and the countess dowager of Hainault, sister to Philip, mother-in-law to Edward, and sister-in-law to Robert d'Artois, coming out of a convent, to which she had retired, interposed with so much spirit and address, that she engaged all parties to agree to a truce for a year, and might perhaps have brought about a peace if she had survived.

In 1341, however, Edward's ambition was once more excited by the invitation of the count de Montfort, who had possessed himself of the province of Brittany, and applied to Edward to second his claims. An offer of this kind entirely coincided with Edward's most sanguine desires. He was happy in the promised assistance of Mountfort, an active and valiant prince, closely united to him by interest, and thus opening to him an entrance into the heart of France. These flattering prospects, however, were for a while damped by the imprisonment of Mountfort, whose aims being discovered, he was besieged in the city of Nantz and taken. But Jane of Flanders his wife soon made up for the loss of her husband. This lady courageously undertook to support the falling fortunes of her family. She assembled the inhabitants of Rennes, where she then resided; and carrying her infant son in her arms, deplored her misfortunes, and attempted to inspire the citizens with an affection for her cause. The inhabitants of Nantz instantly espoused her interests, and all the other fortresses of Brittany embraced the same resolution. The king of England was apprised of her efforts; and was entreated to send her succours with all possible expedition to the town of Hennebone, in which place she resolved to sustain the attacks of the enemy. Charles de Blois, Philip's general, anxious to make himself master of so important a fortress as Hennebone, and still more to take the countess a prisoner, sat down before the place with a large army, and conducted the siege with indefatigable industry. The defence was no less vigorous: several sallies were made by the garrison, in which the countess herself was still the most active, and led on the assault. Observing one day that their whole army had quitted the camp to join in a general storm, she sallied out by a postern at the head of 300 horse, set fire to the enemies tents and baggage, put their sutlers and servants to the sword, and occasioned such an alarm, that the French desisted from the assault, in order to cut off her communication with the town. Thus intercepted, she retired to Auray, where she continued five or six days; then returning at the head of 300 horse, she fought her way through one quarter of the French camp, and returned to her faithful citizens in triumph. But the besiegers had at length made several breaches in the walls; and it was apprehended that a general assault, which was hourly expected, would be fatal. A capitulation was therefore proposed, and a conference was already begun, when the countess, who had mounted on a high tower, and was looking towards the sea with great impatience, descried some ships at a distance. She immediately exclaimed that succours were arrived, and forbade any further capitulation. She was not disappointed in her wishes; the fleet she discerned carried a body of English gentlemen, with 6000 archers, whom Edward had prepared for the relief of Hennebone, but who had been long detained by contrary winds. They entered the harbour under the conduct of Sir Walter Manny, one of the most valiant commanders of his time. This relief served to keep up the declining spirits of the Bretons until the time appointed by the late truce with Edward was expired, on which he was at liberty to renew the war in greater form.

The succours under Sir Walter Manny were quickly followed by a more considerable reinforcement commanded by Robert of Artois, who made himself master of the city of Vannes soon after his arrival: but the French soon recovered the city, and Robert was compelled to relinquish his prize after receiving a mortal wound. Edward himself, eager to revenge the death of his ally, soon landed at Morbian near Vannes with an army of 12,000 men. With this small number he undertook at once the siege of Vannes, Nantz, and Rennes: but by dividing his forces, he failed in every enterprise, and gave an opportunity to John duke of Normandy, the king of France's eldest son, to invest him in his camp. In this situation his provisions soon began to fail; and Edward, notwithstanding all his valour, would have been obliged to surrender, had he not, by a train of artful negotiations, induced Philip to relinquish the advantage he had obtained, and consent to a truce of three years. This was accomplished by the mediation of the court of Rome; and the French monarch was soon made sensible of the partiality of that court, and the imprudence of the step he himself had taken. Edward soon found a pretence to renew the war, from the execution of some nobles of Brittany, who, he said, were partisans of Mountfort, and chose to look upon their punishment as an infraction of the treaty.

Philip now endeavoured to secure himself against the power of his rival by alliances, and by purchasing the city of Montpelier from the king of Majorca: but in the mean time, the English, under the command of the earl of Derby, had invaded Guienne, twice defeated the French army commanded by the count de Lisle, and made themselves masters of a great number of towns. Philip, by reason of the exhausted state of his treasury, was for some time incapable of making any opposition. To recruit his finances, he was obliged to lay a duty on salt; which gave such offence to his subjects as had almost excited a rebellion. When these discontents were assuaged, however, he soon raised an army of 100,000 men, whose courage was further raised by the presence of the dukes of Normandy and Burgundy. The English general was therefore compelled to stand upon the defensive. One fortress after another was surrendered to the French; till at length nothing appeared but the total extinction of the power of England upon the continent. In this situation, Edward resolved to bring relief in person to his distressed subjects and allies; and accordingly embarked in 1346 at Southampton, on board a fleet of near 1000 sail, of all dimensions. He carried with him, besides all the chief nobility of England, his eldest son the prince of Wales (afterwards surnamed the Black Prince), a youth of about 15 years old, and already remarkable both for understanding and valour above his age. His army consisted of 4000 men at arms, 10,000 archers, 10,000 Welsh infantry, and 6000 Irish; all which he landed safely at La Hogue, a port in Normandy, which country he determined to make the seat of the war.

The intelligence of Edward's landing, and the devastation caused by his troops, who dispersed themselves over the whole face of the country, soon spread universal consternation through the French court. The rich city of Caen was taken and plundered by the English without mercy; the villages and towns, even up to Paris, shared the same fate; and the French had no other resource but by breaking down their bridges, to attempt putting a stop to the invader's career. In the mean time, Philip was not idle in making preparations to repress the enemy. He had stationed one of his generals, Godemar de Faye, with an army on the opposite side of the river Somme, over which Edward was to pass; while he himself, at the head of 120,000 fighting men, advanced to give the English battle. Edward, thus unexpectedly exposed to the danger of being enclosed and starved in an enemy's country, published a reward to any that should bring him intelligence of a passage over the river Somme. This was discovered by a peasant of the country, named Gobin Agace; and Edward had just time to get his whole army over the river, when Philip appeared in his rear. Of the battle that ensued, in which the French were overthrown with great slaughter, an account is given under the article CRESSY.

Edward next laid siege to Calais, which was then defended by John de Vienne, an experienced commander, and supplied with every thing necessary for defence. It was at length taken, after a twelvemonth's siege, the defendants having been reduced to the last extremity by famine and fatigue: for the consequences of which, see the article CALAIS.

From the very beginning of this unfortunate war, Philip had invariably showed himself desirous of peace, and the victory of Cressy rendered him still more so. Edward also, notwithstanding his successes, was unable to support the expences of the war any longer. The mediation of the court of Rome was therefore readily accepted, and a truce for three years concluded. At the same time, Philip met with some recompense for the losses he had sustained, by the acquisition of Dauphiny, which has ever since given the title of Dauphin to the eldest son of the king of France. It was obtained by the resignation of Hubert, prince of Dauphiny; who, being disappointed in his hopes of marrying Joan, daughter of the duke of Bourbon, gave up his territories to Charles the grandson of Philip, who had married that lady; himself retiring into a convent. Soon after this event, the king himself, who had been some time a widower, was married to Blanch, the daughter of Philip count of Evreux, and Jane queen of Navarre; and his son John to the countess of Boulogne. But the happiness occasioned by these marriages was soon interrupted by the death of the king; who expired in the year 1350, the 57th of his age, and 23d of his reign.

On the death of Philip his eldest son John took possession of the kingdom; but scarcely was he seated on the throne, when he disgusted his nobility by an unseasonable act of severity. Robert de Brienne, count of Eu and Guisnes, had been taken prisoner by the king of England at Caen; and under pretence of negotiating his ransom, had passed several times between France and England; but being accused of a treasonable correspondence with Edward, he was by order of his sovereign suddenly arrested, condemned, and beheaded, without any form of trial. At his death, it is said that he confessed his treasonable practices; but that has not been authenticated by any historian of credit. Having been constable of France, the sword, the badge of his office, was delivered to Charles de la Carda: but his fate was equally unfortunate with that of his predecessor, being soon after assassinated by Charles king of Navarre, surnamed The wicked. This infamous prince, celebrated for his personal qualifications, but detested for his crimes, was the son-in-law of John the king himself. He had demanded the duchy of Angouleme of the king: but as the latter had thought proper to bestow it upon Carda, he had taken the effectual method of revenging himself, by assassinating his rival. John did not fail to show a proper resentment; but such was the weakness of his government, that the king of Navarre set him at defiance, and would not even condescend to the ceremony of asking pardon until John had sent him his second son as an hostage for his personal security. To these offences the king of Navarre added another still more atrocious, viz. that of aspiring to the crown of France itself; to which he pretended a right derived from his mother, being grandson by the female side to Louis the Boisterous. But his more immediate demands were the countries of Champagne and Brie. To obviate all difficulties on this head, however, John bestowed the duchy of Normandy on his eldest son Charles; and commanded him to seize the estates of the king of Navarre. On this the latter soon made his appearance at Paris; but John found himself obliged to appease his murmurs at the expense of no less than 100,000 crowns.

All this time the truce with England had been very ill observed on both sides; the French had possessed themselves of the port of St Jean d'Angeli; and the English had surprised the town of Guisnes. The rival houses of Montfort and Blois still continued their animosities; while Edward continued to threaten war. The king of Navarre went on with his intrigues; and even the dauphin was drawn into a confederacy against his father. John, however, being informed of their machinations, found means to defeat them effectually. The dauphin was reclaimed by pointing out to him the impropriety of his conduct, and the disadvantage which must unavoidably accrue to himself from the connexions which he had formed. The king of Navarre was invited with his principal adherents, to an entertainment, where they were unexpectedly arrested: the former being sent prisoner to Chateau Gaillard, and several of the most obnoxious of the latter put to death. The rest of the conspirators, instead of being dismayed by this check, immediately showed themselves in open rebellion; and finding themselves unable, without farther assistance, to gain their point, they without delay invited over Edward from England.

That warlike and enterprising monarch had never lost sight of the object he had originally embraced; and on the expiration of the truce had sent his son, the prince of Wales, from the colour of his armour surnamed the Black Prince, with a fleet towards the coast of France. Young Edward had with this fleet entered the mouth of the river Garonne, burnt the towns and villages of Languedoc, and retired with the plunder into the country of Guienne. Edward himself, who had likewise passed over to the continent, wasted the country as far as St Omer; but the French king, notwithstanding all these provocations, determined to avoid a battle, and therefore prohibited his general, the constable of Bourbon, from coming to an engagement, though his army was much superior to that of the prince of Wales. With the flower of his troops, however, he pursued Edward from St Omer to Hessin, where he defied him to a pitched battle; but the latter, without minding his bravadoes, continued his march to Calais, from whence he embarked for England. After his departure, John called an assembly of the states at Paris, where he explained the distressed situation of his finances, and showed so fully the necessity of assisting him in the defence of the kingdom, that they consented to maintain an army of 30,000 men during the war. To supply the other exigencies of government, they revived the duty on salt, and added a variety of other imposts; but at the same time appointed a committee of their own number to take care that the money was solely appropriated to the public service.

The satisfaction which John received from these grants, and the suppression of some disturbances which happened about this time, was soon overcast by the news that the prince of Wales had marched with an army of 12,000 men from Bordeaux; and, after ravaging the Agenois, Quercy, and the Limousin, had entered the province of Berry. The young warrior had penetrated into the heart of France with this trifling body of forces, in hopes of joining the duke of Lancaster in Guienne. But he soon found that his scheme was impracticable: the country before him was too well guarded to permit his advancing further; and all the bridges behind were broken down, which effectually barred a retreat. In this embarrassing situation, his perplexity was increased, by being informed, that the king of France was actually marching at the head of 60,000 men to intercept him. He at first thought of retreating; but soon finding it impossible, he determined calmly to wait the approach of the enemy; and, notwithstanding the disparity of forces, to commit all to the hazard of a battle.

It was at a place called Mauvertuis, near Poitiers, that both armies came in sight of each other. The French king might very easily have starved the English into any terms he thought proper to impose; but such was the impatient valour of the French nobility, and such their certainty of success, that it might have been equally fatal to attempt repressing their ardour to engage. In the mean time, while both armies were drawn out, and expecting the signal to begin, they were stopped by the appearance of the cardinal of Perigord, who attempted to be a mediator between them. However, John, who made himself sure of victory, would listen to no other terms than the restitution of Calais; with which the Black Prince refusing to comply, the onset was deferred till the next morning, for which both sides waited in anxious suspense.

During this interval, the young prince strengthened his post by new intrenchments; and placed 300 men in ambush, with as many archers, who were commanded to attack the enemy in flank during the heat of the engagement. Having taken these precautions, he ranged his army in three divisions; the van was commanded by the earl of Warwick, the rear by the earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, and the main body by himself. In like manner, the king of France arranged his forces in three divisions; the first commanded by the duke of Orleans; the second by the dauphin, attended by his younger brothers; while he himself led up the main body, seconded by his youngest and favourite son, then about 14 years of age. As the English were to be attacked only by marching up a long narrow lane, the French suffered greatly from their archers, who were posted on each side behind the hedges. Nor were they in a better situation upon emerging from this danger, being met by the Black Prince himself, at the head of a chosen body of troops, who made a furious onset upon their forces, already in great disorder. A dreadful overthrow ensued: those who were yet in the lane recoiled upon their own forces; while the English troops who had been placed in ambush, took that opportunity to increase the confusion, and confirm the victory. The dauphin and the duke of Orleans were among the first that fled. The king of France himself made the utmost efforts to retrieve by his valour what his rashness had forfeited; but his single courage was unable to stop that consternation which had now become general through his army; and his cavalry soon flying, he found himself exposed to the enemy's fury. At length, spent with fatigue and despairing of success, he thought of yielding himself a prisoner; and frequently cried out, that he was ready to deliver himself to his cousin the prince of Wales. The honour of taking him, however, was reserved for a knight of Arras, who had been obliged to fly his country for murder.

In April following, the prince conducted his royal prisoner through London, attended by an infinite concourse of people of all ranks and stations. His modesty upon this occasion was very remarkable: the king of France was clad in royal apparel, and mounted on a white steed distinguished by its size and beauty: while the prince himself rode by his side upon a mean little horse, and in very plain attire.

This dreadful defeat, which happened in the year 1356, almost entirely ruined the French affairs; and the miseries which ensued from this cause were greatly augmented by internal commotions. The dauphin, who had now assumed the government, was altogether unable to govern a turbulent and seditious people at such a crisis. An assembly of the states, which he called, took the opportunity to limit the power of the prince, impeach the former ministers, and demand the liberty liberty of the king of Navarre; the treasurer of the crown was murdered by one Marcel, a partisan of that worthless prince who had filled the city of Paris with confusion by his intrigues. The assassin whom Marcel employed was dragged, by order of the dauphin, from an altar where he had taken refuge, and instantly put to death. The bishop of Paris resented the indignity done to the church; and Marcel avenged the fate of his adherent, by murdering both the marshals who had seized him in the presence of the dauphin; and so near him, that his clothes were stained with their blood. The prince indignantly asked him, if he was to be involved in the same destruction? when Marcel affected to provide for his safety by putting upon him a blue hood, the badge of the adherents of Navarre. The public disorders were now also augmented by the escape of the king of Navarre from confinement; and though the dauphin was even assured that he had administered a dose of poison to him, he was obliged still to pay him some appearance of regard. A scheme was even formed by the chiefs of the sedition to change the government, to vest all the power in the commons, and leave the king no more than an empty title; but though this was favourably received by the city of Paris, it was entirely rejected by the other cities of the kingdom. The dauphin was likewise recognized as regent by the states general, and the inhabitants of Picardy and Champagne took up arms in his cause.

In this disastrous state of affairs, the miseries of the people were heightened by a new and unexpected evil. The peasants, who had been all along oppressed by the nobles, were now treated in such a manner, that they rose in great numbers to revenge themselves; the castles of the nobility were razed to the ground, their wives and daughters ravished, and themselves put to the most cruel torments. At last they were obliged to arm in their own defence. The duke of Orleans cut off 10,000 of them in the neighbourhood of Paris; 12,000 were massacred by the king of Navarre; 9,000, who had laid siege to the town of Meaux, where the dauphiness and three other ladies of the first rank resided, were routed and pursued with dreadful slaughter by an officer in the service of Edward. Amidst these confusions, Marcel, the seditious leader already mentioned, perished in a tumult of his own raising; and the most virtuous and prudent people of the nation supported the pretensions of the dauphin. His most dangerous enemy was the king of Navarre, who had allure to his standard numbers of those Norman and English adventurers who had followed Edward into France, and there been left to seek their fortunes; where they associated themselves under the name of the Companions. By such a formidable competitor the dauphin was reduced almost to the last extremity, when his hopes were revived by an unexpected proposal from his rival, of peace upon equitable and moderate terms. Historians in general have ascribed this to the natural levity of the king of Navarre; but some have been of opinion that he acted from prudential motives, and that he justly supposed it would be more easy to deal with the dauphin who was his own kinsman, and humbled by so many misfortunes, than with a haughty and imperious conqueror like Edward.

On the expiration of the truce in 1359, Edward again set sail for France, and anchored before Calais with a fleet of 1,100 sail, assumed the title of King of France, and augmented his army to 100,000 men. The dauphin, finding himself unable to withstand so great a power, was obliged to act on the defensive; choosing the city of Paris for his station, and allowing the English to ravage all the open country. Thus Edward they were allowed to penetrate through Picardy into Champagne; but the city of Rheims, where Edward designed to have been crowned king of France, baffled their utmost efforts. From Champagne, therefore, which was already laid waste, the English monarch marched into Burgundy; pillaged Tonnerre, Gaillon, and Avalon. Burgundy was saved by the payment of 100,000 merks, and a like sum was paid for Nivernois. At last, after a long and destructive march, Edward arrived at the gates of Paris; but the prudence of the dauphin and citizens of that metropolis had rendered it impregnable to the attacks of famine as well as the assaults of an army. Thus the war went on till the year 1360, when the king of England was inclined to close a peace, as is said, by a dreadful tempest, to which his army was exposed while encamped in the fields round Chartres. His conduct, however, may more reasonably be derived from other motives. Notwithstanding all the victories he had gained, the French nation showed not the least favour to his claim of succession; the king of Navarre was a dangerous rival, and the caution of the dauphin in avoiding an engagement deprived him of the advantages he might expect from his valour and military skill. Thus conferences for a peace were opened at Bretigny in the Chartraines; and it was at last concluded on the following conditions, viz. That King John should pay for his ransom, at different periods, three millions of crowns of gold (about a million and a half of our money): Edward should for ever renounce all claim to the kingdom of France; and should remain possessed of the territories of Poictou, Xaintonge, l'Agénais, Perigord, the Limousin, Quercy, Rouvergne, l'Angoumois, and other districts in that quarter, together with Calais, Guines, Montreuil, and the county of Ponthieu on the other side of France. Some other stipulations were made in favour of the allies of England, as a security for the execution of these conditions.

Upon John's return to his dominions, he found himself very ill able to ratify those terms of peace that had been just concluded. He was without finances, at the head of an exhausted state; his soldiers without discipline, and his peasants without subordination. These had risen in great numbers; and one of the chiefs of the banditti assumed the title of The Friend of God and the terror of Man. A citizen of Sens, named John Gouge, also got himself, by means of his robberies, to be acknowledged king; and he soon caused as many calamities by his devastations, as the real king had brought on by his misfortunes. Such was the state of that wretched kingdom upon the return of its captive monarch: and yet such was his absurdity, that he immediately prepared for a crusade into the Holy Land, before he was well replaced on the throne. Had his exhausted subjects been able to equip him for this chimerical project, it is probable, he would have gone through with it; but their miseries were such, that they were even too poor to pay his ransom. This his was a breach of treaty that John would not submit to; and and he was heard to express himself in a very noble manner upon the occasion: "Though (says he) good faith should be banished from the rest of the earth, yet she ought still to retain her habitation in the breast of kings." In consequence of this declaration, he actually returned to England once more; and yielded himself a prisoner, since he could not be honourably free. It is said by some, that his passion for the countess of Salisbury was the real cause of his journey: but we want at this time the foundations for such an injurious report. He was lodged in the Savoy, the palace where he had resided during his captivity; and soon after he closed a long and unfortunate reign, by his death, which happened in the year 1384, about the 56th year of his age.

Charles, surnamed the Wise, succeeded his father on the throne of France; and this monarch, merely by the force of a finely conducted policy, and even though suffering some defeats, restored his country once more to tranquillity and power. He quelled and dissipated a set of banditti, who had associated themselves under the name of Companions, and who had long been a terror to the peaceable inhabitants. He had them enrolled into a body, and led them into the kingdom of Castile against Peter, surnamed the Cruel, whom his subjects had deposed, and who, by means of an alliance with the English, endeavoured to get himself reinstated upon the throne. In consequence of these alliances, the English and French again came to an engagement; their armies on the one side commanded by the Black Prince; on the other, by Henry of Trastamare, and Bertrand du Guesclin, one of the most consummate generals and accomplished characters of the age in which he lived. However, the usual good fortune of the English prince prevailed; the French lost above 20,000 men, while only four knights and 40 private men on the side of the English were slain.

Nevertheless, these victories were attended with very few good effects. The English, by their frequent levies, had been quite exhausted, and were unable to continue an army in the field. Charles, on the other hand, cautiously forebore coming to any decisive engagement; but was contented to let his enemies waste their strength in attempts to plunder a fortified country. When they were retired, he then was sure to sally forth, and possess himself of such places as they were not strong enough to defend. He first fell upon Pontlieu; the citizens of Abbeville opened their gates to him; those of St Valois, Rue, and Crotoy, imitated the example; and the whole country was in a little time reduced to total submission. The southern provinces were, in the same manner, invaded by his generals with equal success; while the Black Prince, destitute of supplies from England, and wasted by a cruel and consumptive disorder, was obliged to return to his native country, leaving his affairs in the south of France in a desperate condition.

In this exigence, the resentment of the king of England was excited to the utmost pitch; and he seemed resolved to take signal vengeance on his enemies of the continent. But the fortunate occasion was now elapsed; and all his succeeding designs were marked with ill success. The earl of Pembroke and his whole army were intercepted at sea, and taken prisoners by Henry king of Castile. Sir Robert Knolles, one of his generals on the continent, at the head of 30,000 men, was defeated by Bertrand du Guesclin; while the duke of Lancaster, at the head of 25,000 men, had the mortification of seeing his troops diminished one half by flying parties, without ever coming to a battle.

At last, the English affairs were totally ruined by the death of the Black Prince and King Edward. On receiving this news, the armies of Charles attacked the English on all sides. One, under the command of the duke of Burgundy, entered Artois; another entered Auvergne, under the command of the duke of Berry; that which acted in Guienne was commanded by the duke of Anjou; and the forces in Bretagne were under the constable Guesclin: the king himself had a powerful body of troops, that he might be able to repair any accident which should happen through the chance of war. The constable joined the duke of Burgundy, who found it difficult to oppose Sir Thomas Felton and the seneschal of Bordeaux. Soon after his arrival, the constable attacked and defeated them, making both the commanders prisoners of war. This victory was so well pursued, that, at the close of the campaign 1377, Bayonne and Bordeaux, with the districts about them, and the fortress of Calais with its dependencies, were all the places left to England on the continent.

Thus Charles established once more the house of Valois on the throne of France, but did not long live to enjoy his good fortune. He died in the year 1379, at the age of 44, of the consequences of poison formerly given him by the king of Navarre, as has already been mentioned. The immediate operation of this poison had been suspended by the skill of a physician sent by the emperor Charles IV. He opened an issue in his arm, the running of which preserved his life; but the physician declared, that whenever it should dry up, the consequence would be fatal. Not long before his death, Charles had commenced a process against the king of Navarre for this crime. Several of the associates of the latter suffered on this occasion, and the king himself was deprived of his possessions in Normandy, as well as his lordship of Montpelier, which had been given him in lieu of the counties of Champagne and Brie, and the duchy of Burgundy, which he had claimed. He did not long survive the death of the French monarch whom he destroyed. His death was singular and very terrible; for having been afflicted with the leprosy, he had been obliged to make use of some bandages dipped in sulphur, and afterwards steeped in brandy. These took fire by the carelessness of a page, and the unfortunate prince was burnt to death.

Charles V. was succeeded by his son Charles VI., named the Well-beloved, who, at the time of his accession to the throne, was only 12 years of age. The duke of Anjou, eldest brother to the late king, had been appointed guardian during the minority of the prince; but he being totally unfit for the office, and distinguished only for his rapacity and ambition, readily resigned his charge to the dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, the former uncle to the king by his father's side, the latter by his mother's. None of these tutors, however, proved faithful to the trust reposed in them. The duke of Anjou seized the plate and treasures of the late. late king, in order to support his ambitious enterprises. At that time Joan, infamous for her profligacy, reigned in Naples. She had appointed one Charles Durazzo, who was her relation, to succeed her in the throne; but the inhuman wretch murdered his benefactress, who with her last breath revoked her grant of the kingdom to him, and bestowed it upon the duke of Anjou. His influence at the French court enabled him to waste the treasures of the kingdom in support of his pretensions; though he proved ultimately unsuccessful, his forces being constantly defeated, and his designs frustrated by the superior skill of his adversary. The duke of Burgundy, instead of instructing his pupil in the ways of virtue, indulged him in every kind of vicious pleasure, hoping thereby to gain his favour afterwards. The citizens of Paris, oppressed by taxes, broke out into tumults, and were quelled with difficulty; while the mal-administration of Philip the duke of Burgundy soon involved the nation in hostilities with the Flemings. Philip invaded their country at the head of an army of 80,000 men, along with whom was the young king, accompanied by the principal nobility of France. The first operations of war were favourable to the Flemings; but they were at length totally defeated on the banks of the river Lys, where their leader, with 25,000 of his followers, perished. This victory was followed by the submission of the whole country; but the satisfaction of the king at this event was disturbed by new seditions and revolts in the city of Paris, and other great towns of the kingdom. His return, however, at the head of a victorious army, soon reduced them to their duty, and several of the revolted cities were severely punished; at the same time that the death of the duke of Anjou having freed him from the immediate dependence on his tutors, he assumed the reins of government into his own hands in the year 1384.

The genius which Charles began to display in his early years, raised the hopes of the nation; but these were soon overcast, and greater misfortunes than ever were now about to ensue. The young king, whose marriage began to be a subject of attention to the council, refused to comply with the forms in use among his predecessors, and insisted upon seeing the person designed for his consort. An interview was accordingly contrived betwixt him and Isabella daughter to the duke of Bavaria; where he fell in love with that princess, and afterwards married her. His administration was for some time prudent and vigorous. He conciliated the affections of his people by restoring their privileges, punishing their oppressors, and relieving them from the taxes which had been imposed in his minority. He reduced the Flemings to submit to the authority of his uncle the duke of Burgundy; detached 15,000 archers and 1500 men at arms to assist the Scots in their incursions into England; and in 1385 fitted out a prodigious armament against England. A vast fleet was assembled in the harbour of Sluys, and a very numerous army in the neighbourhood. According to some writers, the armament consisted of 1200 ships, 20,000 foot differently armed, 20,000 cavalry, and 20,000 cross-bow-men. There was besides a vast wooden edifice or floating town, which was contrived for the protection of the soldiers when landed: but all these preparations were at last brought to nothing through the obstinacy of the duke of Berry; who, having been originally against this measure, carried on his part of the armament so slowly, that he did not arrive at Sluys till the middle of September, when the season was so far advanced, that no invasion was practicable. A storm that happened soon after, drove the greatest part of the fleet on shore, and beat the wooden edifice all to pieces; the remains of which the king bestowed on the duke of Burgundy, to whom he gave also the port of Sluys, which was then very commodious, and of the utmost importance.

The destruction of the French fleet was only a prelude to calamities of a more extraordinary nature. The Sieur de Craon, a profligate nobleman, had been intrusted by the court of France with a considerable sum of money for the support of the duke of Anjou, at the time he was reduced to distress by his Italian expedition. This money he had dissipated at Venice; but, by the credit of the duke of Orleans, the king's brother, he had obtained his pardon, and returned to court. Here he attempted to gratify his private resentment by the assassination of Oliver Clisson the constable, whom he suspected of having promoted his disgrace. This veteran hero was attacked, on his return from the hotel de St Pol, by a band of 20 ruffians, against whom he defended himself with wonderful intrepidity, when at last he fell, after receiving more than 50 wounds. Happily, however, he recovered notwithstanding his being mangled in this manner; while the assassin, to screen himself from vengeance, fled for protection to the duke of Brittany. The king demanded the assassin to be given up to him in chains; but the duke answered, that he knew nothing of him: to which the king giving no credit, marched with all his forces into his territories. When the army arrived at Mans, the king was seized with a slow fever; but its seizing could not be prevailed upon to rest or take physic. On the 5th of August 1391, having marched all day in the heat of the sun, a miserable, ragged, wild-looking fellow darted from behind a tree, and laying hold of the bridle of his horse, cried out "Stop! where are you going, king? You are betrayed:" and immediately withdrew again into the wood. The king passed on not a little disturbed: and soon after one of the pages, who rode behind and carried his lance, overcome with heat, fell asleep, and let it fall upon the helmet which was carried by the other. The king hearing the noise, looked about; and perceiving the page lifting the lance, killed him immediately: then riding furiously with his sword drawn, he struck on every side of him, and at every person, till he broke his sword: upon which one of his gentlemen leaped up behind him and held his arm. He fell soon after, and lay as if he had been dead; so that being taken up and bound in a wagon, he was carried back to Mans, where he lay two days in a lethargy, after which he came a little to himself, and expressed great concern at the blood he had shed in his delirium. The people, who had expressed the greatest concern for his distemper, were equally rejoiced at the news of his recovery; but unfortunately it was soon discovered, that he no longer possessed that strength of judgment and understanding for which he had formerly been remarkable. Hence a regency became indispensably necessary; and and the competition for it brought to light the characters of the queen and duke of Orleans, which had not hitherto been displayed to public view. The former of these was a most beautiful and accomplished princess; but vindictive, violent, and intriguing; insensible to natural affection, but easily accessible to flattery, and ready to yield to every impulse of lawless passion. The duke of Orleans was equally remarkable for his personal accomplishments, and had married Valentina daughter of the duke of Milan; but his engagements with that princess did not prevent him from engaging in a number of licentious amours, and among the rest, as was supposed, with his sister-in-law Isabella. During the king's illness he openly aspired at the regency; but his pretensions were overruled by the states, the administration of affairs being for the present conferred on the duke of Burgundy. In a few months indeed the health and understanding of the king seemed to be sufficiently restored; but in the year 1393 it was again disturbed by an accident no less extraordinary than the former had been. An entertainment had been given in honour of the marriage of one of the queen's attendants. At this six masques entered the apartment, disguised like satyrs, in linen clothes covered with rosin, and while warm stuck over with down. These were the king and five of his lords.

The duchess of Berri paid attention to the king, though she did not know him, and engaged in conversation with him. In the meantime the duke of Orleans, ignorant of the consequence, out of diversion ran a lighted torch against one of them. His whole dress was instantly in a flame, and the fire was from him communicated to all the rest. The masques, notwithstanding the dreadful situation they were in, called out, "Save the king; save the king!" on which the duchess of Berri, recollecting that it must be him with whom she had engaged in conversation, wrapped him in her cloak, and preserved him from further danger. Only one of the rest escaped by jumping into a cistern of water; the other four perished in the flames. The terror which the king underwent by this accident instantly occasioned a relapse; and he continued delirious at intervals as long as he lived. During this state of insanity he was untractable by every person except Valentina duchess of Orleans; who seemed to have as great an influence over him as her husband the duke had over the mind of the queen. So great was the power indeed which she had over the king in this deplorable state, that in those superstitious times it was supposed by many to be the effect of magic. Others, with more probability, ascribed it to her superior charms as a woman; and this idea instantly produced her a number of enemies among her own sex, the duchess of Burgundy particularly; and the quarrel between the two ladies soon extended itself to their husbands. Amidst their dissensions, however, they did not entirely neglect the administration of public affairs; they strove to conciliate the affection of the parliament by preserving the rights of the commons inviolate; and they endeavoured to check an inordinate passion for gaming which began to appear about this time, and to substitute manly and martial exercises in its place.

During the intervals of his reason, Charles frequently assumed the government into his own hands; and as the war still continued with England, though in a languid manner, the French monarch, in one of these lucid intervals, had an interview with Richard king of England, in order to put an end to hostilities, of which both were equally weary. Still, however, their claims were so difficult to be adjusted, that they could do no more than conclude a truce for 25 years; France and during which space it was hoped that a lasting peace might take place. Richard gave up Cherbourg to Charles, and Brest to the duke of Brittany; a marriage was also concluded betwixt the king of England and Isabella the daughter of Charles, though the latter was then only seven years of age; but by reason of the tender age of the princess, this marriage was never consummated.

During this unfortunate reign, France was still farther weakened by the succours sent to the Hungarians against the Turks. On this fatal expedition upwards of 1000 of the bravest and most experienced knights were sent under the conduct of John count of Nevers, eldest son of the duke of Burgundy; the count of Eu, constable of France; John de Vienne, admiral of France; and the count of Marche, a prince of the blood royal; together with De Courcy, one of the best and most experienced captains in Christendom. The prudent counsels of this veteran, however, were not obeyed by the youthful warriors by whom he was accompanied. Attacking the enemy therefore rashly, and while heated with wine, they were all either killed or taken prisoners. Notwithstanding this disaster, however, assistance was sent in the year 1400 to Wenceslaus emperor of Germany; and the duke of Orleans, who commanded the army on this occasion, acquitted himself so well that he acquired the duchy of Luxembourg for himself, and left his ally satisfied; but while the friendship of France was thus courted by foreign powers, the kingdom itself was in the most miserable situation. The king's distemper seemed daily to gain ground; while the discordant interests of the contending parties kept the whole nation in a ferment. The most violent animosity took place betwixt the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy. The former, by means of his own interest with the queen, and the ascendancy his duchess had over the king, for some time got the better of his rival, and was made lieutenant general and governor of the kingdom; but having presumed on his power to levy new imposts on the people, and oppressing also the churchmen, whom in that superstitious age he ought by all means to have let alone, he was deprived of his authority, and obliged to yield to the duke of Burgundy. For some time, however, these powerful rivals were kept within some bounds by the mediation of the duke of Bourbon, who seems to have been the only grandee who maintained a pure and unsullied character; but by his death in 1404, the unhappy nation was left totally exposed to their relentless fury. In 1405, the queen and duke of Orleans again seized the administration; but were soon deprived of it by the unanimous voice of the people. During this period Charles and his children were neglected and abandoned to distress; but they were relieved by the duke of Burgundy on his obtaining the regency; and Isabella, with the duke of Orleans, was obliged to retire from Milan. A sudden return of the king's reason and understanding for a much longer time than usual, now deprived both parties of their power; and the administration administration was vested in the queen and a council composed of princes of the blood.

The two rival dukes, thus prohibited from interfering in public affairs, exercised themselves in committing hostilities against the English, with whom the truce had been lately concluded. They were encouraged to this infraction of the treaty by the unsettled situation of the affairs of Henry IV.; but their attempts proving unsuccessful, the truce was renewed after obtaining restoration of the princess, who had been married to Richard II., as has been already mentioned. The failure of their enterprises produced a new scene of discord betwixt the dukes, who mutually threw the blame upon each other. By the entreaties of the duke of Berry they were apparently reconciled; but the duke of Burgundy pretended friendship only in order to take the more signal vengeance. To this he was now further inflamed by jealousy. Having hired a band of ruffians to execute his bloody purpose, the duke was one evening attacked by eighteen of them while attended only by two pages. A Norman gentleman whom the duke had deprived of an employment, headed the assassins, and in person attacked the duke. At the first blow he cut off his hand, at the second he struck him from his mule, and at the third put an end to his life. His wife Valentina was so deeply affected with his death, that she died soon after. The duke of Burgundy escaped to Flanders; and the whole nation was rent into two factions, called the Burgundians and Armagnacs; the latter being the title of the party of the duke of Orleans, from Armagnac the father-in-law of that prince. A dreadful confusion ensued: the duke of Burgundy soon returned to France, and extorted a pardon from the unhappy king, who was now no longer able to resist him: and we may have some notion of the state of the kingdom in general from being told, that 2000 people perished in one tumult in the capital. The king himself was alternately the prisoner of each party, and alternately transferred the power from the one to the other as he happened to fall into their hands. This therefore was thought by Henry V. of England, a favourable opportunity to recover from France those grants that had been formerly given up by treaty. But previously, to give his intended expedition the appearance of justice, he sent over ambassadors to Paris, offering a perpetual peace and alliance, on condition of being put in possession of all those provinces which had been ravished from the English during some former reigns, and of espousing Catharine, the French king's daughter, in marriage, with a suitable dowry. Though the French court was at that time extremely averse to war, yet the exorbitance of these demands could not be complied with; and Henry invasion by very probably made them in hopes of a denial. He therefore assembled a great fleet and army at Southampton; and having allured all the military men of the kingdom to attend him, from the hopes of conquest, he put to sea, and landed at Harfleur, at the head of an army of 6000 men-at-arms, and 24,000 foot, mostly archers.

His first operations were upon Harfleur: which being pressed hard, promised at a certain day to surrender unless relieved before that time. The day arriving, and the garrison, unmindful of their engagement, still resolving to defend the place, Henry ordered an assault to be made, took the town by storm, and put all the garrison to the sword. From thence the victor advanced farther into the country, which had been already rendered desolate by factions, and which he now totally laid waste. But although the enemy made a feeble resistance; yet the climate seemed to fight against the English; a contagious dysentery carrying off three parts of Henry's army. In this situation he had recourse to an expedient common enough in that barbarous age, to inspire his troops with confidence in their general. He challenged the dauphin, who commanded in the French army, to single combat, offering to stake his pretensions on the event. This challenge, as might naturally be expected, was rejected; and the French, though disagreeing internally, at last seemed to unite at the appearance of the common danger. A numerous army of 14,000 men-at-arms, and 40,000 foot, was by this time assembled under the command of Count Albert, and was now placed to intercept Henry's weakened forces on their return. The English monarch, when it was too late, began to repent of his rash inroad into a country where disease and a powerful army everywhere threatened destruction; he therefore thought of retiring into Calais. In this retreat, which was at once both painful and dangerous, Henry took every precaution to inspire his troops with patience and perseverance; and showed them in his own person the brightest example of fortitude and resignation. He was continually harassed on his march by flying parties of the enemy; and whenever he attempted to pass the river Somme, across which his march lay, he saw troops on the other side ready to oppose his passage. However, he was so fortunate as to seize by surprise a passage near St Quintin, which had not been sufficiently guarded; and there he safely carried over his army.

But the enemy was still resolved to intercept his retreat: and after he had passed the small river of Terrois at Blangi, he was surprised to observe from the heights the whole French army drawn up in the plains of Agincourt; and so posted, that it was impossible for him to proceed on his march, without coming to an engagement. A battle accordingly took place, in which the English gained a victory, the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history; an account of which is given under the article Agincourt.

This victory, gained on the 25th of October 1415, was however attended with no immediate effects. Henry still continued to retreat, after the battle of Agincourt, out of the kingdom; and carried his prisoners to Calais, and from thence to England. In 1417, he once more landed an army of 25,000 men in Normandy; and prepared to strike a decisive blow for the crown of France, to which the English monarchs had long made pretensions. That wretched country was now in a most deplorable situation. The whole kingdom appeared as one vast theatre of crimes, murder, injustice, and devastation. The duke of Orleans was assassinated by the duke of Burgundy; and the duke of Burgundy, in his turn, fell by the treachery of the dauphin. At the same time, the duke's son, desirous of revenging his father's death, entered into a secret treaty with the English; and a league was immediately concluded at Arras, between Henry and the young duke of Burgundy, in which the king pro- mised to revenge the murder of the late duke; and the son seemed to insist upon no further stipulations. Henry, therefore, proceeded in his conquests without much opposition from any quarter. Several towns and provinces submitted on his approach; the city of Rouen was besieged and taken; and he soon became master of Pontoise and Gisors. He even threatened Paris by the terror of his power, and obliged the court to re- move to Troyes. It was at this city that the duke of Burgundy, who had taken upon him the protection of the French king, met Henry in order to ratify that treaty which was formerly begun, and by which the crown of France was to be transferred to a stranger. The imbecility into which Charles had fallen, made him passive in this remarkable treaty; and Henry dic- tated the terms throughout the whole negotiation. The principal articles of this treaty were, that Henry should espouse the princess Catharine; that King Charles should enjoy the title and dignity of king for life; but that Henry should be declared heir to the crown, and should be intrusted with the present administration of the government; that France and England should for ever be united under one king, but should still retain their respective laws and privileges; that Henry should unite his arms with those of King Charles and the duke of Burgundy, to depress and subdue the dauphin and his partisans.

It was not long after this treaty, that Henry mar- ried the princess Catharine; after which he carried his father-in-law to Paris, and took a formal possession of that capital. There he obtained from the estates of the kingdom a ratification of the late compact; and then turned his arms with success against the adhe- rents of the dauphin; who, in the mean time, wan- dered about a stranger in his own patrimony, and to his enemies successes only opposed fruitless expostula- tions.

Henry's supplies were not provided in such plenty as to enable him to carry on the war without returning in person to prevail upon his parliament for fresh succours; and, upon his arrival in England, though he found his subjects highly pleased with the splendour of his con- quests, yet they seemed somewhat doubtful as to the ad- vantage of them. A treaty, which in its consequences was likely to transfer the seat of empire from England, was not much relished by the parliament. They there- fore, upon various pretexts, refused him a supply equal to his exigencies or his demands; but he was resolved on pursuing his schemes; and, joining to the supplies granted at home, the contributions levied on the con- quered provinces, he was able once more to assemble an army of 28,000 men, and with these he landed safely at Calais.

In the mean time, the dauphin, a prince of great pru- dence and activity, omitted no opportunity of repairing his ruined situation, and to take the advantage of Hen- ry's absence from France. He prevailed upon the re- gent of Scotland to send him a body of 8000 men from that kingdom; and with these, and some few forces of his own, he attacked the duke of Clarence, who com- manded the troops in Henry's absence, and gained a complete victory.

This was the first action which turned the tide of success against the English. But it was of short dura- tion: for Henry soon after appearing with a consider-

able army, the dauphin fled at his approach; while many of the places, which held out for the dauphin in the neighbourhood of Paris, surrendered to the con- queror. In this manner, while Henry was everywhere victorious, he fixed his residence at Paris; and while Charles had a small court, he was attended with a very magnificent one. On Whitsunday 1421, the two kings and their two queens with crowns on their heads dined together in public; Charles receiving apparent homage, but Henry commanding with absolute autho- rity.

In the mean time, the dauphin was pursued beyond the Loire, and almost totally dispossessed of all the northern provinces. He was even pursued into the south, by the united arms of the English and Burgun- dians, and threatened with total destruction. In this exigence, he found it necessary to spin out the war, and to evade all hazardous actions with a rival who had been long accustomed to victory. His prudence was everywhere remarkable; and, after a train of long per- secutions from fortune, he found her at length willing to declare in his favour, by the death of the king of England.

Charles VI died a short time after; and Charles VII. succeeded his father to a nominal throne. Nothing could be more deplorable than the situation of that mo- narch on assuming his title to the crown. The Eng- lish were masters of almost all France; and Henry VI., though yet but an infant, was solemnly invested with regal power by legates from Paris. The duke of Bed- ford was at the head of a numerous army, in the heart of the kingdom, ready to oppose every insurrection; while the duke of Burgundy, who had entered into a firm confederacy with him, still remained steadfast, and seconded his claims. Yet notwithstanding these fa- Desperate vourable appearances, Charles found means to break situation of the leagues formed against him, and to bring back his Charles subjects to their natural interests and their duty.

However, his first attempts were totally destitute of success. Wherever he endeavoured to face the enemy he was overthrown, and he could scarcely rely on the friends next his person. His authority was insulted even by his own servants; advantage after advantage was gained against him; and a battle fought near Ver- neuil, in which he was totally defeated by the duke of Bedford, seemed to render his affairs altogether des- perate. But from the impossibility of the English keep- ing the field without new supplies, Bedford was obliged to retire into England; and in the mean time, his vigi- lant enemy began to recover from his late consternation.

Dunois, one of his generals, at the head of 1000 men, compelled the earl of Warwick to raise the siege of Montargis; and this advantage, slight as it was, began to make the French suppose that the English were not invincible.

But they soon had still greater reason to triumph in their change of fortune, and a new revolution was pro- duced by means apparently the most unlikely to be at- tended with success. In the village of Domremy, near the Maid Vaucouleurs, on the borders of Lorraine, there lived a country girl, about 27 years of age, called Joan de Arc. This girl had been a servant at a small inn; and in that humble station had submitted to those hardy employments which fit the body for the fatigues of war. She was of an irreproachable life, and had hi- thereto thereto testified none of those enterprising qualities which displayed themselves soon after. She contentedly fulfilled the duties of her situation, and was remarkable only for her modesty and love of religion. But the miseries of her country seemed to have been one of the greatest objects of her compassion and regard. Her mind, inflamed by these objects, and brooding with melancholy steadfastness upon them, began to feel several impulses, which she was willing to mistake for the inspirations of heaven. Convinced of the reality of her own admonitions, she had recourse to one Baudricourt, governor of Vaucouleurs, and informed him of her destination by heaven to free her native country of its fierce invaders. Baudricourt treated her at first with neglect; but her importunities at length prevailed; and willing to make a trial of her pretensions, he gave her some attendants, who conducted her to the court, which at that time resided at Chinon.

The French court were probably sensible of the weakness of her pretensions; but they were willing to make use of every artifice to support their declining fortunes. It was therefore given out, that Joan was actually inspired; that she had been able to discover the king among the number of his courtiers, although he had laid aside all the distinctions of his authority; that she had told him some secrets, which were only known to himself; and that she had demanded, and minutely described a sword in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, which she had never seen. In this manner, the minds of the vulgar being prepared for her appearance, she was armed cap-a-pie, and shown in that martial dress to the people. She was then brought before the doctors of the university; and they, tinctured with the credulity of the times, or willing to second the imposture, declared that she had actually received her commission from above.

When the preparations for her mission were completely blazoned, the next aim was to send her against the enemy. The English were at that time besieging the city of Orleans, the last resource of Charles, and everything promised them a speedy surrender. Joan undertook to raise the siege; and to render herself still more remarkable, girded herself with the miraculous sword, of which she before had such extraordinary notices. Thus equipped, she ordered all the soldiers to confess themselves before they set out; she displayed in her hand a consecrated banner, and assured the troops of certain success. Such confidence on her side soon raised the spirits of the French army; and even the English, who pretended to despise her efforts, felt themselves secretly influenced with the terrors of her mission. A supply of provisions was to be conveyed into the town; Joan, at the head of some French troops, covered the embarkation, and entered Orleans at the head of the convoy which she had safely protected. While she was leading her troops along, a dead silence and astonishment reigned among the English; and they regarded with religious awe that temerity, which they thought nothing but supernatural assistance could inspire. But they were soon roused from their state of amazement by a sally from the town; Joan led on the besieged, bearing the sacred standard in her hand, encouraging them with her words and actions, bringing them to the trenches, and overpowering the besiegers in their own redoubts. In the attack of one of the forts, she was wounded in the neck with an arrow; but instantly pulling out the weapon with her own hands, and getting the wound quickly dressed, she hastened back to head the troops, and to plant her victorious banner on the ramparts of the enemy. These successes continuing, the English found that it was impossible to resist troops animated by such superior energy; and Suffolk, who conducted the attack, thinking that it might prove extremely dangerous to remain any longer in the presence of such a courageous and victorious enemy, raised the siege, and retreated with all imaginable precaution.

From being attacked, the French now in turn became the aggressors. Charles formed a body of 6000 men, and sent them to besiege Jergean, whither the English, commanded by the earl of Suffolk, had retired, with a detachment of his army. The city was taken; Suffolk yielded himself a prisoner; and Joan marched into the place in triumph at the head of the army. A battle was soon after fought near Patay, where the English were worsted, as before; and the generals Scales and Talbot were taken prisoners.

The raising of the siege of Orleans was one part of the Maid's promise to the king of France; the crowning him at Rheims was the other. She now declared that it was time to complete that ceremony; and Charles, in pursuance of her advice, set out for Rheims at the head of 12,000 men. The towns through which he passed opened their gates to receive him; and Rheims sent him a deputation, with its keys, upon his approach. The ceremony of his coronation was there performed with the utmost solemnity; and the Maid of Orleans (for so she was now called) seeing the completion of her mission, desired leave to retire, alleging that she had now accomplished the end of her calling. But her services had been so great, that the king could not think of parting with her; he pressed her to stay so earnestly, that she at length complied with his request.

A tide of successes followed the performance of this solemnity; Laon, Soissons, Chateau-Thierry, Provins, and many other fortresses in that neighbourhood, submitted to him on the first summons. On the other hand, the English, discomfited and dispirited, fled in every quarter; not knowing whether to ascribe their misfortunes to the power of sorcery or to a celestial influence; but equally terrified at either. They now found themselves deprived of the conquests they had gained, in the same manner as the French had formerly submitted to their power. Their own divisions, both abroad and at home, unfitting them entirely for carrying on the war; and the duke of Bedford, notwithstanding all his prudence, saw himself divested of his strong holds in the country, without being able to stop the enemy's progress. In order, therefore, to revive the declining state of his affairs, he resolved to have Henry crowned king at Paris, knowing that the crown natives would be allured to obedience by the splendour of the ceremony. In 1430, Henry was accordingly crowned, all the vassals that still continued under the English power swearing fealty and homage. But it was now too late for the ceremonies of a coronation to give a turn to the affairs of the English; the generality of the kingdom had declared against them, and the remainder remainder only waited a convenient opportunity to follow the example.

An accident ensued soon after, which, though it promised to promote the English cause in France, in the end served to render it odious, and conducing to the total evacuation of that country. The duke of Burgundy, at the head of a powerful army, had laid siege to Compeigne; and the Maid of Orleans had thrown herself into the place, contrary to the wishes of the governor, who did not desire the company of one whose authority would be greater than his own. The garrison, however, were rejoiced at her appearance, and believed themselves invincible under her protection. But their joy was of short duration; for Joan having the day after her arrival headed a sally, and twice driven the enemy from their entrenchments, she was at last obliged to retire, placing herself in the rear, to protect the retreat of her forces. But in the end, attempting to follow her troops into the city, she found the gates shut, and the bridge drawn up by order of the governor, who is said to have long wished for an opportunity of delivering her up to the enemy.

Nothing could exceed the joy of the besiegers, in having taken a person who had been so long a terror to their arms. The service of Te Deum was publicly celebrated on this occasion; and it was hoped, that the capture of this extraordinary person would restore the English to their former victories and successes. The duke of Bedford was no sooner informed of her being taken, than he purchased her of the Count Vendome, who had made her his prisoner, and ordered her to be committed to close confinement. The credulity of both nations was at that time so great, that nothing was too absurd to gain belief that coincided with their passions. As Joan but a little before, from her successes, was regarded as a saint, she was now, upon her captivity, considered as a sorceress, forsaken by the demon who had granted her a fallacious and temporary assistance. Accordingly it was resolved in council to send her to Rouen to be tried for witchcraft; and the bishop of Beauvais, a man wholly devoted to the English interest, presented a petition against her for that purpose. The university of Paris was so mean as to join in the same request. Several prelates, among whom the cardinal of Winchester was the only Englishman, were appointed as her judges. They held their court at Rouen, where Henry then resided; and the Maid, clothed in her former military apparel, but loaded with irons, was produced before the tribunal. Her behaviour there no way disgraced her former gallantry; she betrayed neither weakness nor womanish submission, but appealed to God and the pope for the truth of her former revelations. In the issue, she was found guilty of heresy and witchcraft; and sentenced to be burnt alive, the common punishment for such offences.

But previous to the infliction of this dreadful sentence upon her, they were resolved to make her abjure her former errors; and at length so far prevailed upon her, by terror and rigorous treatment, that her spirits were entirely broken by the hardships she was obliged to suffer. Her former visionary dreams began to vanish, and a gloomy distrust to take place of her late inspirations. She publicly declared herself willing to recant, and promised never more to give way to the vain delusions which had hitherto misled her, and imposed on the people. This was what her oppressors desired; and willing to show some appearance of mercy, they changed her sentence into perpetual imprisonment, and to be fed during life on bread and water. But the rage of her enemies was not yet satiated. Suspecting that the female dress which she had consented to wear, was disagreeable to her, they purposely placed in her apartment a suit of men's apparel, and watched for the effect of their temptation upon her. Their cruel artifices prevailed. Joan, struck with the sight of a dress in which she had gained so much glory, immediately threw off her penitent robes, and put on the forbidden garment. Her enemies caught her equipped in this manner; and her imprudence was considered as a relapse into her former transgressions. No recantation would suffice, and no pardon would be granted. She was condemned to be burnt alive in and cruelly the market-place of Rouen; and this infamous sentence put to death, was accordingly executed with most brutal severity.

One of the first misfortunes which the English felt after this punishment, was the defection of the duke of Burgundy; who had for some time seen the error of his conduct, and wished to break an unnatural connexion, that only served to involve his country in ruin. A treaty was therefore begun and concluded between him and Charles, in which the former agreed to assist him in driving the English out of France. This was a mortal blow to their cause; and such was its effects upon the populace of London when they were informed of it, that they killed several of the duke of Burgundy's subjects, who happened to be among them at the time. It might perhaps also have hastened the duke of Bedford's death, who died at Rouen a few days after the treaty was concluded; and the earl of Cambridge was appointed his successor to the regency of France.

From this period, the English affairs became totally Affairs of irretrievable. The city of Paris returned once more the English to a sense of its duty. Lord Willoughby, who commanded it for the English, was contented to stipulate for the safe retreat of his troops to Normandy. Thus ground was continually, though slowly, gained by the French; and notwithstanding their fields were laid waste, and their towns depopulated, yet they found protection from the weakness and divisions of the English. At length both parties began to grow weary of a war, which, though carried on but feebly, was yet a burden greater than either could support. But the terms of peace insisted upon by both were so wide of each other, that no hopes of an accommodation could quickly be expected. A truce, therefore, for twenty-two months, was concluded in 1443, which left everything on the present footing between the parties. No sooner was this agreed upon, than Charles employed himself with great industry and judgment in repairing those numberless ills to which his kingdom, from the continuance of wars both foreign and domestic, had so long been exposed. He established discipline among his troops, and justice among his governors. He revived agriculture, and repressed faction. Thus being prepared once more for taking the field, he took the first favourable occasion of breaking the truce; and Normandy was at the same time invaded by four powerful powerful armies; one commanded by Charles himself, a second by the duke of Brittany, a third by the count of Alençon, and a fourth by the Count Dunois. Every place opened its gates almost as soon as the French appeared before them. Rouen was the only one that promised to hold out a siege; but the inhabitants clambered so loud for a surrender, that the duke of Somerset, who commanded the garrison, was obliged to capitulate. The battle, or rather the skirmish, of Fourmigny, was the last stand which the English made in defence of their French dominions. However, they were put to the rout, and above a thousand were slain. All Normandy and Guienne, that had so long acknowledged subjection to England, were lost in the space of a year; and the English saw themselves entirely dispossessed of a country which for above three centuries they had considered as annexed to their native dominions. Calais alone remained of all their conquests; and this was but a small compensation for the blood and treasure which had been lavished in that country, and only served to gratify ambition with a transient applause.

Thus, in the year 1450, the power of the English in France was entirely destroyed; and Charles deservedly obtained the surname of Victorious, on account of the vigour he had shown in driving out the invaders of his country. His satisfaction, however, was now greatly diminished by domestic misfortunes. The dauphin, forgetting the allegiance and filial duty he owed to his father, had already impeded his conquests by his seditious intrigues. He had used every endeavour to thwart the designs of his ministers, and it was supposed that he had destroyed Agnes Soreille his father's favourite mistress by poison. He had married Charlotte daughter to the duke of Savoy; which Charles had resented by a declaration of war against the duke, but had been persuaded to recall it in order to prosecute the war against Guienne, which made part of the dominions of the English. At last, weary of the disobedience of his son, he commanded him to be arrested; but Louis, informed of his design, withdrew to Franche Comté, and afterwards to Brabant; of which the duke of Burgundy (at this time sovereign of the country) was no sooner apprised, than he ordered him to be supplied with every necessary, and treated with all imaginable respect. He refused to see him, however, until he should obtain the approbation of his father; on which Louis, having in vain attempted to draw the duke into a participation of his crimes, employed himself in sowing dissension betwixt his benefactor and his son the count of Charolois, at the very time that he himself was receiving a pension of 12,000 crowns annually from the father. Thus he at last destroyed the domestic peace of his benefactor, while his unnatural behaviour created continual suspicions in the mind of his father. Charles was repeatedly informed that his own domestics, along with his unfaithful son, were in a conspiracy against his life. The miserable monarch, therefore, in continual fear of being poisoned, and having none in whom he could repose any confidence, obstinately refused for some days to take any nourishment; and when at last prevailed upon by the importunities of his attendants to do so, his stomach had become incapable of receiving food, so that he died for want of sustenance in the year 1461. His body, neglected by his unnatural son, was interred at the expense of Tannegui de Chastel, who had been his faithful companion.

On the death of Charles, his son Louis succeeded to the throne, to which he had so long aspired. He was reckoned one of the greatest politicians that ever existed; though his character was not on that account the more amiable; on the contrary, there are few princes whose history appears in a more detestable light. So destitute was he of natural affection, that he did not even attempt to conceal his joy at his father's death. He pretended much friendship for the count of Charolois, son to the duke of Burgundy, on account of the protection he had received at his father's court; and even conferred upon him a pension of 12,000 crowns annually; but all this show of affection soon degenerated into a mortal aversion on both sides. Some differences which took place between the courts of France and Castile produced an interview betwixt the two monarchs, Louis, and Henry surmounted the Impotent. They met at Mauléon on the confines of Navarre; but their negotiations came to nothing, and they parted with a mutual contempt of each other; Henry despising the mean and sordid appearance of Louis, as he in his turn did the gaudy magnificence of Henry. In his negotiations with the duke of Burgundy, Louis proved more successful; persuading him to restore some towns on the river Somme, which had been ceded by Charles VII. and by the possession of which the duke was in effect master of Picardy. This cession was opposed by the count of Charolois; but Louis, by corrupting John de Croy the duke's minister, obtained his end; and for the sum of 400,000 crowns the cities were delivered to him. By this transaction he effectually ensured the hatred of Charolois; and even in that very transaction the duplicity of Louis was eminently displayed; for though he had agreed to retain in those towns the officers appointed by the duke, he was no sooner in possession of them than he displaced them all, and nominated others in their stead.

The duchy of Brittany was at this time governed by Francis, a weak but generous prince, and whose defective capacity was supplied by the abilities of his ministers. Him Louis insulted in the most grievous manner; and as Francis found himself unable to oppose such a powerful adversary alone, he joined in a close alliance with the duke of Burgundy and the count of Charolois; the latter having been grievously offended with Louis, and even accused him of attempting his life. The conspiracy was joined by several of the principal French nobility, who had been oppressed by the king; and though the secret was confided to upwards of 500 persons, not one of them ever divulged it. Louis, finding matters become very critical, marched with an army towards the capital, which the count of Charolois already insulted. A battle ensued, in which both princes exerted themselves to the utmost, though their valour was but ill seconded by the bravery of their troops. About 1500 perished on each side; but the count of Charolois remained master of the field of battle. Louis, however, after this engagement, entered the capital; where he endeavoured, by every kind concession he could think of, to conciliate the affection of his subjects; in which he succeeded so well, that though the army of insurgents was soon augmented to more than 100,000 men, they were unable to make themselves masters of the city.

At last a treaty was set on foot betwixt Louis and the count of Charolais; by which the latter obtained the towns which had been formerly ceded, with the districts of Boulogne, Guisne, Peronne, Mondidior, and Roye, as a perpetual inheritance for himself. By granting favours to the other confederates, the league was broken; and the moment that Louis found himself freed from danger, he protested against the whole treaty in the presence of some confidential members of parliament, as contrary to the interest of the crown; and therefore waited the first favourable opportunity to crush one by one those who had been ready by their united efforts to destroy himself. The duke of Bourbon, one of the most able of the confederates, was gained over, by bestowing upon him in marriage, Jane the natural daughter of Louis himself, with the dowry of Usson in Auvergne; together with Moras, Beaujouaire, and Cormillon in Dauphiny; while, by the discontented dukes of Brittany and Normandy, he was enabled to secure the neutrality of the former, and to recover from the latter some territories which he had unwillingly ceded to him.

In 1467, Philip duke of Burgundy, from his amiable qualities surnamed The Good, died, and left his dominions to his son Charles count of Charolais. That fiery and impetuous prince, jealous of the growing power of France, and an implacable enemy of Louis, had entered into a secret treaty with Francis; but Louis had driven the Bretons from the posts they occupied in Normandy before the duke of Burgundy could pass the Somme. The king, however, alarmed at the power of the confederates, concluded a peace with Brittany; and, confident in his talents for negotiation, determined to have a personal interview with the duke of Burgundy.

This memorable interview took place in the year preceding 1468; and Peronne, a city of Picardy, but belonging to the duke of Burgundy, was appointed as the place of rendezvous. To this place the politic Louis repaired with a slender train, and attended only by Cardinal Balue, the duke of Bourbon, and the count de St Pol, constable of France; seemingly without reflecting that he was entering a hostile city, where he might be confined for any length of time, or treated at the pleasure of the duke, who was his mortal enemy. Indeed he had not long been in the place when he began to see the error of his conduct; and by the daily concourse of Burgundian lords and other persons of rank, who were his avowed enemies, he became alarmed for his personal safety. His fear now suggested to him a worse measure than even the former; and he requested apartments in the castle, where it was in the power of his rival in a moment to make him a close prisoner. This event accordingly took place, and that through the arts and machinations of Louis himself. His design had been from the beginning to keep the duke of Burgundy constantly employed in domestic wars. For this purpose he had, before his interview with Charles, excited the inhabitants of Liege, who were subject to the duke of Burgundy, to revolt. It is most probable, that he did not imagine the effects of this treachery would so soon begin to appear. At the very time, however, that Louis was in the castle of Peronne, the people of Liege revolted, seized the bishop and governor; and having massacred great numbers of the adherents of Charles, retired with the prisoners they had made to the capital. Charles was soon informed of this massacre, with the additional circumstance, that the ambassadors of Louis were seen animating the insurgents to their work of destruction. He then flew into a transport of rage; commanded the gates of the castle to be shut and strictly guarded; denouncing the severest vengeance on the perfidious monarch who had so often deceived him. Louis, however, though greatly, and no doubt very justly, alarmed, did not neglect to take the proper methods for securing himself. He distributed large sums of money among those officers to whom he imagined the duke was most inclined to pay any regard, and by splendid promises and presents endeavoured to allay the resentment of his other enemies. At last the resentment of Charles having subsided, he entered into a treaty with the king, and concluded it upon much between the same terms as those which had been agreed upon before. His resentment, however, still manifested itself so far, that he insisted upon Louis being present at the punishment he inflicted upon the inhabitants of Liege for the massacre they had committed, and of which we have already taken notice. This was agreed to; the two princes formed the siege of the city in conjunction; and, notwithstanding the obstinate defence of the people, it was at last taken by storm, and the inhabitants massacred. It was not long, however, before the new alliance was dissolved. A confederacy against Louis, whom neither promises nor treaties could bind, was formed betwixt his own brother the duke of Normandy and the duke of Burgundy; but before their measures were ripe for execution, Louis had already commenced hostilities. The duke of Burgundy, as a peer of France, was summoned to parliament; and on his refusal, the constable St Pol made himself master of St Quintin. Several other cities were soon after reduced; and Baldwin, the natural brother of Charles, corrupted by Louis, deserted his cause; and the haughty spirit of the duke was thus at last obliged to condescend to solicit a peace. This, however, was of no long duration. Charles, encouraged by the success of Edward IV. of England his brother-in-law, began once more to league against Louis with the dukes of Brittany and of Guienne; the latter being the king's brother, formerly duke of Normandy, but who had exchanged that duchy for the territory of Guienne. But while the affairs of the confederates seemed to be in a prosperous way, their prospects were suddenly overcast by the death of the duke of Guienne, which was universally supposed to have been occasioned by poison, and Louis was as universally looked upon as the author. The abbot of St Joan d'Angeli was fixed upon as the immediate perpetrator of the deed; but on the day appointed for his trial he was found strangled in his cell; and this also was with great probability supposed to have been the deed of Louis, who after the death of his brother instantly seized on the territory of Guienne, and annexed it to the dominions of France.

By this unheard-of conduct of the French monarch, Charles was exasperated to such a degree, that he vowed the most dreadful vengeance against the unhappy people. people of France, and threatened to sacrifice to the memory of the duke of Guienne every one who now fell into his hands. The citizens of Neale were massacred without distinction of sex or age; Beauvais resisted his attacks; after which Charles wreaked his fury on other places. Having entered the country of Caux, he reduced the cities of Eu and St Valery, burnt Longueville, and wasted the whole country as far as Rouen. Louis, on the other hand, steady and constant in his designs, determined to dissolve the league between the duke of Brittany and Edward IV. of England. Accordingly he encamped with his army on the frontiers of Brittany; while the duke, not meeting with the assistance promised by Edward, was obliged to consent to a truce for a year; and the duke of Burgundy himself was obliged to follow his example, having committed such devastations as deprived him of all means of subsistence in the country, so that he could neither advance nor retreat. In a very little time, however, he again began to conspire with the king of England against Louis, and a powerful invasion was determined upon. Edward was to cross the sea with an army of 10,000 men, while Charles assembled all his forces to join him. The former was also to set up a claim to the crown of France, and at least to obtain the provinces of Normandy and Guienne; the duke was to have Champagne with some adjacent districts; to free his dominions from homage; and neither party was to make peace without the consent of the other. It was supposed that the duke of Brittany would naturally accede to the confederacy; and the Count de St Pol, constable of France, had engaged to deliver up the town of St Quintin and others which he occupied on the river Somme. Louis, however, still had the good fortune to avoid the storm. Charles, instead of advancing to the assistance of Edward, who had entered France at the head of 15,000 archers and 1500 men at arms, laid siege to the city of Nuitz on the Rhine; while the constable St Pol, instead of delivering up the towns as he had promised, deceived his allies, and enabled Louis to dissolve a confederacy, which, had it been vigourously maintained, might have involved him in the greatest difficulties. To procure the departure of Edward, however, he was obliged to consent to a tribute of 75,000 crowns, as well as to settle on the king himself 50,000 crowns for life; betrothing also the dauphin to the eldest daughter of the king of England. The duke of Burgundy exclaimed loudly against this treaty; but Edward persisted in his resolution; and it was accordingly executed at a place called Pecquigny, near Amiens; but in such a manner as showed the little confidence the two sovereigns reposed in each other. A grated barrier was erected in the middle of the bridge of Pecquigny, between the barriers of which only a man's arm could pass; the two princes appeared on the opposite sides of it; and having conferred privately, and confirmed the treaty between them, parted with many protestations of friendship; in which, probably, neither party was very sincere. A power was reserved by Edward, for the duke of Burgundy to accede to the treaty; but the latter haughtily replied, that he was able to support himself without the assistance of England; and that he would make no peace with Louis till three months after the return of Edward to his own country. To this resolution he adhered: but no sooner was the term expired, than he concluded a truce with Louis for nine years. The stipulations publicly agreed upon betwixt these two princes consisted only in some articles for the mutual advantage of their subjects; but privately they had signed others of a different nature. The constable St Pol having rendered himself obnoxious to all parties by his complicated treachery, fled to Mons in Hainault; but the duke of Burgundy had already consented to deliver him up on condition of receiving his estates and moveables as the price of his treachery.

Thus was Louis, without any other remarkable qualification than the mere arts of falsehood and duplicity, got rid of all his enemies except the duke of Burgundy, whose growing power rendered him a constant object of jealousy and terror. His own imprudence and rashness, however, soon proved his ruin. Having rashly engaged in a war with the Swiss, he was defeated in the first engagement with that martial nation, with the loss of his military chest and baggage, with his plate and jewels, supposed to be the richest in Europe. His disappointment on this occasion was so great, that he was seized with a severe sickness, from which he had hardly recovered when he resumed his mad scheme of conquering the Swiss. Another battle ensued; in which, after an obstinate dispute, Charles was defeated with the loss of 18,000 men, himself escaping with great difficulty. This disaster was followed by the defection of most of his allies; the duke of Lorrain recovered the city of Nancy and great part of his dominions which Charles had seized; while the latter, overwhelmed with shame and disappointment, spent his time in solitude and inactivity. From this he was at last roused by the misfortunes which fell upon him in such quick succession. He now invested the city of Nancy; and in this, as well as in every other instance, he acted against the advice of his best officers; and the consequences were still more fatal than before. The duke of Lorrain advanced with a strong body of Germans to the relief of the city, while Charles had scarcely 4000 men to oppose him. His troops were therefore easily defeated, and himself, notwithstanding the most heroic efforts of valour, hurried away in the crowd. The count de Campobasso, an Italian nobleman in whom he put a great deal of confidence, but who was in reality a traitor, had deserted with about 80 men in the beginning of the engagement. He left 12 or 15 men about the duke's person, with strict orders to assassinate him in the tumult; and this sanguinary order they punctually complied with; the body of Charles being found two days after the battle pierced with three wounds.

The news of Charles's death was received with the most unfeigned joy by Louis, whose sole object now was to unite the territories of the duke of Burgundy to his own. This might be done in two ways; one by a match betwixt the dauphin and Mary the heiress Burgundy; the other, by marrying her to the duke by Louis of Angouleme, a prince of the royal blood of France, and on whom Mary had shewn some inclination to bestow herself. The king, however, to whom duplicity and falsehood seem to have been absolutely necessary, chose a third method, more agreeable to his character. The match with the dauphin was attended with such circumstances circumstances as rendered it evidently impracticable. The disparity of age was very great, the dauphin being only eight years old, and the princess twenty: the Flemings were besides very much averse from submitting to a prince whose powerful resources would enable him to oppress their liberties; but notwithstanding these unsurmountable difficulties, Louis chose to insist upon the match, at the same time that he endeavoured to make himself master of her dominions by force of arms. He addressed circular letters to the principal cities of Burgundy; representing that the duchy had been given by King John to the male heirs of his son Philip; and that now, when these were extinct by the death of Charles, the territory reverted of course to the crown. To render this argument more effectual, he corrupted the governors of some towns; seduced the inhabitants of others to rise against their governors; whilst he himself at the head of an army, prepared to enforce obedience from those who could not be worked upon by other methods. Thus the province of Burgundy was entirely reduced; but Flanders could not be brought under subjection either by fair means, force, or fraud. In his conduct for this purpose, indeed, Louis displayed the most detestable as well as the meanest treachery and falsehood. To render Mary odious to her subjects, he negotiated with her ministers, and prevailed upon them to disclose to him some of the most important state secrets; after which he communicated their letters to the states of Flanders. This double treachery, however, did not at present answer his purpose. The two ministers whom he had betrayed were indeed put to death without mercy, and that even in the presence of their sovereign: but Mary herself was thus induced to bestow herself upon the emperor Maximilian; and Louis had the mortification to find that all his arts had contributed only to aggrandise a rival power, whom he had already sufficient cause to dread. To remedy this oversight, he entered into an alliance with Edward IV. of England, whom he had inspired with a jealousy of his brother Clarence, in order to prevent a match betwixt that nobleman and the princess Mary, which had also been in agitation. Thus a peace was concluded between the two monarchs, to continue during the life of each, and a year after.

The marriage of Mary with Maximilian effectually secured the independence of Flanders; while the return of the prince of Orange to the party of that princess extended the flames of war once more to the cities of Burgundy. The French were on the point of being totally expelled from that country, when Maximilian unexpectedly made proposals of peace. A truce was on this concluded between the two princes, but without any term limited for its duration, or without any conditions stipulated in favour of the Burgundians; so that the whole country was quickly after reduced by Louis.

The king now freed from the apprehensions of foreign enemies, turned his vindictive disposition against his own subjects; over whom, under pretence of former rebellions, he exercised the most insupportable tyranny. The principal victim to his sanguinary disposition on this occasion was James d'Armagnac duke of Nemours, one of the first noblemen in the kingdom, but who had formerly appeared a zealous confederate against him in the league in which Edward and Charles were concerned. The unfortunate nobleman, knowing that vengeance was determined against him, fled to a fortress named Carlat, situated among the mountains of Auvergne. Here he was besieged by the Seigneur de Beaujeu, who had married Anne the daughter of Louis. The place, however, was almost impregnable to any force; so that his enemies were obliged to make the most solemn promises of safety in order to induce him to surrender himself. By these he was at last persuaded to trust himself in the hands of the faithless tyrant: who no sooner had him in his power than he shut him up in the Bastile in an iron cage, and reprimanded the judges because they had released him from this close confinement during the time of his examination. The judges reluctantly condemned him to be beheaded: but the king's cruelty extended beyond the sentence: and he ordered the two young sons of the duke, though yet in early childhood, to be placed directly under the scaffold, that they might be covered with the blood of their father. Four thousand persons are supposed to have perished upon this occasion without any form or trial: and were it not for the concurrent testimony of the historians of that age, the inhumanities and barbarities of this monarch are scarce to be credited. By these he broke the spirits of the French nobility, and gradually extended the power of the crown beyond all bounds; so that at last it was limited only by the sovereign's pleasure. Amidst all the perfidy and cruelty, however, for which this monarch is so justly to be detested, we may on some occasions remark a kind of magnanimity and generosity which we cannot but applaud. An instance of this was his supporting the house of Medici against Pope Sextus, whom he obliged to desist from his attacks, and to recall his sentence which he had fulminated against them.

In 1479, the emperor Maximilian, who had lightly abandoned the duchy of Burgundy, when he might have reduced it, now renewed his claims when it was no longer in his power to enforce them. After a variety of actions of lesser note, and the destruction of cities on both sides, a decisive battle was fought at Guinegate. Here the Flemings were routed; but as the French pursued with too great ardour, the infantry of the enemy rallied, and the battle was renewed with great slaughter on both sides. A more decisive advantage was afterwards gained by the capture of 80 Flemish vessels, which induced that commercial people to think of peace. In the meantime, however, Louis, after a life spent in continual deceit, hypocrisy, and cruelty, received warning of his approaching end by a fit of apoplexy with which he was seized in the year 1480. He lay speechless and motionless for two days; after which he recovered in some degree, but never completely regained his health and strength. His illness, however, neither prevented him from pursuing the schemes of his ambition, nor from using the same methods as before to attain them. He seized, without any pretence, the estates of the duke of Bourbon, the only nobleman in the kingdom whose power could give him any cause of suspicion; yet, notwithstanding his assiduity for the interest of the dauphin, he kept him a kind of prisoner in the castle of Amboise, permitting none but his own servants, or pers- sons of the meanest rank, to have access to him. He banished his own consort, the mother of the dauphin, to Savoy, and endeavoured to inspire the prince with aversion towards her. By the death of Charles, the titular king of Naples, and the last of the second house of Anjou, he became master of the county of Provence; but his satisfaction on this occasion was marred by a second stroke of apoplexy. Still, however, he revived, and, with his recovery, again began to pursue his ambitious intrigues. The death of Mary of Burgundy, who perished by a fall from her horse, inspired him with new views; and he betrothed his son to the infant daughter of the emperor. Thus he offended Edward IV. of England, whose eldest daughter Elizabeth had been previously contracted to the dauphin; and a war would have undoubtedly ensued, had it not been for the death of the king of England.

This was followed in no long time after by that of Louis himself, who had in vain exhausted the skill of the physician, and wearied the clerical order with prayers and processes to avert the impending stroke. He expired in the year 1483, after a reign of 23 years; during which he was detested by his subjects, whom he had continually oppressed; and equally dreaded and hated by his neighbours, whom he had constantly deceived: notwithstanding which he obtained the title of Most Christian from his holiness, which his successors have ever after retained.

Notwithstanding the dark character of this prince, it is undoubtedly to be allowed, that he laid the foundations of the future greatness of France. By his arts he deprived the common people of their liberty, depressed the power of the nobility, established a standing army, and even induced the states to render many taxes perpetual, which formerly were only temporary, in order to support the army which was to keep themselves in slavery. From this time the people were accustomed to submit entirely to the voice of their sovereign as their only legislator; and being always obedient in matters of the greatest consequence, they cheerfully contributed whatever sums were required to fulfil the king's pleasure.

Charles VIII., who succeeded his father Louis XI. in 1483, was only 14 years of age at the time of his father's death; but though he might, even at that age, have ascended the throne without any material violation of the laws of France, yet it was judged necessary to have a regent, on account of the king's delicacy of constitution and want of education. Three competitors appeared as candidates for this important trust, viz. John duke of Bourbon, a prince of the blood, and who had, till the age of 60, maintained the most unblemished character; Louis duke of Orleans, presumptive heir to the crown, but who from his being only 20 years old himself, seemed incapacitated on that account from undertaking such an important office; the third competitor was Anne, the eldest daughter of Louis, to whom the latter had, in the last moments of his life committed the charge of the kingdom, with the title of governess. The claim of this lady was supported by the assembly of the states general at Tours; and though she was only entered into the 22d year of her age, it appears that the office could not have been more properly bestowed. Being married to Peter of Bourbon, sire of Beaujeu, her present title was the Lady of Beaujeu; but she appears to have acted entirely independent of her husband, who was but of moderate capacity; and indeed had been recommended to her by Louis on account of his slender abilities, lest by any other match the house of Bourbon should be too much aggrandized. Her first step was to ingratiate herself with the people, by some popular acts; among which one was to punish the instruments of her father's cruelties. One of these, named Oliver le Dian, who, from the station of a barber, had raised himself to the confidence and favour of the king, and had distinguished himself by the invention of new modes of torture, was publicly hanged. Another, named Jean Doyac, who by continual acts of violence and rapacity had oppressed the people, was condemned, after being whipped in all the open places or squares of Paris, to have one of his ears cut off, and his tongue pierced with a hot iron; after which he was conveyed to his native city of Montferrand, where he was again whipped, and his other ear cut off; after which his estates, as well as those of Oliver, were confiscated. Jacques Costier, the physician of Louis, who had availed himself of the terror of death with which the king was strongly influenced, to extort great sums of money from him, was ordered to answer for the immense wealth he had acquired; but he averted the danger by paying a fine of 50,000 crowns.

Thus the lady de Beaujeu gained the affection of the people at large; and was equally successful in gaining over those who were averse to her government. The duke of Bourbon was made constable, an office which he had long desired; but the duke of Orleans behaved in such a manner as to exclude all hopes of favour. Incensed at the determination of a trifling dispute at tennis against him, by the lady Beaujeu, he exclaimed, that whoever had decided in that manner "was a liar if a man, or a strumpet if a woman." After this furious declaration he fled to the castle of Beaujeu, where, however, he was soon forced to surrender. He then applied to Henry VII. of England, who had newly ascended the throne of England; but that prince, naturally slow and cautious, did not pay much attention to his proposals; on which he next made his application to the court of Brittany. Here he was received Duke of Orleans with great marks of esteem, and began to entertain hopes of marrying the daughter of the duke; but being looked upon with a jealous eye by the nobility, they entered into secret negotiations with Anne, and even solicited her to invade the country. In these negotiations, however, they stipulated that only a certain number of troops should enter the province, and that no fortified place should remain in the hands of the French; which conditions were indeed agreed to by the regent, though she determined to keep them no longer than it answered her purpose. In pursuance of this resolution, Brittany was invaded at once by four armies, each of them superior to the stipulated number, who quickly made themselves masters of the most important places in the country; while the troops of the duke retired in disgust, leaving them to pursue their conquests as they pleased. Finding at last, however, that the entire subjection of their country was determined upon, the nobility began to exert themselves in defence of it; and, inflamed by the enthusiasm of liberty... ty, they raised an army of 60,000 men. By these the French were compelled to abandon the siege of Nantz; but this proved only a transient gleam of success. Anne persevered in her design of completing the conquest of the country, and the state of Europe at that time favoured the design. Of all the European states, England alone was then capable of affording any effectual assistance: and the slow caution of Henry prevented him from giving the assistance which for his own interest he ought to have done. Thus the Bretons were left to defend themselves the best way they could; and having ventured a battle, they were entirely defeated, and most of their leaders taken prisoners. A small body of English, under the command of Lord Woodville, who assisted them, were entirely cut in pieces. The duke soon after died by a fall from his horse, leaving his dominions to his daughter Anne, at that time only 13 years of age. A marriage was negotiated betwixt this princess and Maximilian king of the Romans, who had been married to Mary of Burgundy; but by reason of the poverty of that prince it was never completed. The lady Beaujeu, then finding that the absolute conquest of Brittany would still be a difficult matter, determined to conclude a marriage betwixt the young king of France and the duchess, though the former had already been married to Margaret of Austria, the daughter of Maximilian. This marriage indeed had not been consummated by reason of the tender age of the princess; but she had been sent to Paris for her education, and had for several years been treated as queen of France. In 1491, however, Margaret was sent back to her father: Anne of Brittany for a long time refused to violate the engagements into which she had entered; but at last, finding herself distressed on all sides, and incapable of resisting the numerous forces of France with which she was pressed, she reluctantly consented to the match, and the nuptials were celebrated the same year at Langeais in Touraine.

Maximilian, whose poverty had prevented him from giving any assistance to his bride, or even from coming to see her, enraged at the double disgrace he had suffered, began, when too late, to think of revenge. France was now threatened with an invasion from the united forces of Austria, Spain, and England. But this formidable confederacy was soon dissipated.—Henry, whose natural avarice had prevented him from giving the necessary assistance, was bought off with money: the immediate payment of 745,000 crowns, and the promise of 25,000 annually ever after, persuaded him to retire into his own country. Ferdinand king of Spain had the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne restored to him; while Maximilian was gratified by the cession of part of Artois, which had been acquired by Louis XI.

The young king of France agreed to these terms the more readily, that he was impatient to undertake an expedition into Italy, in order to conquer the kingdom of Naples, to which he claimed a right. Most of his counsellors were against the expedition; but the king was inflexible, even though Ferdinand king of Naples offered to do homage for his kingdom, and pay him a tribute of 50,000 crowns a-year. He appointed Peter duke of Bourbon regent in his absence; after which he set out on his expedition with very few troops and very little money. By the way he fell ill of the smallpox, but in a short time recovered, and entering Italy with only 6000 horse and 12,000 foot, he was attended with the most surprising success, traversing the whole country in six weeks, and becoming master of the kingdom of Naples in less than a fortnight. Such extraordinary good fortune seemed miraculous; and he was reckoned an instrument raised up by God to destroy the execrable tyrants with which Italy was at that time infested. Had Charles made use of this prepossession in his favour, and acted up to the character generally given him, he might have raised his name as high as any hero of antiquity. His behaviour, however, was of a very different nature. He amused himself with feasts and shows; and leaving his power in the hands of favourites, they abandoned it to whoever would purchase titles, places, or authority, at the rates they imposed; and the whole force he proposed to leave in his new conquered dominions amounted to no more than 4000 men.

But while Charles was thus losing his time, a league was concluded against him at Venice; into which entered the pope, the emperor Maximilian, the archduke Philip, Ludovic Sforza, and the Venetians. The confederates assembled an army of 40,000 men, commanded by Francis marquis of Mantua; and they waited for the king in the valley of Fornova, in the duchy of Parma, into which he descended with 9000 men. On the 6th of July 1495 he attacked the allies; and, notwithstanding their great superiority, defeated them, with the loss of only 80 of his own men. Thus he got safe to France; but his Italian dominions were lost almost as soon as he departed. Some schemes were proposed for recovering these conquests; but they were never put in execution, and the king died of an apoplexy in 1498.

The premature death of this monarch in the 28th year of his age, was supposed to have been owing to his irregular life, and particularly his attachment to women; which had for some time impaired his health, and brought on evident symptoms of his approaching dissolution. At last he relinquished his irregularities, and retired with the queen to the castle of Amboise. Here in passing through a low door he struck his head with violence against the top. No unfavourable symptom appeared at the time; but soon afterwards, as he conversed with his confessor, and avowed his design of observing the nuptial fidelity he owed to the queen, he suddenly fell backward in a fit of apoplexy. He recovered his voice three times, and uttered some expressions of devotion; but instantly relapsed, and in a short time expired, notwithstanding every assistance that could be given. He was greatly celebrated for his sweet temper and agreeable disposition, which procured him the surnames of the Affable and Courteous. Two of his domestics are said to have died of grief after his death, and his widow abandoned herself to the most pungent sorrow for two days.

By the death of Charles VIII. the throne of France passed from the direct line of the house of Valois, and Louis duke of Orleans succeeded to the throne. At the time of his accession he was in his 36th year, and had long been taught prudence in the school of adversity. During the administration of the lady Beaujeu, he had been, as we have already observed, constantly in disgrace; and after his connexions with the duke duke of Brittany, had spent a very considerable time in prison; and though afterwards set at liberty by Charles, he had never possessed any share of that monarch's confidence or favour. Towards the conclusion of that reign, he fell under the displeasure of the queen; and had afterwards continued at his castle of Blois till he was called from thence to the possession of the kingdom. He had been married in early life, and against his will, to Jane the youngest daughter of Louis XI., a princess of an amiable disposition, but deformed in her person, and supposed to be incapable of bearing children. Afterwards he entertained thoughts of having his marriage dissolved, and was supposed to possess the affection of the duchess of Brittany, before she became queen of France. After the death of her husband, that princess retired to Brittany, where she pretended to assume an independent sovereignty; but Louis having got his marriage with Jane dissolved by Pope Alexander VI. quickly after made proposals to the queen-dowager, which on her part were accepted without hesitation; though it was stipulated, that if she should have two sons, the younger should inherit the duchy of Brittany.

As Louis, while duke of Orleans, had some pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, he instantly set about realizing them by conquest. On his accession, he found matters in that country much more favourable to his designs than formerly. The pope, Alexander VI. was very much in his interests, from the hopes of getting his son Caesar Borgia provided for: he had conciliated the friendship of the Venetians by promising them a part of the Milanese; he concluded a truce with the archduke Philip; and renewed his alliances with the crowns of England, Scotland, and Denmark. He then entered Italy with an army of 20,000 men; and being assisted by the Venetians, quickly conquered one part of the duchy, while they conquered the other, the duke himself being obliged to fly with his family to Innspruck. He then attacked Ferdinand of Spain with three armies at once, two to act by land, and one by sea; but none of these performing any thing remarkable, he was obliged to evacuate the kingdom of Naples in 1504.

In 1506, the people of Genoa revolted; drove out the nobility; chose eight tribunes; and declared Paul Nuova, a silk dyer, their duke; after which they expelled the French governor, and reduced a great part of the Riviera. This occasioned Louis's return into Italy; where, in 1507, he obliged the Genoese to surrender at discretion: and, in 1508, entered into the league of Cambrai, with the other princes who at that time wanted to reduce the overgrown power of the Venetians. Pope Julius II. who had been the first contriver of this league, very soon repented of it; and declared, that if the Venetians would restore the cities of Faenza and Rimini, which had been unjustly taken from him, he would be contented. This was refused; and in 1509, the forces of the republic received such an entire defeat from Louis, that they agreed to restore not only the two cities demanded by Pope Julius, but whatever else the allies required.

The pope now, instead of executing his treaties with his allies, made war on the king of France without the least provocation. Louis called an assembly of his clergy; where it was determined, that in some cases it was lawful to make war upon the pope; upon which the king declared war against him, and committed the care of his army to the Marshal de Trivulce. He soon obliged the pope to retire into Ravenna; and in 1511, Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, gained a great victory at Ravenna, but was himself killed in the engagement. After his death the army was disbanded for want of pay; and the French affairs in Italy, and everywhere else, fell into great confusion. They recovered the duchy of Milan, and lost it again in a few weeks. Henry VIII. of England invaded France, and took Terrame and Tournay; and the Swiss invaded Burgundy with an army of 25,000 men. In this desperate situation of affairs the queen died, and Louis put an end to the opposition of his most dangerous enemies by negotiating marriages. To Ferdinand of Spain he offered his second daughter for either of his grandsons, Charles or Ferdinand; and to renounce, in favour of that marriage, his claims on Milan and Genoa. This proposal was accepted; and Louis himself married the princess Mary, sister to Henry VIII. of England. This marriage he did not long survive, but died on the 2d of January 1514; and was succeeded by Francis I., count of Angouleme, and duke of Bretagne and Valois.

The new king was no sooner seated on the throne, than he resolved on an expedition into Italy. In this invasion he was at first successful, defeating the Swiss at Marignan, and reducing the duchy of Milan. In 1518, the emperor Maximilian dying, Francis was very ambitious of being his successor, and thereby restoring to France such a splendid title, which had been so long lost. But Maximilian, before his death, had exerted himself so much in favour of Charles V. of Spain, that Francis found it impossible to succeed; and from that time an irreconcilable hatred took place between the two monarchs. In 1521, this ill will produced a war; which, however, might perhaps have been terminated, if Francis could have been prevailed upon to restore the town of Fontarabia, which had been taken by his admiral Bonivet; but this being refused, hostilities were renewed with greater vigour than ever; nor were they concluded till France was brought to the very brink of destruction. The war was continued with various success till the year 1524; when Francis having invaded Italy, and laid siege to Pavia, he was utterly defeated before that city, and taken prisoner on the 24th of February.

This disaster threw the whole kingdom into the utmost confusion. The Flemish troops made continual inroads; many thousand boors assembled in Alsace, in order to make an invasion from that quarter; Henry VIII. had assembled a great army, and threatened the kingdom on that side also; and a party was formed in the kingdom, in order to dispossess the duchess of the regency, and confer it upon the duke de Vendome. This prince, however, who, after the constable, was the head of the house of Bourbon, went on purpose to Lyons, where he assured the regent that he had no view but for her service, and that of his country; upon which he formed a council of the ablest men of the kingdom, and of this she made him president. The famous Andrew Doria sailed with the French galleys to take on board the remains of the French troops under the duke of Alva, whom he landed safely in France. Those who escaped out of the Milanes Milanese also made their way back again as well as they could. Henry VIII, under the influence of Cardinal Wolsey, resolved not to oppress the oppressed; he therefore assured the regent that she had nothing to fear from him; and at the same time advised her not to consent to any treaty by which France was to be dismembered. To the emperor, however, he used another language. He told him, that the time was now come when this puissant monarchy lay at their mercy; and therefore, that so favourable an opportunity should not be let slip: that, for his part, he should be content with Normandy, Guienne, and Gascony, and hoped the empire would make no scruple of owning him king of France: adding, that he expected the emperor would make a right use of his victory, by entering Guienne in person; in which case he was ready to bear half the expense of the war. He foresaw what fell out; the emperor was alarmed at these conditions, and did not care to have him for a neighbour; for which reason he agreed to a truce with the regent for six months. In Picardy the Flemings were repulsed; and the count de Guise, with the duke of Lorraine, had the good fortune, with a handful of troops, to defeat and cut to pieces the German peasants.

In the mean time, Francis was detained in captivity in Italy: but being wearied of his confinement in that country, and the princes of Italy beginning to cabal for his deliverance, he was carried to Madrid; where, on the 14th of January 1525, he signed a treaty, the principal articles of which were, That he should resign to the emperor the duchy of Burgundy in full sovereignty; that he should desist from the homage which the emperor owed him for Artois and Flanders; that he should renounce all claim to Naples, Milan, Asti, Tournay, Lisle, and Hesden, &c.; that he should persuade Henry d'Albert to resign the kingdom of Navarre to the emperor, or at least should give him no assistance; that within 40 days he should restore the duke of Bourbon and all his party to their estates; that he should pay the king of England 500,000 crowns which the emperor owed him; that when the emperor went to Italy to receive the Imperial crown, he should lend him 12 galleys, four large ships, and a land army, or instead of it 200,000 crowns.

All these articles the king of France promised on the word and honour of a prince to execute; or, in case of non-performance, to return prisoner into Spain. But notwithstanding these professions, Francis had already protested before certain notaries and witnesses in whom he could trust, that the treaty he was about to sign was against his will, and therefore null and void. On the 21st of February, the emperor thought fit to release him from his prison, in which he had been closely confined ever since his arrival in Spain; and after receiving the strongest assurances from his own mouth, that he would literally fulfil the terms of the treaty, sent him under a strong guard to the frontiers, where he was exchanged for his two eldest sons, who were to remain as hostages for his fidelity.

When the king returned to his dominions, his first care was to get himself absolved by the pope from the oaths he had taken; after which he entered into a league with the pontiff, the Venetians, the duke of Milan, and the king of England, for preserving the peace of Italy. In the month of June, he publicly received remonstrances from the states of Burgundy; in which they told him, without ceremony, that by the treaty of Madrid he had done what he had no right to do, in breach of the laws and his coronation oath; adding, that if he persisted in his resolution of throwing them under a foreign yoke, they must appeal to the general states of the kingdom. At these remonstrances the viceroy of Naples and the Spanish ministers were present. They perceived the end which the king aimed at, and therefore expostulated with him in pretty warm terms. At last the viceroy told him, that he had now nothing left but to keep his royal word in returning to the castle of Madrid, as his predecessor John had done in a like case. To this the king replied, that King John acted rightly; that he returned to a king who had treated him like a king; but that at Madrid he had received such usage as would have been unbecoming to a gentleman: that he had often declared to the emperor's ministers, that the terms they extorted from him were unjust and impracticable; but that he was still willing to do all that was fit and reasonable; and to ransom his sons at the rate of two millions of gold, in lieu of the duchy of Burgundy.

Hitherto the treaty for the tranquillity of Italy had been kept secret, in hopes that some mitigation of the treaty of Madrid would have been obtained; but now it was judged expedient to publish it, though the viceroy of Naples and the Spanish lords were still at the French court; and the emperor was to be admitted into it, provided he accepted the king's offer of two millions for the release of his children, and left the duke of Milan and other Italian princes in quiet possession of their dominions. It is the common misfortune of all leagues, that the powers who enter into them keep only their own particular interests in view, and thus defeat the general intention of the confederacy. This was the case here. The king's great point was to obtain his children upon the terms he had proposed; and he was desirous of knowing what hopes there were of that, before he acted against the monarch who had them in his power. Thus the duke of Milan and the pope were both sacrificed. The former was obliged to surrender to the duke of Bourbon, and the latter was surprised by the Colonna; both of which disasters would have been prevented if the French succours had entered Italy in time. See Italy.

According to an agreement which had been made between Francis and Henry, their ambassadors went into Spain, attended each of them by a herald, in order to summon the emperor to accept the terms which had been offered him; or, in case of refusal, to declare war. It seems the emperor's answer was foreseen in the court of France; and therefore the king had previously called together an assembly of the notables; that is, persons of the several ranks of his people in whom he could confide. To them he proposed the great question, Whether he was bound to perform the treaty of Madrid? or, Whether if he did not perform it, he was obliged in honour to return to Spain? To both these questions, the assembly answered in the negative: they said, that Burgundy was united to the crown of France, and that he could not separate it by his own authority; that his person also was the property of the public, of which therefore he could not dispose; but for the two millions, which they looked upon as a just equivalent, they undertook that it should be raised for his service. When the ambassadors delivered their propositions, Charles treated the English herald with respect, and the French one with contempt; which produced a challenge from Francis to the emperor. All differences, however, were at last adjusted; and a treaty was concluded at Cambrey, on the 5th of August 1528. By this treaty, instead of the possession, the emperor contented himself with reserving his right to the duchy of Burgundy, and the two millions of crowns already mentioned. Of these he was to receive 1,200,000 in ready money: the prince's lands in Flanders belonging to the house of Bourbon were to be delivered up; these were valued at 400,000 more: and the remaining 400,000 were to be paid by France in discharge of the emperor's debt to England. Francis was likewise to discharge the penalty of 500,000 crowns which the emperor had incurred, by not marrying his niece the princess Mary of England; and to release a rich fleur-de-lis which had been many years before pawned by the house of Burgundy for 50,000 crowns. The town and castle of Hesden were also yielded; together with the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and all the king's pretensions in Italy. As for the allies of France, they were abandoned to the emperor's mercy, without the least stipulation in their favour; and Francis himself protested against the validity of the treaty before he ratified it, as did also his attorney-general before he registered it in parliament; but both of them with the greatest secrecy imaginable.

Nothing farther of much consequence happened during the remainder of the reign of Francis I. The war was soon renewed with Charles, who made an invasion into France, but with very bad success; nor was peace fully established but by the death of Francis, which happened on the 3d of March, 1547. He was succeeded by his son Henry II. who ascended the throne that very day on which he was 29 years of age. In the beginning of his reign, an insurrection happened in Guienne, owing to the oppressive conduct of the officers who levied the salt tax. The king despatched against the insurgents two bodies of troops; one commanded by the duke of Aumale son to the duke of Guise, the other by the constable. The first behaved with the greatest moderation, and brought back the people to their duty without making many examples: the other behaved with the utmost haughtiness and cruelty; and though the king afterwards remitted many of his punishments, yet from that time the constable became odious to the people, while the family of Guise were highly respected.

In 1548, the king began to execute the edicts which had been made against the Protestants with the utmost severity; and, thinking even the clergy too mild in the prosecution of heresy, erected for that purpose a chamber composed of members of the parliament of Paris. At the queen's coronation, which happened this year, he caused a number of Protestants to be burned, and was himself present at the spectacle. He was, however, so much shocked, that he could never forget it; but complained, as long as he lived, that, at certain times, it appeared before his eyes, and troubled his understanding.

In 1549, a peace being concluded with England, the king purchased Boulogne from the latter, for the sum of 400,000 crowns; one half to be paid on the day of restitution, and the other a few months after. Scotland was included in the treaty, and the English restored some places they had taken there. This was the most advantageous peace that France had hitherto made with England; the vast arrears which were due to that crown being in effect remitted; and the pension, which looked so like tribute, not being mentioned, was in fact extinguished. The earl of Warwick himself, who had concluded the peace, was so sensible of the disgrace suffered by his nation, on this occasion, that he pretended to be sick, in order to avoid setting his hand to such a scandalous bargain.

This year, an edict was made to restrain the extravagant remittances which the clergy had been in use of making to the court of Rome, and for correcting some other abuses committed by the papal notaries. With this edict Pope Julius III. was highly displeased; and the following year (1550) war was declared by the king of France against the pope and the emperor. The pretence was, that Henry protected Octavio Farnese duke of Parma, whom the pope was desirous of depriving of his dominions. In this war the king was threatened with the censures of the church, more especially when it was known that he had entered into an alliance with the Turks, and a Turkish fleet entered the Mediterranean, where they threatened the isle of Gozo, and made descents upon Sicily. Henry, however, strongly denied any such connexion, and insisted that the emperor had given them sufficient provocation: but be that as it will, the emperor soon found himself in such danger from these new enemies, that he could not support the pope as he intended, who on Henry's account was obliged to sue for peace. After this the king continued the war against the emperor with success; reducing the cities of Toul, Verdun, and Metz. He then entered the country of Alsace, and reduced all the fortresses between Hagenau and Wissenburg. He failed, however, in his attempt on Strasburg; and was soon after obliged by the German princes and the Swiss to desist from farther conquests on that side. This war continued with very little interruption, and as little success on the part of the French, till the year 1557, when a peace was concluded; and soon after, the king was killed at a tournament by one Count de Montgomery, who was at a banquet; one of the strongest knights in France, and who had done all he could to avoid this encounter with the king.

The reign of his successor Francis II. was remarkable only for the persecution of the Protestants; which became so grievous, that they were obliged to take up arms in their own defence. This occasioned several civil wars, the first of which commenced in the reign of Charles IX., who succeeded to the throne in 1560. This civil war continued till the year 1562, when a peace was concluded, by which the Protestants were to have a free pardon and liberty of conscience. In 1565, the war broke out anew, and was continued with very little interruption till 1569, when peace was again concluded upon very advantageous terms for the Protestants. After this King Charles, who had now taken the government into his hands, caressed the Protestants in an extraordinary manner. He invited to court the admiral Coligni, who was the head of the Protestant party; and cajoled him so, that he was lulled into a perfect security, notwithstanding the many warnings given him by his friends, that the king's fair speeches were by no means to be trusted; but he had soon reason to repent his confidence. On the 22nd of August 1571, as he was walking from the court to his lodgings, he received a shot from a window, which carried away the second finger of his right hand, and wounded him grievously in the left arm. This he himself ascribed to the malice of the duke of Guise, the head of the Catholic party. After dinner, however, the king went to pay him a visit, and amongst others made him this compliment: "You have received the wound, but it is I who suffer:" desiring at the same time that he would order his friends to quarter about his house, and promising to hinder the Catholics from entering that quarter after it was dark. This satisfied the admiral of the king's sincerity; and hindered him from complying with the desires of his friends, who would have carried him away, and who were strong enough to have forced a passage out of Paris if they had attempted it.

In the evening, the queen mother, Catharine de Medicis, held a cabinet council to fix the execution of the massacre of the Protestants, which had been long meditated. The persons of which this council was composed were, Henry duke of Anjou, the king's brother; Gonzagua duke of Nevers; Henry of Angoulême grand prior of France, and bastard brother of the king; and marshal de Tavannes; and Albert de Gondi, count de Retz: the direction of the whole was given to the duke of Guise, to whom the administration had been entirely confided during the former reign. The guards were appointed to be in arms, and the city officers were to dispose the militia to execute the king's orders, of which the signal was the ringing of a bell near the Louvre. Some say, that when the hour approached, which was that of midnight, the king grew undetermined: that he expressed his horror at shedding so much blood, especially considering that the people whom he was going to destroy were his subjects, who had come to the capital at his command, and in confidence of his word; and particularly the admiral, whom he had detained so lately by his caresses. The queen mother, however, reproached him with his cowardice, and represented to him the great danger he was in from the Protestants; which at last induced him to consent. According to others, however, the king himself urged on the massacre; and when it was proposed to him to take off only a few of the heads, he cried out, "If any are to die, let there not be one left to reproach me with breach of faith."

As soon as the signal was given, a body of Swiss troops of the Catholic religion, headed by the duke of Guise, the chevalier d'Angoulême, accompanied by many persons of quality, attacked the admiral's house. Having forced open the doors, the foremost of the assassins rushed into the apartment; and one of them asked if he was Coligni? To this he answered that he was; adding, "Young man, respect these gray hairs:" to which the assassin replied by running him through the body with a sword. The duke of Guise and the chevalier growing impatient below stairs, cried out to know if the business was done; and being told that it was, commanded that the body should be thrown out at the window. As soon as it fell on the ground, the chevalier, or (as some say) the duke of Guise, wiping the blood off the face, kicked it with his foot. The body was then abandoned to the fury of the populace; who, after a series of indignities, dragged it to the common gallows, to which they chained it by the feet, the head being cut off and carried to the queen mother; who, it is said, caused it to be embalmed and sent to Rome. The king himself went to see the body hang upon the gibbet; where a fire being kindled under it, part was burnt, and the rest scorched. In the Louvre, the gentlemen belonging to the king of Navarre and the prince of Condé were murdered under the king's eye. Two of them, wounded and pursued by the assassins, fled into the bedchamber of the queen of Navarre and jumped upon her bed, beseeching her to save their lives; and as she went to ask this favour of the queen mother, two more, under the like circumstances rushed into the room, and threw themselves at her feet. The queen mother came to the window to enjoy these dreadful scenes; and the king, seeing the Protestants who lodged on the other side of the river, flying for their lives, called for his long gun, and fired upon them. In the space of three or four days, many thousands were destroyed in the city of Paris, by the most cruel deaths which malice itself could invent. Peter Ramus, professor of philosophy and mathematics, after being robbed of all he had, his belly being first ripped open, was thrown out of a window. This so much affected Denis Lambin, the king's professor, that, though a zealous Catholic, he died of terror. The first two days, the king denied it was done by his orders, and threw the whole blame on the house of Guise: but, on the 28th of August, he went to the parliament, avowed it, was complimented upon it, and directed a process against the admiral, by which he was stigmatized as a traitor. Two innocent gentlemen suffered as his accomplices in a pretended plot against the life of the king, in order to set the crown on the head of the prince of Condé. They were executed by torch light; and the king and the queen mother (with the king of Navarre and the prince of Condé by force) were spectators of this horrid deed; and they also assisted at the jubilee to thank God for the execution of such an infamous design.

The massacre was not confined to the city of Paris alone. On the eve of St Bartholomew, orders had been sent to the governors of provinces to fall upon the Protestants themselves, and to let loose the people upon them; and though an edict was published before the end of the week, assuring them of the king's protection, and that he by no means designed to exterminate them because of their religion, yet private orders were sent, of a nature directly contrary; in consequence of which, the massacre, or (as, in allusion to the Sicilian vespers†, it is now styled) the Motins of Paris,‡ were repeated in Meaux, Orleans, Troyes, Angers, Thoulouse, Rouen, and Lyons; so that in the space of two months 30,000 Protestants were butchered. The next year Rochelle, the only strong fortress which the Protestants held in France, was besieged, but was not taken without the loss of 24,000 of the Catholics who besieged it. After this a pacification ensued on terms favourable. This year the duke of Anjou was elected king of Poland, and soon after set out to take possession of his new kingdom. The king accompanied him to the frontiers of the kingdom; but during the journey was seized with a slow fever, which from the beginning had a very dangerous appearance. He lingered for some time under the most terrible agonies both of body and mind; and at last died on the 30th of May 1572, having lived 24 years, and reigned 13. It is said, that after the dreadful massacre above mentioned, this prince had a fierceness in his looks, and a colour in his cheeks, which he never had before. He slept little, and never sound. He waked frequently in agonies, and had soft music to compose him again to rest.

During the first years of the reign of Henry III., who succeeded his brother Charles, the war with the Protestants was carried on with indifferent success on the part of the Catholics. In 1575, a peace was concluded, called by way of eminence the Edict of Pacification. It consisted of no fewer than 63 articles; the substance of which was, that liberty of conscience, and the public exercise of religion, were granted to the reformed, without any other restriction than that they should not preach within two leagues of Paris or any other part where the court was; party chambers erected in every parliament, to consist of equal numbers of Catholics and Protestants, before whom all judgments were to be tried; the judgments against the admiral, and, in general, all who had fallen in the war or been executed, were reversed; and eight cautionary towns were given to the Protestants.

The edict gave occasion to the Guises to form an association, in defence, as was pretended, of the Catholic religion, afterwards known by the name of the Catholic League. In this league, though the king was mentioned with respect, he could not help seeing that it struck at the very root of his authority: for, as the Protestants had already their chiefs, so the Catholics were, for the future, to depend entirely upon the chief of the league; and were, by the very words of it, to execute whatever he commanded, for the good of the cause, against any, without exception of persons. The king, to avoid the bad effects of this, by the advice of his council declared himself head of the league; and of consequence recommenced the war against the Protestants, which was not extinguished as long as he lived.

The faction of the duke of Guise, in the mean time, took a resolution of supporting Charles cardinal of Bourbon, a weak old man, as presumptive heir of the crown. In 1584 they entered into a league with Spain, and took up arms against the king; and though peace was concluded the same year, yet in 1587 they again proceeded to such extremities, that the king was forced to fly from Paris. Another reconciliation was soon after effected; but it is generally believed that the king from this time resolved on the destruction of Guise. Accordingly, finding that this nobleman still behaved towards him with his usual insolence, the king caused him to be stabbed, as he was coming into his presence, by his guards, on the 23rd of December 1587. The king himself did not long survive him; being stabbed by one James Clement, a Jansenist monk, on the first of August 1588. His wound at first was not thought mortal; but his frequent swooning quickly discovered his danger; and he died next morning, in the 39th year of his age, and 16th of his reign.

Before the king's death, he nominated Henry Bourbon king of Navarre for his successor on the throne of France; but as he was a Protestant, or at least one who greatly favoured their cause, he was at first owned by very few except those of the Protestant party. He met with the most violent opposition from the members of the Catholic league; and was often reduced to such straits, that he went to people's houses under colour of visits, when in reality he had not a dinner in his own. By his activity and perseverance, however, he was at last acknowledged throughout the whole kingdom, to which his abjuration of the Protestant religion contributed not a little. As the king of Spain had laid claim to the crown of France, Henry no sooner found himself in a fair way of being firmly seated on the throne, than he formally declared war against that kingdom; in which he at last proved successful, and in 1597 entered upon the quiet possession of his kingdom.

The king's first care was to put an end to the religious disputes which had so long distracted the kingdom. For this purpose he granted the famous edict, dated at Nantes, April 13, 1598. It re-established, in a most solid and effectual manner, all the favours that had ever been granted to the reformed by other princes; adding some which had not been thought of before, particularly the allowing them a free admission to all employments of trust, profit, and honour; the establishing chambers in which the members of the two religions were equal; and the permitting their children to be educated without constraint in any of the universities. Soon after, he concluded peace with Spain upon very advantageous terms. This gave him an opportunity of restoring order and justice throughout his dominions; of repairing all the ravages occasioned by the civil war; and abolishing all those innovations which had been made, either to the prejudice of the prerogatives of the crown or the welfare of the people. His schemes of reformation, indeed, he intended to have carried beyond the boundaries of France. If we may believe the duke of Sully, he had in view no less a design than the new-modeling of all Europe. He imagined that even the European powers might be formed into a kind of Christian republic, by rendering them as nearly as possible of equal strength; and that this republic might be maintained in perpetual peace, by bringing all their differences to be decided before a senate of wise, disinterested, and able judges: and then he thought it would be no difficult matter to overturn the Ottoman empire. The number of these powers was to be 15; viz. the Papacy; the empire of Germany; France; Spain; Hungary; Great Britain; Bohemia; Lombardy; Poland; Sweden; Denmark; the republic of Venice; the States General; the Swiss Cantons; and the Italian commonwealth, which was to comprehend the states of Florence, Genoa, Lucca, Modena, Parma, Mantua, and Monaco. In order to render the states equal, the empire was to be given to the duke of Bavaria; the kingdom of Naples to the pope; that of Sicily Sicily to the Venetians; Milan to the duke of Savoy, who, by his acquisition, was to become king of Lombardy; the Austrian Low Countries were to be added to the Dutch republic; Franche Compte, Alsace, and the country of Trent, were to be given to the Swiss. With a view, it is now thought, of executing this grand project, but under pretence of reducing the exorbitant power of the house of Austria, Henry made immense preparations both by sea and land; but if he really had such a design, he was prevented by death from attempting to execute it. He was stabbed in his coach by one Ravillac, on the 12th of May 1628.

On the death of Henry IV., the queen mother assumed the regency. Ravillac was executed, after suffering horrid tortures. It is said that he made a confession, which was so written by the person who took it down, that not one word of it could ever be read, and thus his instigators and accomplices could never be discovered. The regency, during the minority of Louis XIII., was only remarkable for cabals and intrigues of the courtiers. In 1617, the king assumed the government himself, banished the queen mother to Blois, caused her favourite Marshal d'Ancre to be killed, and chose for his minister the famous Cardinal Richelieu. In 1620, a new war broke out between the Catholics and Protestants, which was carried on with the greatest fury on both sides; and we may judge of the spirit which actuated both parties by what happened at Négrepisse, a town in Quercy. This place was besieged by the king's troops, and it was resolved to make an example of the inhabitants. The latter, however, absolutely refused to surrender upon any terms. They defended themselves, therefore, most desperately; and the city being at last taken by storm, they were all massacred, without respect of rank, sex, or age, except ten men. When these were brought into the king's presence, he told them they did not deserve mercy: they answered, that they would not receive it; that the only favour they asked, was to be hanged on trees in their own gardens; which was granted, and the place reduced to ashes. Both parties soon became weary of such a destructive war; and a peace was concluded in 1621, by which the edict of Nantz was confirmed. This treaty, however, was of no long duration. A new war broke out which lasted till the year 1628, when the edict of Nantz was again confirmed; only the Protestants were deprived of all their cautionary towns, and consequently of the power of defending themselves in time to come. This put an end to the civil wars on account of religion in France. Historians say, that in these wars above a million of men lost their lives, that 150,000,000 livres were spent in carrying them on; and that 9 cities, 400 villages, 2000 churches, 2000 monasteries, and 10,000 houses, were burnt or otherwise destroyed during their continuance. The next year, the king was attacked with a slow fever which nothing could allay, an extreme depression of spirits, and prodigious swelling in his stomach and belly. The year after, however, he recovered, to the great disappointment of his mother, who had been in hopes of regaining her power. She was arrested; but found means to escape into Flanders, where she remained during the rest of his reign. Richelieu, by a masterly train of politics, though himself was next to an enthusiast for popery, supported the Protestants of Germany and Gustavus Adolphus against the house of Austria; and after quelling all the rebellions and conspiracies which had been formed against him in France, he died some months before Louis XIII. in 1643.

Louis XIV., surnamed le Grand, succeeded to the throne when he was only five years of age. During his minority, the kingdom was torn in pieces under the administration of his mother Anne of Austria, by the factions of the great, and the divisions between the court and parliament, for the most trifling causes and upon the most despicable principles. The prince of Condé flamed like a blazing star; sometimes a patriot, sometimes a courtier, and sometimes a rebel. He was opposed by the celebrated Turenne, who from a Protestant had turned Papist. The nation of France was involved at once in civil and domestic wars; but the queen mother having made choice of Cardinal Mazarine for her first minister, he found means to turn the arms even of Cromwell against the Spaniards, and to divide the domestic enemies of the court so effectually among themselves, that when Louis assumed the reins of government into his own hands, he found himself the most absolute monarch that had ever sat upon the throne of France. He had the good fortune, on the death of Mazarine, to put the domestic administration of his affairs into the hands of Colbert, who formed new systems for the glory, commerce, and manufactures of France, all which he carried to a surprising height. The king himself ignorant and vain, was blind to every patriotic duty of a king, promoting the interests of his subjects only that they might the better answer the purposes of his greatness; and by his ambition he embroiled himself with all his neighbours, and wantonly rendered Germany a dismal scene of devastation. By his impolitic and unjust revocation of the edict of Nantz in the year 1685, with the dragooning* the Protestants that followed it, he obliged them to take shelter in England, Holland, and different parts of Germany, where they established the silk manufactories, to the great prejudice of their own country. He was so blinded by flattery, that he arrogated to himself the divine honours paid to the Pagan emperors of Rome. He made and broke treaties for his convenience: and in the end he raised against himself a confederacy of almost all the other princes of Europe; at the head of which was King William III. of England. He was so well served, that he made head for some years against this alliance; and France seemed to have attained the highest pitch of military glory, under the conduct of those renowned generals Condé and Turenne. (See United Provinces). At length, having provoked the English by his repeated infidelities, their arms under the duke of Marlborough, and those of the Austrians under Prince Eugene, rendered the latter part of Louis's life as miserable as the beginning of it was splendid. His reign, from the year 1702 to 1711, was one continued series of defeats and calamities; and he had the mortification of seeing those places taken from him, which, in the former part of his reign, were acquired at the expense of many thousand lives. (See Britain, No. 342, &c.)—Just as he was reduced, old as he was, to the desperate resolution of collecting his people and dying at their head, he was saved by the English Tory ministry de- setting the cause, withdrawing from their allies, and concluding the peace of Utrecht in 1713. See BRITAIN, No. 371, &c.

The last years of Louis XIV. were also embittered by domestic calamities; which, added to those he had already endured of a public nature, impressed him with a deep melancholy. He had been for some time afflicted with a fistula; which, though successfully cut, ever afterwards affected his health. The year before the peace, his only son, the duke of Burgundy, died, together with the duchess and their eldest son; and the only remaining child was left at the point of death. The king himself survived till the month of September 1715; but on the 14th of that month expired, leaving the kingdom to his great grandson Louis, then a minor.

By the last will of Louis he had devolved the regency during the minority of the young king, upon a council, at the head of which was the duke of Orleans. That nobleman, however, disgusted with a disposition which gave him only a casting vote, appealed to the parliament of Paris, who set aside the will of the late king, and declared him sole regent. His first acts were extremely popular, and gave the most favourable ideas of his government and character. He restored to the parliament the right which had been taken from them of remonstrating against the edicts of the crown, and compelled those who had enriched themselves during the calamities of the former reign to restore their wealth. He also took every method to efface the calamities occasioned by the unsuccessful wars in which his predecessor had engaged; promoted commerce and agriculture; and, by a close alliance with Great Britain and the United Provinces, seemed to lay the foundation of a lasting tranquillity. This happy prospect, however, was soon overcast by the intrigues of Alberoni the Spanish minister, who had formed a design of recovering Sardinia from the emperor, Sicily from the duke of Savoy, and of establishing the Pretender on the throne of Britain. To accomplish these purposes, he negotiated with the Ottoman Porte, Peter the Great of Russia, and Charles XII. of Sweden; the Turks intending to resume the war against the emperor; the two latter to invade Great Britain. But as long as the duke of Orleans retained the administration of France, he found it impossible to bring his schemes to bear. To remove him, therefore, he fomented divisions in the kingdom. An insurrection took place in Brittany; and Alberoni sent small parties into the country in disguise, in order to support the insurgents, and even laid plots to seize the regent himself. All of a sudden, however, the Spanish minister found himself disappointed in every one of his schemes. His partizans in France were put to death; the king of Sweden was killed at Fredericksburg in Norway; the Czar, intent on making new regulations, could not be persuaded to make war upon Britain; and the Turks refused to engage in a war with the emperor, from whom they had lately suffered so much. The cardinal, nevertheless, continued his intrigues; which quickly produced a war betwixt Spain on the one part, and France and Britain on the other. The Spaniards, unable to resist the union of two such formidable powers, were soon reduced to the necessity of suing for peace; and the terms were dictated by the regent of France; and of these the dismission of Alberoni the Spanish minister was one. A double marriage was now set on foot: the duke of Orleans gave his own daughter, Mademoiselle Montpensier, to Don Lewis prince of Asturias, while the infant of Spain was betrothed to her cousin the king of France. From this time the house of Bourbon continued united; both princes being convinced, that it was their interest not to waste their strength in wars against each other.

The spirit of conquest having now in a great measure subsided, and that of commerce taken place throughout the world in general, France became the scene of a remarkable project in the commercial way as ever was known in any country. One John Law, a Scotsman, who had been obliged to leave his own country, laid the plan of a company which might, by its notes pay off the debt of the nation, and reimburse itself by the profits. Law had wandered through various parts of Europe, and had successively endeavoured to engross the attention of various courts. The proposal was made to Victor Amadeus king of Sicily; but he dismissed Law with a reply, that "he was not rich enough to ruin himself;" but in France it was looked upon in a more favourable light; the nation being at this time involved in a debt of 200 millions, and the regent, as well as the people in general, very fond of embarking in new schemes. The bank, thus established, proceeded at first with some degree of caution; but having by degrees extended their credit to more than 80 times their real stock, they soon became unable to answer the demands made upon them; so that the company was dissolved the very same year in which it had been instituted. The confusion into which the kingdom was thrown by this fatal scheme, required the utmost exertions of the regent to put a stop to it; and scarcely was this accomplished when the king, in 1723, took the government into his own hands. The duke then became minister; but did not take long enjoy this post. His irregularities had broken his constitution, and had brought on a number of maids, under which he in a short time sunk, and was succeeded in his administration by the duke of Bourbon Condé. The king, as we have already remarked, had been married, when very young, to the infant of Spain, though by reason of his tender years the marriage had never been completed. The princess, however, had been brought to Paris, and for some time treated as queen of France; but as Louis grew up, it was easy to see that he had contracted an inveterate hatred against the intended partner of his bed. The minister, therefore, at last consented that the princess should be sent back; an affront so much represented by the queen her mother, that it had almost produced a war betwixt the two nations.

The dissolution of the marriage of Louis was the last act of Condé's administration; and the procuring of a new match was the first act of his successor Cardinal Fleury. The princess pitched upon was the daughter of Stanislaus Leszczinski, king of Poland, who had been deposed by Charles XII. of Sweden. The princess was destitute of personal charms, but of an amiable disposition; and though it is probable that she never possessed the love of her husband, her excellent qualities could not but extort his esteem; and the land... birth of a prince soon after their marriage removed all the fears of the people concerning the succession.

Cardinal Fleury continued the pacific schemes pursued by his predecessors; though they were somewhat interrupted by the war which took place in the year 1733. Notwithstanding the connexion betwixt that monarch and the French nation, however, Fleury was so parsimonious in his assistance, that only 1500 soldiers were sent to relieve Dantzic, where Stanislaus himself resided, and who at that time was besieged by the Russians. This pitiful reinforcement was soon overwhelmed by a multitude of Russians; and Stanislaus was at last obliged to renounce all thoughts of the crown of Poland, though he was permitted to retain the title of king; and that this title might not be merely nominal, the king of France consented to bestow upon him the duchies of Bar and Lorraine; so that, after the death of Stanislaus, these territories were indissolubly united to the dominions of France. Fleury steadily pursued his pacific plans, and the disputes between Spain and England in 1737 very little affected the peace of France; and it must be remembered to his praise, that instead of fomenting the quarrels betwixt the neighbouring potentates, he laboured incessantly to keep them at peace. He reconciled the Genoese and Corsicans, who were at war; and his mediation was accepted by the Ottoman Porte; who at that time carried on a successful war with the emperor of Germany, but made peace with him at the intercession of the cardinal. All his endeavours to preserve the general peace, however, proved at last ineffectual. The death of the emperor Charles VI, in 1740, the last prince of the house of Austria, set all Europe in a flame. The emperor's eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, claimed the Austrian succession, which comprehended the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia, the duchy of Silesia, Austrian Suabia, Upper and Lower Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola; the four forest towns; Burgau; Brisgaw; the Low Countries; Friuli; Tyrol; the duchy of Milan; and the duchies of Parma and Placentia. Among the many competitors who pretended a right to share, or wholly to inherit, these extensive dominions, the king of France was one. But as he wished not to awaken the jealousy of the European princes by preferring directly his own pretensions, he chose rather to support those of Frederick III, who laid claim to the duchy of Silesia. This brought on the war of 1740; and of which an account is given under the articles Britain and Prussia. It was terminated in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; but to this Louis, who secretly meditated a severe vengeance against Britain, only consented, that he might have time to recruit his fleet, and put himself somewhat more upon an equality with this formidable power. But while he meditated great exploits of this kind, the internal tranquillity of the kingdom was disturbed by violent disputes betwixt the clergy and parliaments of France. In the reign of Louis XIV, there had been violent contests betwixt the Jansenists and Jesuits concerning free will and other obscure points of theology; and the opinions of the Jansenists had been declared heretical by the celebrated papal bull named Unigenitus; the reception of which was enforced by the king, in opposition to the parliaments, the archbishop of Paris, and the body of the people. The archbishop, with 15 other prelates, protested against it as an infringement of the rights of the Gallican church, of the laws of the realm, and an insult on the rights of the people themselves. The duke of Orleans favoured the bull by inducing the bishops to submit to it; but at the same time stopped a persecution which was going on against its opponents. Thus matters passed over till the conclusion of the peace; a short time after which, the jealousy of the clergy was awakened by an attempt of the minister of state to inquire into the wealth of individuals of their order. To prevent this, they revived the contest about the bull Unigenitus; and it was resolved, that confessional notes should be obtained of dying persons; that these notes should be signed by priests who maintained the authority of the bull; and that, without such notes, no person could obtain a viaticum, or extreme unction. On this occasion the new archbishop of Paris, and the parliament of that city, took opposite sides; the latter imprisoning such of the clergy as refused to administer the sacraments excepting in the circumstances above mentioned. Other parliaments followed the example of that of Paris; and a war was instantly kindled betwixt the civil and ecclesiastical departments of the state. In this dispute the king interfered, forbade the parliaments to take cognizance of ecclesiastical proceedings, and commanded them to suspend all prosecutions relative to the refusal of the sacraments: but instead of acquiescing, the parliaments presented new remonstrances, refused to attend any other business, and resolved that they could not obey this injunction without violating their duty as well as their oath. They cited the bishop of Orleans before their tribunal; and ordered all writings, in which its jurisdiction was disputed, to be burnt by the executioner. By the assistance of the military, they enforced the administration of the sacraments to the sick, and ceased to distribute that justice to the subject for which they had been originally instituted. The king, enraged at their obstinacy, arrested and imprisoned four of the members who had been most obstinate, and banished the remainder to Bourges, Poitiers, and Auvergne; while, to prevent any impediment from taking place in the administration of justice by their absence, he issued letters patent, by which a royal chamber for the prosecution of civil and criminal suits was instituted. The counsellors refused to plead before these new courts; and the king, finding at last that the whole nation was about to fall into a state of anarchy, thought proper to recall the parliament. The banished members entered Paris amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants; and the archbishop, who still continued to encourage the priests in refusing the sacraments, was banished to his seat at Conflans; the bishops of Orleans and Troyes were in like manner banished, and a calm for the present restored to the kingdom.

The tranquillity thus established was of no long duration. In the year 1756, the parliaments again fell into the displeasure of their king by their imprudent twist the persecution of those who adhered to the bull Unigenitus. They proceeded so far in this opposition as to refuse to register certain taxes absolutely necessary for the carrying on of the war. By this Louis was so provoked, that he suppressed the fourth and fifth chambers of inquests, the members of which had distin- France. gushed themselves by their opposition to his will. He commanded the bull Unigenitus to be respected, and prohibited the secular judges from ordering the administration of the sacraments. On this occasion counsellors of the great chamber resigned their offices, and 124 members of the different parliaments followed their example; and the most grievous discontents took place throughout the kingdom. An attempt was made by a fanatic, named Damien, to assassinate him; and the king was actually wounded, though slightly, between the ribs, in the presence of his son and in the midst of his guards. The assassin was put to the most exquisite tortures; in the midst of which he persisted, in the most obstinate manner, to declare that he had no intention to kill the king; but that his design was only to wound him, that God might touch his heart, and incline him to restore peace to his dominions, &c.

These expressions, which undoubtedly indicated insanity, had no effect on his merciless judges, who consigned him to one of the most horrid deaths the ingenuity or cruelty of man could invent. This attempt, however, seems to have had some effect upon the king; for he soon after banished the archbishop of Paris, who had been recalled, and once more accommodated matters with his parliament.

The unfortunate event of the war of 1755 had brought the nation to the brink of ruin, when Louis implored the assistance of Spain; and on this occasion the celebrated Family Compact was signed; by which, with the single exception of the American trade, the subjects of France and Spain are naturalized in both kingdoms, and the enemy of the one sovereign is invariably to be looked upon as the enemy of the other.

At that time, however, the assistance of Spain availed very little; both powers were reduced to the lowest ebb, and the arms of Britain were triumphant in every quarter of the globe. See the article BRITAIN.

The peace concluded at Paris in the year 1763, though it freed the nation from a most destructive and bloody war, did not restore its internal tranquillity. The parliament, eager to pursue the victory they had formerly gained over their religious enemies, now directed their efforts against the Jesuits, who had obtained and enforced the bull Unigenitus. That once powerful order, however, was now on the brink of destruction. A general detestation of its members had taken place throughout the whole world. A conspiracy formed by them against the king of Portugal, and from which he narrowly escaped, had roused the indignation of Europe, and this was still farther inflamed by some fraudulent practices of which they had been guilty in France. Le Valette, the chief of their missionaries at Martinico, had, ever since the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, carried on a very extensive commerce, insomuch that he even aspired at monopolizing the whole West India trade when the war with Britain commenced in 1755. Leonsay and Gouffre, merchants at Marseilles, in expectation of receiving merchandise to the value of two millions from him, had accepted of bills drawn by the Jesuits to the amount of a million and a half. Unhappily they were disappointed by the vast number of captures made by the British; in consequence of which they were obliged to apply to the Society of Jesuits at large: but they, either ignorant of their true interest, or too slow in giving assistance, suffered the merchants to stop payment; and thus France not only to bring ruin upon themselves, but to involve, as is usual in such cases, a great many others in the same calamity. Their creditors demanded indemnification from the Society at large; and on their refusal to satisfy them, brought their cause before the parliament of Paris. That body, eager to revenge themselves on such powerful adversaries, carried on the most violent persecutions everywhere against them. In the course of these, the volume containing the constitution and government of the order itself was appealed to, and produced in open court. It then appeared, that the order of Jesuits formed a distinct body in the state, submitting implicitly to their chief, who alone was absolute over their lives and fortunes. It was likewise discovered that they had, after a former expulsion, been admitted into the kingdom upon conditions which they had never fulfilled; and to which their chief had obstinately refused to subscribe; consequently that their existence at that time in the nation was merely the effect of toleration. The event was, that the writings of the Jesuits were pronounced to contain doctrines subversive of all civil government, and injurious to the security of the sacred persons of sovereigns: the attempt of Damien against the king was attributed to them, and every thing seemed to prognosticate their speedy dissolution. In this critical moment, however, the king interfered, and by his royal mandate suspended all proceedings against them for a year; a plan of accommodation was drawn up, and submitted to the pope and general of the order: but the latter, by his ill-timed haughtiness, entirely overthrew the hope of reconciliation. The king withdrew his protection, and the parliament redoubled their efforts against them. The bulls, briefs, constitutions, and other regulations of the Society, were determined to be encroachments on authority, and abuses of government; the Society itself was finally dissolved, and its members declared incapable of holding any clerical or municipal offices; their colleges were seized; their effects confiscated, and the order annihilated ever since.

The parliament having gained this victory, next contented an attempt to set bounds to the power of the betwixt king himself. They now refused to register an edict which Louis had issued for the continuance of some taxes which should have ended with the war, and likewise to conform to another by which the king was enabled to redeem his debts at an inadequate price. The court attempted to get the edicts registered by force, but the parliaments everywhere seemed inclined to resist to the last. In 1766, the parliament of Brittany refused the crown a gift of 700,000 livres; in consequence of which they were singled out to bear the weight of royal vengeance; but while matters were on the point of coming to extremities, the king thought proper to drop the process altogether, and to publish a general amnesty. The parliaments, however, now affected to despise the royal clemency; which exasperated the king to such a degree, that he ordered the counsellors of the parliament of Brittany (who had refused to resume the functions of which he deprived them) to be included in the list of those who were to be drafted for militia; and those upon whom the lot fell were immediately obliged to join their respective regiments; ments; the rest being employed in forming the city guard. The parliament of Paris remonstrated so freely upon this conduct of the king, that they also fell under his censure; and Louis in the most explicit manner declared, that he would suffer no earthly power to interfere with his will; and the parliaments were for the present intimidated into submission.

The interval of domestic tranquillity which now took place, was employed by the king in humbling the pride of the pope, who refused to recall a brief he had published against the duke of Parma. On this the French monarch reclaimed the territories of Avignon and Venaisin; and while the pontiff denounced his unavailing censures against him, the marquis de Rochechouart, with a single regiment of soldiers, drove out the troops of the pope, and took possession of the territories in question.

A more formidable opposition was made by the natives of the small island of Corsica; the sovereignty of which had been transferred to France by the Genoese, its former masters, on condition that Louis should reinstate them in the possession of the island of Caprata, which the Corsicans had lately reduced. These islanders defended themselves with the most desperate intrepidity; and it was not till after two campaigns, in which several thousands of the bravest troops of France were lost, that they could be brought under subjection.

The satisfaction which this unimportant conquest might afford to Louis, was clouded by the distress of the nation at large. The East India Company had totally failed, and most of the capital commercial houses in the kingdom were involved in the same calamity. The minister, the duc de Choiseul, by one desperate stroke, reduced the interest of the funds to one half, and at the same time took away the benefit of the survivorship in the tontines, by which the national credit was greatly affected; the altercation betwixt the king and his parliaments revived, and the dissensions became worse than ever. The duc de Choiseul attempted in vain to conciliate the differences; his efforts tended only to bring misfortunes upon himself, and in 1771 he was banished by the king, who suspected him of favouring the popular party too much; and this was soon after followed by the banishment of the whole parliament of Paris, and that by the banishment of a number of others; new parliaments being everywhere chosen in place of those who had been expelled. The people where by no means disposed to pay the same regard to these new parliaments that they had done to the old ones; but every appearance of opposition was at last silenced by the absolute authority of the king. In the midst of this plenitude of power, however, which he had so ardently desired, his health daily declined, and the end of his days was evidently at no great distance. As he had all along indulged himself in sensual pleasures to the greatest excess, so they now proved the immediate means of his destruction. His favourite mistress Madame de Pompadour, who for a long time governed him with an absolute sway, had long since been dead, and the king had for some time been equally enslaved by the charms of Madame du Barre. At last even her beauty proved insufficient to excite desire; and a succession of mistresses became necessary to rouse the languid appetites of the king. One of these, who was infected with the smallpox, communicated the disease to the king; who in a short time died of it, notwithstanding all the assistance that could be given him by the physicians.

The new king Louis XVI., grandson to the former, ascended the throne in the year 1774, in the 20th year of his age; and to secure himself against the disease which had proved fatal to his predecessor, submitted to inoculation, with several others of the royal family. Their quick and easy recovery contributed much to extend that practice throughout the kingdom, and to remove the prejudices which had been entertained against it.

The king had no sooner regained his health, than he applied himself diligently to extinguish the differences which had taken place betwixt his predecessor and the people. He removed those from their employments who had given cause of complaint by their arbitrary and oppressive conduct; and he conciliated the affection of his subjects by removing the new parliaments and recalling the old ones.

But though the prudence of Louis had suggested to him these compliances, he endeavoured still to preserve pure and entire the royal authority. He explained his intentions by a speech in the great chamber of parliament. "The step that he had taken to ensure the tranquillity and happiness of his subjects, ought not (he observed) to invalidate his own authority; and he hoped, from the zeal and attachment of the present assembly, an example of submission to the rest of his subjects. Their repeated resistance to the commands of his grandfather had compelled that monarch to maintain his prerogative by their banishment; and they were now recalled, in the expectation that they would quietly exercise their functions, and display their gratitude by their obedience." He concluded with declaring, "That it was his desire to bury in oblivion all past grievances; that he should ever behold with extreme disapprobation whatever might tend to create divisions and disturb the general tranquillity; and that his chancellor would read his ordinance to the assembly, from which they might be assured he would not suffer the smallest deviation to be made." That ordinance was conceived in the most explicit terms, and was immediately registered by the king's command. The articles of it limited within very narrow bounds the pretensions of the parliament of Paris: The members were forbidden to look upon themselves as one body with the other parliaments of the kingdom, or to take any step, or assume any title, that might tend towards or imply such an union: They were enjoined never to relinquish the administration of public justice, except in cases of absolute necessity, for which the first president was to be responsible to the king; and it was added, that on their disobedience the grand council might replace the parliament, without any new edict for the purpose. They were still, however, permitted to enjoy the right of remonstrating before the registering of any edicts or letters patent which they might conceive injurious to the welfare of the people, provided they preserved in their representations the respect due to the throne. But these remonstrances were not to be repeated; and the parliament, if they proved ineffectual, were to register the edict objected to within a month at farthest from the first day of its being being published. They were forbidden to issue any arrets which might excite trouble, or in any manner retard the execution of the king's ordinances; and they were assured by the king himself, at the conclusion of this code for their future conduct, that as long as they adhered to the bounds prescribed, they might depend upon his countenance and protection. In short, the terms on which Louis consented to re-establish the parliaments were such, that they were reduced to mere cyphers, and the word of the king still continued to be the only law in the kingdom. The archbishop of Paris, who had likewise presumed to raise some commotions with regard to the bull Unigenitus, was obliged to submit: and severely threatened if he should afterwards interfere in such a cause.

The final conquest of the Corsicans, who, provoked by the oppression of their governors, had once more attempted to regain their former liberty, was the first event of importance which took place after this restoration of tranquillity: but the kingdom was yet filled with disorder from other causes. A scarcity of corn happened to take place just at the time that some regulations had been made by M. Targot the new financier, the populace rose in great bodies, and committed such outrages, that a military force became absolutely necessary to quell them; and it was not till upwards of 500 of these miserable wretches were destroyed that they could be reduced. The king, however, by his prudent and vigorous conduct on this occasion, soon put a stop to all riots, and eminently displayed his clemency as well as prudence in the methods he took for the restoration of the public tranquillity.

The humanity of Louis was next shown in an edict which he caused to be registered in parliament, sentencing the deserters from his army in future to work as slaves on the public roads, instead of punishing them as formerly with death; and with equal attention to the general welfare of his subjects, he seized the moment of peace to fulfil those promises of economy which on his accession he had given to the people. Various regulations took place in consequence; particularly the suppression of the mousquetaires and some other corps, which being adapted more to the parade of guarding the royal person than any real military service, were supported at a great expense, without any adequate return of benefit to the state.

Particular attention was also paid to the state of the marine; and the appointment of M. de Sartine in 1776 to that department did honour to the penetration of the sovereign. That minister, fruitful in resources, and unrestrained in his application, was incessantly engaged in augmenting the naval strength of his country; and the various preparations that filled the ports and docks created no small uneasiness to the British court.

The next appointment made by the king was equally happy, and in one respect singular and unprecedented. M. Targot, though possessed of integrity and industry, had not been able to command the public confidence. On his retreat, M. Clugny, intendant general of Bordeaux, had been elevated to the vacant post: but he dying in a very short space, M. Taboureau des Reaux was appointed his successor; and the king soon after associated with him in the management of the finances M. Neckar, by birth a Swiss, and by religion a Protestant. That gentleman, in the preceding reign, had been chosen to adjust some differences between the East India Company and the crown; and had discharged his trust in a manner which gained the approbation of both parties. Possessed of distinguished abilities, his appointment would have excited no suspicion, had it not been contrary to the constant policy of France, which had carefully excluded the aliens of her country and faith from the control of her revenue. It now stood forward as a new instance of enlargement of mind and liberality of sentiment; and will to posterity mark the prominent features of the reign of Louis XVI.

Although the French monarch was of a pacific disposition, and not destitute of generosity of sentiment; yet his own and the public exultation had been openly and constantly proportioned to the success of the Americans in their contest with Britain: the princes of the blood and the chief nobility were eager to embark in the support of the cause of freedom; and the prudence of the king and his most confidential ministers alone restrained their ardour. The fatal events of the former war were still impressed on the mind of Louis; and he could not readily consent to expose his infant marine in a contest with a nation who had so frequently asserted the dominion of the seas, and so lately broken the united strength of the house of Bourbon. At the same time, he was sensible that the opportunity of humbling those haughty islanders, should not be entirely neglected, and that some advantages should be taken of the present commotions in America. Two agents from the United States, Silas Deane and Dr Benjamin Franklin, had successively arrived at Paris; and though all audience was denied them in a public capacity, still they were privately encouraged to hope that France only waited the proper opportunity to vindicate in arms the independence of America. In the mean while, the American cruisers were hospitably received into the French ports: artillery and all kinds of warlike stores were freely sold or liberally granted to the distress of the colonists; and French officers and engineers, with the connivance of government, entered into their service.

Some changes were about this time introduced into the different departments of state. The conduct of M. Neckar in the finances had been attended with universal approbation; and M. Taboureau des Reaux, his colleague, had resigned his situation, but still retained the dignity of counsellor of state. To afford full scope to the genius of M. Neckar, Louis determined no longer to clog him with an associate: but, with the title of Director General of the Finances, submitted to him the entire management of the funds and revenue of France. In the ensuing year, the count de St Germain, secretary at war, died; and the prince de Montbarey, who had already filled an inferior situation in that department, was now appointed to succeed him.

In the mean time, Louis's negotiations with foreign courts were not neglected. He concluded a new treaty of alliance with Switzerland; vigilantly observed the motions of the different princes of Germany on the death of the elector of Bavaria; and when closely questioned by the English ambassador, Lord Stormont, respecting the various warlike preparations which were diligently diligently continued through the kingdom, he replied, that at a time when the seas were covered with English fleets and American cruisers, and when such armies were sent to the New World as had never before appeared there; it became prudent for him also to arm for the security of the colonies and the protection of the commerce of France. The king was not ignorant at the same time, that the remonstrances of Great Britain, and the importunities of the agents of the United States, would soon compel him to adopt some decisive line of conduct. This was hastened by a new event disastrous to Britain; the failure of General Burgoyne's expedition, and the capture of his army. The news of that event was received at Paris with unbounded exultation. M. Sartine, the marine superintendent, was eager to measure the naval strength of France with that of Great Britain; the queen, who had long seconded the applications of the American agents, now espoused their cause with fresh ardour; and the pacific inclinations of Louis being overborne by the suggestions of his ministers and the influence of the queen, it was at length determined openly to acknowledge the independence of the United States.

Dr Franklin and Silas Deane, who had hitherto acted as private agents, were now acknowledged as public ambassadors from those states to the court of Versailles; and a treaty of amity and commerce was signed between the two powers in the month of February 1778. The duke of Noailles, ambassador to the court of London, was in the month of March instructed to acquaint that court with the above treaty. At the same time he declared, that the contracting parties had paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favour of France, and that the United States had reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatever on the same footing of equality and reciprocity. But this stipulation was treated by the British with contempt; and the recall of Lord Stormont, their ambassador at Versailles, was the signal for the commencement of hostilities.—The events produced by this war are related under the articles AMERICA, BRITAIN, and INDOSTAN. Here our chief business is with domestic transactions, the measures of the cabinet, and the internal economy of the state.

In the year 1780 new changes in the French ministry took place. M. Bertin had resigned the office of secretary of state; the prince de Montbarey had retired from the post of secretary at war, and was succeeded by the marquis de Segur. But the most important removal was that of M. Sartine, who had for several years presided over the marine department, and whose unwearied application and ability had raised the naval power of France to a height that astonished Europe; but his colleagues in the cabinet loudly arraigned a profusion, which would have diverted into one channel the whole resources of the kingdom; and his retreat opened a road to the ambition of the marquis de Castrics, who was appointed to supply his place.

This year, the king fixed on the anniversary of his birth day to render it memorable by a new instance of humanity: and he abolished for ever the inhuman custom of putting the question, as it was called, by torture; a custom which had been so established by the practice of ages, that it seemed to be an inseparable part of the constitution of the courts of justice in France. At the same time, to defray the charges of war, he continued to diminish his own expenditure; and sacrificing his magnificence to the ease of his subjects, dismissed at once above 400 officers belonging to his court.

Unhappily, however, the popular discontent was excited next year by the dismissal of their favourite minister, M. Neckar. He had conceived the arduous but popular project of supporting a war by loans without taxes; and the rigid economy which he had introduced into all the departments of the royal household, and the various resources that presented themselves to his fertile genius, had supported him amidst the difficulties that attended this system. But his austerity of temper had not rendered him equally acceptable to the sovereign and his subjects; and the repeated reforms he had recommended were represented as inconsistent with the dignity of the crown: he was therefore in 1781 dismissed from his office of comptroller-general; and M. Joli de Fleuri, counsellor of state, was appointed to that important department. The defeat of the count de Grasse happened next year, and impressed the kingdom with general grief and consternation. Immense preparations were, however, made for the operations of 1783; and in conjunction with the courts of Madrid and the Hague, Louis was determined this year to make the most powerful efforts to bring the war to a conclusion. But in the midst of these preparations, the voice of peace was again heard; and Louis was induced to listen to the proffered mediation of the two first potentates in Europe, the emperor of Germany and the empress of Russia. The count de Vergennes, who still occupied the post of secretary of foreign affairs, was appointed to treat with Mr Fitzherbert the British minister at Brussels, but who had lately proceeded to Paris to conduct this important negotiation. The way was already smoothed for the restoration of public tranquillity, by provisional articles signed at the conclusion of the last year between the states of America and Great Britain, and which were to constitute a treaty of peace finally to be concluded when that between France and Great Britain took place. Preliminary articles were accordingly agreed upon and signed at Versailles: these were soon after succeeded by a definitive treaty; and France, throughout her extensive dominions, beheld peace once more established. Though the late war had been attended by the most brilliant success, and the independence of America seemed to strike deep at the source of her rival's power, yet France herself had not been entirely free from inconvenience. The retreat of M. Neckar, had, as we have already observed, diminished the public confidence; three different persons who had since transiently occupied his post, increased the jealousies of the people; and the failure of the celebrated Caisse d'Escompte completed the universal consternation.

That bank had been established in the year 1776. The plan of it was formed by a company of private adventurers, and its capital was fixed at 500,000 sterling. The professed design of the Company was to discount bills at short dates, at the rate of four per cent. per annum: but as this interest could never be an equivalent for the capital sunk by the proprietors, they were intrusted with the additional power of issuing notes to the amount of their capital, which, as they were were capable at any time of being converted into specie, might be often voluntarily taken by their customers from mere convenience. The reputation of the bank soon caused its stock to sell above par; and its credit was still at the highest, when to the astonishment of the nation it suddenly stopped payment on the 2d of October 1783. The cause assigned was an uncommon scarcity of specie; but the public suspected that the failure arose from a loan secretly made to government; and what confirmed the suspicion was, that government about the same time stopped payment of the bills drawn upon them by their army in America.

Whatever was the cause of this event, the king was prevailed on to extend his protection to the Company. By four successive edicts the banks in Paris were ordered to receive the notes of the Caisse d'Escompte as currency; and a lottery with a stock of one million sterling, redeemable in eight years, being established, the tickets were made purchasable in notes of the Caisse d'Escompte. By these expedients the public confidence in that bank was revived, its business increased, and its stock rose to above double the original subscription; the bills from America were at the same time put in a train of payment, and public credit was restored throughout the kingdom. Some compensation also for the expences that had been incurred during the late war, was drawn from a treaty with the United States of America. These engaged to reimburse France in the sum of 18 millions of livres, which had been advanced in the hour of their distress; and Louis consented to receive the money, as more convenient to the States, in the space of 12 years, by 12 equal and annual payments.

The general peace was soon after followed by a particular treaty between France and Holland, which was effected with great address by the Count de Vergennes. It included all the principles which can serve to cement in the closest union distinct nations under distinct governments; and by which they may mutually participate, in peace or in war, of good or of evil; and in all cases administer the most perfect aid, counsel, and succour to each other. It also prescribed, if their united good offices for the preservation of peace should prove ineffectual, the assistance they were to afford each other by sea and land. France was to furnish Holland with 10,000 effective infantry, 2000 cavalry, with 12 ships of the line and 6 frigates. Their high Mightinesses, on the other side, in case of a marine war, or that France should be attacked by sea, were to contribute to her defence six ships of the line and three frigates; and in case of an attack on the territory of France, the States General were to have the option of furnishing their land contingent either in money or troops, at the estimate of 5000 infantry and 1000 cavalry. Further, if the stipulated succours should be insufficient for the defence of the party attacked, or for procuring a proper peace, they engaged to assist each other with all their forces, if necessary; it being however agreed that the contingent of troops to be furnished by the States General should not exceed 20,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry. It was further added, that neither of the contracting powers should disarm, or make or receive proposals of peace or truce, without the consent of the other: they promised also not to contract any future alliance or engagement whatever, directly or indirectly, contrary to the present treaty; and on any treaties or negotiations being proposed which might prove detrimental to their joint interest, they pledged their faith to give notice to each other of such proposals as soon as made.

Thus was Holland now converted into the firm ally of that power against whose encroaching spirit she had formerly armed the most powerful kingdoms of Europe; while France having asserted the independence of America against Great Britain, and having converted an ancient and formidable foe into an useful friend, seemed to have attained an influence over the nations of the earth that she had never before been possessed of.

But however exalted her present situation might appear, the seeds of future commotion were already apparent to an attentive observer. The applause that had attended the parliament of Paris in their struggles with the late king might be considered as the first dawn of freedom; the language of that assembly had boldly inculcated to their countrymen their natural rights, and taught them to look with a less enraptured eye on the lustre that encompassed the throne. The war in America had contributed to enlarge the political ideas of the French: they had on that occasion stood forth as the champions of liberty, in opposition to regal interference; and the officers, who had acted on that conspicuous theatre, accustomed to think and speak without restraint, on their return imparted to the provinces of France the flame of freedom which had been kindled in the wilds of America. From that moment the French, instead of silently acquiescing under the edicts of their sovereign, canvassed each action with bold and rigid impartiality; while the attachment of the army, which has ever been considered as the sole foundation of despotism, gave way to the noble enthusiasm of liberty.

We have already noticed the public dissatisfaction that had attended the dismission of M. Neckar; his transient successor, M. de Fleury, had retired from the management of the finances in 1783, and the more transient administration of M. d'Ormesson had expired in the same year that gave it birth. On his retreat, M. de Calonne, who had successively filled with acknowledged reputation the office of intendant of Mentz, and afterwards of the provinces of Flanders and Artois, was nominated to the post of comptroller-general. This gentleman, flexible and insinuating, eloquent in conversation, and polished in his manners, fertile in resources and liberal in the disposal of the public money, soon rendered himself acceptable to the sovereign. But he did not enter upon this new and arduous station favoured by the breath of popularity: he was reported to be more able than consistent, and not to have tempered the ardour of his spirit by the severity of deep research; and the people, amidst repeated loans, regretted that severe simplicity which had characterized the administration of M. Neckar.

It was the bold and judicious measures of Calonne, however, that restored credit to the Caisse d'Escompte, which had stopped payment a few weeks before his accession. His next measure, in 1784, the establishment of the Caisse d'Amortissement, or sinking fund, was entitled to a still higher degree of applause. The plan of that fund was simple and moderate: It was to pay annually by government, into the hands of a board set apart for that purpose, the entire interest of the national debts, whether in stock or annuities, together with an additional sum of £20,000. The annuities that would be extinguished every year were estimated at £50,000; and in that proportion, the sum set apart for the redemption of the national debt would annually increase. The operation of this new fund was limited to the term of 25 years; and during that term the annual receipt of the Caisse d'Amortissement is declared unalterable, and incapable of being diverted to any other object.

The principal measure of the next year was the establishment of a new East India Company, (the constitutions of which have been already detailed: see COMPANY) — a measure not equally commendable with the preceding, and which did not fail to excite violent complaints. The time, however, was now approaching, when the necessities of the state would compel him to measures still more unpopular, and destined to undergo a severer scrutiny. Although peace had been re-established throughout Europe for three years, yet the finances of France seemed scarce affected by this interval of tranquillity, and it was found requisite to close every year with a loan. The public expenditure of 1785 might probably seem to sanction this measure. It had been thought proper to fortify Cherbourg upon a large and magnificent scale; the claim of the emperor to the navigation of the Scheldt had obliged the French to increase their land forces, either to form a respectable neutrality, or to assist effectually their Dutch allies; and the marquis de Castrics, fond of war, and profuse in his designs, had not suffered the navy, which M. Sartine had surrendered into his hands, to decline during the interval of peace. The treaty of commerce concluded in the year 1786 with Great Britain was a new source of discontent.—Though regarded by the English manufacturers as far from advantageous, it excited in France still louder murmurs. It was represented as likely to extinguish those infant establishments, which were yet unable to vie with the manufactures of England that had attained to maturity; and the market that it held out for the wines and oils of France was passed over in silence, while the distress of the artisan was painted in the most striking colours. But when the edict for registering the loan at the conclusion of the last year, and which amounted to the sum of three millions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds, was presented to the parliament of Paris, the murmurs of the people, through the remonstrances of that assembly, assumed a more legal and formidable aspect. The king, however, signified to the select deputation that were commissioned to convey to him their remonstrances, that he expected to be obeyed without further delay. The ceremony of the registering accordingly took place on the next day; but it was accompanied with a resolution, importing, "that public economy was the only genuine source of abundant revenue, the only means of providing for the necessities of the state, and restoring that credit which borrowing had reduced to the brink of ruin."

The king was no sooner informed of this step, than he commanded the attendance of the grand deputation of parliament; when he erased from their records the resolution that had been adopted; and observed, that though it was his pleasure that the parliament should communicate, by its respectful representations, whatever might concern the good of the public, yet he never would allow them so far to abuse his clemency as to erect themselves into the censors of his government. At the same time, more strongly to mark his displeasure at their expostulations, he superseded one of their officers, who had appeared most active in forwarding the obnoxious resolution.

M. de Calonne, however, though gratified by the approbation of his sovereign, could not but feel himself deeply mortified by the opposition of the parliament. His attempts to conciliate that assembly had proved ineffectual; and he experienced their inflexible aversion at the critical juncture when their acquiescence might have proved of the most essential service. An anxious inquiry into the state of the public finances had convinced him that the expenditure by far exceeded the revenue. In this situation, to impose new taxes was impracticable; to continue the method of borrowing was ruinous; to have recourse only to economical reforms, would be found wholly inadequate; and he hesitated not to declare, that it would be impossible to place the finances on a solid basis, but by the reformation of whatever was vicious in the constitution of the state.

To give weight to this reform, M. de Calonne was sensible that something more was necessary than the royal authority; he perceived that the parliament was neither a fit instrument for introducing a new order into public affairs, nor would submit to be a passive machine for sanctioning the plans of a minister, even if those plans were the emanations of perfect wisdom. Though originally a body of lawyers, indebted for their appointments to the king, there was not an attribute of genuine legislative assembly but what they seemed desirous to engross to themselves; and they had been supported in their pretensions by the plaudits of the people, who were sensible that there was no other body in the nation that could plead their cause against royal or ministerial oppression. To suppress, therefore, the only power of control that remained, and to render the government more arbitrary, was deemed too perilous a measure: yet to leave the parliament in the full possession of their influence, an influence that the minister was convinced would be exerted against him, was at once to render his whole system abortive.

In this dilemma, the only expedient that suggested itself was to have recourse to some other assembly, more dignified and solemn in its character, and which should in a greater degree consist of members from the various orders of the state and the different provinces of the kingdom. This promised to be a popular measure; it implied a deference to the people at large, and might be expected to prove highly acceptable. But the true and legitimate assembly of the nation, the States General, had not met since the year 1614; nor could the minister flatter himself with the hope of obtaining the royal assent to a meeting which a despotic sovereign could not but regard with secret jealousy.

Another assembly had occasionally been substituted in Assembly the room of the States General: this was distinguished by the title of the Notables; and consisted of a num- ber of persons from all parts of the kingdom, chiefly selected from the higher orders of the state, and nominated by the king himself. This assembly had been convened by Henry IV. again by Louis XIII., and was now once more summoned by the authority of Louis XVI.

The writs for calling them together were dated on the 29th of December 1786; and they were addressed to seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers of France, eight field marshals, twenty-two nobles, eight counsellors of state, four masters of requests, eleven archbishops, and bishops, thirty-seven of the heads of the law, twelve deputies of the pays d'état, the lieutenant civil, and twenty-five magistrates of the different towns of the kingdom. The number of members was 144; and the 29th of January 1787 was the period appointed for their meeting.

Upon the arrival of the notables at Paris, however, the minister found himself yet unprepared to submit his system to their inspection, and postponed the opening of the council to the 7th of February. A second delay to the 14th of the same month was occasioned by the indisposition of M. de Calonne himself, and that of the count de Vergennes president of the council of finance and first secretary of state; and a third procrastination was the necessary result of the death of the count on the day previous to that fixed for the opening of the meeting. He was succeeded in the department of foreign affairs by the count de Montmorin, a nobleman of unblemished character. But his loss at this critical juncture was severely felt by M. de Calonne; he alone, of all the ministers, having entered with warmth and sincerity into the plans of the comptroller general. The chevalier de Miramont, keeper of the seals, was avowedly the rival and enemy of that statesman. The maréchal de Castries, secretary for the marine department, was personally attached to M. Neckar; and the baron de Breteuil, secretary for the household, was the creature of the queen, and deeply engaged in what was called the Austrian system.

It was under these difficulties that M. de Calonne, on the 22d of February, first met the assembly of the notables, and opened his long-expected plan. He began by stating, that the public expenditure had for centuries past exceeded the revenue, and that a very considerable deficiency had of course existed; that the Mississippi scheme of 1720 had by no means, as might have been expected, restored the balance; and that under the economical administration of Cardinal Fleury the deficit still existed; that the progress of this derangement under the last reign had been extreme; the deficiency amounting to three millions sterling at the appointment of the Abbé Terray; who, however, reduced it to one million six hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds; it decreased a little under the short administrations that followed, but rose again in consequence of the war, under the administration of M. Neckar; and at his own accession to office, it was three millions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds.

In order to remedy this growing evil, M. Calonne recommended a territorial impost, in the nature of the English land tax, from which no rank or order of men were to be exempted; and an inquiry into the possessions of the clergy, which hitherto had been deemed sacred from their proportion of the public burdens; the various branches of internal taxation were also to undergo a strict examination; and a considerable resource was presented in mortgaging the demesne lands of the crown.

The very necessity for these reforms was combated with a degree of boldness and force of reasoning that could not fail of deeply impressing the assembly; and instead of meeting with a ready acquiescence, the comptroller general was now launched into the boundless ocean of political controversy. M. Neckar, previous to his retirement, had published his Compte rendu au Roy, in which France was represented as possessing a clear surplus of 425,000 pounds sterling; this performance had been read with avidity, and probably contributed to estrange from the author the royal countenance; but the credit of it was ably vindicated by M. de Brienne archbishop of Thoulouse.

M. de Calonne met with a still more formidable adversary in the count de Mirabeau. This extraordinary man, restless in his disposition, licentious in his morals, but bold, penetrating, and enterprising, had occasionally visited every court in Europe. He had been admitted at one time to the confidence of the minister; and had been directed, though in no ostensible character, to observe at Berlin, the disposition of the successor of the great Frederick. In this capacity he was frequently exposed to neglect and disappointment; his letters were often left unanswered; disgust succeeded to admiration; and he who had entered the Prussian court the intimate friend, returned to Paris the avowed enemy, of M. de Calonne: While the archbishop arraigned the understanding, the count impeached the integrity, of the comptroller general.

The eloquence of M. de Calonne, however, might have successfully vindicated his system and reputation against the calculations of Brienne, and the invectives of Mirabeau; but he could not support himself against the influence of the three great bodies of the nation. The ancient nobility and the clergy had ever been and by free from all public assessments; and had the evil perhaps gone no farther, it might have been still perhaps borne with patience; but through the shameful custom of selling patents of nobility, such crowds of new nobles started up, that every province in the kingdom was filled with them. The first object with those who had acquired fortunes rapidly, was to purchase a patent; which, besides gratifying their vanity, afforded an exemption to them and their posterity from contributing proportionally to the exigencies of the state; the magistracies likewise throughout the kingdom enjoyed their share of the exemptions; so that the whole weight of the taxes fell on those who were least able to bear them.

The minister's design, then, of equalizing the public burdens, and by rendering the taxes general diminishing the load borne by the lower and most useful classes of people, though undoubtedly great and patriotic, at once united against him the nobility, the clergy, and the magistracy; and the event was such as might be expected: the intrigues of those three bodies raised against him so loud a clamour, that finding it impossible to stem the torrent, he not only resigned his place place on the 12th of April, but soon after retired to England from the storm of persecution.

In the midst of these transactions at home, Louis's attention was also called to the state of affairs in the republic of Holland, his new and close ally. The prince of Orange had been stripped of all authority by the aristocratic party; and, retiring from the Hague, maintained the shadow of a court at Nimeguen. His brother-in-law, however, the new king of Prussia, exerted his endeavours to promote the interests of the stadtholder; and, having offered, in concert with France, to undertake the arduous task of composing the differences which distracted the republic, the proposal was received with apparent cordiality by the court of Versailles. At the same time it could scarce be expected that France would become the instrument of restoring the prince of Orange to that share of power which he had before occupied, and thus abandon one of the longest and most favourite objects of her policy, the establishing a supreme and permanent control in the affairs of Holland. In fact, the conditions which were framed by the Louvestein faction, as the basis of reconciliation, were such as plainly indicated their design to reduce the influence and authority of the stadtholder within very narrow limits. On his renouncing his right of filling up the occasional vacancies in the town senates, he was to be restored to the nominal office of captain general; but he was to be restrained from marching the troops into or out of any province, without leave from the respective provinces concerned; and he was also to subscribe to a resolution passed some time before by the senate of Amsterdam, that the command should at all times be revocable at the pleasure of the states. Had the prince acquiesced in these preliminaries, France would have completely attained the object of her long negotiations, and by means of the Louvestein faction have acquired the ascendency that she had repeatedly sought in the councils of Holland. But under the difficulties that surrounded him, the prince of Orange was admirably supported and assisted by the genius, the spirit, and the abilities of his consort: she firmly rejected every measure tending to abridge any rights that had been attached to the office of stadtholder; and M. de Rayneval, the French negotiator, having in vain endeavoured to overcome her resolution, broke off the correspondence between the Hague and Nimeguen, and returned to Paris about the middle of January 1787.

But the republican party were totally disappointed in their hopes from France. The court of Versailles had indeed long trusted to the natural strength of this party, and had been assiduous during the whole summer in endeavouring to second them by every species of succours that could be privately afforded. Crowds of French officers arrived daily in Holland; and either received commissions in the service of the states, or acted as volunteers in their troops. Several hundreds of tried and experienced soldiers were selected from different regiments; and being furnished with money for their journey, and assurances of future favour, were despatched in small parties to join the troops, and help to discipline the burghers and volunteers. A considerable corps of engineers were also directed to proceed silently and in disguise towards Amsterdam, and to assist in strengthening the works of that city. These aids, which might have proved effectual had the contest been confined to the states of Holland and the stadtholder, were overwhelmed in the rapid invasion of the Prussians; and the court of Berlin had taken its measures with so much celerity, and the situation of the republicans was already become so desperate, that it was doubtful whether their affairs could be restored by any assistance that France was capable of immediately administering. Yet on Great Britain fitting out a strong squadron of men of war at Portsmouth to give confidence to the operations of the king of Prussia, the court of Versailles also sent orders to equip 16 sail of the line at Brest, and recalled a small squadron which had been commissioned on a summer's cruise on the coast of Portugal. But in these preparations Louis seemed rather to regard his own dignity, than to be actuated by any hopes of effectually relieving his allies. All opposition in Holland might be already considered as extinguished. The states assembled at the Hague had officially notified to the court of Versailles, that the disputes between them and the stadtholder were now happily terminated; and as the circumstances which gave occasion for their application to that court no longer existed, so the succours which they had then requested would now be unnecessary.

Under these circumstances, France could only wish to extricate herself from her present difficulty with honour. She therefore readily listened to a memorial from the British minister at Paris: who proposed, in order to preserve the good understanding between the two crowns, that all warlike preparations should be discontinued, and that the navies of both kingdoms should be again reduced to the footing of a peace establishment. This was gladly acceded to by the court of Versailles; and that harmony which had been transiently interrupted between the two nations was restored.

Though the French king could not but sensibly feel the mortification of thus relinquishing the ascendency of which he had attained in the councils of Holland, the state of his own domestic concerns and the internal situation of his kingdom furnished matter for more serious reflection. The dismissal of M. de Calonne had left France without a minister, and almost without a system; and though the king bore the opposition of the notables with admirable temper, yet the disappointment that he had experienced sunk deep into his mind. Without obtaining any relief for his most urgent necessities, he perceived too late that he had opened a path to the restoration of the ancient constitution of France, which had been undermined by the crafty Louis XI. and had been nearly extinguished by the daring and sanguinary counsels of Richelieu under Louis XIII. The notables had indeed demeaned themselves with respect and moderation, but at the same time they had not been deficient in firmness. The appointment of the archbishop of Toulouse, the vigorous adversary of M. de Calonne, to the office of comptroller-general, probably contributed to preserve the appearance of good humour in that assembly; yet tables dis- the proposed territorial impost, or general land tax, which was an object so ardently coveted by the court, was rejected. Louis, therefore, deprived of any further hope of rendering the convention subservient to his embarrassments, determined to dissolve the assembly; which he accordingly did, with a very moderate and conciliatory speech to the members on their dismission.

Thus disappointed of the advantage which he had flattered himself he would have drawn from the acquiescence of the notables, the king was obliged now to recur to the usual mode of raising money by the royal edicts; among the measures proposed for which purpose were the doubling of the poll-tax, the re-establishment of the third twentieth, and a stamp duty. But the whole was strongly disapproved by the parliament of Paris; and that assembly, in the most positive terms, refused to register the edict. Louis was obliged to apply, as the last resort, to his absolute authority; and, by holding what is called a bed of justice, compelled them to enrol the impost.

The parliament, though defeated, were far from subdued; and on the day after the king had held his bed of justice, they entered a formal protest against the edict; declaring, "that it had been registered against their approbation and consent, by the king's express command; that it neither ought nor should have any force; and that the first person who should presume to attempt to carry it into execution, should be adjudged a traitor, and condemned to the galleys."

This spirited declaration left the king no other alternative, than either proceeding to extremities in support of his authority, or relinquishing for ever after the power of raising money upon any occasion without the consent of the parliament. Painful as every appearance of violence must have proved to the mild disposition of Louis, he could not consent to surrender, without a struggle, that authority which had been so long exercised by his predecessors. Since the commencement of the present discontents, the capital had been gradually filled with considerable bodies of troops; and about a week after the parliament had entered the protest, an officer of the French guards, with a party of soldiers, went at break of day to the house of each individual member, to signify to him the king's command, that he should immediately get into his carriage, and proceed to Troyes, a city of Champagne, about 70 miles from Paris, without writing or speaking to any person out of his own house before his departure. These orders were served at the same instant; and before the citizens of Paris were acquainted with the transaction, their magistrates were already on the road to their place of banishment.

Previous to their removal, however, they had presented a remonstrance on the late measures of government, and the alarming state of public affairs. In stating their opinions on taxes, they declared, that neither the parliaments, nor any other authority, excepting that of the three estates of the kingdom collectively assembled, could warrant the laying of any permanent tax upon the people; and they strongly enforced the renewal of those national assemblies, which had rendered the reign of Charlemagne so great and illustrious.

This requisition of the parliaments to re-establish the national council, or states general, was the more honourable, as the former assemblies must have sunk under the influence of the latter, and returned to their original condition of mere registers and courts of law. The confidence and attachment of the people of consequence rose in proportion to this instance of disinterestedness; their murmurs were openly expressed in the streets of the capital, and the general dissatisfaction was augmented by the stop that was put to public business by the exile of the parliament.

The cabinet at the same time was apparently weak, disunited, and fluctuating: and continual changes took place in every department of the state. Louis, averse to rigorous counsels, wished to allay the growing discontent by every concession that was consistent with his dignity; but it was generally believed, that the queen strongly dissuaded him from any step that might tend to the diminution of the royal authority. The influence of that princess in the cabinet was undoubtedly great; but the popularity which once had accompanied her was no more; and some imputations of private levity, which had been rumoured through the capital, were far from rendering her acceptable to the majority of the people; while the Count d'Artois, the king's brother, who had expressed himself in the most unguarded terms against the conduct of parliament, stood exposed to all the consequences of popular hatred.

Nor was it only in the capital that the flame of liberty once more burst forth; it blazed with equal strength in the provincial parliaments. Among various instances of this nature, the parliament of Grenoble passed a decree against lettres de cachet, the most odious engine of arbitrary power; and declared the execution of them within their jurisdiction, by any person, and under whatever authority, to be a capital crime.

The king had endeavoured to soothe the Parisians by new regulations of economy, and by continual retrenchments in his household: but these instances of attention, which once would have been received with the loudest acclamations, were now disregarded under their affliction for the absence of their parliament. His majesty, therefore, in order to regain the affections of his subjects, consented to restore that assembly; abandoning at the same time the stamp duty, and the territorial impost, which had been the sources of dispute. These measures were, however, insufficient to establish harmony between the court and the parliament. The necessities of the state still continued; nor could the deficiency of the revenue be supplied but by extraordinary resources, or a long course of rigid frugality. About the middle of November 1787, in a full meeting of the parliament, attended by all the princes of the blood and the peers of France, the king entered the assembly, and proposed two edicts for their approbation: one was for a new loan of 450 millions, near 19 millions sterling: the other was for the re-establishment of the Protestants in all their ancient civil rights; a measure which had long been warmly recommended by the parliament, and which was probably now introduced to procure a better reception to the loan. On this occasion, the king delivered himself in a speech of uncommon length, filled with professions of regard for the people, but at the same time strongly expressive of the obedience he expected to his edicts. Louis probably imagined, that the dread of that banishment from which the members had been so lately recalled would have ensured the acquiescence of the assembly; but no sooner was permission announced for every member to deliver his sentiments, than he was convinced that their spirits remained totally unsubdued.

An animated debate took place, and was continued for nine hours; when the king, wearied by perpetual opposition, and chagrined at some freedoms used in their debates, suddenly rose and commanded the edict to be registered without farther delay. This measure was most unexpectedly opposed by the duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood; who, considering it as an infringement of the rights of parliament, protested against the whole proceedings of the day as being thereby null and void. Though Louis could not conceal his astonishment and displeasure at this decisive step, he contented himself with repeating his orders; and immediately after, quitting the assembly, retired to Versailles. On the king's departure, the parliament confirmed the protest of the duke of Orleans; and declared, that as their deliberations had been interrupted, they considered the whole business of that day as of no effect.

It was not to be supposed that Louis would suffer so bold an attack on his power with impunity. Accordingly, a letter was next day delivered to the duke of Orleans, commanding him to retire to Villars Cotterel, one of his seats, about 15 leagues from Paris, and to receive no company there except his own family; at the same time, the Abbé Sabatier and M. Freteau, both members of the parliament, and who had distinguished themselves in the debate, were seized under the authority of lettres de cachet, and conveyed, the first to the castle of Mont St Michael in Normandy, the last to a prison in Picardy. This act of despotism did not fail immediately to rouse the feelings of the parliament. On the following day they waited on the king, and expressed their astonishment and concern that a prince of the blood royal had been exiled, and two of their members imprisoned, for having declared in his presence what their duty and consciences dictated, and at a time when his majesty had announced that he came to take the sense of the assembly by a plurality of voices. The answer of the king was reserved, forbidding, and unsatisfactory; and tended to increase the resentment of the parliament. At the same time, it did not prevent them from attending to the exigencies of the state; and convinced of the emergency, they consented to register the loan for 450 millions of livres, which had been the source of this unfortunate difference. This concession contributed to soften the mind of the king, and the sentence of the two magistrates was in consequence changed from imprisonment to exile; M. Freteau being sent to one of his country seats, and the Abbé Sabatier to a convent of Benedictines.

The parliament, however, was not to be soothed by that measure to give up the points against which they had originally remonstrated. In a petition conceived with freedom, and couched in the most animated language, they boldly reprobed the late acts of arbitrary violence, and demanded the entire liberation of the persons against whom they had been exerted. We have already noticed the fluctuating counsels of the court of Versailles; and that Louis, as often as he was left to pursue his own inclinations, adopted measures of reconciliation. On the present occasion, in Orleans, at the beginning of the year 1788, he recalled the called duke of Orleans to court, who soon after obtained leave to retire to England; and he permitted the return of the Abbé Sabatier and M. Freteau to the capital.

The parliament, however, had not confined their demands to the liberation of those gentlemen; but had also echoed the remonstrances of the parliament of Grenoble, and had loudly inveighed against the execution of lettres de cachet. These repeated remonstrances, mingled with personal reflections, seconded most probably the suggestions of the queen, and Louis was once more instigated to measures of severity. Messrs. d'Espremenil and Monsambert, whose bold and pointed harangues had pressed most closely on the royal dignity, were doomed to experience its immediate resentment. While a body of armed troops surrounded the hotel in which the parliament were convened, Colonel Degout entered the assembly; and secured the persons of the obnoxious members, who were instantly conducted to different prisons. This new instance of arbitrary violence occasioned a remonstrance from parliament, which in boldness far exceeded all the former representations of that assembly. They declared they were now more strongly confirmed, by every proceeding, of the entire innovation which was aimed at in the constitution. "But, Sire," added they, "the French nation will never adopt the despotic measures to which you are advised, and whose effects alarm the most faithful of your magistrates; we shall not repeat all the unfortunate circumstances which afflict us; we shall only represent to you with respectful firmness, that the fundamental laws of the kingdom must not be trampled upon, and that your authority can only be esteemed so long as it is tempered with justice."

Language so pointed and decisive, and which asserted the controlling power of the laws above the regal authority, could not fail of seriously alarming the king; and with a view to diminish the influence of parliament, it was determined again to convene the nobles. Accordingly, about the beginning of May, Louis appeared in that assembly; and after complaining of the excesses in which the parliament of Paris had indulged themselves, and which had drawn down his reluctant indignation on a few of the members, he declared his resolution, instead of annihilating them as a body, to recall them to their duty and obedience by a salutary reform. M. de la Moignon, as keeper of the seals, then explained his majesty's pleasure to establish a cour plénier or supreme assembly, to be composed of princes of the blood, peers of the realm, great officers of the crown, the clergy, marshals of France, governors of provinces, knights of different orders, a deputation of one member from every parliament, and two members from the chambers of council, and to be summoned as often often as the public emergency, in the royal opinion, should render it requisite.

If the assembly of the notables listened in silent deference to the project of their sovereign, the parliament of Paris received it with every symptom of aversion. That body strongly protested against the establishment of any other tribunal; and declared their final resolution not to assist at any deliberations in the supreme assembly which his majesty prepared to institute. A more unexpected mortification occurred to the king in the opposition of several peers of the realm; these expressed their regret at beholding the fundamental principles of the constitution violated; and while they were lavish in the professions of attachment to the person of their sovereign, concluded with apologizing for not entering on those functions assigned them in the plenary court, as being inconsistent with the true interests of his majesty, which were inseparable from those of the nation.

The flame quickly spread throughout the more distant provinces; at Rennes in Brittany, and Grenoble in Dauphiné, the people broke out into acts of the most daring outrage. In the latter city several hundred of the inhabitants perished in a conflict with the military; they yet maintained their ground against the regulars; and the commanding officer, at the entreaties of the first president, readily withdrew his troops from a contest into which he had entered with reluctance. The different parliaments of the kingdom at the same time expressed their feelings in the most glowing language; and strongly urged the necessity of calling together the states general, the lawful council of the kingdom, as the only means of restoring the public tranquillity.

Louis now plainly saw, that a compliance with the public wishes for the re-establishment of the states general was absolutely necessary, in order to avoid the calamities of a civil war, which impended upon his refusal. In that event he must have expected to have encountered the majority of the people, animated by the exhortations and example of their magistrates; the peers of the realm had expressed the strongest disapprobation of his measures; nor could he even depend any longer on the support of the princes of his blood: but what afforded most serious matter of alarm was the spirit lately displayed among the military, who, during the disturbances in the provinces, had reluctantly been brought to draw their swords against their countrymen, and many of whose officers so recently engaged in establishing the freedom of America, publicly declared their abhorrence of despotism.

It was, not, however, till after many a painful struggle that Louis could resolve to restore an assembly, whose influence must naturally overshadow that of the crown, and whose jurisdiction would confine within narrow limits the boundless power he had inherited from his predecessor. In the two preceding reigns the states general had been wholly discontinued; and though the queen regent, during the troubles which attended the minority of Louis XIV, frequently expressed her intention of calling them together, she was constantly dissuaded by the representations of Mazarin. It is probable that the present monarch still flattered himself with the hope of being able to allure the members of that assembly to the side of the court; and having employed them to establish some degree of regularity in the finances, and to curb the spirit of the parliament, that he would again have dismissed them to obscurity.

Under these impressions an arrêt was issued in August, fixing the meeting of the states general to the first of May in the ensuing year; and every step was taken to secure the favourable opinion of the public during the interval. New arrangements took place in the administration; and M. Neckar, whom the confidence of the people had long followed, was again introduced into the management of the finances; the torture, which by a former edict had been restricted in part, was now entirely abolished; every person accused was allowed the assistance of counsel, and permitted to avail himself of any point of law; and it was decreed, that in future sentence of death should not be passed on any person, unless the party accused should be pronounced guilty by a majority at least of three judges.

The time appointed for the convention of the states general was now approaching; and the means of assembling them formed a matter of difficult deliberation in the cabinet. The last meeting, in 1614, had been convened by application to the bailiwicks. But this mode was liable to several strong objections; the bailiwicks had been increased in number and jurisdiction, several provinces having since that period been united to France; and the numbers and quality of the members were no less an object of serious attention; it was not till the close of the year, therefore, that the proposal of M. Neckar was adopted, which fixed the number of deputies at 1000 and upwards, and ordained that the representatives of the third estate or commons should equal in number those of the nobility and clergy united.

The eyes of all Europe were now turned on the states general; but the moment of that assembly's meeting was far from auspicious: The minds of the French had long been agitated by various rumours; the unanimity that had been expected from the different orders of the states was extinguished by the jarring pretensions of each; and their mutual jealousies were attributed by the suspicions of the people to the intrigues of the court, who were supposed already to repent of the hasty assent which had been extorted. A dearth that pervaded the kingdom increased the general discontent; and the people, pressed by hunger, and inflamed by resentment, were ripe to revolt. The sovereign also, equally impatient of the obstacles he continually encountered, could not conceal his chagrin; while the influence of the queen in the cabinet was again established, and was attended by the immediate removal of M. Neckar. The dismissal of that minister, so long the favourite of the public, was the signal of open insurrection; the Parisians assembled in myriads; the guards refused to oppose and stain their arms with the blood of their fellow citizens; the Count d'Artois and the most obnoxious of the nobility thought themselves happy in eluding by flight the fury of the insurgents; and in a moment a revolution was accomplished, the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history.

But before we proceed in our narration, and detail the transactions which have marked the progress of this singular and terrible revolution, it may be worth while to take a short view of the internal situation of France previous to this period, and the more obvious political causes, the operation of which seems to have contributed to the production of this great event.

The moral history of man is always more important than the mere recital of any physical occurrences that may take place in his lot. It is not the fall of a mighty monarch and the dispersion of his family; it is not the convulsions of empires, and the oceans of human blood which have been shed, that render the French revolution peculiarly interesting. Such events, however deplorable, are far from being without example in the history of mankind. In the populous regions of the east, where superstition and slavery have always prevailed, they are regarded as forming a part of the ordinary course of human affairs; because an intrepid and skilful usurper finds it easy to intimidate or ensnare millions of weak and credulous men. In Europe the case is very different; no adventurer can advance far without encountering thousands as artful and as daring as himself. Events are not the result either of blind hazard or of individual skill; conspiracies or plots produce little effect. Like other arts, the art of government has been brought to much perfection; and an established constitution can only be shaken by the strong convulsion produced by national passions and efforts. The wonderful spectacle which we are now to contemplate, is that of a mild and polished people becoming in an instant sanguinary and fierce; a well-established government, celebrated for its dexterity and skill, overturned almost without a struggle; a whole nation apparently uniting to destroy every institution which antiquity had hallowed or education taught them to respect; a superstitious people treating the religion of their fathers with contempt; a long-enslaved people, whose very chains had become dear to them, occupied in their public councils in the discussion of refined and even visionary schemes of freedom: in short, 25,000,000 of persons suddenly treading under foot every sentiment and every prejudice that they themselves had once regarded as sacred and venerable.

Like the other nations of Europe, France was anciently governed by a barbarous aristocracy, whose different members were feebly united by the authority of a succession of kings destitute of power or influence. The nobles, within their own territories, enjoyed privileges entirely royal: they made peace and war; they coined money; they were judges in the last resort; their vassals were their slaves, whom they bought and sold along with the lands; the inhabitants of cities, although freemen, were depressed and poor, depending for protection upon some tyrannical baron in their neighbourhood. At length, however, by the progress of the arts, the cities rose into considerable importance, and their inhabitants, along with such freemen of low rank as resided in the country, were considered as entitled to a representation in the states-general of the kingdom, under the appellation of tiers etat, or third estate; the clergy and the nobles forming the two first estates. But the sovereign having speedily become despotic, the meetings of the states-general were laid aside. This absolute authority, on the part of the crown, was not acquired, as it was in England by the house of Tudor, by abolishing the pernicious privileges of the nobles and elevating the commons; but by skilful encroachments, by daring exertions of prerogative, and the use of a powerful military force. In France, therefore, the monarch was absolute, yet the nobles retained all their feudal privileges, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy did the same. The following was, in a few words, the state of that country during these two last centuries.

The kingdom of France, previous to the revolution, was never reduced to one homogeneous mass. It consisted of a variety of separate provinces acquired by different means; some by marriage, some by legacy, and others by conquest. Each province retained its ancient laws and privileges, whether political or civil, as expressed in their capitularies or conditions by which they were originally acquired. In one part of his dominions the French monarch was a count, in another he was a duke, and in others he was a king; the only bond which united his vast empire being the strong military force by which it was overawed. Each province had its barriers; and the intercourse betwixt one province and another was often more restrained by local usages than the intercourse of either with a foreign country. Some of the provinces, such as Bretagne and Dauphiné, even retained the right of assembling periodically their provincial states; but these formed no barrier against the power of the court.

The clergy formed the first estate of the kingdom in point of precedence. They amounted to 130,000. The higher orders of them enjoyed immense revenues; but the curés or great body of acting clergy seldom possessed more than about 28l. sterling a-year, and their vicaires about half that sum. A few of their dignified clergy were men of great piety, who resided constantly in their dioceses, and attended to the duties of their office; but by far the greater number of them passed their lives at Paris and Versailles, immersed in all the intrigues and dissipation of a gay and corrupted court and capital. They were almost exclusively selected from among the younger branches of the families of the most powerful nobility, and accounted it a kind of dishonour to the order of bishops for any persons of low rank to be admitted into it. The lower clergy, on the contrary, were persons of mean birth, and had little chance of preferment. At the same time, we find several respectable exceptions to this last rule. The clergy, as a body, independent of the titles, possessed a revenue arising from their property in land, amounting to four or five millions sterling annually; at the same time they were exempt from taxation. The crown had of late years attempted to break through this privilege. To avoid the danger, the clergy presented to the court a free gift of a sum of money somewhat short of a million sterling every five years.

The nobility was nominally the second order of the state, but it was in reality the first. The nobles amounted to no less than 200,000 in number. The title and rank descended to all the children of the family, but the property to the eldest alone: hence vast multitudes of them were dependent on the bounty of the court. They regarded the useful and commercial arts as dishonourable, and even the liberal professions of the law and physic as in a great measure beneath their dignity, disdaining... daining to intermarry with the families of their professors. The feudal system in its purity was extremely favourable to the production of respectable qualities in the minds of those who belonged to the order of the nobles; but the introduction of commerce has rendered its decline equally unfavourable to that class of men. Instead of the ancient patriarchal attachment between the feudal chieftain and his vassals, the nobility had become greedy landlords in the provinces, that they might appear in splendour at court and in the capital. There, lost in intrigue, sensuality, and vanity, their characters became frivolous and contemptible. Such of the French noblesse, however, as remained in the provinces, regarded with indignation this degradation of their order, and still retained a proud sense of honour and of courage, which has always rendered them respectable.

The order of the nobles was exempted from the payment of taxes, although the property of some of them was immense. The estates of the prince of Condé, for example, were worth 200,000l. a-year, and those of the duke of Orleans nearly twice as much. The crown had indeed imposed some trifling taxes upon the noblesse, which, however, they in a great measure contrived to elude.

Next to the nobles, and as a privileged order possessing a secondary kind of nobility of their own, we may mention the parliaments. These were large bodies of men, in different provinces, appointed as courts of law for the administration of justice. In consequence of the corruption of the officers of state, the members purchased their places, which they held for life; but the son was usually preferred when he offered to purchase his father's place. In consequence of this last circumstance, the practising lawyers had little chance of ever becoming judges. Courts thus constituted, consisted of a motley mixture of old and young, learned and ignorant men. Justice was ill administered. The judges allowed their votes in depending causes to be openly solicited by the parties or their friends. No wise man ever entered into a litigation against a member of one of these parliaments; no lawyer would undertake to plead his cause; it never came to a successful issue, and usually never came to any issue at all. After the states-general had fallen into disuse, the parliaments acquired a certain degree of political consequence, and formed the only check upon the absolute power of the crown. The laws, or royal edicts, before being put in force, were always sent to be registered in the books of the parliaments. Taking advantage of this, in favourable times and circumstances, they often delayed or refused to register the royal edicts, and presented remonstrances against them. This was done under a kind of legal fiction: for they pretended that the obnoxious edict being injurious to the public happiness, could not be the will of the king, but must either be a forgery or an imposition by the ministers. These objections were got the better of, either by a positive order from the king, or by his coming in person and ordering the edict to be registered. The parliaments, however, often carried their opposition very far, even to the ruin of themselves and their families as individuals. This rendered them extremely popular with the nation, and enabled them to embarrass a weak administration. After all, however, the opposition of the parliaments was so feeble, that it was never thought worth while to abolish them entirely till towards the end of the reign of Louis XV.; but they were restored as a popular measure, at the beginning of the reign of Louis XVI.

The tiers état, or commons, formed the lowest order of the state in France, and they were depressed and miserable in the extreme. To form a conception of their lowest situation, it is necessary to observe that they bore the whole pecuniary burdens of the state: They alone were liable to taxation. An expensive and ambitious court; an army of 200,000 men in time of peace, and of twice that number in war; a considerable marine establishment, public roads and works, were all supported exclusively by the lowest of the people. To add to the evil, the revenues were ill collected. They were let out to farmers-general at a certain sum, over and above which they not only acquired immense fortunes to themselves, but were enabled to advance enormous presents to those favourites or mistresses of the king or the minister, by means of whom they procured their places. To raise all this money from the people, they were guilty of the cruellest oppression, having it in their power to obtain whatever revenue laws they pleased, and executing them in the severest manner. For this last purpose they kept in pay an army of clerks, subalterns, scouts, and spies, amounting to 80,000 men. These men were indeed detested by the king, whom they deceived and kept in poverty; by the people, whom they oppressed; and by the ancient nobility, as purse-proud upstarts. But the court of France could never contrive to manage without them. The peasants could be called out by the intendants of the provinces, in what they called corvées, to work upon the high roads for a certain number of days in the year, which was a source of severe oppression, as the intendant had the choice of the time and place of their employment, and was not bound to accept of any commutation in money. They were moreover subject to the nobles in a thousand ways. The nobles retained all their ancient manorial or patrimonial jurisdictions. The common people being anciently slaves, had obtained their freedom upon different conditions. In many places they and their posterity remained bound to pay a perpetual tribute to their feudal lords. Such tributes formed a considerable part of the revenue of many of the provincial nobles. No man could be an officer of the army, by a late regulation, who did not produce proofs of nobility for four generations. The parliaments, although originally of the tiers état, attempted also to introduce a rule that none but the noblesse should be admitted into their order. In such a situation, it will not be accounted surprising that the common people of France were extremely superstitious and ignorant. They were, however, passionately devoted to their monarch, and whatever concerned him. In 1754, when Louis XV. was taken ill at Metz, the whole nation was truly in a kind of despair. The courier and his horse that brought the news of his recovery to Paris were both almost suffocated by the embraces of the people.

We have said that the French monarch was despotic. His power was supported by his army, and by a powerful watchful police, having in pay an infinite host of spies and other servants. In France no man was safe. The secrets of private families were searched into. Nothing was unknown to the jealous inquisition of the police. Men were seized by lettres de cachet when they least expected it, and their families had no means of discovering their fate. The sentence of a court of law against a nobleman was usually reversed by the minister. No book was published without the license of a censor-general appointed by the court, and the minister was accountable to none but the king. No account was given of the expenditure of the public money. Enormous gratifications and pensions were given as the reward of the most infamous services. The supreme power of the state was usually lodged with a favourite mistress, and she was sometimes a woman taken from public prostitution. This was not indeed the case under Louis XVI., but it was nevertheless one of the misfortunes of his life that he was far from being absolute in his own family. Still, however, with all its faults, the French court was the most splendid and polished in Europe. It was more the resort of men of talents and literature of every kind, and there they met with more ample protection, than anywhere else. The court was often jealous of their productions, but they met with the most distinguished attention from men of fortune and rank; insomuch that for a century past the French have given the law to Europe in all questions of taste, of literature, and of every polite accomplishment. The gay elegance that prevailed at court diffused itself through the nation; and amidst much internal misery, gave it to a foreigner the appearance of happiness, or at least of levity and vanity.

Such as it was, this government had stood for ages, and might have continued, had not a concurrence of causes contributed to its overthrow. The inferior orders of clergy, excluded from all chance of preferment, regarded their superiors with jealousy and envy, and were ready to join the laity of their own rank in any popular commotion. The inferior provincial noblesse beheld with contempt and indignation the vices and the power of the courtiers, and the higher nobility wished to diminish the power of the crown. The practising lawyers, almost entirely excluded from the chance of becoming judges, wished eagerly for a change of affairs, not doubting that their talents and professional skill would render them necessary amidst any alterations that could occur. Accordingly, they were the first instruments in producing the revolution, and have been its most active supporters. The moneyed interest wished eagerly for the downfall of the ancient nobility. As for the great mass of the common people, they were too ignorant, too superstitiously attached to old establishments, and too much depressed, to have any conception of the nature of political liberty, or any hope of obtaining it. We have already stated the leading circumstances which led to the French revolution (see No. 184, &c.); but there were other circumstances which contributed in an equal degree both to its commencement and its progress.

For 40 years the principles of liberty had been disseminated with eagerness in France by some men of great talents, as Rousseau, Helvetius, and Raynal, to whom the celebrated Montesquieu had led the way. Besides these, there was in France a vast multitude of what were called men of letters, or persons who gave this account of the manner in which they spent their time. All these were deeply engaged on the side of some kind of political reform. The men of letters in Paris alone are said to have amounted to 20,000. One of the last acts of the administration of the archbishop of Toulouse was, on the 5th July 1788, to publish a resolution of the king in council, inviting all his subjects to give him their advice with regard to the state of affairs. This was considered as a concession of an unlimited liberty of the press; and it is scarcely possible to form an idea of the infinite variety of political publications which from that period diffused among the people a dissatisfaction with the order of things in which they had hitherto lived.

The established religion of France had for some time past been gradually undermined. It had been solemnly assaulted by philosophers in various elaborate performances; and men of wit, among whom Voltaire took the lead, had attacked it with the dangerous weapon of ridicule. The Roman Catholic religion is much exposed in this respect, in consequence of the multitude of false miracles and legendary tales with which its history abounds. Without discriminating betwixt the respectable principles on which it rests, and the superstitious follies by which they had been defaced, the French nation learned to laugh at the whole, and rejected instead of reforming the religion of their fathers. Thus the first order in the state had already begun to be regarded as useless, and the minds of men were prepared for important changes.

The immense population of the city of Paris, amounting to upwards of 800,000 souls, rendered it an important engine in the hands of the conductors of the revolution. An overgrown capital has always proved dangerous to a government that is or attempts to be despotic, as appears from the history of ancient Babylon and Rome, as well as of modern Constantinople, of London under Charles I., and Paris under several of its kings.

We cannot here avoid mentioning a physical event, which assisted not a little in producing many of the convulsions attending the revolution, a general scarcity of grain, which occurred about that period. On Sunday the 13th of July 1788, about nine in the morning, without any eclipse, a dreadful darkness suddenly overspread several parts of France. It was the prelude of such a tempest as is unexampled in the temperate climates of Europe. Wind, rain, hail, and thunder, seemed to contend in impetuosity; but the hail was the great instrument of ruin. Instead of the rich prospects of an early autumn, the face of nature in the space of an hour presented the dreary aspect of universal winter. The soil was converted into a morass, the standing corn beaten into the quagmire, the vines broken to pieces, the fruit trees demolished, and unmelted hail lying in heaps like rocks of solid ice. Even the robust forest trees were unable to withstand the fury of the tempest. The hail was composed of enormous, solid, and angular pieces of ice, some of them weighing from eight to ten ounces. The country people, beaten down in the fields on their way to church, amidst this concussion of the elements, concluded that the last day was arrived; and scarcely attempting to extricate themselves, France themselves, lay despairing and half suffocated amidst the water and the mud, expecting the immediate dissolution of all things. The storm was irregular in its devastations. While several rich districts were laid entirely waste, some intermediate portions of country were comparatively little injured. One of 60 square leagues had not a single ear of corn or fruit of any kind left. Of the 66 parishes in the district of Pontoise, 43 were entirely desolated, and of the remaining 23 some lost two-thirds and others half their harvest. The Isle of France, being the district in which Paris is situated, and the Orleanais, appear to have suffered chiefly. The damage there, upon a moderate estimate, amounted to 80,000,000 of livres, or between three and four millions sterling. Such a calamity must at any period have been severely felt; but occurring on the eve of a great political revolution, and amidst a general scarcity throughout Europe, it was peculiarly unfortunate, and gave more embarrassment to the government than perhaps any other event whatever. Numbers of families found it necessary to contract their mode of living for a time, and to dismiss their servants, who were thus left destitute of bread. Added to the public discontent and political dissensions, it produced such an effect upon the people in general, that the nation seemed to have changed its character; and instead of that levity by which it had ever been distinguished, a settled gloom now seemed fixed on every countenance.

The spring of the year 1789 was a period of much political anxiety in France. The superior orders wished to reduce the power of the crown, but were jealous of their own privileges, and determined to retain them; while the popular philosophers and others were endeavouring to render them odious, and to rouse the people to a love of freedom. Still, however, the great body of the common people remained careless spectators of the struggle, and unconscious of the approaching commotion. Such was their indifference, that few of them took the trouble even to attend and vote at the elections of the deputies to the states-general. In many places, where a thousand voters were expected, not fifty came forward; but such of them as did appear showed that a seed was sown which might one day rise into important fruits. In the instructions which they gave to their deputies, the British constitution was in general the model of what they wished their government to be. They demanded equal taxation, the abolition of lettres de cachet or arbitrary imprisonment, the responsibility of ministers, and the extinction of the feudal privileges of the nobles; but they wished that the whole three orders of the state should sit and vote in one house, well knowing that their nobility were not prepared to act the moderate part of a British house of lords. The nobles, on the contrary, although willing to renounce some of their pecuniary privileges, and to sacrifice the power of the crown, were most decisively resolved neither to surrender their feudal prerogatives nor the right of sitting in three separate assemblies; by means of which each of the orders could easily resist the encroachments of the other two. M. Neckar has been improperly censured for not deciding this last important question previous to the meeting of the states-general; but it must be observed, that the very purpose of calling that assembly was to overturn the unjust privileges of the higher orders through its medium, and without any direct interposition on the part of the ministers. Had the king positively decided in favour of three chambers, the nobles and the clergy would have retained all those ancient abuses established in their own favour, of which it was his wish to deprive them, and the crown and its prerogatives would have been the only objects of sacrifice. It was therefore thought safer to leave the tiers état to fight its own battle; nor was it yet imagined that the commons of France, depressed and poor, and dispersed by situation over a multitude of provinces, could ever unite in enterprises dangerous to the sovereign.

The states had been summoned to meet at Versailles on the 27th of April, and most of the deputies moved to arrive at that time; but the elections for the city of Paris not being concluded, the king deferred the commencement of their sessions till the 4th of May. During this period, the members, left in idleness, began to find out and form acquaintance with each other. Among others, a few members from Brittany (Bretagne) formed themselves into a club, into which they gradually admitted many other deputies that were found to be zealous for the popular cause, and also many persons who were not deputies. This society, thus originally established at Versailles, was called the Comité Breton; and was one day destined, under the appellation of the Jacobin Club, to give laws to France, and to diffuse terror and alarm throughout Europe. On the other side, the aristocratic party established conferences at the house of Madame Polignac, for the purpose, it is said, of uniting the nobles and the clergy.

An event occurred at this time which all parties ascribed to some malicious motive. In the populous suburb of St Antoine, a M. Reveillon carried on a great paper manufactory. A false report was spread that he intended to lower the wages of his workmen, and that he had declared bread was too good for them, and that they might subsist very well on potato-flour. A commotion was raised, he was burnt in effigy, and his house was thereafter burnt and pillaged by the mob, who were not dispersed till the military had been called in, and much carnage ensued. The popular party asserted that the commotion had been artfully excited by the party of the queen and the Count D'Artois, to afford a pretence for bringing great bodies of the military to the neighbourhood to overawe the states-general, or induce the king more decisively to resolve on assembling that body at Versailles, in preference to Paris, where they and the popular minister M. Neckar wished it to be held.

On the 4th of May the states general assembled at Versailles. They commenced business by going in a solemn procession, preceded by the clergy, and followed by the king, according to ancient custom, to perform an act of devotion. The nobles were arrayed in a splendid robe, and they and the higher clergy glittered in gold and jewels. The commons appeared in black, the dress belonging to the law. The assembly was thereafter opened by a short short speech from the throne, in which the king congratulated himself on thus meeting his people assembled; alluded to the national debt, and the taxes, which were severely felt because unequally levied; he took notice of the general discontent and spirit of innovation which prevailed, but declared his confidence in the wisdom of the assembly for remedying every evil. "May an happy union (added he) reign in this assembly; and may this epocha become ever memorable for the happiness and prosperity of the country. It is the wish of my heart; it is the most ardent desire of my prayers; it is, in short, the price which I expect from the sincerity of my intentions and my love for my people."

M. Barretin, the keeper of the seals, next addressed the assembly in a congratulatory and uninteresting speech. He was followed by the popular minister M. Neckar, who spoke for three hours. Though much applauded on account of the clear financial details which his speech contained, he encountered a certain degree of censure from all parties, on account of the cautious ambiguity which he observed with regard to the future proceedings of the states-general.

Next day the three orders assembled separately. The deputies of the tiers état amounted to 600 in number, and those of the nobles and clergy to 300 each. During their first sittings much time was spent in unimportant debates about trifling points of form; but the first important question, that necessarily became the subject of their discussion, was the verification of their powers, or production of the commissions of the members, and investigation of their authenticity. The commons (tiers état) laid hold of this as a pretext for opening the grand controversy, whether the states-general should sit in one or in three separate chambers? They sent a deputation inviting the nobles and the clergy to meet along with them in the common hall for the purpose of verifying their powers in one common assembly. In the chamber of the clergy 114 members voted for the performance of this ceremony in the general assembly; and 133 against it. But in the more haughty order of the nobles, the resolution for the verification in their own assembly was carried by a majority of 188 against 37. The commons paid no regard to this. They were conducted by bold and skilful leaders, who discerned the importance of the point in contest, and resolved not to abandon it. Aware of the exigencies of the state, they knew that the crown was nearly verging upon bankruptcy; and that such were the deficiencies of the revenue, that only a short delay was necessary to accomplish the absolute dissolution of the government. They suffered five weeks to pass away therefore in total inactivity. During this period proposals were made on the part of the ministry for a pacification between the three orders, and conferences were opened by commissioners from each. But no art could seduce the commons from their original purpose, or prevail with them to enter upon the business of the state.

The nation had expected much from the assembling of the states-general, and learnt the news of their inaction with no small degree of concern. The tiers état was naturally popular, and the public censure could not readily devolve upon that favourite order.

Moreover, from the first period of their assembling, the commons made every effort to augment their own natural popularity. They admitted all persons promiscuously into the galleries, and even into the body of their hall. No restraint was attempted to be laid upon the most vehement marks of popular applause or censure. Lists of the voters names were publicly taken and sent to Paris upon every remarkable occasion; and the members suddenly found themselves become, according to their political sentiments, the objects of general execration or applause. The new and bold notions of liberty that were daily advanced by the leaders of the tiers état were received with acclamation by their hearers. The capital became interested in the issue of every debate; and the political fervor was eagerly imbibed by the nation with that vivacity which is so peculiar to the French. The commons accused the nobles of obstinately impeding the business of the state, by refusing to verify their powers in one common assembly. The accusation was swallowed by the multitude, who saw not, or were unwilling to see, that the attack was made by their own favourite order. In the mean time the nobles became rapidly more and more unpopular. Their persons were insulted, new publications daily came forth, and were greedily bought up, which reviled their whole order, and represented them as an useless or pernicious body of men, whose existence ought not to be tolerated in a free state. Whoever adhered to them was branded with the odious appellation of Aristocrat. The clergy, from the influence of the parish curés or parsons, seemed ready to desert their cause. They were even opposed by a minority of their own body, which derived lustre from having at its head the duke of Orleans the first prince of the blood. Still, however, the majority of the nobles remained firm; well aware, that if they once consented to sit in the same assembly, and to vote promiscuously, with the ambitious and more numerous body of the commons, their whole order, and all its splendid privileges must speedily be overthrown.

The leaders of the commons saw the change that was taking place in the minds of men; and they at vantage length regarded the period as arrived when they ought this popularity, they project of seizing the legislative authority in their legislative country. They declared that the representatives of authority; the nobles and the clergy were only the deputies of particular incorporations whom they would allow to sit and vote along with themselves; but who had no title in a collective capacity to act as the legislators of France. For conducting business with more facility, they appointed 20 committees. In consequence of a proposal by the Abbe Sieyès, a final message was sent to the privileged orders, requiring their attendance as individuals, and intimating that the commons, as the deputies of 96 out of every hundred of their countrymen, were about to assume the exclusive power of legislation. None of the nobles obeyed this summons; but three curés, Messrs Cerve, Ballard, and Jallot, presented their commissions, and were received with loud acclamations. They were next day followed by five more, among whom were Messrs Gregoire, Dillon, and Bodineau. After some debate concerning the appellation which they ought to assume, the commons, with such of the clergy as had joined them, solemnly voted themselves the sovereign legislators of their country, under the name of the National Assembly. The result of the vote was no sooner declared, than the hall resounded with shouts from the immense concourse of spectators, of "Vive le roi et vive l'assemblée nationale," Long live the king and the national assembly. M. Bailly was chosen president for four days only, Messrs Camus and Pison de Galand secretaries, and the assembly proceeded to business.

Its first acts were decisively expressive of its own sovereignty. All taxes imposed without the consent of the representatives of the people were declared to be null and void; but a temporary sanction was given to the present taxes, although illegal, till the dissolution of the assembly, and no longer. It was added, that "as soon as, in concert with his majesty, the assembly should be able to fix the principles of national regeneration, it would take into consideration the national debt, placing, from the present moment, the creditors of the state under the safeguard and honour of the French nation."

The popular cause now gained ground so fast, that on the 19th of June a majority of the clergy voted for the verification of their powers in common with the national assembly, and they resolved to unite with them on the following day.

Affairs were now come to a crisis, and the nobles perceived that they must instantly make a decisive stand, or yield up their cause as finally lost. Such was their alarm, that M. d'Espremenil proposed, at one of the sittings of their order, to address the king, intreating him to dissolve the states-general. Hitherto that prince had gone along with M. Neckar in favouring the popular cause in opposition to the aristocracy. But every art was now used to alarm his mind upon the subject of the late assumptions of power on the part of the commons, and these arts were at length successful. Repeated councils were held; M. Neckar was absent attending a dying sister, and the king was prevailed upon to act agreeably to the advice of the leaders of the nobles. But the first measure which they adopted was so ill conducted as to afford little prospect of final success to their cause. On the 20th of June, when the president and members were about to enter as usual into their own hall, they found it unexpectedly surrounded by a detachment of the guards, who refused them admission, while the heralds at the same time proclaimed a royal session. Alarmed by this unforeseen event, the meaning of which they knew not, but apprehending that an immediate dissolution of the assembly was designed, they instantly retired to a neighbouring tennis court, where, in the vehemence of their enthusiasm, they took a solemn oath "never to separate till the constitution of their country should be completed."

On the 22d a new proclamation intimated that the royal session was deferred till the following day. It was now found that the assembly had been excluded from their hall merely because the workmen were occupied in preparing it for the intended solemnity. This information was ill calculated to excite favourable expectations of the measures about to be adopted at a royal session, ushered in by such circumstances of marked disrespect for the representatives of the people. The assembly, after wandering about in search of a place of meeting, at length entered the church of St Louis, and were immediately joined by the majority of the clergy, with their president, the archbishop of Vienne, at their head. Two nobles of Dauphiné, the marquis de Blagon and the count d'Agoult, presented their commissions at the same time. Encouraged by these events, and by the applause of surrounding multitudes, the assembly now expected with firmness the measures about to be adopted.

The royal session was held in the most splendid form, but altogether in the style of the ancient despotism, of the soldiers surrounded the hall. The two superior orders were seated, while the representatives of the people, left standing a full hour in the rain, were in no humour, when at last admitted, to receive with much complacency the commands of their sovereign. The king read a discourse, in which he declared null and void the resolutions of the 17th, but at the same time presented the plan of a constitution for France. It contained many good and patriotic principles, but preserved the distinction of orders, and the exercise of letters de cachet; it said nothing about any active share in the legislative power to be possessed by the states-general, and was silent both about the responsibility of ministers and the liberty of the press. The king concluded by commanding the deputies immediately to retire, and to assemble again on the following day. He then withdrew, and was followed by all the nobles and a part of the clergy. The commons remained in gloomy silence on their seats. It was interrupted by the grand master of the ceremonies, who reminded the president of the intentions of the king. Instantly the vehement count de Mirabeau, starting from his seat, exclaimed with indignation, "The commons of France have determined to debate. We have heard the intentions that have been suggested to the king; and you, who cannot be his agent with the states-general, you who have here neither seat nor voice, nor a right to speak, are not the person to remind us of his speech. Go tell your master that we are here by the power of the people, and that nothing shall expel us but the bayonet." The applause of the assembly seconded the enthusiasm of the orator, and the master of the ceremonies withdrew in silence.

M. Camus then rose; and in a violent speech indignantly stigmatized the royal session by the obnoxious term the appellation of a bed of justice; he concluded by moving that the assembly should declare their unqualified adherence to their former decrees. This motion was followed by another, pronouncing the persons of the deputies inviolable. Both were supported by Messrs Peition, Barnave, Glaizen, the Abbé Grégoire, Sieyes, and many others, and were unanimously decreed. The assembly, therefore, continued their sittings in the usual form. On the following day the majority of the clergy attended as members; and on the 25th the duke of Orleans, along with 49 of the deputies belonging to the order of nobles, joined them also. The remaining nobles, as well as the small minority of the clergy, now found themselves awkwardly situated. Whether on this account, or because their leaders had by this time formed a plan for carrying their point not by peaceable means but by the aid of a military force, the king, on the 27th, invited by a pressing letter both orders to join the commons. This request was immediately complied with, although many of the nobility disapproved of the measure.

The situation of France was now become truly alarming. When the king retired from the assembly after the royal session, he was followed by more than 6000 citizens, from whom loud clamours and every mark of disapprobation broke forth. All Versailles was speedily in an uproar. M. Neckar had repeatedly solicited his dismissal, and the report of this had increased the popular clamour. The court was in consternation. The king probably discovered, with no great satisfaction, that his minister was more popular than himself. At six o'clock in the evening the queen sent for M. Neckar. When he returned from the palace, he assured the crowd that waited for him that he would not abandon them; upon which they retired satisfied. At the same time the news of the royal session had thrown the city of Paris into violent agitation. The peace of that capital was at this time endangered by a variety of causes. A dreadful famine raged through the land, which in a great city is usually most severely felt. This prepared the minds of men for receiving unfavourable impressions of their political state. Every effort was moreover made to disorganize the government, and produce a dislike to the ancient order of things. The press poured forth innumerable publications, filled with new and seducing, though generally impracticable, theories of liberty. These were distributed gratis among the bulk of the people of Paris, and dispersed in the same manner through the provinces. Philip duke of Orleans (presumptive heir to the crown, failing the children and brothers of the king) is with good reason believed to have supplied this expense out of his more than royal revenues. In the gardens of the Palais Royal at Paris, which belonged to him, an immense multitude was daily assembled, listening from morning to night to orators who declaimed upon the most violent subjects of popular politics. Many of these orators were suspected to be in his pay. It was even believed that his money found its way into the pockets of some of the most distinguished leaders in the national assembly.

But the government was, if possible, still more dangerously assaulted by the methods now generally used to seduce the military. Every officer of the French army belonged to the order of the nobles; and from that quarter, therefore, it might have been imagined that there was little danger. But this very circumstance became the means of disorganizing that great engine of despotism. As the soldiers could not avoid imbibing some of the new opinions, their own officers became the first objects of their jealousy; especially in consequence of that impolitic edict of Louis XVI., which required every officer to produce proofs of four degrees of nobility; and thus insulted, by avowedly excluding the private men from promotion. Perhaps with a view to what might happen, the instructions to the deputies of the tiers état had recommended an increase of the pay of the soldiers. And now at Paris every art was used to gain them to the popular cause. They were conducted to the Palais Royal, and were there caressed and flattered by the populace, while they listened to the popular harangues. These arts were successful. On the 23d of June they first refused to fire on the mob in a riot. Some of them were on the 30th reported to be in confinement for this offence; a crowd instantly collected, and rescued them, the dragoons that were brought to suppress the tumult grounding their arms. A deputation of the citizens solicited of the assembly the pardon of the prisoners. The assembly applied to the king, who pardoned them accordingly.

All these events, together with the tumultuous state of the capital, which was daily increasing, made it necessary for the king to call out the military force to restore, if possible, the public peace. That his intentions were pure, the then state of affairs will permit no man but a democrat to doubt; but the aristocracy, with the Count d'Artois at their head, were bringing forward other measures, which ultimately contributed to the ruin of themselves, the king, and the kingdom. Crowds of soldiers were collected from all parts of the kingdom around Paris and Versailles. It was observed that these consisted chiefly of foreign mercenaries. Camps were traced out. Marshal Broglie, a tried veteran, was sent for and placed at the head of the army. The king was supposed to have entirely yielded to new counsels, and every thing bore the appearance of a desperate effort to restore the energy of the ancient government. This is the most important period of the French revolution; yet the specific designs of the leading actors have never been clearly understood. It was rumoured at the time, that Paris was to be subdued by a siege and bombardment; that the assembly was to be dissolved, and its leaders put to death. These are incredible exaggerations; but the crisis of French liberty was universally regarded as at hand, and also the existence of the national assembly as an independent body; or at least upon any other footing than that proposed by the king on the 23d of June.

An able and eloquent address to the king against the assemblage of foreign troops in their neighbourhood by Mirabeau, and voted by the king to the assembly. The king properly replied, that the state of the capital was the cause of assembling the troops, and which is offered to transfer the states-general to Noyons or Soissons. "We will neither remove (exclaimed Mirabeau) to Noyons or to Soissons; we will not place ourselves between two hostile armies, that which is besieging Paris, and that which may fall upon us through Flanders or Alsace; we have not asked permission to run away from the troops; we have desired that the troops should be removed from the capital."

Thirty-five thousand men were now stationed in the neighbourhood of Paris and Versailles. The posts were occupied which commanded the city, and camps were marked out for a greater force. The Count d'Artois and his party regarded their plans as ripe for execution; and M. Neckar received a letter from the king, requiring him to quit the kingdom in 24 hours. That popular minister took the route of Brussels on the following day, when his departure was made public. In his dismissal the popular, or, as it was now called, the democratic party, thought they saw the resolution adopted to accomplish their ruin. The assembly again addressed the throne; they requested anew the removal of the troops, offering to be responsible for the public peace, and to proceed in a body to Paris to encounter... ter personally every danger that might occur. But they were coolly told, that the king was the best judge of the mode of employing the troops, and that the presence of the assembly was necessary at Versailles. From a sovereign who doubtless recollected the proceedings of the long parliament of England, a different reply could not in reason be expected. On receiving it, however, it was instantly decreed, on the motion of the marquis de la Fayette, that the late ministry had carried with them the confidence of the assembly; that the troops ought to be removed; that the ministry are and shall be responsible to the people for their conduct; that the assembly persisted in all its former decrees; and that as it had taken the public debt under the protection of the nation, no power in France was entitled to pronounce the infamous word bankruptcy.

The city of Paris was thrown into deep consternation by the news of M. Neckar's retreat. His bust and that of the duke d'Orleans were dressed in mourning, and carried through the streets. The royal Allemand, a German regiment, broke in pieces the busts, and dispersed the populace. The prince de Lambescq, grand ecuyer of France, was ordered to advance with his regiment of cavalry, and take post at the Tuileries. Being a man of a violent temper, and enraged by the appearances of disapprobation which were visible around him, he furiously cut down with his sword a poor old man who was walking peaceably in the gardens. The consequences of this act of inhumanity were such as might have been expected; a shout of execration instantly arose; the cry to arms was heard; the military were assaulted on all sides; the French guards joined their countrymen, and compelled the Germans, overpowered by numbers, and unsupported by the rest of the army, to retire.

All order was now at an end, and as night approached an universal terror diffused itself through the city. Bands of robbers were collecting; and from them or from the foreign soldiery a general pillage was expected. The night passed away in consternation and tumult. It was found in the morning that the hospital of St. Lazare was already plundered. The alarm bells were rung; the citizens assembled at the Hotel de Ville, and adopted a proposal that was there made, of enrolling themselves as a militia for general defence, under the appellation of the national guard. This day and the succeeding night were spent in tolerable quietness, without any attempt on the part of the army. On the morning of the memorable 14th of July, it was discovered that the troops encamped in the Champs Elysées had moved off, and an immediate assault was expected. The national guard now amounted to 150,000 men; but they were in general destitute of arms. They had assumed a green cockade; but on recollecting that this was the livery of the Count d'Artois, they adopted one of red, blue, and white. M. de la Salle was named commander in chief, officers were chosen, and detachments sent round in quest of arms. In the Hotel des Invalides upwards of 30,000 stand of arms were found, along with 25 pieces of cannon; a variety of weapons was also procured from the garde meuble de la couronne, and from the shops of armourers, cutlers, &c.

The celebrated fortress of the Bastile was an object of much jealousy to the Parisians. At 11 o'clock in the morning, M. de la Rosiere, at the head of a numerous deputation, waited upon M. de Launay the governor, who promised, along with the officers of his garrison, that they would not fire upon the city unless they should be attacked. But a report was soon spread through Paris, that M. de Launay had, in a short time thereafter, admitted into the fortress a multitude of persons, and then treacherously massacred them. The cause of this piece of perfidy has never been explained. The fact itself has been denied; but it was attested at the time by the duke of Dorset, the British ambassador at the court of France. The effect of the report was, that a sudden resolution was adopted of assaulting the Bastile; an immense and furious multitude rushed into its outer, and soon forced their way into its inner courts, where they received and returned a severe fire for the space of an hour. The French guards, who were now embodied into the national guard, conducted the attack with skill and coolness; they dragged three wagons loaded with straw to the foot of the walls, and there set them on fire; the smoke of these broke the aim of the garrison, while it gave no disturbance to the more distant assailants. The besieging multitude pressed the attack with incredible obstinacy and vigour; for the space of four hours; the garrison was in confusion; the officers served the cannon in person, and fired their muskets in the ranks; the governor, in despair, thrice attempted to blow up the fortress. A capitulation, when at last sought, was refused to the garrison, and an unconditional surrender took place. The governor, and M. de Losme Salbrai his major, a gentleman of distinguished humanity and honour, became victims of popular fury in spite of every effort that could be made for their protection; but the French guards succeeded in procuring the safety of the garrison. Only seven prisoners were found in the Bastile. A guard was placed in it, and the keys were sent to the celebrated M. Brissot de Warville, who a few years before had inhabited one of its caverns.

The remaining part of this eventful day was spent at Paris in a mixture of triumph and alarm. In the pocket of the governor of the Bastile a letter was found, encouraging him to resistance by the promise of speedy succours, written by M. de Flesselles, the prevot des marchands, or chief city magistrate, who had pretended to be a most zealous patriot. This piece of treachery was punished by instant death; and his bloody head was carried through the city on a pole, along with that of M. de Launay. At the approach of night a body of troops advanced towards the city, at the Barriere d'Enfer. The new national guard hurried thither, preceded by a train of artillery, and the troops withdrew upon the first fire; barricadoes were everywhere formed, the alarm-bells were rung, and a general illumination continued during the whole of this night of confusion.

In the mean time, it was obvious that the new ministry were entering upon a difficult scene of action, where one false step might lead to ruin, and where pointed out their own plan of conduct ought to be maturely digested. Marshal Broglie was made minister of war; the baron de Breteuil president of finance, M. de la Galiere comptroller-general, M. de la Porte intendant of the war department, and M. Foulon intendant of the navy; But the person of the monarch was still beloved.—Early next morning the king went to the assembly, but with none of the usual solemnities. He "regretted the commotions of the capital, disavowed any knowledge of an intention against the persons of the deputies, and intimated that he had commanded the removal of the troops." A deep and expressive silence prevailed for a few moments; this was succeeded by vehement and universal shouts of applause. The king rose to depart, and instantly the whole assembly crowded around, and attended him to his palace. The queen appeared at a balcony with the dauphin in her arms; the music played the pathetic air of Où peut-on être mieux qu'au sein de sa famille. The enthusiasm of loyalty communicated itself to the surrounding multitudes, and nothing was heard but acclamations of joy.

On the following day, the king declared his resolution to visit the city of Paris in person. Accordingly, the city visits the king, who never wanted personal courage, however deficient he might be in political steadfastness, set out, attended by some members of the assembly and by the militia of Versailles. He was met by the celebrated M. de la Fayette, at the head of a body of the national guard, of which he had now been chosen commander in chief. M. Bailly, in whose person the ancient office of mayor of Paris had been revived, received the king at the gates, and delivered to him the keys. All this while no shout was heard from the crowd of innumerable spectators but that of Vive la nation. The king advanced to the Hotel de Ville, where the new cockade was presented to him, which he put on, and presented himself with it at the window. At the sight of this badge of patriotism an universal shout of Vive le Roi burst forth from every quarter; and he returned to Versailles amidst general triumph and applause.

Much confusion still prevailed in the capital; but in which there was more appearance of regularity than could have been expected at the conclusion of such important events. This arose from a casual concurrence of circumstances. To conduct with ease the elections to the states general, Paris had been divided into 60 districts, each of which had a separate place of meeting. The people did not elect the members to the states-general; but they chose delegates, who under the name of electors, voted for the members. At the commencement of the disturbances, the electors, at the request of their fellow-citizens, assumed a temporary authority; of which however they were soon weary, and as soon as possible procured the public election of 120 persons as municipal officers for the government of the city. The citizens having got the habit of assembling in their districts, grew fond of it: they assembled frequently, made rules for their own government, and sent commissioners to communicate with other districts. The tumultuous nature of these meetings, and the vehemence of debate which prevailed in them, will best be conceived from the ludicrous contrivance of one of their presidents, who stationed a drummer at the back of his chair, and when the confusion and noise became altogether unanswerable, gave the signal for beating the drum, which speedily overpowered every other noise. These meetings, however, gradually ripened into clubs, in which much dexterity and intrigue were exerted.

The whole of the late ministry escaped excepting M. Foulon. Foulon. His character, it may well be imagined, was extremely unpopular; for he is said to have asserted, that he would "make the people of Paris eat hay." He had retired to the country, but was seized by his own vassals, and brought to Paris with a bundle of hay tied on his back. In spite of every effort made by M. M. Bailly and Fayette to procure him a fair trial at least, he was carried to the Place de Grève, and hanged at a lamp-iron by the enraged multitude. His son-in-law, M. Berthier, attempting to defend himself against a similar fate, fell, covered with wounds. Their heads were carried round on poles; and thus the populace became habituated to the sight of blood and murder: they were even taught by popular songs to glory in such actions, and particularly by the well known song Caïra.

In consequence of an invitation from the king, M. Neckar returned to France. He was received by the assembly with great applause, and in Paris with infinite solemnity and triumph. He here, however, committed a political error that made some noise. In deploring the late excesses and murders, and taking notice of the arrest of M. Bezenval, an officer of the Swiss guards, he requested of the electors at the Hotel de Ville, in a solemn harangue, that the past should be forgotten; that proscriptions should cease, and a general amnesty be proclaimed. In a moment of enthusiasm this was agreed to, and the electors decreed what unquestionably exceeded their powers. The districts of Paris were instantly in commotion; the electors alarmed, declared that they only meant that "henceforth the people would punish no man but according to law;" and at the same time, to prove that they themselves were free from ambition, they formally renounced all their own powers. The assembly took up the question. Lally Tolendal, Mounier, Clermont Tonnerre, Garat junior, and others, declared that no person ought to be arrested without a formal accusation; while Mirabeau, Robespierre, Barnave, and Gleizen, alleged, on the contrary, that the people were entitled to lay hold of any man who had publicly appeared at the head of their enemies. The debate ended, by admitting the explanation of the electors, and by a declaration that it was the duty of the assembly to see justice executed in all cases.

The commotions and enthusiasm of the capital were speedily communicated to the provinces. In every quarter the people seized upon all the arms that could be found, and the military uniformly refused to act against them. Many acts of outrage were committed in Brittany, at Strasbourg, in the Lyonnais, and elsewhere, in which the nobility were the sufferers. The mischiefs that occurred were usually magnified at a distance; but that very circumstance was an additional evil. For example: It was stated in the National Assembly that M. de Mesmay, lord of Quincey, invited a number of patriots, among whom were the officers of a neighbouring garrison, to a splendid entertainment at his house, to celebrate the happy union of the three orders: That in the midst of the feast the master of the house contrived to withdraw unnoticed, and to set fire to a train previously laid, which communicated with a quantity of gunpowder in the cellars, in consequence of which, the whole company, by a sudden explosion, were blown into the air. It was found on inquiry, that there was not one word of truth in the whole story.

But before this inquiry could be made, all France had resounded with accounts of the pretended bloody tragedy; and the whole nobility of the kingdom suffered in a less or greater degree, from the prejudices excited by this unhappy report, the origin of which has never been well explained. It would be vain to state all the idle rumours to which at this time the blind credulity of the multitude gave currency. At one time, the aristocrats were cutting down the green corn; at another time they were burying flour in common sewers, or casting loaves into the Seine. One report was no sooner proved to be false than another arose, and the whole nation was agitated by suspicion and alarm. The National Assembly were engaged in framing their celebrated declaration of the rights of man, which was to form the basis of the new constitution, when the alarming accounts received from all quarters, of the state of anarchy into which the kingdom was falling, obliged them suddenly to turn their attention to objects of practical necessity. The privileged orders found themselves become the objects of universal jealousy and hatred; and that something must instantly be done to save their families and property, which were menaced on every side with persecution and pillage. Regarding the popular torrent as now become irresistible, to save something they resolved to sacrifice a part.

On the afternoon sitting of the 4th of August, the Viscount de Noailles, seconded by the Duke d'Aiguillon, opened one of the most important scenes in the French Revolution, or in the history of any country. These noblemen stated, that the true cause of the commotions which convulsed the kingdom existed in the misery of the people, who groaned under the double oppression of public contributions and of feudal services. "For three months (said M. de Noailles) the people have beheld us engaged in verbal disputes, while their own attention and their wishes are directed only to things. What is the consequence? They are armed to reclaim their rights, and they see no prospect of obtaining them but by force." He therefore proposed to do justice, as the shortest way of restoring tranquillity, and for that purpose to decree, that henceforth every tax should be imposed in proportion to the wealth of the contributors, and that no order of the state should be exempted from the payment of public burdens; that feudal claims should be redeemed at a fair valuation; but that such claims as consisted of personal services on the part of the vassal should be abolished without compensation, as contrary to the imprescriptible rights of man. The extensive possessions of the noblemen who made these proposals added much lustre to the disinterested sacrifice which they afforded. Their speeches were received with the most enthusiastic applauses by the Assembly and the galleries, and their proposals were decreed by acclamation without a vote. No nation is so much led by the influence of sudden emotions as the French. The patriotic contagion now spread fast through every breast, and a contest of generosity ensued. The hereditary jurisdictions possessed by the nobles within their own territories were next sacrificed. All places and pensions granted by the court were suppressed, unless granted as the reward of merit or of actual services. The game laws, which condemned the husbandman, under severe penalties, to leave his proper abode, ty a prey to infinite multitudes of animals reserved for pastime, had always been numbered among the severe grievances of the French peasantry. These were therefore renounced, along with the exclusive rights of rabbit warrens, fisheries, and dovecotes. The sale of offices was abolished, and the fees exacted from the poor, together with the privilege of holding a plurality of livings, were relinquished by the clergy. The deputies of the Pays d'Etat, or privileged provinces, with the deputies of Dauphine at their head, next came forward, and offered a surrender of their ancient privileges, requesting that the kingdom might no longer remain parcelled out among Dauphinois, Bretons, Provençaux, &c., but that they should all form one great mass of French citizens. They were followed by the representatives of Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, Bourdeaux, Strasbourg, &c., who requested leave to renounce all their separate privileges as incorporations, for the sake of placing every man and every village in the nation upon a footing of equality. Thus the assembly proceeded, till every member had exhausted his imagination upon the subject of reform. To close the whole, the Duke de Liancourt proposed that a solemn Te Deum should be performed, that a medal should be struck in commemoration of the events of that night; and that the title of Restorer of Gallic Liberty should be bestowed upon the reigning monarch. A deputation was accordingly appointed to wait upon the king, respectfully to inform him of the decrees.

Several succeeding days were necessary to form into laws the decrees of the 4th August, and committees were appointed to make out reports for that purpose. One of these reports having included the tithes and revenues of the clergy among the abuses that were to be done away, and having proposed in lieu of them to grant a certain stipend to the different ministers of religion to be payable by the nation, the clergy attempted to make a stand in defence of their property, and violent debates ensued. In these they were ably supported by the Abbe Sieyes: but as the clergy had formerly deserted the nobles, so they were now in their turn abandoned to their fate by the hereditary aristocracy. The popular party had long regarded the wealth of the church as an easy resource for supplying the wants of the state.—Never was there a more complete proof of the influence of opinion over the affairs of men. The Catholic clergy of France, though possessed of more property than they enjoyed at the time when princes took up arms or laid them down at their command, now found so few defenders, that they were terrified into a voluntary surrender of all that they and their predecessors had possessed for ages. In their overthrow, they scarcely enjoyed even the barren honour of having fallen the last of those privileged orders that so long had ruled over this ancient kingdom. They and the nobles, and the king, still possessed their former titles and nominal dignity; but all of them were now subdued, and at the mercy of the commons of France, who speedily dismissed them at their pleasure.

As a short season of tranquillity in the Court and the National Assembly succeeded these great popular sacrifices, the king laid hold of it as a fit opportunity for the appointment of a new ministry. They consisted of the archbishop of Vienne, the archbishop of Bourdeaux, M. Neckar, the Count de St Priest, Count de Montmorin, the Count de la Luzerne, and the Count de la Tour du Pin Paulin. M. Neckar, as minister of finance, having stated the distressed situation of the revenue, presented the plan of a loan of thirty millions of livres. But M. Mirabeau, from a spirit of rivalry, as it would seem, to M. Neckar, prevailed with the assembly to alter and to narrow the conditions of it in raising money to such a degree that very few subscribers were found, and consequently the loan could not be filled up. This failure involved the assembly in a considerable degree of unpopularity: in consequence of which they allowed M. Neckar to prescribe his own terms for the purpose of obtaining a loan of eighty millions. But the happy instant of public confidence had been allowed to pass away, and this loan was never more than half filled up. Recourse was next had to patriotic contributions; and great numbers of gold rings, silver buckles, and pieces of plate, were presented to the assembly. The royal family themselves sent their plate to the mint, either to give countenance to these donations, or, as M. Neckar has since asserted, through absolute necessity, for the purpose of supporting themselves and their family. The confusion into which the nation had been thrown by the late events had produced a suspension of the payment of all taxes. There existed, in fact, no efficient government; and if society escaped entire dissolution, it was merely in consequence of those habits of order which are produced by a state of long continued civilization. The business of government could not be transacted without money, and many vain efforts were made by the ministry to procure it. At length M. Neckar was driven to the desperate resource of proposing a compulsory loan, or that every individual possessed of property should advance to the state a sum equal to one-fourth of his annual income. This bold proposition was supported by Mirabeau, and adopted by the assembly; but it does not appear to have ever been effectually executed.

In the mean time, the assembly was busily occupied in framing the celebrated declaration of the Rights of Man, which was afterwards prefixed to the new constitution. This was followed by the discussion of a point of much delicacy and difficulty; viz. What share of legislative authority the king ought to possess under the new constitution: whether an absolute negative or veto, and the suspensive veto, or no veto at all? This question operated like a touchstone for trying the sentiments of every person; and the assembly, consisting of 1200 men, was now seen to arrange itself into two violent contending factions. The debates were vehement and tumultuous, and continued for many days. As the assembly sat in public, and as multitudes of people of all descriptions were admitted into the galleries, and even into the body of the hall among the members, many indecent scenes took place in consequence of the interference of the spectators to applaud or censure the sentiments which were delivered. Thus the public at large became speedily interested in the discussion; the city of Paris took a side in opposition to the veto, and the whole empire was thrown into agitation by new and speculative questions. The distinguished place which France holds among the nations of Europe rendered these singular events and discussions the object of universal attention. The contagious love of novelty spread rapidly abroad, and gave rise to that well-founded jealousy on the part of the monarchs of Europe, which was... France was speedily to burst forth in a bloody tempest.—In the present case, the people of Paris became most eagerly interested. Rumours of plots were spread through the country, and a new storm was obviously gathering, when the question was thus got quit of. M. Mounier remarked, that the executive power could possess no negative against the decrees of the present assembly, which had been nominated by the nation with supreme powers for the express purpose of framing a constitution, which was to remain binding over all orders of men in the state; and with regard to future legislatures, the king declared by a message, that he wished to possess no more than a suspensive veto. It is remarkable that the popular Mirabeau concluded a speech in favour of the absolute veto of the crown with these words, "That it would be better to live in Constantinople, than in France, if laws could be made without the royal sanction." This political adventurer is, however, accused of having taken care to circulate in Paris a report that he had opposed the veto with all his influence; and to give credit to the story, he is said to have quitted the assembly just before the division, that his vote might not appear on record against it.

The month of August was spent in the debates about the veto; and in the beginning of September a new constitutional question was presented to the assembly by one of its numerous committees. This was, Whether the legislative body, ought to consist of one or of two chambers? Mounier, Lally Tollendal, Clermont Tonnerre, and others, who were zealous lovers of freedom upon what were then accounted moderate principles, supported eagerly the idea of establishing two independent chambers in imitation of the British constitution; but they were deserted both by the democratic and aristocratic parties. The first of these regarded an upper house or senate as a refuge for the old aristocracy, or as the cradle of a new one; while the higher nobles and clergy feared lest such an arrangement might prevent the future re-establishment of the ancient division into three orders. Of 1000 members who voted, only 89 supported the proposal for dividing the legislature into two chambers.

Soon after this the king gave his sanction to the important decrees of the 4th of August, but not without some hesitation, and expressing doubts of the wisdom of some of them in a letter to the assembly. At the same time the inviolability of the person of the monarch was decreed, the indivisibility of the throne, and its hereditary descent from male to male in the reigning family. But we shall not here attempt to enter into a detail of the various articles of the new constitution as connected with the circumstances under which they became the subject of debate. We shall only state those more remarkable circumstances which tend to ascertain the peculiar changes which the sentiments of the nation underwent in the progress of a revolution the most remarkable that occurs in human history.

In consequence of the debates upon the questions of the veto and the two chambers, the minds of parties had become much irritated. Paris wore the same threatening aspect that it had done in the months of June and of July preceding; and every thing seemed tending towards an important crisis. The aristocratic party accused their antagonists of a design to excite new insurrections; and the charge was retorted, by circulating a report that a plot for conveying the king to Metz was already ripe for execution.

From the period of the defection of the French guards, who were now in the pay of the capital, the protection of the royal family had been entrusted to the militia or national guard of Versailles, together with the regiment of the gardes du corps, which was composed entirely of gentlemen. Upon the circulation of the report of the intended flight of the king, the French guards began to wish to be restored to their ancient employment of attending his person, for the purpose of preventing any attempt of this nature. This idea was eagerly cherished by the capital; and, in spite of every effort used by M. de la Fayette, the obvious appearance of approaching disturbances could not be prevented. The popular party saw the advantages which they would derive from placing the assembly and the king in the midst of that turbulent metropolis which had given birth to the revolution, and upon the attachment of which they could most securely depend. Every encouragement was therefore given by the most active leaders of what was now called the Democratic party to the project of establishing the court at Paris. The ministry were under no small degree of alarm; and the count d' Estaing, who commanded the national guard of Versailles, requested the aid of an additional regiment. The regiment of Flanders was accordingly sent for: its arrival caused no small degree of anxiety; and every effort was instantly made to gain over both officers and soldiers to the popular cause.

On the first of October the gardes du corps, probably for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the newly arrived regiment, and perhaps to attach them more steadily to the royal cause, invited the officers of the regiment of Flanders to a public entertainment. Several officers of the national guard, and others of the military were invited. The entertainment was given in the opera house adjoining to the palace; several loyal toasts were drank: but it is asserted, that when the favourite popular toast The Nation was given, it was rejected by the gardes du corps. In ordinary cases, such a trifling circumstance as this, or even any other of the transactions of a night of festivity, would justly be regarded as unworthy of notice in recording the more remarkable events in the history of a great nation; but such was now the singular state of affairs, that the most trivial occurrences were instrumental, by their combination, in the production of important consequences. The queen, having seen from a window of the palace the gaiety which prevailed among the military, prevailed with the king, who was just returned from hunting, to visit them along with herself and the dauphin. Their sudden appearance in the saloon kindled in an instant the ancient enthusiasm of French loyalty. The grenadiers of the regiment of Flanders along with the Swiss chasseurs, had been admitted to the dessert; and they, as well as their officers, drank the health of the King, Queen, and Dauphin, with their swords drawn. The royal family having bowed with politeness to the company, retired. Of all nations, the French are most liable to the influence of sudden impressions: the music played the favourite air, O, Record! O mon Roi! l'univers t'abandonne; "O Richard! O my king! the world abandons thee!" In the eagerness of loyalty loyalty, the national cockade, which had been adopted by some of the gardes du corps, was thrown aside, and white cockades were supplied as quickly as they could be made by the ladies of the court.

When these events were next day reported at Paris, accompanied by a multitude of exaggerations, they gave rise to the most violent alarm. The capital was at that time suffering all the horrors of famine; and in such a situation, the news of a feast which others have enjoyed, seldom gives much pleasure to hungry men. To the former report of an intended flight on the part of the royal family, it was now added, that a counter revolution was speedily to be attempted by force of arms; and that the present scarcity was artificially created by the court for the purpose of reducing the people to submission. Their aristocratic antagonists have since asserted, that the famine was indeed artificial; but that it was created by a portion of the violent party in the national assembly, which was then denominated the Cabal, whose object was to excite commotions as the means of procuring an opportunity of setting the duke of Orleans at the head of the state, either as regent, or in some other form. To this last party Mirabeau is said to have belonged.

For four days no notice was taken in the assembly of what had passed at the entertainment given by the gardes du corps. On the 5th of October M. Pétion mentioned it for the first time, and a violent debate ensued; during which Mirabeau rose and exclaimed, "Declare that the king's person alone is sacred, and I myself will bring forward an impeachment;" thereby alluding to the conduct of the queen. While this debate was proceeding at Versailles, the city of Paris was in commotion. A vast multitude of women of the lowest rank, with some men in women's clothes, had assembled at the Hôtel de Ville, and were calling aloud for arms and bread. They resolved to proceed instantly to Versailles to demand bread from the king and from the national assembly. La Fayette opposed them in vain; for his own soldiers refused to turn their bayonets against the women. Upon this one Stanislaus Maillard, who had distinguished himself at the taking of the Bastile, offered himself as a leader to the insurgents. He had the address to prevail with them to lay aside such arms as they had procured; and he set out for Versailles about noon with as much order among his followers as could well be expected from such an assemblage. Either because the passion for going to Versailles had suddenly become too infectious to be resisted, or because the multitude already gone thither was now accounted dangerous, the mayor and municipality of Paris thought fit to give orders to La Fayette instantly to set out for that place at the head of the national guard.

In the mean time, Maillard approached Versailles with his tumultuous troop; he arranged them in three divisions, and persuaded them to behave with tolerable decency. The king was hunting in the woods of Mendon when he was informed of the arrival of a most formidable band of women calling aloud for bread. "Alas!" (replied he) if I had it, I should not wait to be asked." Maillard entered the assembly accompanied by a deputation of his followers to state the object of their journey. The assembly, to pacify them, sent a deputation of their own number along with them to lay their complaints before the king. His majesty received the whole with great politeness, and readily agreed to go into any measures for the supply of the capital that could be suggested. The report of this behaviour had such an effect upon the multitude collected around the palace, that they began to disperse; but they were speedily succeeded by another crowd not less numerous. A sudden resolution of flight seems now to have been proposed by the court; for the king's carriages were brought to the gate of the palace which communicates with the orangery; but the national guard of Versailles refused to allow them to pass, and the king himself refused to remove, or to allow any blood to be shed in his cause.

La Fayette with his army at length arrived about 10 o'clock at night, and found the assembly in a very unpleasant situation. Their hall and galleries were crowded by the Parisian fish-women and others of the Versailles mob, who, at every instant, interrupted the debates. La Fayette waited upon the king, and informed him of the proceedings of the day, planted guards in every quarter; and after a scanty banquet had been procured for the multitude, he prevailed with the assembly to close their sitting for the night. In this last part of his conduct M. la Fayette has been much censured, and probably not without reason; for it could scarcely be expected that such a night would be spent in peace by the immense assemblage of turbulent characters that were now brought together. All was quiet, however, till about six in the morning of the 6th, when a great number of women and desperate persons rushed forward to the palace, and attempted to force their way into it. Two of the gardes du corps were killed; the crowd ascended the stair leading to the queen's apartment, but were bravely resisted by M. Miendre a sentinel, who gave the alarm, and defended his post till he fell covered with wounds, of which, however, he afterwards fortunately recovered. The ruffians, reeking with his blood, rushed into the chamber of the queen, and pierced with bayonets and poniards the bed whence this persecuted woman had but just time to fly almost naked, and, through ways unknown to the murderers, had escaped to seek refuge at the feet of the king, who was already alarmed, and had gone to seek her.

The tumult became more violent every moment, and the royal sudden death seemed to threaten the royal family; but family La Fayette was by this time at the head of his troops, whom he beseeched earnestly to save the gardes du corps from massacre. In this he was successful; some that had been taken prisoners were surrounded by the grenadiers of the French guards, who protected them, and the retreat of the whole corps was easily secured. The crowd was speedily driven from the different quarters of the palace, which they were already beginning to pillage; and the royal family ventured to show themselves at a balcony. A few voices now exclaimed, "Le Roi à Paris," "the King to Paris." The shout became general; and the king, after consulting with La Fayette, declared that he had no objection to take up his residence at Paris, provided he was accompanied by the queen and his children. When the proposal was reported to the assembly, the popular leaders expressed much satisfaction. They ordered a deputation of 100 members to attend the king thither; they voted the national assembly inseparable from the king. His majesty set out at two o'clock a prisoner in the custody of the mob. Two gentlemen were selected from his body guard, and, with all the parade of an execution, beheaded in the court of his palace. Their heads were stuck upon spears, and led the procession; whilst the royal captives who followed in the train, and beheld this spectacle, were conducted so slowly, that a short journey of twelve miles was protracted to six hours. The king, the queen, and their children, were lodged in the old palace of the Louvre, while Monsieur went to reside at the Luxembourg. The city was illuminated, and the evening spent in triumph by the Parisians.

The removal of the king to Paris was regarded as a triumph by the popular party. The higher order of nobles considered it as completely ruinous to their hopes; and even many men of talents, such as Mounier and Lally Tollendal, whom we cannot avoid regarding as friends to the popular cause in its outset, now regarded every prospect of attaining a happy constitutional freedom as at an end, as the national representatives must be forever exposed to the insults, and overawed by the influence of a turbulent capital. Many members of the assembly took refuge in foreign countries, and used every effort to excite the other nations of Europe to hostility against France. As the duke of Orleans had been regarded as a chief agent in promoting the late disturbances, the marquis de la Fayette waited upon him, and insisted upon his leaving the kingdom for a time. The duke was overawed, and, on pretence of public business, went to England, where he remained for several months.

On the 19th of October, the National Assembly held its first session in Paris. The king was closely guarded in his own palace; and no apparent opposition now stood in the way to prevent the popular party from giving to their country such a constitution as they might judge expedient. Much, however, was yet to be done, and many difficulties remained, resulting from the habits of men educated under a very different order of things. Two days after the assembly came to Paris, a baker was publicly executed by the mob, upon a false accusation of having concealed a quantity of bread. While the assembly was at a distance, events of this nature had been little attended to, and the leading party avoided attempting to check these ebullitions of popular violence, from which they had derived so much advantage; but that party was now all powerful, and so flagrant an offence committed against the law was regarded as an insult upon the sovereignty of the National Assembly. Two leaders of the mob were therefore tried and publicly executed, and a severe law was passed, of the nature of the British riot act, authorising the magistrates to act by military force against any multitude of persons that should refuse to disperse. Thus the peace of the capital was secured for several months; but in the country at large no small degree of anxiety and trouble still subsisted. The same suspicious temper which had prevailed at Paris agitated the provinces with the dread of plots and monopolies of grain. Add to this, that the noblesse in the country were by no means satisfied with the liberality with which their representatives had on the 4th of August voted away their privileges and their property. This produced violent jealousies between the peasants and their lords, and gradually conveyed to every corner of the kingdom the political ferment which had commenced at Paris.

The National Assembly being now, however, in tolerable security, proceeded in the arduous attempt of forming a free constitution for the great empire of France. The Abbé Sieyes presented a plan for dividing the kingdom into 83 departments, of about 324 square leagues, and each department into several districts, and each district was subdivided into cantons of four square leagues in extent. Thus the whole of the ancient divisions of the kingdom into governments, generalities, and bailiwicks, was in an instant obliterated. An attempt was also made to simplify in an equal degree the relative situation of individuals in civil life, by a decree which put an end to all distinction of orders and immunities, so far as any privileges whatever was concerned. At the same time, a bold and most important measure was adopted, which has since proved the organ of those terrible efforts which France has been enabled to make against the rest of Europe. This was the confiscation of the whole of the lands belonging to the church, for the purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state. In this transaction, all regard to justice was thrown aside. The lands of the church were as certainly the property of the then possessors of them as any entailed estate among us is the property of him who occupies it. The state may have had a right to appropriate to itself the church lands upon the death of the incumbents; but it might with equal justice, and perhaps greater propriety, have seized the enormous revenues of the duke of Orleans, as have confiscated a single acre belonging to the most useless abbot without his own consent. This nefarious measure was proposed by the bishop of Autun, M. Talleyrand Perigord, a man of no religion, who had been promoted to the bench in a most irregular manner to serve this very purpose. The mode in which this property was to be expended was by issuing assignments (assignats) upon it; which assignments were to be received by the state for the payment of taxes, or for the purchase of church lands when set up to sale. A provision was at the same time made for the national clergy, who were for the future to be paid by the state. On the day following that on which this important measure was adopted, a decree was passed, suspending the parliaments of the kingdom from the exercise of their functions.

Decrees, in which the interests of so vast a multitude of individuals were involved, could not be carried into effect without much murmuring and opposition. The parliaments, in particular, began to exert themselves with vigour, and, by protests and other publications, attempted to invalidate the decrees of the assembly as illegal; but these privileged bodies, who had often been accustomed to contend with some success against the despotic administration of their country, and on that account had been for ages the objects of public applause, now found themselves utterly forsaken, and unable to resist the mandate of a popular assembly. After a few fruitless struggles, they were all of them under the necessity of submitting to their fate.

Nothing remarkable now occurred for some time. The assembly proceeded to organize the kingdom by the establishment of municipalities, and by reforming the jurisprudence of the country. It is to be observed, however, that when the parliament of Paris was abolished, lished, the Chatelet, being the second court in that city, was retained for the purpose of trying those persons who had become most obnoxious by their attachment to the royal cause. This court had the spirit to acquit the Baron de Bezenval, Marshal Broglie, and the Prince de Lambesc. But having incurred much popular odium on this account, they were guilty of the unworthy meanness of condemning to death the Marquis de Favres, for a pretended conspiracy (of which no tolerable proof was ever brought) to massacre La Fayette, Bailly, and Neckar, and to convey the king to Peronne.

During the whole of this winter the king had been very strictly watched by numerous guards placed round his palace, insomuch that the other nations of Europe considered him as in a state of captivity. To do away this impression, if possible, and to make their king appear a voluntary agent in the measures that had lately been adopted, was now regarded as a matter of some importance. Every effort was therefore made to prevail with him to come to the assembly suddenly, and, as it were, of his own voluntary motion, there to declare his adherence to the measures which had lately been adopted. For some time he resisted this proposal; but at length, on the 4th of February, he did suddenly appear in the national assembly, where he complained of the attempts that had been made to shake the new constitution. He declared his wish "that it should be universally known that the monarch and the representatives of the nation were united, and their wishes were the same; that he would defend the constitutional liberty of the state; that, in conjunction with the queen, he would early form the sentiments of his son for that new order of things which the circumstances of the empire had introduced." This declaration dispirited the aristocratic party in no small degree, and increased that unhappy tendency of looking for aid from foreign countries which they had always been too apt to indulge.

On the 13th of February, monastic establishments were suppressed, and their lands confiscated; but the present friars and nuns were allowed pensions for their subsistence, and to continue the observance of their monastic vows, if they thought fit. We may observe here, that, in consequence of the evacuation of the monasteries, it is probable that about this time the Breton committee began to assume the appellation of the Jacobin Club, from the hall belonging to the Jacobin friars at Paris, in which their meetings were now held.

An event occurred at this time which tended in no small degree to increase the odium under which the old government already laboured. This was the publication of the Red Book, or list of pensions and donations granted by the crown. In consequence of the most pressing instances, it had been communicated by M. Neckar to a committee of the assembly, after many entreaties, and the most solemn promises of secrecy. It afforded, however, too striking an advantage to the popular party not to be made use of; and in a few days M. Neckar, to his no small surprise, saw this register publicly sold by every bookseller in Paris. He ought not, indeed, to have been surprised; and the giving up of this list is one of the many proofs which the transactions of that period afford of his great unfitness for the office which he held. With much indignation, however, he demanded why the committee had published it without the permission of the assembly or the king? But he was told by the committee, that "as to the assembly, they were sure of its approbation; and as to the king, they were not his representatives." To give an idea of the effect of this publication, it is only necessary to remark, that, under the short administration of M. Calonne, the two brothers of the king had received from the public treasury, independent of their legitimate income, nearly two millions sterling, and that 600,000l. had been granted to an individual, because he was the husband of Madame de Polignac. M. Neckar's opposition to this publication tended in no small degree to injure his popularity, and the rest of the ministry began to lose the confidence of the public. Indeed, at this time, fertile causes of alarm prevailed on all sides, sources of alarm. The clergy were attempting to revive in the provinces the ancient animosities between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants, ascribing the late decrees of the assembly to the latter. The German princes who possessed property in the north of France were complaining loudly of the violation of their rights by the abolition of the feudal system, although the national assembly had voted to them a compensation. The most melancholy intelligence was received from their colonies in the West Indies. In regulating these, the assembly had not recognized the right of the free negroes to enjoy the same privileges with other citizens; at the same time, they did not go the length of denying these privileges. This uncertain conduct produced infinite calamities. The whites contended with those commonly called people of colour. These again sometimes stood in opposition to the free negroes, or to the slaves; and hence it sometimes happened that no less than three hostile assemblies were held at the same time in the same colony, which made war upon each other with the most inveterate fury. Each party found protectors in the national assembly of the parent state. Those who favoured or opposed the existence of distinctions at home, in general followed out the same principle with regard to the colonies.

On the 14th of May, M. de Montmorency communicated to the national assembly the preparations for the royal war in which England and Spain were engaged. This power to bring forward the constitutional question, "Who declare ought to possess the power of declaring peace and war?" peace and war, The Count Clermont Tonnerre, Messrs de Serent, Viereau, and Dupont, supported the royal prerogative; while on the other side, the exclusive right of the legislative body to exercise this important prerogative was supported by Messrs d'Aiguillon, Garat, jun. Fretreau, Jellot, Charles Lambeth, Sillery, Petion, Robespierre, &c. M. Petion proposed a decree "that the French nation renounced for ever all idea of conquest, and confined itself entirely to defensive war;" which was passed with universal acclamation. The Count de Mirabeau at length successfully proposed that peace and war should be declared by the king and the legislative body in conjunction; and the decree that was passed on the subject is a strange farrago of contradictions and absurdities. It enjoined the king to "guard the state from external attacks." But how could this be done without repelling any attack that might be made upon it? This, however, he could not do, without previously informing the national assembly; and if that body chanced not to be sitting at the time, he was bound to let the enemy advance without opposition, till he had convened his orators, dispersed over 20,000 square leagues, and listened to their metaphysical quibbles in Paris.

On the 16th June, a very singular farce was acted in the assembly. A Prussian refugee, who called himself Anarchasie Clouts, and who was struggling hard to bring himself into public notice, on an evening sitting (which, it is to be observed, was generally ill attended by the persons of the highest rank), introduced to the assembly a number of persons dressed in the different habits of all the different countries that could be thought of. In a formal harangue, he told the assembly that he was come, as the orator of the human race, at the head of the representatives of all nations, to congratulate them upon the formation of their new constitution. He was answered by the president with abundance of solemnity, and retired with his motley group. This fantastical piece of folly, which in any other country than France would scarcely, perhaps, have excited a smile, was treated by the assembly in a serious light.

Alexander Lambeth proposed, that the figures of different nations exhibited in chains at the feet of Louis XIV. should be destroyed as an insult upon mankind. M. Lambel, a lawyer, at this moment proposed the abolition of all hereditary titles. He was supported by La Fayette, St Fargeau, and the Viscount de Noailles. The decree was passed, along with another suppressing all armorial bearings. It is our intention at present rather to state facts than to hazard any political opinion concerning the wisdom or folly of the transactions which we record. It may here, however, be remarked, that no part of the proceedings of the French national assembly was received by persons of rank upon the continent of Europe with so much indignation as this.

The feudal system had been overturned, and the property of the church wrested from it, with little comparative notice; but when those nominal distinctions were attacked which antiquity had sanctioned, and personal vanity rendered dear, the surrounding nations were instantly alarmed, and beheld with terror the levelling precedent. We may likewise add, that no part of their proceedings was more inimical to rational and practical freedom. To preserve a perfect equality of ranks is impossible. In a commercial nation, industry will procure wealth, and wealth will everywhere procure dependents. Now nothing more contributes to keep within some tolerable bounds the insolence of newly acquired wealth, than the rank attached to birth and nobility, which time and prejudice have conspired to make respectable. It is not a little remarkable, that of all the king's ministers, Neckar alone, a plebeian, a republican, born and bred in a democracy, advised his majesty to refuse his assent to this foolish decree, as a violent but useless encroachment upon the prejudices of a powerful order of the state.

In the mean time, the capital was entirely engrossed by hurry and bustle. M. Bailly had proposed a plan for commemorating the anniversary of the taking of the Bastile. It was adopted, because it flattered the vanity of the people, by presenting them with a splendid spectacle in commemoration of their own exertions.

The army had been much disorganized; and it was resolved to attempt to unite all its branches, as well as the whole departments of the state, in one common attachment to the new order of things, by collecting into one place deputations, for the purpose of swearing fidelity to the new constitution. In the middle of the Champ de Mars an altar was erected, at which the civic oath, as it was called, was to be taken. Around the altar an amphitheatre was thrown up capable of containing 400,000 spectators; 2000 workmen were employed in this operation; and the people of Paris fearing lest the plan might not be completed, assisted in the labour. All ranks of persons, the nobles, clergy, and even ladies, with the eagerness for novelty so peculiar to that people, united their efforts. Crowds of foreigners as well as natives hurried to the capital to be present at this solemnity, which was called the Confederation. The long-expected 14th of July at length arrived. At six o'clock in the morning the procession was arranged on the Boulevards, and consisted of the electors of the city of Paris, the representatives of the commons, the administrators of the municipality, a battalion of children, with a standard, inscribed "The hopes of the nation;" deputies from the troops of France wherever quartered, and of every order, along with deputies from all the departments; to these were added immense detachments of the military, and of the national guards, along with an almost infinite multitude of drums, trumpets, and musical instruments. The procession was extremely splendid, as every district had its peculiar decorations. The national assembly passed through a grand triumphal arch, and the king and queen, attended by the foreign ministers, were placed in a superb box. After a solemn invocation to God, the king approached the altar, and, amidst the deepest silence, took the following oath: "I the king of the French do swear to the nation, that I will employ the whole power delegated to me by the constitutional law of the state, to maintain the constitution, and enforce the execution of the law." The president of the national assembly then went up to the altar, and took the civic oath, "I swear to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the king; and to maintain with all my powers the constitution decreed by the national assembly, and accepted by the king." Every member of the assembly standing up, said, "That I swear." La Fayette then advancing, took the oath for himself; the other deputies of the national guards pronouncing after him, "That I swear;" and these words were solemnly pronounced by every individual of this immense assembly. Te Deum was then sung. The performance was sublime beyond the powers of description. Never perhaps before was there such an orchestra, or such an audience: their numbers baffled the eye to reckon, and their shouts in full chorus rent the skies. It is impossible to enumerate all the means which were employed to add splendor to this day. It ended with a general illumination, and no accident disturbed the public tranquillity.

The assembly now proceeded in the formation of the constitution with considerable tranquillity; which, however, was disturbed by an unhappy event at Nancy. Most of the officers of the army were unfriendly to the late revolution, and every means had been employed by them to disgust the soldiers with it. At Nancy, in particular, necessaries had been denied them, and their pay was kept back, under pretence that this was the will of the national assembly. Driven to despair, the regiments in garrison threw off their allegiance, and demanded manded loudly the regimental accounts. They seized at the same time the military chest, and sent a deputation to state their case at Paris to the national assembly. But the officers were before-hand, and prepossessed the minister of war against them; upon whose representation a decree was passed, authorising the commander in chief of the province, M. Bouillé, to reduce the insurgents by force. This was no sooner known, than the national guard of Nancy assembled, and sent a deputation to give a fair statement of facts. But Bouillé, without waiting the result of an explanation, hastened to Nancy at the head of all the troops he could suddenly collect; and having fallen upon the regiments of Chateauvieux and Mestre de Camp, after putting an immense multitude to the sword, he took 400 prisoners.

The king's regiment was prevented from acting against Bouillé by the irresponsibility of a young officer of the name of Dessilles, who, however, died of the wounds which he received on the occasion. The news of these events filled Paris with indignation. The assembly afterwards reversed its own decrees against the insurgents at Nancy. Public honours were decreed to the memory of Dessilles; but Bouillé could not be punished, because he had only acted in obedience to authority.

M. Neckar's popularity had been gradually declining, as he was unwilling to go all the lengths that the ruling party wished. He gave in his resignation on the 4th of September, and speedily thereafter left the kingdom. He was regretted by no party. He was regarded, on the one side, as having conducted the kingdom to its ruin, by the concessions which he originally advised the king to make in favour of the tiers état; while he was despised by the opposite party as a lukewarm politician, of narrow views, and a feeble mind. He departed, however, with the unblemished reputation of strict integrity. M. Neckar does not seem to have penetrated deeply into the characters of men, or to have had any conception of the effects of that terrible and restless energy which is called forth in a nation which attempts to make important changes in its ancient manners and government. Having no conception of the important era which was about to open upon that country of which he was the minister, he was far from being qualified to direct or control it amidst the convulsions which it was destined to encounter. Unable to brook the loss of his popularity, he peevishly retired to Switzerland, where he published a work, which shews to the conviction of every unprejudiced reader the integrity of the French king, and the wicked projects of the leading democrats, whom he himself had armed with power.

The remaining part of this year was occupied in attempts to introduce some degree of subordination into the navy of France, which had been much disorganized, and in farther regulating the affairs of the clergy. It was now declared, that such clergymen as should not take the following oath, which had been prescribed some months before, should be considered as ejected from their benefices: "To watch carefully over the faithful in the parish or diocese which was entrusted to his care; to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the king; and to maintain to the utmost of his power the new constitution of France, and particularly the decrees relative to the civil constitution of the clergy." This decree rendered the situation of conscientious men extremely perplexing; especially as the pope testified in marked terms his disapprobation of the oath. The people were reduced to the dilemma of choosing between the new political and their old religious prejudices, ad the result was extremely unfavourable to the interest of religion.

The assembly commenced the new year with a decree announcing the termination of its session, which was to take place as soon as it should have finished the discussion of a list of constitutional articles. In the meantime, on the side of Germany, Spain, Italy, and Savoy, hostile appearances began to be exhibited, and bodies of troops advanced around the French frontier. The emperor Leopold was, however, too cautious to announce his intentions; and the king soon communicated a letter from him, containing protestations of amicable dispositions, but adding, that "the innovations occasioned by the decrees of the 4th of August ought to be done away." The king treated this merely as an official measure on the part of the emperor, that he might not appear to renounce the claims of certain German princes connected with Lorraine and Alsace. But the assembly expressed some alarm, and voted an augmentation of the national force. About this period several new efforts were made by the disaffected clergy in various parts of the kingdom to excite disturbances, which it is unnecessary to mention in detail. On the 26th of February the public attention was roused by a circumstance that in any other state of affairs would have been accounted unimportant. The king announced to the assembly, that his aunts, the daughters of Louis XV., had that morning left Paris; but as he did not apprehend that the existing laws laid them under any restraint in this respect, he had not opposed their departure. After some debate, the assembly agreed that the king had judged well; and these princesses were left to pursue their journey to Rome, which they reached after some delays occasioned by the jealousy of certain municipalities through which they passed. Thus the kingdom was gradually deserted by every branch of the royal family, excepting the king and his eldest brother Monsieur. The assembly, however, continued its labours with considerable quietness. In the end of the month of March died the celebrated M. de Mirabeau, at the age of 42 years; a man whose integrity has for many good reasons been much suspected, but whose political address and intrepidity, and whose splendid powers of eloquence, have been seldom equalled. He received from his countrymen at his death marks of respect unparalleled in modern history. During his short illness, his door was besieged by anxious citizens. A mourning of eight days was decreed by the assembly, and also a grand procession, which was attended by all the public functionaries. He was the first who was interred in the new magnificent Pantheon, consecrated to the reception of the remains of illustrious men. But his ashes were afterwards removed, in consequence of very clear proofs that he had not been incorruptible by money.

During the whole of this spring, much fear was entertained that some attempts at a counter revolution grant army were about to be made. The emigrant army assembled on the borders of Alsace was reviewed by the prince of Condé. Their uniform was black, faced with yellow. with a death's head, surrounded by a laurel wreath, on one cuff, and a sword on another; with the motto, "Conquer or die." The king was also surrounded by crowds of nourishing priests and other afflicted persons. Thus, that popular jealousy which in every period of the revolution has strikingly marked the French character, was kept on the alarm. On the 18th of April, therefore, when the royal family was preparing to go to St Cloud to pass some days, a report was instantly spread that the king was about to fly from the country. The carriages were immediately surrounded by people. La Fayette drew out the national guard, but they refused to act. "We know (exclaimed they) that we are violating the laws, but the safety of our country is the first law." The king instantly went to the assembly, and with much spirit complained of the insult. He was answered respectfully by the president, and continued his journey. As the royal family had enjoyed a considerable degree of freedom for some time past, which was demonstrated by the unsuccessful opposition made to this journey—the present opportunity was embraced for intimating to foreign courts his acceptance of the constitution; and all obnoxious persons were dismissed from about his person. The breach of discipline on the part of the national guard on this occasion was so much resented by La Fayette, that he resigned his command. Paris was thrown into consternation; and it was not till after the most universal solicitation that he was prevailed upon to resume his office.

About this time M. de Bouillé, to whom the protection of the frontiers was entrusted, was employing, as it is now said, every means in his power to render the country defenceless. The garrisons were left unprovided; disunion was spread among the national troops; they were removed from the frontiers, and their place was occupied by foreigners, wherever it could be done. The emigrants abroad, and their friends at home, were lying in wait for an opportunity of revolt;—when suddenly, on the 21st of June, it was announced from the Tuileries, that the king, the queen, the dauphin, with monsieur and madame, had quitted the palace and the capital, without leaving any information of their intention or their route. The emotion excited by this news among the multitude was a mixture of consternation and rage. The national assembly, however, acted with much coolness. They instantly took upon themselves the government, and decreed their sittings permanent. They sent messengers, at the same time, in all directions, to attempt to lay hold of the fugitives. These had taken different routes. Monsieur and madame arrived safely at Brussels on the 23d. The king, queen, and their children, when they came to a considerable distance from the capital, were furnished by Bouillé with a guard of dragoons, under pretence of protecting treasure for the pay of the troops. At the distance of 156 miles, and when only a few leagues from the frontiers, they were arrested at St Menehould by the postmaster, M. Drouet, formerly a dragoon in the regiment of Condé. At half past seven o'clock in the evening the carriages stopt to change horses at his house; he thought he recollected the queen, and imagined that the king's face resembled the impressions stamped upon assignats. The escort of dragoons increased the suspicion. He suffered them to depart at 11 o'clock without notice; but taking a companion with him, he went by a shorter road to Varennes. With the assistance of the postmaster there he gave the alarm, and overturned a carriage on the bridge, which detained the royal travellers till the national guard of the place had assembled, and the arrest was effected without bloodshed. They were brought back to Varenne by a deputation from the assembly. At his departure, the king had imprudently left beyond him a memoir, in which he declared, that he never had thought an sacrifice too great for the restoration of order; but that the destruction of the kingdom, and the triumph of anarchy, being the only reward of all his efforts, he thought it necessary to depart from it. He then takes a review of the faults of the new constitution, the grievances he has suffered; and protests against every thing that he had been compelled to do during his captivity.

Different parties were very differently affected by this ill-conducted and unfortunate flight of the king. A small republican party had already begun to appear, and during the king's absence, attempts were made to induce the public at large to consider the royal authority as no necessary part of a free constitution. But the minds of men were by no means prepared for the reception of this new doctrine. The idea, however, having been thus publicly proposed, left some impressions, which in time contributed to give rise to important events. By far the greater number of leading men, however, were at present convinced, that it was impossible to conduct a great empire like France, well and prosperously, without the assistance of an hereditary chief. They therefore determined to pass over the affair with as much silence as possible, and to hasten the period when their new constitution should be complete. But there is reason to believe, that this journey was at the long-run highly instrumental in producing very fatal effects to the personal safety of the monarch.

His flight seemed a signal for emigration. Many of the aristocratic party sent in resignations of their seats in the national assembly. Troops were levied on the frontiers in the king's name; who took care, however, to disavow any connection with such a procedure. Bouillé emigrated, and afterwards sent to the assembly a furious threatening letter: "You shall answer (says he) for the lives of the king and of the queen to all the monarchs of the universe. Touch but a single hair of their heads, and not one stone shall be left upon another in Paris. I know the roads. I will conduct the foreign armies. This letter is but the forerunner of the manifesto of the sovereigns of Europe."

A considerable calm throughout France followed these events, and it might be regarded as in a state of tranquillity. It contained, indeed, parties entertaining much animosity against each other, and many citizens had withdrawn to foreign countries; but the peace was not broken, and moderate men hoped that much prosperity would follow from the late agitations. But this calm was delusive; and in the midst of it those projects were formed which were afterwards to prove so fatal to the peace of France and of Europe. Towards the close of this summer, a convention took place at Pillitz in Saxony between the emperor Leopold and the king of Prussia. Its object was not known at the time, but it gradually came into view, and is now by many understood. stood to have been intended for the purpose of concluding a league for the invasion of France, the new-modeling of its government, and the partition of some of its fairest provinces. The following paper has been repeatedly published as the copy of a treaty concluded and signed at Pavia, and is generally understood to have been identical with, and therefore known by, the name of the Treaty of Pilnitz. We are far from vouching for its authenticity. It may have been fabricated by the French assembly, to unite all parties in the nation against the foreign powers which threatened to invade them. But in stating the events of this revolution, it is perhaps still more necessary, for the purpose of rendering the actions of men comprehensible, to give an account of what was at the time believed to have occurred, than it now is to ascertain what was actually true.

Partition Treaty between the Courts in Concert, concluded and signed at Pavia, in the month of July 1791.

His majesty the emperor will take all that Louis XIV. conquered in the Austrian Netherlands, will give them to his serene highness the elector Palatine; so that these new possessions, added to the Palatinate, may hereafter have the name of Austrasia.

His majesty will preserve for ever the property and possession of Bavaria, to make in future an indivisible mass with the domains and hereditary possessions of the house of Austria.

Her serene highness the archduchess Maria Christina shall be, conjointly with his serene highness her nephew the archduke Charles, put into hereditary possession of the duchy of Lorraine.

Alsace shall be restored to the empire; and the bishop of Strasbourg, as well as the chapter, shall recover their ancient privileges, and the ecclesiastical sovereigns of Germany shall do the same.

If the Swiss Cantons consent to accede to the coalition, it may be proposed to them to annex to the Helvetic league the bishopric of Porrentrui, the defiles of Franche Comté, and even those of Tyrol, with the neighbouring bailiwicks, as well as the territory of Versoy, which intersects the Pays de Vaud.

Should his majesty the king of Sardinia subscribe to the coalition, La Bresse, Le Bugey, and the Pays de Gex, usurped by France from Savoy, shall be restored to him.

In case his Sardinian majesty can make a grand diversion, he shall be suffered to take Dauphiné, to belong to him for ever as the nearest descendant of the ancient dauphins.

His majesty the king of Spain shall have Roussillon and Bearn, with the island of Corsica; and he shall have the French part of the island of St Domingo.

Her majesty the empress of all the Russias shall take upon herself the invasion of Poland, and at the same time retain Kaminietch, with that part of Podolia which borders on Moldavia.

His majesty the emperor shall oblige the Porte to give up Chocsim, as well as the small forts of Servia, and those on the river Lurna.

His majesty the king of Prussia, by means of the above-mentioned invasion of the empress of all the Russias into Poland, shall make an acquisition of Thorn and Dantzig, and there unite the Palatinate on the east to the confines of Silesia.

His majesty the king of Prussia shall besides acquire Lusace; and his serene highness the elector of Saxony shall in exchange receive the rest of Poland and occupy the throne as hereditary sovereign.

His majesty the present king of Poland shall abdicate the throne on receiving a suitable annuity.

His royal highness the elector of Saxony shall give his daughter in marriage to his serene highness the youngest son of his royal highness the grand duke of all the Russias, who will be the father of the race of the hereditary kings of Poland and Lithuania. (Signed) LEOPOLD, PRINCE NASSAU, COUNT FLORIDA BLANCA, BISCHOFFSWERDER.

In the mean time, the national assembly was hastening fast to the completion of the new constitution. It was finished on the 3rd of September, and presented to the king. It begins with the following declaration of the rights of a man and a citizen: and thereafter follows the different branches; the chief of which are here translated.

I. All men are born, and remain, free and equal in rights: social distinctions cannot be founded but on common utility.

II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man: these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance against oppression.

III. The principle of sovereignty resides essentially in the nation: no body of men, no individual, can exercise an authority that does not emanate expressly from that source.

IV. Liberty consists in the power of doing every thing except that which is hurtful to another: hence the exercise of the natural rights of every man has no other bounds than those that are necessary to ensure to the other members of society the enjoyment of the same rights: those bounds can be determined by the law only.

V. The law has a right to forbid those actions alone that are hurtful to society. Whatever is not forbidden by the law, cannot be hindered; and no person can be constrained to do that which the law ordaineth not.

VI. The law is the expression of the general will: all the citizens have a right to concur personally, or by their representatives, to the formation of the law: it ought to be the same for all, whether it protect, or whether it punish. All citizens being equal in the eye of the law, are equally admissible to dignities, places, and public offices, according to their capacity, and without any other distinction but that of their virtues and their talents.

VII. No man can be accused, arrested, or detained, except in cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which the law hath prescribed. Those who solicit, dispatch, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be punished; but every citizen that is summoned or seized in virtue of the law, ought to obey instantly—he becomes culpable by resistance.

VIII. The law ought to establish such punishments only as are strictly and evidently necessary; and no person can be punished but in virtue of a law established and promulgated prior to the offence, and legally applied.

IX. Every man being presumed innocent till such time... time as he has been declared guilty, if it shall be deemed absolutely necessary to arrest a man, every kind of rigour employed, not necessary to secure his person, ought to be severely repressed by the law.

X. No person shall be molested for his opinions, even such as are religious, provided that the manifestation of those opinions does not disturb the public order established by the law.

XI. The free communication of thought, and of opinion, is one of the most precious rights of man. Every citizen, therefore, may freely speak, write, and publish, his sentiments; subject, however, to answer for the abuse of that liberty, in cases determined by the law.

XII. The guarantee of the Rights of Man and Citizens, involves a necessity of public force: this force is then instituted for the advantage of all, and not for the particular utility of those to whom it is confided.

XIII. For the maintenance of public force, and for the expenses of administration, a common contribution is indispensably necessary: this contribution should be equally divided amongst all the citizens, in proportion to their abilities.

XIV. Every citizen has a right, by himself, or by his representatives, to decide concerning the necessity of the public contribution; to consent to it freely; to look after the employment of it; to determine the quantity, the distribution, the collection, and duration.

XV. The society has a right to demand from every public agent an account of his administration.

XVI. Every society, in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the separation of powers determined, has no constitution.

XVII. Property being a right inviolable and sacred, no person can be deprived of it, except when the public necessity, legally ascertained, shall evidently require it, and on condition of a just and previous indemnification.

The constitution guarantees, as natural and civil rights,

1. That all citizens are admissible to places and employments without any distinction, but that of ability and virtue.

2. That all contributions shall be divided equally among all the citizens, in proportion to their means.

3. That the same crimes shall be subject to the same punishments, without any distinction of persons.

The constitution in like manner guarantees, as natural and civil rights,

Liberty to all men of going, staying, or departing, without being arrested, or detained, but according to the forms prescribed by the constitution.

Liberty to all men of speaking, writing, printing, and publishing their thoughts, without having their writings subjected to any examination or inspection before publication? and of exercising the religious worship to which they are attached.

Liberty to all citizens of assembling peaceably, and without arms, complying with the laws of police.

Liberty of addressing to all constitutional authorities petitions individually signed.

The constitution guarantees the inviolability of property, or a just and previous indemnity for that of which public necessity, legally proved, shall require the sacrifice.

A public instruction shall be created and organized, common to all citizens, gratuitous with regard to those parts of tuition indispensable for all men, and of which the establishment shall be gradually distributed in a proportion combined with the division of the kingdom.

"The kingdom is one and indivisible;" its territory for administration, is distributed into 83 departments, each department into districts, each district into cantons.

Those are French citizens,

Who are born in France, of a French father.

Who having been born in France of a foreign father, have fixed their residence in the kingdom.

Who having been born in a foreign country, of a French father, have returned to settle in France, and have taken the civic oath:

In fine, who having been born in a foreign country, being descended in whatever degree from a Frenchman or Frenchwoman, who have left their country from religious motives, come to reside in France, and take the civic oath.

The right of French citizenship is lost,

1st, By naturalization in a foreign country;

2ndly, By being condemned to penalties which involve the civic degradation, provided the person condemned be not reinstated;

3rdly, By a sentence of contumacy, provided the sentence be not annulled;

4thly, By initiation into any foreign order or body which supposes either proofs of nobility "or distinctions of birth, or requires religious vows."

"The law considers marriage only as a civil contract."

The sovereignty is one, indivisible, "inalienable, and imprescriptible," and it belongs to the nation: no section of the people, or individual, can arrogate the exercise of it.

The nation, from which alone flow all powers, cannot exercise them but by delegation.

The French constitution is representative: the representatives are the legislative body and the king.

The National Assembly, forming the legislative body, is permanent, and consists of one chamber only.

It shall be formed by new elections every two years.

The legislative body cannot be dissolved by the king.

The number of representatives to the legislative body shall be 745, on account of the 83 departments of which the kingdom is composed; and independent of those that may be granted to the colonies.

The representatives shall be distributed among the departments, according to the three proportions of land, of population, and of the contribution direct.

Of the 745 representatives 247 are attached to the land. Of these each department shall nominate three, except the department of Paris, which shall nominate only one.

Two hundred and forty-nine representatives are attached to the population. The total mass of the active population of the kingdom is divided into 249 parts, and each department nominates as many of the deputies as it contains parts of the population.

Two hundred and forty-nine representatives are attached to the contribution direct. The sum total of the direct contribution of the kingdom is likewise divided into 249 parts; and each department nominates as many deputies as it pays parts of the contribution. In order to form a legislative national assembly, the active citizens shall convene, in primary assemblies, every two years in the cities and cantons.

"The primary assemblies shall meet of full right on the first Sunday of March, if not convoked sooner by the public officers appointed to do so by the law."

To be an active citizen, it is necessary,

To be a Frenchman, or to have become a Frenchman;

To have attained 25 years complete;

To have resided in the city or the canton from the time determined by the law;

To pay in any part of the kingdom a direct contribution, at least equal to the value of three days labour, and to produce the acquittance;

Not to be in a menial capacity, namely, that of a servant receiving wages;

To be inscribed in the municipality of the place of his residence in the list of the national guards;

To have taken the civic oath.

The primary assemblies shall name electors in the proportion of the number of active citizens residing in the city or canton.

There shall be named one elector to the assembly, or not, according as there shall happen to be present 100 active citizens.

There shall be named two, when there shall be present from 151 to 250, and so on in this proportion.

The electors named in each department shall convene, in order to choose the number of representatives, whose nomination shall belong to their department, and a number of substitutes equal to the third of the representatives.

"The assemblies shall be held of full right on the last Sunday of March, if they have not been before convoked by the public officers appointed to do so by law."

All active citizens, whatever be their state, profession, or contribution, may be chosen representatives of the nation.

Excepting, nevertheless, the ministers and other agents of the executive power, &c.

The members of the legislative body may be re-elected to a subsequent legislature, but not till after an interval of one legislature.

No active citizen can enter or vote in an assembly if he is armed.

The representatives shall meet on the first Monday of May, in the place of the sittings of the last legislature.

The royalty is indivisible, and delegated hereditarily to the race on the throne from male to male, by order of primogeniture, to the perpetual exclusion of women and their descendants.

Nothing is prejudged on the effect of renunciations in the race on the throne.

The person of the king is inviolable and sacred; his only title is king of the French.

If the king put himself at the head of an army, and direct the forces of it against the nation, or if he do not oppose, by a formal act, any such enterprise undertaken in his name, he shall be held to have abdicated.

If the king having gone out of the kingdom, do not return to it, after an invitation by the legislative body, within the space which shall be fixed by the proclamation, "and which cannot be less than two months," he shall be held to have abdicated the royalty.

After abdication, express or legal, the king shall be in the class of citizens, and may be accused and tried like them, for acts posterior to his abdication.

The nation makes provision for the splendour of the throne by a civil list, of which the legislative body shall fix the sum at the commencement of each reign, for the whole duration of that reign.

The king is a minor till the age of 18 complete; and during his minority there shall be a regent of the kingdom.

The regency belongs to the relation of the king, next in degree according to the order of succession to the throne, who has attained the age of 25; provided he be a Frenchman resident in the kingdom, and not presumptive heir to any other crown, and having previously taken the civic oath.

The presumptive heir shall bear the name of Prince Royal.

"The members of the king's family called to the eventual succession of the throne, shall add the denomination of French Prince to the name which shall be given them in the civil act proving their birth; and this name can neither be patronymic nor formed of any of the qualifications abolished by the present constitution.

"The denomination of prince cannot be given to any individual, and shall not carry with it any privilege or exception to the common right of all French citizens."

To the king alone belong the choice and dismission of ministers.

"The members of the present national assembly, and of the subsequent legislatures, the members of the tribunal of appeal, and those who shall be of the high jury, cannot be advanced to the ministry, cannot receive any place, gift, pension, allowance, or commission of the executive power or its agents during the continuance of their functions, or during two years after ceasing to exercise them; the same shall be observed respecting those who shall only be inscribed on the list of high jurors as long as their inscription shall continue."

No order of the king can be executed if it be not signed by him, and countersigned by the minister or comptroller of the department.

In no case can the written or verbal order of a king shelter a minister from responsibility.

The constitution delegates exclusively to the legislative body the powers and functions following:

To propose and decree laws—The king can only invite the legislative body to take an object into consideration;

To fix the public expenses;

To establish the public contributions, to determine the nature of them, the amount of each sort, the duration, and mode of collection, &c.

War cannot be resolved on but by a decree of the national assembly, passed on the formal and necessary proposition of the king, and sanctioned by him.

During the whole course of war, the legislative body may require the king to negotiate peace; and the king is bound to yield to this requisition.

It belongs to the legislative body to ratify treaties of peace, peace, alliance, and commerce; and no treaty shall have effect but by this ratification.

The deliberations of the legislative body shall be public, and the minutes of the sittings shall be printed.

The legislative body may, however, on any occasion, form itself into a general committee.

The plan of a decree shall be read thrice, at three intervals, the shortest of which cannot be less than eight days.

The decrees of the legislative body are presented to the king, who may refuse them his consent.

In case of a refusal of the royal consent, that refusal is only suspensive.—When the two following legislatures shall successively present the same decree in the same terms on which it was originally conceived, the king shall be deemed to have given his sanction.

The king is bound to express his consent or refusal to each decree within two months after its presentation.

No decree to which the king has refused his consent can be again presented to him by the same legislature.

The supreme executive power resides exclusively in the hands of the king.

The king is the supreme head of the land and sea forces.

The king names ambassadors, and the other agents of political negotiations.

He bestows the command of armies and fleets, and the ranks of marshal of France and admiral:

He names two-thirds of the rear-admirals, one-half of the lieutenant generals, camp-marshal, captains of ships, and colonels of the national gendarmerie:

He names a third of the colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and a sixth of the lieutenants of ships:

He appoints in the civil administration of the marine, the directors, the comptrollers, the treasurers of the arsenals, the masters of the works, the under masters of civil buildings, half of the masters of administration, and the under masters of construction.

He appoints the commissaries of the tribunals:

He appoints the superintendents in chief of the management of contributions indirect, "and the administration of national domains."

He superintends the coinage of money, and appoints officers entrusted with this superintendance in the general commission and the mints.

The effigy of the king is struck on all the coinage of the kingdom.

There is in each department a superior administration, and in each district a subordinate administration.

The administrators are specially charged with distributing the contributions direct, and with superintending the money arising from the contributions and the public revenues in their territory.

The king has the right of annulling such acts of the administrators of department as are contrary to the law or the orders transmitted to them.

He may, in case of obstinate disobedience, or of their endangering, by their acts, the safety or peace of the public, suspend them from their functions.

The king alone can interfere in foreign political connections.

Every declaration of war shall be made in these terms: "By the king of the French in the name of the nation."

The judicial power can in no case be exercised either by the legislative body or the king.

Justice shall be gratuitously rendered by judges chosen from time to time by the people, and instituted by letters patent of the king, who cannot refuse them.

"The public accuser shall be nominated by the people."

"The right of citizens to determine disputes definitively by arbitration, cannot receive any infringement from the acts of the legislative power."

In criminal matters, no citizens can be judged except on an accusation received by jurors, or decreed by the legislative body in the case in which it belongs to it to prosecute the accusation.

After the accusation shall be admitted, the fact shall be examined, and declared by the jurors.

The person accused shall have the privilege of challenging 20, "without assigning any reason."

The jurors who declare the fact shall not be fewer than 12.

The application of the law shall be made by the judges.

The process shall be public; "and the person accused cannot be denied the aid of counsel."

No man acquitted by a legal jury can be apprehended or accused on account of the same fact.

For the whole kingdom there shall be one tribunal of appeal, established near the legislative body.

A high national court, composed of members of the tribunal of appeal and high jurors, shall take cognizance of the crimes of ministers, and the principal agents of the executive power; and of crimes which attack the general safety of the state, when the legislative body shall pass a decree of accusation.

It shall not assemble but on the proclamation of the legislative body; "and at the distance of 30,000 toises at least from the place of meeting of the legislative body."

The national guards do not form a military body, or an institution in the state; they are the citizens themselves called to assist the public force.

Officers are chosen for a time, and cannot again be chosen till after a certain interval of service as privates.

None shall command the national guard of more than one district.

All the parts of the public force employed for the safety of the state from foreign enemies are under the command of the king.

Public contributions shall be debated and fixed every year by the legislative body, and cannot continue in force longer than the last day of the following session, if they are not expressly renewed.

"Detailed accounts of the expense of the ministerial departments, signed and certified by the ministers or comptrollers-general, shall be printed and published at the commencement of the sessions of each legislature.

"The same shall be done with the statements of the receipt of the different taxes, and all the public revenues."

The French nation renounces the undertaking of any war with a view of making conquests, and will never employ its forces against the liberty of any people.

The constituting national assembly declares, "That the nation has the imprescriptible right of changing its constitution; and nevertheless considering that it is more conformable to the national interest to employ only by means provided in the constitution itself, the right of reforming those articles of it, of which experience shall have shown the inconveniences, decrees, that the proceeding by an assembly of revision shall be regulated in the form following:

"When three successive legislatures shall have expressed an uniform wish for the change of any constitutional article, the revision demanded shall take place.

"The next legislature, and the following, cannot propose the reform of any constitutional article.

"The fourth legislature, augmented with 249 members, chosen in each department, by doubling the ordinary number which it furnishes in proportion to its population, shall form the assembly of revision."

The French colonies and possessions in Asia, Africa, and America, "though they form part of the French empire," are not included in the present constitution.

With respect to the laws made by the national assembly, which are not included in the act of constitution, and those anterior laws which it has not altered, they shall be observed, so long as they shall not be revoked or modified by the legislative power.

On the 13th of September the king announced, by a letter to the president of the assembly, his acceptance of the constitution. This event was ordered to be notified to all the foreign courts, and the assembly decreed a general amnesty with respect to the events of the revolution. On the following day the king repaired in person to the national assembly; and being conducted to a chair of state prepared for him at the side of the president, he signed the constitutional act, and took an oath of fidelity to it. He then withdrew, and was attended back to the Thuireries by the whole assembly, with the president at their head. On the 30th of September, this national assembly, which has since been known by the name of the Constituent Assembly, dissolved itself, and gave place to the succeeding Legislative National Assembly, which had been elected according to the rules prescribed by the new constitution.

On the character and the labours of the Constituent Assembly, we shall only remark, that it contained many men of talents, and, in all probability, a considerable number of men of integrity. Towards the close of its session, it assumed a very striking character of moderation, and appears to have been completely monarchical, although its jealousy of the ancient aristocracy prevented it from sufficiently guarding the throne against popular violence: for a very striking defect in the new constitution soon appeared. The king possessed a veto, or negative, upon the resolutions of the legislative body: but this negative he was bound to exercise in person, without responsibility, and without the intervention of his ministers. He had no senate, or upper chamber, to stand between him and popular violence; and there was something apparently absurd in setting the vote of an individual in opposition to the collective wisdom and will of a whole nation. In consequence of this, he was reduced to the hard alternative of yielding to every vote of the national assembly, or of exposing himself personally to public odium.

The new assembly was opened by the king on the 7th of October, with much apparent union on all sides. His speech, recommending unanimity and confidence between the legislative and executive powers, was received with unbounded applause. The character of the men who composed the new national assembly was unsuspicious to the Court. At the commencement of the revolution, the great body of the people at a distance from the capital were little interested in those projects of freedom which occupied the more enlightened or more turbulent inhabitants of Paris. They had gradually, however, been roused from their lethargy. The variety of powers conferred by the new constitution upon the people at large, and the multiplicity of offices of which it gave them the patronage, had kindled in the minds of men a love of dominion, and a wish to interfere in public affairs. This attached them to the new order of things. The love of power, which is the least disguised passion in the human heart, and equally strong in the breast of the meanest and of the highest of mankind, was thus, under the name of liberty, become a leading passion throughout this wide empire. They who flattered it most, and were most loud in praise of the rights of the people, became speedily the favourites of the public. The consequence of this was, that the new national assembly was chiefly composed of country gentlemen, of principles highly democratic, or of men of letters who had published popular books, or conducted periodical publications. The members of the constituent assembly had been excluded by their own decree from holding seats in the new legislature.—The members of the latter, therefore, had little regard for a constitution which they themselves had not framed, and which was not protected by the venerable sanction of antiquity.

When this assembly first met, it showed a very trifling attention to formalities, and a peevish jealousy of the ministers of the crown. In the mean time, the treaty of Pilnitz, already mentioned, began to be rumoured abroad, and France was thrown into a state of anxious jealousy for the safety of its newly-acquired liberties. Although the Prussians and Germans (the elector of Mentz alone excepted) all continued to temporize, the northern powers, Sweden and Russia, entered into strict engagements to restore the old despotism of France. On the 9th of November, a decree was passed, that the emigrants, who, after the first of January next, should be found assembled, as at present, in a hostile manner, beyond the frontiers, should be considered as guilty of a conspiracy, and suffer death; that the French princes, and public functionaries, who should not return before that period, should be punishable in the same manner, and their property forfeited during their own lives. On the 10th, a series of severe decrees was also passed against such of the ejected clergy as still refused to take the civic oath. To both these decrees the king opposed his veto, or negative.—The moderate party, who were attached to the constitution, rejoiced at this as a proof of the freedom of their sovereign. But, on the other side, it excited almost violent clamour, and became the means of exciting new suspicions of the wishes of the court. At this time answers were received from the different foreign courts to the notification sent them of the king's acceptance of the new constitution. These were generally conceived in a style of caution, and avoided giving open open offence. The emperor even prohibited all assemblies of emigrants within his states; and the king intimated to the assembly that he had declared to the elector of Treves, that unless the emigrants should cease before the 1st of January to make hostile preparations within his territories, he would be considered as the enemy of France. All this, however, did not preserve the court from suspicion; for although the different foreign courts had openly declared pacific intentions, yet the French emigrants boldly asserted that all Europe was actually arming in their favour. Accordingly they ceased not to solicit their equals in rank, who still remained within the country, to leave it to join with them in what they called the royal cause.—The unhappy Louis, placed between a republican party that was gradually gathering strength, and an aristocratical party that was rousing Europe to arms against a nation of which he was the constitutional chief, and a combination of princes justly suspected of wishing to seize upon a part of his dominions, stood in a situation which would have perplexed the most skilful statesman; and it is no proof of incapacity that he fell a sacrifice to circumstances which might have overwhelmed any known measure of human ingenuity. Addresses were crowding into the assembly, disapproving the conduct of the court. M. Montmorin resigned; M. Delessart succeeded him; and M. Cahier de Ger-ville became minister of the interior. M. du Portail resigned also, and M. Narbonne succeeded him as minister of war. In the month of November, M. Bailly's mayoralty terminated; and the once popular La Fayette appeared as a candidate to succeed him. But he was successfully opposed by M. Petion, a violent Jacobin, and a declared republican, who was elected mayor of Paris by a great majority.

At this period the moderate men, who were friends of the constitution, attempted to counteract the influence of the Jacobin club by the establishment of a similar one. It derived its name from the vacant convent of the Feuillans, in which it assembled. The most active members of the Constituent Assembly belonged to it, such as M. M. D'Andre, Barnave, the Lamelis, Du Port, Rabaud, Sieyes, Chapelier, Thoret, Labord, Talleyrand, Montesquieu, Beaumetz, &c. The Jacobins contrived to excite a riot at the place of their meeting, which was in the vicinity of the hall of the National Assembly. This afforded a pretext for applying to the assembly for the removal of the new club. The assembly showed their disposition, by complying with this request.

At the end of this year, the kingdom of France was by no means prosperous. The public revenue had fallen far short of the expenditure. The emigrant nobility had carried out of the kingdom the greater part of the current coin; and a variety of manufacturers, who depended upon their ostentatious luxury, were reduced to much distress. The dispositions of foreign courts appeared very doubtful. The new year, however, opened with delusive prospects of tranquillity.—The German princes appeared satisfied with the mode of compensation which the French had offered for the loss of their possessions in Alsace and Lorraine. The prince of Lowestein accepted of an indemnification.—The princes of Hohenlohe and Salm-Salm declared themselves ready to treat upon the same terms. Prince Maximilian, and the dukes of Wirtemberg and Deux-Ponts, freely negotiated. It is unnecessary to state in detail the subterfuges employed, in the mean time, by the crafty Leopold, for amusing the French with the appearances of peace. M. Delessart, minister for foreign affairs, fell a sacrifice to them, and probably to the undecided character of Louis. He was accused by M. Brissot of not having given timely notice to the National Assembly of the dispositions of foreign powers, and of not pressing proper measures for securing the honour and safety of the nation. A decree of accusation passed against him in his absence. He was apprehended, tried by the high national court at Orleans, and executed in consequence of its sentence.

The sudden death of Leopold on the first of March gave rise to a transient hope that peace might still be preserved. A suspicion of poison fell upon the French, but it was removed by the detail of his disease that was speedily published. On the 16th of the same month, the king of Sweden was wounded by a nobleman of the name of Ankerstrom, and died on the 29th. This enterprising prince had overturned the constitution of his own country, and he had formed the project of conducting in person his troops to the frontiers of France, and of commanding or accompanying the combined armies of Europe in their attempt to avenge the cause of insulted royalty. It was in a great measure to counteract this scheme that he was assassinated.

The sudden fall, however, of these two enemies rather accelerated than retarded the meditated hostilities. The young king of Hungary, who succeeded to the crown of Hungary, who succeeded to the crown of Bohemia, made no secret either of his own intentions or of the existence of a concert of Princes against France. M. Dumourier was now at the head of the war-office, M. Roland was minister of the interior, and M. Claviere minister of finance. The Jacobins were all-powerful. The court gave way to the torrent. The property of the emigrants was confiscated, reserving the rights of creditors. The Imperial minister, Prince Kaunitz, demanded three things of France; 1st, The restitution of their feudal rights to the German princes; 2ndly, To restore Avignon to the Pope, the inhabitants of which had some time before thrown off their allegiance, and prevailed with the constituent assembly to receive their country as a part of France; and lastly, Prince Kaunitz demanded, that "the neighbouring powers should have no reason for apprehension from the present weakness of the internal government of France." On receiving these demands, the king proposed a declaration of war, which was decreed by the National Assembly on the 20th of April, against the king of Hungary and Bohemia.

The French immediately began the war, by attacking in three different columns the Austrian Netherlands. M. Theobald Dillon advanced from Lisle to Tourney, where he found a strong body of Austrians ready to receive him. The national troops, unaccustomed to sustain the fire of regular soldiers, were instantly thrown into confusion, and fled even to the gates of Lisle. The cry of treason resounded on all sides; and their commander, an experienced and faithful officer, was murdered by his own soldiery and the mob. A second division of 10,000 men, under Lieutenant-General Biron, took possession of Quiverain on the 29th, and marched towards Mons. General Biron was here attacked by... the Austrians, whom he repulsed. Hearing, however, of the defeat of Dillon, he retreated. A third party advanced to Furnes, but afterwards withdrew. La Fayette at the same time advanced towards Bouvines, half way to Namur, from which he afterwards retreated. The whole of these expeditions were ill contrived, inasmuch as they divided the French undisciplined troops, and exposed them in small bodies to the attack of veteran forces. The Austrians were some time before they attempted to retaliate. At length, however, on the 11th of June, they attacked M. Gouvion, who commanded the advanced guard of La Fayette's army near Mauberge. M. Gouvion was killed by a rolling bullet; but La Fayette himself having come up, the Austrians abandoned the field. In the mean time, matters were hastening in Paris towards a violent crisis. Two parties, both of which were hostile to the present constitution, had gradually been formed in the state. The one wished to give more effectual support to the royal authority, by establishing a senate or two chambers, to prevent the king's vote from being the sole check upon popular enthusiasm. The other party wished to set aside royalty altogether, and to hazard the bold experiment of converting France into a republic. These last were supported by the Jacobin club, which had now contrived to concentrate in itself an immense mass of influence. Innumerable popular societies were established in every town and village throughout the provinces. With these a regular correspondence was kept up by writing and by emissaries. Thus schemes and notions were instantaneously propagated through a great empire, and all the violent spirits which it contained were enabled to act in concert: But the more immediate engine of the republican party consisted of the immense population of the metropolis, whom they now endeavoured to keep in constant alarm. For this purpose they alleged, that an Austrian Committee, that is to say, a conspiracy in favour of the enemies of the country, existed among the friends of the court. M. M. Gensonne and Brissot even offered in the assembly to prove the existence of this pretended Austrian committee. A report was next circulated, that the king intended to abscond from the capital on the 23d of May. His majesty publicly contradicted these accusations as calumnies, but they made no small impression upon the minds of the public. New decrees were now made against the refractory clergy, but these his majesty refused to sanction. A proposal was also made and decreed in the assembly to form a camp of 20,000 men under the walls of Paris, and that for this levy every canton in the kingdom should contribute one horseman and four infantry. The national guard of Paris disliked the proposal, and the king gave it his negative. Indeed at this time the king seems to have come to a resolution of standing out against the Jacobin party, to which he had for some time yielded. The ministry were therefore dismissed, excepting M. Dumourier, and others were appointed in their stead. By this event Dumourier lost the confidence of the Jacobin club. He saw his error, resigned his office, and joined the army. In the mean time a decree had been passed, authorising the manufacture of pikes for the purpose of arming cheaply the lower class of citizens. All means were used to render the king odious by inflammatory writings and harangues; and in both of these noted incendiary Marat took the lead.

On the 20th of June, M. Roederer, the procureur general syndic informed the national assembly, that contrary to law, formidable bodies of armed men were preparing to present petitions to the king, and to the national assembly. A part of them speedily appeared at the assembly with St Huruge and Santerre a brewer at their head, &c. They marched through the hall in a procession that lasted two hours, at four o'clock in the afternoon, to the number of about 40,000. They surrounded the Tuileries. The gates were thrown open; and on an attempt to break the door of the apartment where the king then was, he ordered them to be admitted. His sister the princess Elizabeth never departed from his side during four or five hours that he was surrounded by the multitude, and compelled to listen to every indignity. All this while Petion, the mayor of Paris, was unaccountably absent. He at length, however, arrived, and also a deputation from the assembly. The queen, with her children and the princess de Lamballe, were in the mean time in the council-chamber, where, though protected from violence, they were yet exposed to much insult. At last, in consequence of the approach of evening, and of the entreaties of Petion, the multitude gradually dispersed.

The indignities suffered on this day by the royal family were in some respects not unfavourable to their respectable cause. A great number of the most respectable inhabitants of the capital were ashamed of such proceedings. They complained of them severely in a petition to the conduct of the assembly, and addresses to the same purpose were received from several departments. The directory of the department of Paris, at the head of which were M. Rochefoucault and M. Talleyrand, published a declaration disapproving of the conduct of the mayor, and of M. Manuel the procureur of the commune, whom they afterwards suspended from their offices, although they were speedily restored by a decree of the assembly. At the same time, La Fayette leaving his army suddenly, appeared on the 26th at the bar of the national assembly. He declared that he came to express the indignation which the whole army felt on account of the events of the 20th: he called upon the assembly to punish the promoters of these events, and to dissolve the factious clubs. The sudden appearance of La Fayette threw the Jacobins into consternation, and from that period they never ceased to calumniate him.

On the 1st of July, on the motion of M. Jean de Brie, the assembly ordered a proclamation to be made, that the country was in danger. On the 6th, the king gave intimation that the king of Prussia was marching with 52,000 men to co-operate against France. The French arms were at this time somewhat successful in the Austrian Netherlands; but the cabinet speedily thought it necessary to order the armies to retreat: a measure which was afterwards publicly censured by Marshal Luckner.

On the 7th, a singular scene occurred in the national moderate assembly. At the instant that M. Brissot was about to commence an oration, M. Lamoureux bishop of Lyons requested to be heard for a few minutes. He expatiated on the necessity of union among the members of the assembly, and of sacrificing their passions and prejudices. judices on the altar of their country. He concluded an animated address with these words, "Let all who hold in equal detestation a republic and two chambers, and who wish to maintain the constitution as it is, rise!" The words were scarcely pronounced when the whole assembly started from their seats. Men of all parties solemnly embraced each other, and protested their adherence to the constitution. A deputation announced this happy event to the king; who immediately came and congratulated them in a short speech, which was received with infinite applause. The only good effect, however, produced by this temporary agreement was, that the festival of the 14th of July, which was celebrated with the usual magnificence, passed over in tranquillity.

On the 25th of July, the duke of Brunswick issued at Coblenz his celebrated manifesto. It declared the purpose of the intended invasion of France to be the restoration of the French king to full authority. It declared the national guard of France responsible for the preservation of tranquillity; and threatened with the punishment of death, as rebels to their king, those who should appear in arms against the allied powers. All men holding offices, civil or military, were threatened in the same manner, as well as the inhabitants of all cities. The city of Paris in particular, and the national assembly, were declared responsible for every insult which might be offered to the royal family. It was declared, that if they were not immediately placed in safety, the allies were resolved to inflict "on those who should deserve it, the most exemplary and ever memorable avenging punishments, by giving up the city of Paris to military execution, and exposing it to total destruction; and the rebels who should be guilty of illegal resistance should suffer the punishments which they should have deserved." This sanguinary and imprudent manifesto operated as a warrant for the destruction of the unfortunate Louis XVI. It left no middle party in the nation. All who wished to preserve freedom in any form, and all who loved the independence of their country, were instantly united. At the same time, the reproaches cast on the king by the Jacobins now gained universal credit. The kings of Prussia and of Hungary told the French nation, that their monarch was secretly hostile to the constitution; and the restoration of him and his family to despotic power was made the sole pretence for a bloody and dangerous war.

The republican party saw the advantage which they had now gained, and resolved upon the deposition of the king. The chief engine which they meant to employ in this service consisted of about 1500 men, who had come to Paris at the period of the confederation on the 14th of July, and therefore called fédérés, and who were also sometimes denominated Marseillois, from the place from which the greater number of them came. Next to these, dependence was placed in the populace of the suburbs of the capital. The designs of the republicans were not unknown to the court, and both parties were forming plans of operation. It is said that the royal party intended that the king and his family should suddenly leave the capital, and proceed to as great a distance as the constitution permitted. The republicans are said to have intended to seize the person of the king, and to confine him in the castle of Vincennes till a national convention should decide upon his fate. Both allegations are probably true. Every motive which can influence the mind of man must have induced Louis to wish to be at a distance from the factious and sanguinary capital. And the subsequent conduct of the republicans authorize us to believe them capable of the worst crime that was laid to their charge.

Various charges had been brought forward in the assembly against La Fayette, and the 8th of August was appointed for their discussion. In the mean time, on and after the 3rd of August, Petion the mayor, at the head of a deputation from the section of Paris, appeared at the bar, and in a solemn speech demanded the deposition of the king. The discussion of the accusation against La Fayette was considered as a trial of strength between the parties: he was acquitted, however, by a majority of nearly 200; and the republican party, despairing of carrying their point by a vote of the national assembly, resolved to have recourse to insurrection and force.

On the evening of the 9th of August, about 1500 gentlemen, officers of the army, and others, repaired to the palace, resolved to protect the royal family or to perish in their defence: added to these were 700 Swiss guards, with a body of cavalry amounting to about 1000. Mandat, the commander of the national guards, a man who was firmly attached to the constitution, had procured 2400 of that body and 12 pieces of cannon. With such a force, it has been generally thought that, by vigorous and steady councils, the palace, which is a kind of castle, might have been successfully defended; and what is now called a revolution might have borne the name of a rebellion. Meanwhile the assembly declared its sittings permanent. Petion was at the palace late on the evening of the 9th. Some apprehensions were entertained, or pretended to be entertained, for his safety (for the whole of this business was, on the part of the republicans, the most infernal plot), and a deputation from the assembly brought him away. At midnight the tocsin or alarm bell was sounded, and the drums beat to arms through the city. At this instant a number of the most active leaders of the republican party assembled, and elected a new common council or commune. The persons thus irregularly chosen instantly took possession of the common hall, and drove out the lawful members; who, with that weakness with which men are apt to shrink from stations of responsibility in perilous times, readily gave place to the usurpers. The new commune sent repeated messages to M. Mandat, requiring his attendance upon important business. He was occupied in arranging the troops in the best order around the palace; but suspecting nothing, he went to the common hall, and was there astonished to find a different assembly from what he expected. He was abruptly accused of a plot to massacre the people, and ordered to prison; but as he descended the stairs, he was shot with a pistol, and Santerre was appointed in his stead to command the national guard.

On this eventful night no person in the palace went to bed. About six o'clock in the morning of the 10th the king descended into the gardens to review the troops. He was received with shouts of Vive le roi, excepting from the artillery, who shouted Vive le nation. The king returned to the palace, and the multitude continued to collect. The national guard seemed undetermined about what they were to do, as they assembled in divisions near the palace; and had a steady resistance. sistance been made from within, it is probable they would have joined the royal party. But towards eight o'clock M. Roederer procured admittance to the palace, and told the king that armed multitudes were assembling in hostile array around the Tuileries; that the national guard was not to be depended upon; and that, in case of resistance, the whole royal family would most certainly be massacred. He therefore advised the king to seek protection in the hall of the national assembly. With this advice the king, with his usual facility of temper, was ready to comply; but the queen opposed with vehemence the humiliating proposal. Becoming gradually, however, alarmed for the safety of her children, she gave her consent; and the king and queen, the princess Elizabeth, with the prince and princess royal, went on foot to the hall of the assembly.

"I am come hither (said his majesty) to prevent a great crime. Among you, gentlemen, I believe myself in safety." By an article of the constitution the assembly could not deliberate in presence of the king. The royal family were, therefore, placed in a narrow box separated from the hall by a railing, where they remained for 14 hours without any place to which they could retire for refreshment, excepting a very small closet adjoining. Here they sat listening to debates, in which the royal character and office were treated with every mark of insult.

When the king left the palace of the Tuileries, he unfortunately forgot to order it to be immediately surrendered. He recollected this as soon as he reached the assembly, and sent orders for this purpose; but it was now too late. The insurgents amounted to about 20,000 effective men. They were drawn up in tolerable order by Westerman a Prussian, and had about 30 pieces of cannon along with them. The gentlemen within the palace, who had assembled to protect the king's person, were now dispirited, and knew not what part to act. The commander of the Swiss, M. Affry, was absent, and the captains knew not what to do; and the national guard had no leader in consequence of the death of Mandat. About nine o'clock the outer gates were forced open; and the insurgents formed their line in front of the palace. A bloody combat commenced chiefly between the Marseillais and the Swiss. After a brave resistance of about an hour, the Swiss were overpowered by numbers, and gave way. All of them that could be found in the palace were massacred; some even while imploring quarter on their knees. Others escaped into the city, and were protected by individuals. Of this brave regiment, however, only 200 survived; but every human being, even the lowest servants found in the palace, were put to death. The Swiss taken prisoners in various quarters were conducted to the door of the assembly, and taken by a decree under the protection of the state. But the sanguinary multitude insisted upon putting them to instant death; and the assembly would, in all probability, have been unable to protect them, had not the Marseillais interfered in their favour.

The suspension of the royal authority was now decreed, and the nation was invited to elect a Convention to determine the nature of its future government. On this uncommon occasion all Frenchmen of 21 years of age were declared capable of electing, and of being elected, deputies to the new national convention. Commissioners were, in the mean time, sent on the same evening to give to the armies a false and favourable account of these transactions. The royal family were sent to the old palace of the Temple in the midst of the city, to remain there under a strict guard; and all persons of rank who had been attached to them were seized and committed to the different prisons.

To give an idea of the temper of the people of Paris at this time, it is proper to remark, that at the same instant when the multitude with a bloody fury was massacring the menial servants in the palace, and could scarcely be restrained from offering violence to the Swiss who were made prisoners, they would suffer no act of pillage to pass unpunished. Several attempts of this kind were accordingly followed by the instant death of the criminals. The plate, the jewels, and money found in the Tuileries were brought to the national assembly, and thrown down in the hall. One man, whose dress and appearance bespoke extreme poverty, cast upon the table an hat full of gold. But the minds of these men were elevated by enthusiasm; and they conceived themselves at this moment the champions of freedom, and objects of terror to the kings of the earth.

In the mean time, the situation of France was extremely critical, and it appeared very doubtful if the nation of new convention would ever be suffered to assemble. La Fayette had accidentally got speedy notice of the events of the 10th of August. He advised the magistrates of the town of Sedan to imprison the commissioners from the national assembly when they should arrive there; which was accordingly done. He, at the same time, published an address to his army, calling upon them to support the king and the constitution; but finding that they were not to be depended upon, he withdrew from the 10th of August he left the camp in the night, accompanied only by his staff and a few servants. They took the route of Rochefort in Liege, which was a neutral country; but were met by a party of the enemy, who took them prisoners, and La Fayette was detained for several years in Prussian and Austrian dungeons. The severe treatment of this man was probably a considerable error in policy on the part of the allies. His fidelity to his king is very generally admitted; though some have entertained strong suspicions of his having acted a very base part to that unfortunate monarch; and in the British house of commons he has been called an abandoned ruffian. The expression is certainly too strong. His errors seem to have been those of the head rather than of the heart; and at all events, he should have been protected by the allies, if for no other reason than to encourage subsequent desertions among the officers of the republican army.

To return from this digression. The commissioners were soon set at liberty at Sedan, and received with applause by the army of La Fayette. General Arthur Dillon at first entered into the sentiments of La Fayette; but the politic Dumourier diverted him from his purpose, and by this means regained his credit with the Jacobins, and was appointed commander in chief. The other generals, Biron, Montesquieu, Kellerman, and Custine, made no opposition to the will of the national assembly.

Meanwhile, the combined armies of Austria and Prussia had entered France. The duke of Brunswick's army army was above 50,000 strong. General Clairfait had joined him with 15,000 Austrians, and a considerable body of Hessians, along with 20,000 French emigrants; amounting in all to 90,000 men. To oppose these, Dumourier had only 17,000 men collected near the point from which the enemy were approaching in Luxembourg. The French emigrants had given the duke of Brunswick such an account of the distracted state of their own country, and of the pretended disaffection of all orders of men towards the ruling faction in Paris, that no resistance of any importance was expected. When the combined troops, consisting either of steady Austrian or Hungarian battalions, or of those well disciplined Prussians which the great Frederick had inured to the best military discipline, were reviewed in Germany before setting out on their march, it is said that the spectators, among whom the French cause was not unpopular, beheld them with anxiety and regret, and pitied the unhappy country against which this irresistible force was directed. The soldiers and their officers regarded themselves as departing for a hunting match, or an excursion of pleasure; and many of the usual accommodations of an army were ill attended to, such as hospitals, &c. The beginning of their progress into France justified these expectations. Longwy surrendered after a siege of 15 hours, although well fortified, possessed of a garrison of 3,500 men, and defended by 71 pieces of cannon. The news of this event irritated the assembly so much, that they decreed, that, when retaken, the houses of the citizens should be razed to the ground; and, distrustful of the officers of the army, they decreed that the municipal officers of a town should hereafter have power to control the deliberation of the council of war. Verdun was next summoned; and here the municipality compelled the governor M. Beaurepaire to surrender. That officer, disappointed and enraged, shot himself dead with a pistol in presence of the council, and on the 2d of September the Prussian troops entered the town.

The news of this second capture, and of the approach of the Prussians, spread an instant alarm through Paris. It was proposed to raise a volunteer army, which should set out immediately to meet the enemy. The common council, which was now led by Robespierre, Danton, Marat, and others of the most sanguinary character, ordered the alarm-guns to be fired, and the populace to be summoned to meet in the Champ de Mars to enroll themselves to march against the enemy. The people assembled, and either in consequence of a premeditated plan, or, which is not very probable, of an instantaneous movement, a number of voices exclaimed, that "the domestic foes of the nation ought to be destroyed before its foreign enemies were attacked."

Parties of armed men proceeded without delay to the prisons where the non-juring clergy, the Swiss officers, and those confined since the 10th of August on account of practices against the state, were detained in custody. They took out the prisoners one by one, gave them a kind of mock trial before a jury of themselves, acquitted some few, and murdered the rest. Among these last was the princess de Lamballe. She was taken from her bed before this bloody tribunal, and massacred; her head was carried by the populace to the Temple, to be seen by the queen, whose friend she was.

These massacres lasted for two days, and upwards of 1,000 persons were put to death. There is scarce anything in history that can be represented parallel to them; they were committed, it is said, by less than 300 men, in the midst of an immense city, which heard of them with horror, and in the vicinity of the national assembly, which, by going in a body, could have put an end to them. But such was the confusion and dismay of these two disgraceful days, that no man dared to stir from his own house; and every one believed that the whole city, excepting his own street, was engaged in massacre and bloodshed. The national guard were all ready at their respective posts, but no man directed them to act; and there is too much reason to suspect that Santerre and the chiefs of the commune connived, at least, at the transaction.

In the mean time, General Dumourier was taking the best measures to protract the march of the enemy till the army of Kellerman, consisting of 20,000 men, could join him from Lorraine, and that of Bourbonville from Flanders, amounting to 13,000; together with whatever new levies Luckner might be able to send him from Chalons. The forest of Argonne extends from north to south upwards of 40 miles; it lay directly in the route of the duke of Brunswick, who must either force his way across it, or make a circuit of 40 miles by the pass of Grandpre on the north, or by Bar-le-Duc on the south. The pass that lay directly in his route was that of Biesme. After surveying Dillon's position here, he left a party of 20,000 men to watch it; and with the main body of his army took the circuitous route by Grandpre on the north. Here Dumourier waited to receive him, and was attacked on the 12th and 13th without success; but on the 14th, the attack of the Prussians was irresistible, and Dumourier, retreating, gave up the pass. On his march he was violently pressed by the advanced cavalry of the Prussians, that his army, at one time, was seized with a panic, and fled before 1,500 men; who, if they had pushed their advantage, might have dispersed it. On the 15th, however, Dumourier encamped at St Menehould, and began to fortify it. Bourbonville's army joined Dumourier on the 17th. The duke of Brunswick formed a plan of attacking Kellerman before his junction could be completed. That general arrived on the 19th within a mile of Dumourier's camp; the projected attack took place; the Prussians maneuvered with their usual coolness and address; they attempted to surround Kellerman's army, but this could not be accomplished. The French troops preserved excellent order, while the national vivacity was constantly showing itself in their shouts and patriotic songs: 400 French were killed, and 500 wounded; the loss of the Prussians was much greater; and, in the face of the enemy, Kellerman joined Dumourier at the end of the engagement without opposition. At the time that the attack was made on the army of Kellerman, an attempt was made to force Dillon's camp at Biesme by the 20,000 men that had been left in its vicinity, but without success; and this large detachment was thus prevented from crossing the forest of Argonne and joining the duke of Brunswick. It is to be observed, that in these engagements the French owed their superiority chiefly to the excellence of their artillery; a circumstance which served to convince their enemies that they had had to contend with regular military bodies, and not with undisciplined multitudes, as they expected.

The duke of Brunswick encamped his army at La Lun, near the camp of Dumourier. And here the Prussians began to be in extreme distress both from sickness and famine. No temptation could induce the inhabitants of the country to carry provisions to the hostile camp, while at the same time the French army was abundantly supplied.

Bournoville, with a body of 4000 men, intercepted several droves of cattle and other convoys of provisions destined for the Prussians. The rain fell in torrents, and the roads were uncommonly deep. Exposed to the cold, the moisture, and want of provisions, the Prussians rashly ate great quantities of the grapes of Champagne. The consequence of this was, that an epidemical distemper commenced and spread through the army to such an extent, that 10,000 men at one time were unfit for duty. The duke of Brunswick, however, still commanded a force much more numerous than that of Dumourier; and he has been much censured for not attacking his camp, and forcing him to engage. It has been said that the veteran and numerous force which he commanded would have marched to certain victory against the raw troops that opposed them; that, having defeated Dumourier's army, there was nothing to oppose their march to Paris. But the duke of Brunswick had entered France upon the supposition, that in its present distracted state no regular army could be brought into the field against him, and that the people at large were hostile to the ruling faction. The contrary of all this had turned out to be true. He found himself in the midst of an hostile people, and opposed by skilful military chiefs. A defeat in such a situation would have brought certain ruin to his army; and even the loss sustained in the acquisition of a victory might have proved equally fatal. The remains of the French army would not fail to hang upon his rear; and from the disposition of the people it appeared impossible to ascertain to what amount that army might be suddenly increased. After proposing a truce, therefore, which lasted eight days, he commenced his retreat towards Grandpré, and no advantage was gained over him in the course of it. Verdun was retaken by the French on the 12th of October, and Longwy on the 18th; the siege of Thionville was at the same time raised. That small, but strong fortress, under the command of General Felix Wimpfen, had held in check an army of 15,000 men.

While the Prussians were advancing from the northeast, the Austrians under the duke of Saxe Teschen laid siege to Lisle. The council-general of the commune answered the summons of the besiegers thus: "We have just renewed our oath to be faithful to the nation, and to maintain liberty and equality, or to die at our post. We will not perjure ourselves." Such was the cant of these men, who had already perjured themselves by contributing to overturn the constitution which they had repeatedly sworn to defend. The Austrian batteries began to play upon the town on the 29th, and were chiefly directed against that quarter which was inhabited by the lower class of citizens, for the purpose of making them mutinous and seditious. This procedure was ill judged. The lower classes of mankind are always much accustomed to hardships, and they go farthest in support of any enthusiastic principle they have been persuaded to adopt. Accordingly, though a great part of the city was reduced to a heap of ruins, the citizens of Lisle became daily more obstinate. They received each other into the houses that were still standing, and every vault and cellar was occupied. Although upwards of 30,000 red-hot balls and 6000 bombs were thrown into the city, besides the efforts made by an immense battering train of artillery, yet the loss both to the garrison and people did not exceed 500 persons, most of whom were women and children. After a fortnight of fruitless labour, the Austrians raised the siege.

War had been declared against the king of Sardinia on account of the threatening appearances exhibited in that quarter. On the 20th of September General Montesquiou entered the territories of Savoy, and was received at Chambery and throughout the whole Savoy country with marks of unbounded welcome. On the 29th General Anselm, with another body of troops, took possession of Nice and the country around it. On the 32nd General Custine advanced to Spire, when he found the Austrians drawn up in order of battle. He attacked and drove them through the city, taking 3000 of them prisoners. The capture of Worms succeeded that of Spire; Mentz surrendered by capitulation; and Francfort fell into the hands of the French on the 23rd. Out of this last place, however, they were afterwards driven on the 2d of December.

On the 20th of September the French National Convention assembled. It was found to contain men of all characters, orders, and ranks. Many distinguished members of the Constituting Assembly were elected into it, and also several that had belonged to the Legislative Assembly; even foreigners were invited to become French legislators. The famous Thomas Paine and Dr Priestley of England were elected by certain departments; but the latter declined accepting. Clouts, a Prussian, whom we formerly noticed as bringing a deputation to the bar of the constituent assembly, consisting of persons representing all the nations of the earth, was also chosen. The general aspect of the new convention showed that the republican party had acquired a decided superiority. On the first day of meeting M. Collot d'Herbois, who had formerly been an actor, ascended the tribune, and proposed the eternal abolition and deposition of royalty in France. The question was carried by acclamation, and the house adjourned. Messages were sent to all parts of the country to intimate the decree, and by the influence of the Jacobins they were everywhere received with applause. It was next day decreed, that all public acts should be dated by the year of the French republic; and all citizens were declared eligible to all the vacant offices and places. The rage of republicanism soon went so far, that the ordinary titles of Monsieur and Madame were abolished, and the appellation of Citizen substituted in their stead, as more suitable to the principles of liberty and equality. It may be remarked, that in this last trifling circumstance an attachment to the form of speech to which they had been accustomed appears even in its abolition: For, although the Roman orators addressed their countrymen when assembled by the honourable appellation of Citizens, yet they never, in addressing an individual, called him Citizen Cato, or Citizen Caesar, according to the mode now adopted in France. France. It was soon discovered that the leading republicans had divided into two opposite factions. The one of these was called Girondists, because Vergniaud, Gen- sonné, Gaudet, and some others of its leaders, were members from the department of La Gironde. The elec- tions in the brated Condorcet belonged to this party; and they were sometimes denominated Brissotines, from M. Brisset de Warville their principal leader. They supported the ministry now in office, at the head of which was Ro- land; and the majority of the convention was obvious- ly attached to them. In opposition to these was the smaller party of the Mountain: so called from its mem- bers usually sitting in the convention on the upper seats of the hall. They were men possessed of less personal respectability, and fewer literary accomplishments, but of daring and sanguinary characters, whom the revolu- tion had brought into public notice. At the head of this party were Danton and Robespierre; and subor- dinate to these were Couthon, Bazire, Thuriot, Mer- lin de Thionville, St André, Camille Demoulin, Chabot, Collot D'Herbois, Sergent, Legendre, Fabre d'Eglantine, Panis, and Marat.

These two parties showed the diversity of their char- acters in the manner in which they treated the mas- sacres of the 2d and 3d of September. The Brissotines, with the majority of the convention, wished to bring the murderers to trial; but the question was always eluded by the other party, with the assistance of the Jacobin club and of the populace.

On the 9th of October it was decreed, that all emi- grants, when taken, should suffer death; and on the 15th of November, in consequence of an insurrection in the duchy of Deux Ponts, and an application on the part of the insurgents to the convention for aid, the following de- cree was passed: "The national convention declare, in the name of the French nation, that they will grant fra- ternity and assistance to all those people who wish to procure liberty; and they charge the executive power to send orders to the generals to give assistance to such people as have suffered, or are now suffering, in the cause of liberty." Of this decree foreign nations, with great reason, complained much, as will shortly appear.

To return to the military affairs of the new repub- lic. On the 12th of October General Dumourier came to Paris, and was speedily sent to commence a winter campaign in the Netherlands. He suddenly at- tacked the Austrians at the village of Bossu, and drove them from their ground. On the 5th of November he came in sight of the enemy upon the heights of Je- mappe. Three rows of fortifications arose above each other, defended by 100 pieces of cannon. Their right was covered by the village and a river, and their left by thick woods. The French were by their own account 30,000, whilst others, with great probability of truth, compute them at double that number, and the number of the Austrians was at least 20,000. At seven in the morning of the following day a heavy cannonade com- menced on both sides, and at noon a close attack was determined on by the French, whose right wing was commanded by Generals Bourdonville and Dampierre, and the centre by Generals Egalité (son to the duke of Orleans who had assumed that name), Stetenbelle, Desportes, and Drouet. The music played the popu- lar march of the Marsellois, and the soldiers rushed on with enthusiasm, shouting "Vive la nation." The en- gagement was warm and bloody; the French were twice repulsed; but their impetuosity was at last irre- sistible, and about two o'clock the enemy fled from their last entrenchments. The loss on both sides was very great, that of the Austrians amounting to 4000. This victory was decisive of the fate of the Netherlands. Mons and Brussels surrendered to Du- mourier; Tournay, Malines, Ghent, and Antwerp, were taken possession of by General Labourdonnaire; Louvain and Namur were taken by General Valence; and the whole Austrian Netherlands, Luxembourg only excepted, fell into the hands of the French: Liege was taken on the 28th of November after a successful engagement, in which the Austrians lost 500 or 600 men and an immense train of artillery.

France was now in a situation not unusual in the hi- story of those nations that either are free, or are at- tempting to become so; successful in all quarters abroad, but distracted by factions at home. The two parties in the convention were engaged in a struggle, which daily became more implacable. The party called the Mountain did not hesitate about the nature of the means they were to employ to bring about the ruin of their antagonists. They are even suspected of having, through the medium of Pache the war-minister, retarded the supply of the armies, to render the ruling party odious by want of success. They were for some time, however, unfortunate in this respect; and the daily news of victories supported with the public the credit of the Girondists. A new subject was therefore fallen upon, which was the question, how the dethroned king was to be disposed of? The moderate party wished to save him; and this was a sufficient reason for their antago- nists to resolve upon his ruin. A committee was ap- pointed to give a report upon his conduct. A vari- ety of accusations were brought against him; and the convention infamously resolved to act the part of accu- sors and of judges.

It was on the 11th of December when the ill-fated The king monarch was ordered to the bar of the convention: the act of accusation was read, and the king was summoned by the president, Barrere, to answer to each separate charge.

Pres. "Louis, the French nation accuses you of having committed a multitude of crimes to establish your tyranny, in destroying her freedom. You, on the 20th of June 1789, attempted the sovereignty of the people, by suspending the assemblies of their repre- sentatives, and expelling them with violence from the places of their sittings. This is proved in the process verbal entered at the Tennis-court of Versailles by the mem- bers of the constituent assembly. On the 23d of June you wanted to dictate laws to the nation; you surround- ed their representatives with troops; you presented to them two royal declarations, subversive of all liberty, and ordered them to separate. Your own declarations, and the minutes of the assembly, prove these attempts. What have you to answer?"

Louis. "No laws were then existing to prevent me from it."

Pres. "You ordered an army to march against the citizens of Paris. Your satellites have shed the blood of several of them, and you would not remove this army, till the taking of the Bastile and a general insurrection announced to you that the people were victorious. The speeches you made on the 9th, 12th, and 14th of July to the deputations of the constituent assembly, shew what were your intentions; and the massacres of the Tuileries rise in evidence against you.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I was master at that time to order the troops to march; but I never had an intention of shedding blood."

Pres. "After these events, and in spite of the promises which you made on the 15th in the constituent assembly, and on the 17th in the town-house of Paris, you have persisted in your projects against national liberty. You long eluded the execution of the decrees of the 11th of August, respecting the abolition of personal servitude, the feudal government, and tythes; you long refused acknowledging the rights of man; you doubled the number of the life-guards, and called the regiment of Flanders to Versailles; you permitted, in orgies held before your eyes, the national cockade to be trampled under foot, the white cockade to be hoisted, and the nation to be slandered. Atlast, you rendered necessary a fresh insurrection, occasioned the death of several citizens, and did not change your language till after your guards had been defeated, when you renewed your perfidious promises. The proofs of these facts are in your observations of the 18th of September, in the decrees of the 11th of August, in the minutes of the constituent assembly, in the events of Versailles of the 5th and 6th of October, and in the conversation, you had on the same day with a deputation of the constituent assembly, when you told them you would enlighten yourself with their councils, and never recede from them.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I have made the observations which I thought just on the two first heads. As to the cockade, it is false; it did not happen in my presence."

Pres. "You took an oath at the federation of the 14th of July, which you did not keep. You soon tried to corrupt the public opinion, with the assistance of Talon who acted in Paris, and Mirabeau who was to have excited counter-revolutionary movements in the province.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I do not know what happened at that time; but the whole is anterior to my acceptance of the constitution."

Pres. "You lavished millions of money to effect this corruption, and you would even use popularity as a means of enslaving the people. These facts are the result of a memorial of Talon, on which you have made your marginal comments in your own hand-writing, and of a letter which Laporte wrote to you on the 10th of April; in which, recapitulating a conversation he had with Rivarol, he told you, that the millions which you had been prevailed upon to throw away had been productive of nothing. For a long time you had meditated on a plan of escape. A memorial was delivered to you on the 28th of February, which pointed out the means for you to effect it; you approve of it by marginal notes.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I felt no greater pleasure than that of relieving the needy: this proves no design."

Pres. "On the 28th a great number of the nobles and military came into your apartments in the castle of the Tuileries to favour that escape; you wanted to quit Paris on the 10th of April to go to St Cloud.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "This accusation is absurd."

Pres. "But the resistance of the citizens made you sensible that their distrust was great; you endeavoured to discard it by communicating to the constituent assembly a letter, which you addressed to the agents of the nation near foreign powers, to announce to them that you had freely accepted the constitutional articles, which had been presented to you; and, notwithstanding, on the 21st you took flight with a false passport. You left behind a protest against these self-same constitutional articles; you ordered the ministers to sign none of the acts issued by the national assembly; and you forbade the minister of justice to deliver up the seals of state. The public money was lavished to insure the success of this treachery, and the public force was to protect it, under the orders of Bouillé, who shortly before had been charged with the massacre of Nancy, and to whom you wrote on this head, 'to take care of his popularity, because it would be of service to you.' These facts are proved by the memorial of the 23rd of February, with marginal comments in your own hand-writing; by your declaration of the 24th of June, wholly in your own hand-writing; by your letter of the 4th of September 1790 to Bouillé; and by a note of the latter, in which he gives you an account of the use he made of 993,000 livres, given by you, and employed partly in trepanning the troops who were to escort you.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I have no knowledge whatever of the memorial of the 23rd of February. As to what relates to my journey to Varennes, I appeal to my declaration to the commissaries of the constituent assembly at that period."

Pres. "After your detention at Varennes, the exercise of the executive power was for a moment suspended in your hands, and you again formed a conspiracy. On the 17th of July the blood of citizens was shed in the Champ de Mars. A letter, in your own hand-writing, written in 1790 to La Fayette, proves that a criminal coalition subsisted between you and La Fayette, to which Mirabeau acceded. The revision began under these cruel auspices; all kinds of corruptions were made use of. You have paid for libels, pamphlets, and newspapers, designed to corrupt the public opinion, to discredit the assignats, and to support the cause of the emigrants. The registers of Septeul show what immense sums have been made use of in these liberticide manoeuvres.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "What happened on the 17th of July has nothing at all to do with me. I know nothing of it."

Pres. "You seemed to accept the constitution on the 14th of September; your speeches announced an intention of supporting it, and you were busy in overturning it, even before it was completed. A convention was entered into at Pilitz on the 24th of July, between Leopold of Austria and Frederic-William of Brandenburg, who pledged themselves to re-erect in France the throne of absolute monarchy, and you were silent upon this convention till the moment when it was known by all Europe.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I made it known as soon as it came to my knowledge; besides, every thing that refers to this subject concerns the minister." Pres. "Arles had hoisted the standard of rebellion; you favoured it by sending three civil commissaries, who made it their business not to repress the counter-revolutionists, but to justify their proceedings.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "The instructions which were given to the commissaries must prove what was their mission; and I knew none of them when the ministers proposed them to me."

Pres. "Avignon, and the county of Venassin, had been united with France; you caused the decree to be executed; but a month after that time civil war desolated that country. The commissaries you sent thither helped to ravage it.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I do not remember what delay has been caused in the execution of the decree; besides, this occurrence has no personal reference to me; it only concerns those that have been sent, not those who sent them."

Pres. "Nimes, Montauban, Mende, Jales, felt great shocks during the first days of freedom. You did nothing to stifle those germs of counter-revolution till the moment when Saillant's conspiracy became manifestly notorious.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I gave, in this respect, all the orders which were proposed to me by the ministers."

Pres. "You sent 22 battalions against the Marseillais, who marched to reduce the counter-revolutionists of Arles.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I ought to have the pieces referring to this matter, to give a just answer."

Pres. "You gave the southern command to Wittingstein, who wrote to you on the 21st of April 1792, after he had been recalled: 'A few instants more, and I shall call around the throne of your majesty thousands of French, who are again become worthy of the wishes you form for their happiness.'—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "This letter is dated since his recall; he has not been employed since. I do not recollect this letter."

Pres. "You paid your late life-guards at Coblenz; the registers of Septeuil attest this; and general orders signed by you prove that you sent considerable remittances to Bouillé, Rochefort, Vauguyon, Choiseul, Beaufre, Hamilton, and the wife of Polignac.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "When I first learned that my life-guards assembled beyond the Rhine, I stopped their pay; as to the rest, I do not remember."

Pres. "Your brothers, enemies to the state, caused the emigrants to rally under their banners: they raised regiments, took up loans, and concluded alliances in your name: you did not disclaim them; but at the moment when you were fully certain that you could no longer cross their projects, your intelligence with them by a note, written by Louis Stanislas Xavier, signed by your two brothers, was conceived in these words:

'I wrote to you, but it was by post, and I could say nothing. We are two here, who make but one; one in sentiments, one in principles, one in zeal of serving you. We keep silence; because, were we to break it too soon, it would injure you; but we shall speak as soon as we shall be certain of general support, and that moment is near. If we are spoken to on the part of those people, we shall hear nothing; but if on your part, we shall listen: we shall pursue our road straight. It is therefore desired that you will enable us to say something. Do not stand on ceremonies. Be easy about your safety: we only exist to serve you; we are eagerly occupied with this point, and all goes on well; even our enemies feel themselves too much interested in your preservation to commit an useless crime which would terminate in their own destruction.'

L. S. Xavier and Charles Philippe.

"What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I disowned all the proceedings of my brothers, according as the constitution prescribed me to do, and from the moment they came to my knowledge. Of this note I know nothing."

Pres. "The soldiers of the line, who were to be put on the war establishment, consisted but of 100,000 men at the end of December, you therefore neglected to provide for the safety of the state from abroad. Narbonne required a levy of 50,000 men, but he stopped the recruiting at 26,000, in giving assurances that all was ready; yet there was no truth in these assurances. Servan proposed after him to form a camp of 20,000 men near Paris; it was decreed by the legislative assembly; you refused your sanction.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I had given to the ministers all the orders for expediting the augmentation of the army: in the month of December last, the returns were laid before the assembly. If they deceived themselves, it is not my fault."

Pres. "A flight of patriotism made the citizens repair to Paris from all quarters. You issued a proclamation, tending to stop their march; at the same time our camps were without soldiers. Dampourier, the successor of Servan, declared that the nation had neither arms, ammunition, nor provisions, and that the posts were left defenceless. You waited to be urged by a request made to the minister Lajard, when the legislative assembly wished to point out the means of providing for the external safety of the state, by proposing the levy of 42 battalions. You gave commission to the commanders of the troops to disband the army, to force whole regiments to desert, and to make them pass the Rhine, to put them at the disposal of your brothers, and of Leopold of Austria, with whom you had intelligence. This fact is proved by the letter of Toulongeon, governor of Franche Comté.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I know nothing of this circumstance; there is not a word of truth in this charge."

Pres. "You charged your diplomatic agent, to favour this coalition of foreign powers and your brothers against France, and especially to cement the peace between Turkey and Austria, and to procure thereby a larger number of troops against France from the latter. A letter of Choiseul-Gouffier, ambassador at Constantinople, verifies the fact.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "M. Choiseul did not speak the truth: no such thing has ever been."

Pres. "The Prussians advanced against our frontiers: your minister was summoned on the 8th of July to give an account of the state of our political relations with..." with Prussia; you answered, on the 10th, that 50,000 Prussians were marching against us, and that you gave notice to the legislative body of the formal acts of the pending hostilities, in conformity to the constitution.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "It was only at that period I had knowledge of it: all the correspondence passed with the ministers."

Pres. "You entrusted Dabancourt, the nephew of Calonne, with the department of war; and such has been the success of your conspiracy, that the posts of Longwy and Verdun were surrendered to the enemy at the moment of their appearance.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I did not know that Dabancourt was M. Calonne's nephew. I have not divested the posts. I would not have permitted myself such a thing. I know nothing of it, if it has been so."

Pres. "You have destroyed our navy—a vast number of officers belonging to that corps had emigrated; there scarcely remained any to do duty in the harbours; meanwhile Bertrand was granting passports every day; and when the legislative body represented to you his criminal conduct on the 8th of March, you answered, that you were satisfied with his services.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I have done all I could to retain the officers. As to M. Bertrand, since the legislative assembly presented no complaint against him that might have put him in a state of accusation, I did not think proper to turn him out of office.

Pres. "You have favoured the maintenance of absolute government in the colonies; your agents fomented troubles and counter-revolutions throughout them, which took place at the same epoch, when it was to have been brought about in France, which indicates plainly that your hand laid this plot.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "If there are any of my agents in the colonies, they have not spoken the truth: I had nothing to do with what you have just mentioned."

Pres. "The interior of the state was convulsed by fanatics; you avowed yourself their protector, in manifesting your evident intention of recovering by them your ancient power.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I cannot answer to this; I know nothing of such a project."

Pres. "The legislative body had passed a decree on the 29th of January against the factious priests; you suspended its execution.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "The constitution reserved to me the free right to refuse my sanction of the decrees."

Pres. "The troubles had increased; the minister declared, that he knew no means in the laws extant to arraign the guilty. The legislative body enacted a fresh decree, which you likewise suspended. What have you to say to this?"

[Louis replied in the same manner as in the preceding charge.]

Pres. "The uncitizen-like conduct of the guards whom the constitution had granted you, had rendered it necessary to disband them. The day after, you sent them a letter expressive of your satisfaction, and continued their pay. This fact is proved by the treasurer of the civil list.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I only continued them in pay till fresh ones could be raised, according to the tenor of the decree."

Pres. "You kept near your person the Swiss guards: the constitution forbade you this, and the legislative assembly had expressly ordained their departure.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I have executed all the decrees that have been enacted in this respect.

Pres. "You had private companies at Paris, charged to operate movements useful to your projects of a counter-revolution. Dangremont and Gilles were two of your agents, who had salaries from the civil list. The receipts of Gilles, who was ordered to raise a company of 60 men, shall be presented to you.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "I have no knowledge whatever of the projects laid to their charge: the idea of a counter-revolution never entered into my mind."

Pres. "You wished to suborn, with considerable sums, several members of the legislative and constituent assemblies. Letters from St Leon and others evince the reality of these deeds.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "Several persons presented themselves with similar decrees, but I have waved them."

Pres. "Who are they that presented you with those projects?"

Louis. "The plans were so vague that I do not recollect them now."

Pres. "Who are those to whom you gave money?"

Louis. "I gave money to nobody."

Pres. "You suffered the French name to be reviled in Germany, Italy, and Spain, since you omitted to demand satisfaction for the bad treatment which the French suffered in those countries.—What have you to answer?"

Louis. "The diplomatical correspondence will prove the contrary; besides, this was a concern of the ministers."

Pres. "You reviewed the Swiss on the 10th of August at five o'clock in the morning; and the Swiss were the first who fired upon the citizens."

Louis. "I went on that day to review all the troops that were assembled about me; the constituted authorities were with me, the department, the mayor, the municipality; I had even invited thither a deputation of the National Assembly, and I afterwards repaired into the midst of them with my family."

Pres. "Why did you draw troops to the castle?"

Louis. "All the constituted authorities saw that the castle was threatened; and as I was a constituted authority, I had a right to defend myself."

Pres. "Why did you summon the mayor of Paris on the night between the 9th and 10th of August to the castle?"

Louis. "On account of the reports that were circulated."

Pres. "You have caused the blood of the French to be shed."

Louis. "No, Sir, not I."

Pres. "You authorized Septeuil to carry on a considerable considerable trade in corn, sugar, and coffee, at Hamburg. This fact is proved by a letter of Septeuil."

Louis. "I know nothing of what you say."

Pres. "Why did you affix a veto on the decree which ordained the formation of a camp of 20,000 men?"

Louis. "The constitution left to me the free right of refusing my sanction of the decrees; and even from that period I had demanded the assemblage of a camp at Soissons."

President, addressing the convention. "The questions are done with." (To Louis)—"Louis, is there any thing that you wish to add?"

Louis. "I request a communication of the charges which I have heard, and of the pieces relating thereto, and the liberty of choosing counsel for my defence."

Valazé, who sat near the bar, presented and read to Louis Capet the pieces, viz. The memoir of Laporte and Mirabeau, and some other, containing plans of a counter-revolution.

Louis. "I disown them."

Valazé next presented several other papers, on which the act of accusation was founded, and asked the king if he recognized them. These papers were the following:

Valazé. "Letter of Louis Capet, dated June 29th 1790, settling his connexions with Mirabeau and La Fayette to effect a revolution in the constitution."

Louis. "I reserve to myself to answer the contents"—(Valazé read the letter.)—"It is only a plan, in which there is no question about a counter-revolution; the letter was not to have been sent."

Valazé. "Letter of Louis Capet, of the 22d of April, relative to conversations about the Jacobins, about the president of the committee of finances, and the committee of domains; it is dated by the hand of Louis Capet."

Louis. "I disown it."

Valazé. "Letter of Laporte, of Thursday morning, March 3d, marked in the margin in the handwriting of Louis Capet with March 3d 1791, implying a pretended rupture between Mirabeau and the Jacobins."

Louis. "I disown it."

Valazé. "Letter of Laporte without date, in his handwriting, but marked in the margin by the hand of Louis Capet, containing particulars respecting the last moments of Mirabeau, and expressing the care that had been taken to conceal from the knowledge of men some papers of great concern which had been deposited with Mirabeau."

Louis. "I disown it as well as the rest."

Valazé. "Plan of a constitution, or revision of the constitution, signed la Fayette, addressed to Louis Capet, April 6th 1792, marked in the margin with a line in his own handwriting."

Louis. "These things have been blotted out by the constitution."

Valazé. "Do you know this writing?"

Louis. "I do not."

Valazé. "Your marginal comments?"

Louis. "I do not."

Valazé. "Letter of Laporte of the 19th of April, marked in the margin by Louis Capet April 19. 1791, mentioning a conversation with Rivarol."

Louis. "I disown it."

Valazé. "Letter of Laporte, marked April 16. 1791, in which it seems complaints are made of Mirabeau, the abbé Perigord, André, and Beaumetz, who do not seem to acknowledge sacrifices made for their sake."

Louis. "I disown it likewise."

Valazé. "Letter of Laporte of the 23d of February 1791, marked and dated in the hand-writing of Louis Capet; a memorial annexed to it, respecting the means of gaining popularity."

Louis. "I know neither of these pieces."

Valazé. "Several pieces without signature, found in the castle of the Tuilleries, in the gap which was shut in the walls of the palace, relating to the expenses to gain that popularity."

President. "Previous to an examination on this subject, I wish to ask a preliminary question: Have you caused a press with an iron door to be constructed in the castle of the Tuilleries, and had you your papers locked up in that press?"

Louis. "I have no knowledge of it whatever."

Valazé. "Here is a day-book written by Louis Capet himself, containing the pensions he has granted out of his coffer from 1776 till 1792, in which are observed some douceurs granted to Aclogue."

Louis. "This I own, but it consists of charitable donations which I have made."

Valazé. "Different lists of sums paid to the Scotch companies of Neailles, Gramont, Montmorency, and Luxembourg, on the 9th of July 1791."

Louis. "This is prior to the epoch when I forbade them to be paid."

Pres. "Louis, where had you deposited those pieces which you own?"

Louis. "With my treasurer."

Valazé. "Do you know these pension-lists of the life-guards, the one hundred Swiss, and the king's guards for 1792?"

Louis. "I do not."

Valazé. "Several pieces relative to the conspiracy of the camp of Jales, the original of which are deposited among the records of the department of L'Ardeche."

Louis. "I have not the smallest knowledge of them."

Valazé. "Letter of Bouillé, dated Mentz, bearing an account of 993,000 livres received of Louis Capet."

Louis. "I disown it."

Valazé. "An order for payment of 168,000 livres, signed Louis, indorsed Le Bonneirs, with a letter and billet of the same."

Louis. "I disown it."

Valazé. "Two pieces relative to a present made to the wife of Polignac, and to Lavauguyon and Choiseul."

Louis. "I disown them as well as the others."

Valazé. "Here is a note signed by the two brothers of the late king, mentioned in the declaratory act."

Louis. "I know nothing of it."

Valazé. "Here are pieces relating to the affair of Choiseul Gouffier at Constantinople."

Louis. "I have no knowledge of them." Valaze. "Here is a letter of the late king to the bishop of Clermont, with the answer of the latter, of the 16th of April 1791."

Louis. "I disown it."

President. "Do you not acknowledge your writing and your signet?"

Louis. "I do not."

President. "The seal bears the arms of France."

Louis. "Several persons made use of that seal."

Valaze. "Do you acknowledge this list of sums paid to Gilles?"

Louis. "I do not."

Valaze. "Here is a memorandum for indemnifying the civil list for the military pensions; a letter of Dufreres St Leon, which relates to it."

Louis. "I know none of those pieces."

When the whole had been investigated in this manner, the president, addressing the king, said, "I have no other questions to propose—have you anything more to add in your defence?"—"I desire to have a copy of the accusation (replied the king), and of the papers on which it is founded. I also desire to have a counsel of my own nomination." Barrere informed him, that his two first requests were already decreed, and that the determination respecting the other would be made known to him in due time.

It would have been an excess of cruelty to refuse a request so reasonable in itself; it was therefore decreed that counsel should be allowed to the king, and his choice fell upon M. M. Tronchet, Lamognon, Malcherbes, and Deseze; he had previously applied to M. Target, who excused himself on account of his age and infirmity. On the 26th of December, the king appeared for the last time at the bar of the convention; and M. Deseze read a defence which the counsel had prepared, and which was equally admired for the solidity of the argument and the beauty of the composition.

When the defence was finished, the king arose, and holding a paper in his hand, pronounced in a calm manner, and with a firm voice, what follows: "Citizens, you have heard my defence; I now speak to you, perhaps for the last time, and declare that my counsel have asserted nothing to you but the truth; my conscience reproaches me with nothing. I never was afraid of having my conduct investigated; but I observed with great uneasiness, that I was accused of giving orders for shedding the blood of the people on the 10th of August. The proofs I have given through my whole life of a contrary disposition, I hoped would have saved me from such an imputation, which I now solemnly declare is entirely groundless."

The discussion was fatally closed on the 16th of January. After a sitting of near 34 hours, the punishment of death was awarded by a small majority of the convention, and several of these differed in opinion from the rest, respecting the time when it should be inflicted; some contending that it should not be put in execution till after the end of the war, while others proposed to take the sense of the people, by referring the sentence to the primary assemblies.

M. Deseze then solemnly invoked the assembly in the name of his colleagues, to consider by what a small majority the punishment of death was pronounced against the deposed monarch. "Do not afflict France (added this eloquent advocate) by a judgment that will appear terrible to her, when five voices only were presumed sufficient to carry it." He appealed to eternal justice, and sacred humanity, to induce the convention to refer their sentence to the tribunal of the people. "You have either forgotten or destroyed (said the celebrated M. Tronchet) the lenity which the law allows to criminals, of requiring at least two-thirds of the voices to constitute a definitive judgment."

The sentence was ordered to be executed in twenty-four hours.

The king and his family had been for some time kept separate from each other; but he was now allowed to see them, and to choose an ecclesiastic to attend him. The meeting, and, above all, the separation from his family, was tender in the extreme. On Monday the 21st January, at eight o'clock in the morning, the unfortunate monarch was summoned to his fate. He ascended the scaffold with a firm air and step. Raising his voice, he said, "Frenchmen, I die innocent; I pardon all my enemies; and may France!"—at this instant the inhuman Santerre ordered the drums to beat, and the executioners to perform their office. When they offered to bind his hands, he started back as if about to resist; but recollected himself in a moment, and submitted. When the instrument of death descended, the priest exclaimed, "Son of St Louis, ascend to heaven." The bleeding head was held up, and a few of the populace shouted Vive la Republique. His body was interred in a grave that was filled up with quicklime, and a guard placed around till it should be consumed.

Thus fell Louis XVI. He possessed from nature a good understanding, which, however, was blunted by the early indulgences of a court. He had a strong sense of justice, and his humanity was perhaps extreme. One defect rendered his virtues of little value, which was the possession of an irresolute and unsteady character. Unambitious, and easily advised, he was without difficulty induced to change his purposes, especially by his queen, whose connexion with the house of Austria had always tended to render his counsels unpopular. Whether he was or was not connected with the foreign invaders of his country, posterity must decide; but all men of sense and moderation must be convinced that he was murdered by a band of ruffians. Indeed a sentence so infamous, and in all respects unjust, is not to be found in the records of history. The greater part of the charges brought against him were trifling. Those which seem to be of importance relate to conduct authorized by the constitution under which he acted; and that constitution declared his person inviolable. The severest punishment that he could incur by law, was not death, but deposition; and there is no doubt, that in putting him to death the French nation broke the social compact which their representatives made with him. In a political view, this tragic event was injurious to the republican cause throughout Europe. No man out of France ventured to justify it; and in all countries it excited the most violent indignation against the rulers of the new republic.

New enemies were now hastening to join the general league against France. We do not mean here to enter into a detail of the political struggles that occurred in any other country, than that in the narrative of whose revolution we are now engaged. It will therefore only be necessary to remark in general, that the British government at this time thought itself endangered by the propagation of those speculative opinions which had overthrown... overturned the French monarchy. Almost all the men of property in the kingdom concurred with the ministry in thinking a war with France necessary for the purpose of securing the constitution at home. After the 10th of August the British minister had been recalled; but the new republic still suffered the former ambassador from France, M. Chauvelin, to remain in England.

The ostensible grounds of quarrel on the part of Great Britain were chiefly two; the decree of the 15th of November 1792, by which it was truly observed that encouragement to rebellion was held out to the subjects of every state, and that war was thereby waged against every established government. Of this decree the French executive council gave explanations, denying the fairness of the interpretation put upon it, and alleging, that the intention of the convention was only to give aid to such countries as had already acquired their freedom, and by a declaration of the general will requested aid for its preservation. But this explanation cannot be admitted. The decree expressly says, that the French nation will grant assistance to all who wish to procure liberty; and when it is considered what their notions of liberty are, it cannot be doubted but that their intention was to excite rebellion in foreign nations. The second point of dispute referred to the opening of the Scheldt. This river runs from Brabant through the Dutch territory to the sea. The Dutch had shut up the mouth of it, and prevented any maritime commerce from being carried on by the people of Brabant by means of the river. To render themselves popular in Brabant, the French had declared that they would open the navigation of the Scheldt. But Great Britain had some time before bound herself by treaty with the Dutch to assist them in obstructing this navigation, and now declared to the French, that the project of opening the Scheldt must be renounced if peace with Great Britain was to remain. The French alleged, that by the law of nations navigable rivers ought to be open to all who reside on their banks; but that the point was of no importance either to France or England, and even of very little importance to Holland; that if the people of Brabant themselves chose to give it up, they would make no objection. It has been thought remarkable, that the Dutch gave themselves no trouble about the matter. They did not ask the assistance of England; and with that coolness which is peculiar to their character, the merchants individually declared, that if the Scheldt was opened, they could manage their commerce as well at Antwerp as at Amsterdam. But in all this there is nothing strange. Among the Dutch were many republicans, who wished for the downfall of the stadtholder. These rejoiced at every thing which distressed him, or had a tendency to render his office useless in the eyes of the people. Others, who thought differently, were afraid to speak their sentiments, as Dumourier was in their neighbourhood with a victorious army. The result of the whole was, that M. Chauvelin was commanded by the British government to leave this country. The French executive council gave powers to another minister, M. Marei, to negotiate, and requested a passport for him; but he was not suffered to land. The haughty republicans having thus far humbled themselves before the British government, at last, on the 1st of February 1793, on the motion of Brissot, the national convention decreed, among other articles, that "George king of England had never ceased since the revolution of the 10th of August 1792 from giving to the French nation proofs of his attachment to the concert of crowned heads; that he had drawn into the same lake the stadtholder of the United Provinces; that, contrary to the treaty of 1783, the English ministry had granted protection to the emigrants and others who have openly appeared in arms against France; that they have committed an outrage against the French republic, by ordering the ambassador of France to quit Great Britain; that the English have stopped divers boats and vessels laden with corn for France, whilst, at the same time, contrary to the treaty of 1786, they continue the exportation of it to other foreign countries; that to thwart more efficaciously the commercial transactions of the republic with England, they have by an act of parliament prohibited the circulation of assignats. The convention therefore declare, that in consequence of these acts of hostility and aggression, the French republic is at war with the king of England and the stadtholder of the United Provinces.

The absurdity of pretending that any treaty with France made in 1783 could be violated by protecting the emigrants who fled from the fury of the convention, must be obvious to every reader. The convention was itself a rebellious usurpation of the government with which such a treaty was made. The prohibition of assignats was certainly contrary to no law, and was sanctioned by every motive of expediency, unless the convention could prove that all nations were bound by the law of nature to risk their own credit upon the credit of the French republic.

About a fortnight after this absurd declaration against Great Britain, war was likewise declared against Spain; and Spain, in the course of the summer France was at war with all Europe, excepting only Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, and Turkey.

In the mean time General Dumourier, who was proceeding agreeable to his orders, made an attack upon Holland; but in doing this he dispersed his troops in such a manner as to expose them much to any attack on the side of Germany. He commanded General Miranda to invest Maestricht, while he advanced to block up Breda and Bergen-op-Zoom. The first of these places, viz. Breda, surrendered on the 24th of February; Klundert was taken on the 26th; Gertruydenberg on the 4th of March. But here the triumphs of Dumourier ended. The sieges of Williamstad and Bergen-op-Zoom were vigorously but unsuccessfully pressed. On the 1st of March General Clairfait having passed the Roer, attacked the French posts, and compelled them to retreat with the loss of 2000 men.

The following day the archduke attacked them anew with considerable success. On the 3d the French were driven from Aix-la-Chapelle, with the loss of 4000 men killed and 1600 taken prisoners.

The siege of Maestricht was now raised, and the French retreated to Tongres, where they were also attacked, and forced to retreat to St Tren. Dumourier here joined them, but did not bring his army along with him from the attack upon Holland. After some skirmishes, a general engagement took place at Neerwinden. It was fought on the part of the French with great obstinacy; but they were at length overpowered by the number of their enemies, and perhaps also by the treachery of their commander. This defeat was fatal. The French lost 3000 men, and 6000 immediately immediately deserted and went home to France. Dumourier continued to retreat, and on the 22d he was again attacked near Louvain. He now, through the medium of Colonel Mack, came to an agreement with the Imperialists that his retreat should not be seriously interrupted. It was now fully agreed between him and the Imperialists, that while the latter took possession of Condé and Valenciennes, he should march to Paris, dissolve the convention, and place the son of the late king upon the throne.

The rapid retreat and successive defeats of General Dumourier rendered his conduct suspicious. Commissioners were sent from the executive power for the purpose of discovering his designs. They dissembled, and pretended to communicate to him a scheme of a counter-revolution. He confessed his intention of dissolving the convention and the Jacobin club by force, which he said would not exist three weeks longer, and of restoring monarchy. On the report of these commissioners the convention sent Bouronville the minister of war to supersede and arrest Dumourier, along with Camus, Biancal, La Marque, and Quintette, as commissioners. The attempt on the part of these men was at least hazardous, to say no more of it; and the result was, that on the first of April Dumourier sent them prisoners to General Clairfait's head-quarters at Tournay as hostages for the safety of the royal family. He next attempted to seduce his army from their fidelity to the convention; but he speedily found that he had much mistaken the character of his troops. Upon the report that their general was to be carried as a criminal to Paris, they were seized with sudden indignation; but when they found that an attempt was making to prevail with them to turn their arms against their country, their sentiments altered. On the 5th of April, two proclamations were issued; one by General Dumourier, and the other by the prince of Saxe Cobourg, declaring that their only purpose was to restore the constitution of 1789, 1790, and 1791. Prince Cobourg announced that the allied powers wished merely to co-operate with General Dumourier in giving to France her constitutional king and the constitution she had formed for herself, declaring, on his word of honour, that he came not to the French territory for the purpose of making conquests. On the same day Dumourier went to the advanced guard of his own camp at Maulde. He there learned that the corps of artillery had risen upon their general, and were marching to Valenciennes; and he soon found that the whole army had determined to stand by their country. Seven hundred cavalry and 800 infantry was the whole amount of those that deserted with Dumourier to the Austrians, and many of them afterwards returned.

By the defection of Dumourier, however, the whole army of the north was dissolved, and in part disbanded, in presence of a numerous, well disciplined, and victorious enemy. The Prussians were at the same time advancing on the Rhine with an immense force, and about to commence the siege of Mentz. In the interior of the republic more serious evils if possible were arising. In the departments of La Vendée and La Loire, or the provinces of Brittany and Poitou, immense multitudes of emigrants and other royalists had gradually assembled in the course of the winter. They professed to act in the name of Monsieur, as regent of France.

About the middle of March they advanced against Nantz to the amount of 40,000. In the beginning of April they defeated the republicans in two pitched battles, and possessed themselves of 50 leagues of country. They even threatened by their own efforts to shake the new republic to its foundation. On the 8th Congress of April a congress of the combined powers assembled at Antwerp. It was attended by the prince of Orange and his two sons, with his excellency Vander Spiegel, on the part of Holland; by the duke of York and Lord Auckland on the part of Great Britain; by the prince of Saxe Cobourg, Counts Metternich, Starenberg, and Mercy Dargentean, with the Prussian, Spanish, and Neapolitan envoys. It was here determined to commence active operations against France. The prince of Cobourg's proclamation was recalled, and a scheme of conquest announced.

Commissioners from the convention now set up the standard of the republic anew, and the scattered battalions flocked around it. General Dampierre was appointed commander, and on the 13th he was able to resist a general attack upon his advanced posts. On the 14th, his advanced guard yielded to superior numbers, but on the 15th was victorious in a long and well-fought battle. On the 23d, the Austrians were again repulsed, and on the 1st of May General Dampierre was himself repulsed in an attack upon the enemy. On the 8th, another engagement took place, in which the French general was killed by a cannon ball. On the 23d, a very determined attack was made by the allies upon the French fortified camp of Famars, which covered the town of Valenciennes. The French were overcome, and in the night abandoned their camp. In consequence of this the allies were enabled to commence the siege of Valenciennes; for Condé had been blockaded from the first of April.

About the same time General Custine on the Rhine made a violent but unsuccessful attack upon the Prussians, in consequence of which they were soon enabled to lay siege to Mentz. The Corsican general Paoli revolted at this period; and the new republic, assaulted from without by the whole strength of Europe, was undermined by treachery and faction within.

While the country was in a state verging upon utter ruin, parties in the convention were gradually waxing in their animosity; and regardless of what France was passing at a distance, they seemed only anxious for the extermination of each other. In the month of May the celebrated Revolutionary Tribunal was established for the purpose of trying crimes committed against the state; and the Girondist party, the mildness of whose administration had contributed not a little to increase the evils of their country, began to see the necessity of adopting measures of severity. But the public calamities, which now rapidly followed each other in succession, were ascribed by their countrymen to their imbecility or perfidy. This gave to the party of the Mountain a fatal advantage. On the 15th of April the communes of the 48 sections of Paris presented a petition, requiring that the chiefs of the Girondists therein named should be impeached and expelled from the convention. This was followed up on the 1st of May by another petition from the suburb of St Antoine. The Girondist party in the mean time impeached Marat, but he was acquitted by the jury at his trial. Mountain, by the assistance of the Jacobin club, had now acquired a complete ascendancy over the city of Paris. The Girondists or Brissotines proposed therefore to remove the convention from the capital; and to prevent this, the Mountain resolved to make the same use of the people of the capital against the Girondist party that they had formerly done against the monarch on the 10th of August. It is unnecessary to state in detail all the tumults that occurred either in Paris or in the convention during the remaining part of the month of May. On the 31st, at four o'clock in the morning, the tocsin was sounded, the generale was beat, and the alarm guns fired. All was commotion and terror. The citizens flew to arms, and assembled round the convention. Some deputations demanded a decree of accusation against 35 of its members. The day, however, was spent without decision. On the afternoon of the 1st of June an armed force made the same demand. On the 2d of June this was repeated, the tocsin again sounded, and an hundred pieces of cannon surrounded the national hall. At last Barrere mounted the tribune. He was considered as a moderate man, and respected by both parties; but now he artfully deserted the Girondists. He invited the denounced members voluntarily to resign their character of representatives. Some of them complied, and the president attempted to dissolve the sitting; but the members were now imprisoned in their own hall. Henriot, commander of the armed force, compelled them to remain; and the obnoxious deputies, amounting to upwards of 90 in number, were put under arrest, and a decree of denunciation against them signed.

It is obvious, that on this occasion the liberties of France were trodden under foot. The minority of the national representatives, by the assistance of an armed force raised in the capital, compelled the majority to submit to their measures, and took the leading members prisoners. Thus the city of Paris assumed to itself the whole powers of the French republic; and the nation was no longer governed by representatives freely chosen, but by a minority of their members, whose sentiments the city of Paris and the Jacobin club had thought fit to approve of. Human history is a mass of contradictions. The Mountain party came into power by preaching liberty, and by violating its fundamental principles. How far the plea of political necessity may excuse their conduct, we shall not venture to decide explicitly. Certain it is, however, that they soon commenced, both at home and abroad, a career of the most terrible energy that is to be found in the annals of nations.

The first result of their victory in the capital was calamitous to the republic at large. Brissot and some other deputies escaped, and endeavoured to kindle the flames of civil war. In general, however, the influence of civil war, in general, however, the influence of the Jacobin club, and of its various branches, was such, that the north of France adhered to the convention as it stood; but the southern departments were speedily in a state of rebellion. The department of Lyons declared the Mountain party outlawed. Marseilles and Toulon followed the example of Lyons, and entered into a confederacy, which has since been known by the appellation of Federalism. The departments of La Gironde and Calvados broke out into open revolt. In short, the whole of France was in a state of violent convulsion. Still, however, the enthusiastic garrisons of Mentz and Valenciennes protected it against the immediate entrance of a foreign force, and allowed leisure for one of its internal factions to gain an ascendancy, and thereafter to protect its independence. In the mean time, the political enthusiasm of all orders of persons was such, that even the female sex did not escape its contagion. A young woman of the name of Charlotte Cordé, in the beginning of July, came from the department of Calvados to devote her life for what she thought the cause of freedom and of her country. She requested an interview with Marat, the most obnoxious of the Mountain party. Having obtained it, and conversed with him calmly for some time, she suddenly plunged a dagger in his breast, and walked carelessly out of the house. She was immediately seized and condemned. At the place of execution she behaved with infinite constancy, shouting Vive la Republique. The remains of Marat were interred with great splendour, and the convention attended his funeral. His party perhaps derived advantage from the manner of his death, as it seemed to fasten the odious charge of assassination upon their antagonists, and gave them the appearance of suffering in the cause of liberty. The truth is, that assassination was sanctioned by both parties under pretence of defending the liberties of the republic.

One of the first acts of the Mountain junto after their triumph was to finish the republican constitution. Previous to their fall, the Girondists had brought forward the plan of a constitution, chiefly the work of Condorcet; but it was never sanctioned by the convention, and was too intricate to be practically useful. The new constitution now framed, which was afterwards sanctioned by the nation, but was never put in practice, abolished the former mode of electing the representatives of the people through the medium of electoral assemblies, and appointed them to be chosen immediately by the primary assemblies, which were to consist of 200 to 600 citizens, each man voting by ballot or open vote at his option. There was one deputy for every 40,000 individuals, and population was the sole basis of representation. The elections were to take place every year on the 1st of May. Electoral assemblies were, however, retained for one purpose. Every 200 citizens in the primary assemblies named one elector; and an assembly of all the electors of the department was afterwards held, which elected candidates for the executive council, or ministry of the republic. The legislative body chose out of all this list of candidates the members of the executive council. One half of this council was renewed by each legislature in the last month of the session. Every law, after being passed by the legislative body, was sent to the department. If in more than half of the departments the tenth of the primary assemblies of each did not object to it, it became effectual. Trial by jury was established. National conventions might be called for altering the constitution, and were to be called, if required by the tenth of the primary assemblies of each department in a majority of the departments.

The publication of this constitution procured no small degree of applause to the convention and the Mountain party. The rapidity with which it was formed (being only a fortnight) seemed to cast a just reproach upon the slowness of their antagonists, and it was regarded as a proof of their being decidedly se- Prince Cobourg and General Clairfait in the meantime unsuccessfully attempted to besiege Cambrai and Bouchain. Quesnoy was, however, taken by General Clairfait on the 11th of September; and here finally terminated for the present campaign the success of the allies in the Netherlands.

A considerable part of the French army of the north took a strong position near Maubeuge, where they were blockaded by Prince Cobourg; but upon the 15th and 16th of October he was repeatedly attacked by the French troops under General Jourdan, who succeeded Houchard. The French had now recovered their vigour. They brought into the field a formidable train of artillery, in which were many 24-pounders. Commissioners from the convention harangued the soldiers, threatened the fearful, and applauded the brave. Crowds of women, without confusion, went through the ranks, distributing spirituous liquors in abundance, and carrying off the wounded. The attacks were repeated and terrible on both sides; but the Austrians had considerably the disadvantage, and Prince Cobourg retired during the night. The French now menaced maritime Flanders. They took Furnes and besieged Nieuport. A detachment of British troops ready to sail to the West Indies were hastily sent to Ostend, and prevented for the present the farther progress of the French.

Such was the multiplicity of the events that now occurred in France, that it is difficult to state the outlines of them with any tolerable perspicuity. We have already mentioned the extensive dissensions that occurred throughout the republic in consequence of the triumph of the Mountain party on the 31st of May. The department of Calvados was first in arms against the convention, under the command of General Felix Wimpffen; but before the end of July the insurrection was quieted, after a few slight skirmishes. But the federalism of the cities of Marseilles, Lyons, and Toulon, still sieged by remained. Lyons was attacked on the 8th of August by the conventional troops. Several actions followed, which were attended with great loss both on the part of the assailants and of the besieged. The city was reduced almost to ruins; but it held out during the whole month of September. The besieging general Kellerman was removed from his command, on account of his supposed inactivity; and the city surrendered on the 8th of October to General Doppet, a man who had lately been a physician. Such was the rage of party unrelent-zeal at this time, that the walls and public buildings of Lyons were ordered to be destroyed, and its name changed to that of Ville Affranchie. Many hundreds of its citizens were dragged to the scaffold on account of their alleged treasonable resistance to the convention. The victorious party, wearied by the slow operation of the guillotine, at last destroyed their prisoners in multitudes, by firing grape-shot upon them. Such indeed was the unrelenting character of the Mountain at this time, not only here but through the whole republic, that they themselves pretended not to excuse it, but declared that terror was with them the order of the day.

In the end of July General Cartaux was sent against Marseilles. In the beginning of August he gained some successes over the advanced federalist troops. On the 24th he took the town of Aix, and the Marseillois submitted. submitted. But the leading people of the important town and harbour of Toulon entered into a negotiation, and submitted to the British admiral Lord Hood, under condition that he should preserve as a deposit the town and shipping for Louis XVII., and under the stipulation that he should assist in restoring the constitution of 1789. The siege of Toulon was commenced by General Cartaux in the beginning of September. It continued without much vigour during that and the whole of the succeeding month. Neapolitan, Spanish, and English troops, were brought by sea to assist in its defence. In the beginning of November, General Cartaux was removed to the command of the army in Italy, and General Dugommier succeeded him. General O'Hara arrived with reinforcements from Gibraltar, and took upon him the command of the town, under a commission from his Britannic majesty. On the 30th of November, the garrison made a powerful sally to destroy some batteries that were erecting upon heights which commanded the city. The French were surprised, and the allies succeeded completely in their object; but, elated by the facility of their conquest, the allied troops rushed forward in pursuit of the flying enemy, contrary to their orders, and were unexpectedly met by a strong French force that was drawn out to protect the fugitives. General O'Hara now came from the city to endeavour to bring off his troops with regularity. He was wounded in the arm and taken prisoner. The total loss of the allies in this affair was estimated at nearly one thousand men. The French had now mustered in full force around Toulon, and prepared for the attack. It was begun on the 16th of December in the morning, and was chiefly directed against Fort Mulgrave, defended by the British. This fort was protected by an entrenched camp, 13 pieces of cannon, 36 and 24 pounders, &c., 5 mortars, and 3000 troops. Such was the ardour of assault, that it was carried in an hour, and the whole garrison was destroyed or taken. The allies now found it impossible to defend the place; and in the course of the day embarked their troops, after having set on fire the arsenal and ships. A scene of confusion here ensued, such as has not been known in the history of modern wars. Crowds of people of every rank, age, and sex, hurried on board the ships, to avoid the vengeance of their enraged countrymen. Some of the inhabitants began to fire upon their late allies; others in despair were seen plunging into the sea, making a vain effort to reach the ships; or putting an end at once to their own existence upon the shore. Thirty-one ships of the line were found by the British at Toulon; thirteen were left behind; ten were burnt; four had been previously sent to the French ports of Brest and Rochefort, with 5000 republicans who could not be trusted; and Great Britain finally obtained by this expedition only three ships of the line and five frigates.

On the side of Spain the war produced nothing of importance; and in the mountainous country of Piedmont it went on slowly. Nice and Chambery were still retained by the French; but more terrible scenes were acting in other quarters. In La Vendée a most bloody war was persisted in by the royalists. In that quarter of the country the language of the rest of France is little understood. The people were superstitious, and had acquired little idea of the new opinions that had lately been propagated in the rest of the empire. They were chiefly headed by priests, and regarded their cause as a religious one. Their mode of warfare usually was, to go on in their ordinary occupations as peaceable citizens, and suddenly to assemble in immense bands, in so much that at one time they were said to amount to 150,000 men. They besieged Nantz and the city of Orleans, and even Paris itself was not thought altogether safe from their enterprises. The war was inconceivably bloody. Neither party gave quarter; and La Vendee proved a dreadful drain to the population of France. On the 28th of June, the conventional general Biron drove the royalists from Lucon; and Nantz was relieved by General Beysser. After some success, General Westerman was surprised by them, and compelled to retreat to Parthenay. In the beginning of August the royalists were defeated by General Rossignol; but on the 10th of that month, under Charrette their commander in chief, they again attacked Nantz, but suffered a repulse. It would be tedious to give a minute detail of this obscure but cruel war. The royalists were often defeated and seemingly dispersed, but as often arose in crowds around the astonished republicans. At last, however, about the middle of October, they were completely defeated, driven from La Vendee, and forced to divide into separate bodies. One of these threw itself into the island of Noirmoutier, where they were subdued; another took the road of Maine and Brittany, where they struggled for some time against their enemies, and were at last cut to pieces or dispersed.

The royalists had long expected assistance from England; and an armament under the earl of Moira was actually fitted out for that service, but it did not arrive till too late, and returned home without attempting a landing. The Mountain party always disgraced their successes by dreadful cruelties. Humanity is shocked, and greedy history would almost cease to obtain credit, were we to state in detail the unrelenting cruelties which were exercised against the unfortunate royalists, chiefly by Carrier, a deputy from the convention, sent into this quarter with unlimited powers. Multitudes of prisoners were crowded on board vessels in the Loire, after which the vessels were sunk. No age or sex was spared; and these executions were performed with every circumstance of wanton barbarity and insult.

On the side of the Rhine a great variety of events occurred during the months of August and September. Several engagements at first took place, in which the French were, upon the whole, successful. In September, however, Landau was invested by the combined powers; and it was resolved to make every possible effort to drive the French from the strong lines of Weissembourg, on the river Lauter. On the 13th of October, the Austrian general Wurmser made a grand attack upon these lines. The French say that their generals betrayed them, and suffered the lines to be taken almost without resistance. The general of the allies confessed that the lines might have held out for several days. The French retreated to Hagenau, from which they were driven on the 18th; and suffered two other defeats on the 25th and 27th. Some of the principal citizens of Strasbourg now sent a private deputation to General Wurmser, offering to surrender the town, to be preserved as a deposit to be restored to Louis. Louis XVII. General Wurmser refused to accept of it upon these terms, insisting upon an absolute surrender to his Imperial Majesty. In consequence of the delay occasioned by disagreement, the negotiation was discovered, and the citizens of Strasbourg engaged in the plot were seized by St Just and Lebas, commissioners from the convention, and brought to the scaffold. Prodigious efforts were now made by the French to recover their ground in this quarter. General Irembert was shot at the head of the army on the 9th of November, upon a charge, probably ill-founded, of treachery in the affair of the lines of Weissenbourg. On the 14th, however, Fort Louis was taken by the allies, not without suspicion of treachery in the governor. But here the success of General Wurmser might be said to terminate. On the 21st the republican army drove back the Austrians, and penetrated almost to Hagenau. An army from the Moselle now advanced to co-operate with the army of the Rhine. On the 17th the Prussians were defeated near Sarbruck. Next day their camp at Bliescastel was stormed, and the French advanced to Deux Ponts. On the 29th and 30th the French were repulsed with great loss in two violent attacks made on the duke of Brunswick near Lautern. But it now appeared that the French had come into the field with a determination to conquer whatever it might cost. Every day was a day of battle, and torrents of blood were shed on both sides. The allies had the advantage of possessing the ground, which, in that quarter, at such a late season of the year, is very strong on account of its inequalities and morasses. In military skill, the French officers and those of the allies were perhaps nearly equal; but the French army was by far the most numerous; and although not a match in point of discipline, yet it derived no small superiority from the enthusiasm with which the troops were animated. On the 8th of December, under the command of General Pichegru, the French carried the redoubts which covered Hagenau by means of the bayonet.

This modern instrument of destruction, against which no defensive weapon is employed, is always most successful in the hands of the most intrepid; and it was now a dreadful engine in the hands of French enthusiasm.—The finest troops that ever Europe produced were unable to withstand the fury of the republicans, which seemed only to increase in proportion to the multitude of companions that they lost. On the 22d the allies were driven with immense slaughter from Hagenau, notwithstanding the immense works they had thrown up for their defence. The entrenchments on the heights of Reishoffen, Jandershoffen, &c. were considered as more impregnable than those of Jemappe. They were stormed by the army of the Moselle and the Rhine, under Generals Hoche and Pichegru. On the 23d and 24th, the allies were pursued to the heights of Wrotte. On the 26th, the entrenchments there were forced by the bayonet, after a desperate conflict. On the 27th, the republican army arrived at Weissenbourg in triumph. General Wurmser retreated across the Rhine, and the duke of Brunswick hastily fell back to cover Mentz. The blockade of Landau, which had lasted four months, was raised. Fort Louis was evacuated by the allies, and Kaiserslatern, Germersheim, and Spires, submitted to the French.—During this last month of the year 1793, the loss of men on both sides in this quarter was immense, and unexampled in the history of modern war. It is even said that it might amount to more than 70,000 or 80,000 men.

Thus far we have attended to the military affairs of the republic for some time past. Very violent efforts were in the mean time made at Paris by the new administration, established under the auspices of the Jacobin party club, and of the party called the Mountain. The new republican constitution had been presented to the people in the primary assemblies, and accepted. The business, therefore, for which the convention was called together, that of forming a constitution for France, was at an end; and it was proposed that they should dissolve themselves, and order a new legislative body to assemble, according to the rules prescribed by that constitution. This, was, no doubt, the regular mode of procedure; but the ruling party considered it as hazardous to convene a new assembly, possessing only limited powers, in the present distracted state of the country. It was indeed obvious, that France at this time stood in need of a dictatorship, or of a government possessed of more absolute authority than can be enjoyed by one that acts, or even pretends to act, upon the moderate principles of freedom. It was therefore determined that the convention should remain undissolved till the end of the war; and that a revolutionary government, to be conducted by its members, should be established, with uncontrolled powers. Committees of its own body were selected for the purpose of conducting every department of business. The chief of these committees was called the committee of public safety. It superintended all the rest, and gave to the administration of France all the secrecy and dispatch which have been accounted peculiar to a military government, together with a combination of skill and energy hitherto unknown among mankind. A correspondence was kept up with the all Jacobin clubs throughout the kingdom. Commissioners from the convention were sent into all quarters, with unlimited authority over every order of persons. Thus a government possessed of infinite vigilance, and more absolute and tyrannical than that of any single despot, was established; and the whole transactions and resources of the state were known to the rulers. On the 23d of August, Barrere, in name of the committee of public safety, procured the celebrated decree to be passed for placing the whole French nation in a state of requisition for the public service. "From this moment (says the decree) till that when all enemies shall have been driven from the territory of the republic, all Frenchmen shall be in permanent readiness for the service of the army. The young men shall march to the combat; the married men shall forge arms, and transport the provisions; the women shall make tents and clothes, and attend in the hospitals; the children shall make lint of old linen; the old men shall cause themselves to be carried to the public squares, to excite the courage of the warriors, to preach hatred against the enemies of the republic; the cellars shall be washed to procure saltpetre; the saddle-horses shall be given up to complete the cavalry; the unmarried citizens, from the age of 18 to 25, shall march first, and none shall send a substitute; every battalion shall have a banner, with this inscription, The French nation risen against tyrants." The decree also regulates the mode of organizing this mass. A decree more ty- rannical than this was never made by an eastern despot; and when it was first published, foreigners were at a loss whether to regard it as a sublime effort of a powerful government, or as a wild project which could produce nothing but confusion. The effects of it, however, have been truly terrible. We have already mentioned some of them in the bloody contest which occurred upon the Rhine, and Europe was soon destined to bear witness to still more extraordinary events.

In the end of July, General Custine was brought to trial, and executed, in consequence of a variety of accusations of infidelity to his trust and disrespect to the convention. The queen was next brought to trial before the revolutionary tribunal, on the 15th of October. The charges against her were very various; but the chief tendency of them was to prove that she had always been hostile to the revolution, and had excited all the efforts that had been made by the court against it. On the 16th of October, this beautiful woman, whom fortune once placed so high, ended her days on a scaffold, after a mock trial, in which no regard was paid either to justice or decency. She behaved with much dignity and composure, and appeared deeply impressed with a sense of religion. The members of the convention who had been at the head of the Girondist party, and had either been detained in prison since the 31st of May, or seized in the departments to which they had retired, were afterwards brought to trial. On the 30th of October, 21 of them were executed, viz. Brissot, Vergniaud, Gensonné, Duprat, Lehardi, Duces, Fonfrede, Boileau, Gardien, Duchatel, Sillery, Fauchet, Dufresne, Duperret, La Source, Carra, Beauvais, Mainville, Antiboul, Vigée, and Lacaze. Seventy-one were still detained in confinement. The duke of Orleans was afterwards condemned, on a charge of having aspired to the sovereignty from the beginning of the revolution. His execution gave satisfaction to all parties. His vote for the punishment of death upon the trial of the late king had done him little honour even in the opinion of the Mountain, and had rendered him odious to all the rest of mankind.

The execution of persons of all ranks, particularly of priests and nobles, became now so common, that it would be in vain to attempt to give any detail of them. Every person brought before the revolutionary tribunal was condemned as a matter of course. The Jacobins seemed insatiable in their thirst after blood, and the people at large appeared to regard their conduct with unaccountable indifference.

When the human mind is once roused, its activity extends to every object. At this time a new table of weights and measures was established by the convention, in which the decimal arithmetic alone is employed. The court of Spain had the liberality, notwithstanding the war, to suffer M. Mechain to proceed in his operations for measuring a degree of the meridian in that country. He carried on his series of triangles from Barcelona to Perpignan; and from this place the mensuration was continued to Paris. M. de Lambre, and his pupil M. la Françoise, also measured a degree of latitude in the vicinity of the metropolis. In all, 12 degrees of the meridian were measured; of which the mean is 57027 toises, and by this the universal standard of measure is calculated. M. M. de Borda and Cassini determined the length of a pendulum that swings se-

condly, in vacuo, and in a mean temperature at Paris, to be 3 feet and 8.06 lines. M. M. Lavoisier and Haury found that a cubic foot of distilled water at the freezing point weighs in vacuo 70 pounds and 60 gros French weight. We shall insert a table of the measures and weights now established.

**Long Measure.**

| Metres | French Toises | |--------|--------------| | 10,000,000 | a quadrant of the meridian, which is the principle on which the new measure is founded | | 100,000 | an hundredth part of a quadrant, or decimal degree of the meridian | | 1000 | milliare, or mile | | 100 | a stadium, or Agrarian | | 10 | a perch |

**Feet, Inch, Lines.**

| Unit | Value | |------|-------| | metre, or rectilineal unit | 3 0 11.44 | | decimetre, or palm | 3 8.544 | | centimetre, or digit | 0 4.434 | | millimetre | 0 0.443 |

**Superficial Measure.**

| Sq. Metres | Sq. Feet | |------------|----------| | 10,000 | an are, or superficial unit, being a square the side of which is 100 metres in length | | 1000 | a deciare, or tenth of an are; a superficies an hundred metres long, and ten broad | | 100 | a centiare |

**Measures of Capacity.**

| Cub. decimetres | Paris Pints | Paris Bush. | |-----------------|-------------|-------------| | 1000 | the cubic metre, or cade | | 190 | dedicade, or setier | | 10 | centicade, or bushel | | 1 | cubic decimetre, or |

**Weights.**

| Cub. decimetres | French Pounds | |-----------------|---------------| | 1000 | the weight of a cubic metre, or cade of water, is called a bar or millier | | 100 | 1/10 of a bar, or decibar, or quintal | | 10 | 1/100 of a bar, or centibar, or decal |

| Weight | Value | |--------|-------| | grave, or pound | 2 8 5 49 | | decigrave, or ounce | 0 3 2 12.1 | | centigrave, or dram | 0 0 2 44.41 | | gravet, or maille | 0 0 0 18.841 | | decigravet, or grain | 0 0 0 1.8841 | | centigravet | 0 0 0 0.18841 | A piece of silver coin weighing a centigrave, and a franc of silver, according to the former standard, will be worth 40 sols 10½ deniers. The milliare, or thousand meters, is substituted for the mile; and the are for the arpent in land-measure. The latter two are to each other as 49 to 25. The astronomical circles with which M. M. de Borda and Cassini made the observations, are divided according to this plan. The quadrant contains 100 degrees, and each degree 100 minutes. Hence the minute of a great circle on our globe is equal to a milliare, or new French mile. If, for the reduction of this measure, we estimate the Paris toise, according to the comparison made with the standard kept in the Royal Society of London, at 6,3925 English feet, the milliare or minute will be equal to 1093,633 yards, and the metre 3,270899 feet.

At the same period a new calendar was formed.—By it the year is made to begin with the autumnal equinox, and is divided into 12 months. These are called Vendémiaire, Brumaire, Frimaire, Nivose, Ven- tose, Pluviose, Germinal, Floreal, Prairial, Messidor, Thermidor, and Fructidor. The months consist of 30 days each, and are divided into three decades. The days of each decade are known by the names of Primidi, Duodi, Tridi, &c. to Decadi; and the day of rest is appointed for every tenth day, instead of the seventh. The day (which begins at midnight) is distributed into ten parts, and these are decimally divided and subdivided. Five supernumerary days are added every year after the 36th of Fructidor. To these is given the absurd appellation of Sans Culotides, a word borrowed from a term of reproach (sans culotte), which had often been bestowed on the republican party from the meanness of their rank and fortune; but which that party now attempted to render honourable and popular. The childish folly of this innovation has struck every person with surprise, as it can serve no good purpose whatever. It is a wonderful instance of the waywardness of the human mind, which can occupy itself one moment with deeds of savage barbarity, and the next with a matter so unimportant as the artificial division of time.

The religion of France had been gradually losing its influence; and on the 7th of November, Gobet, bishop of Paris, along with a great multitude of other ecclesiastics, came into the hall of the convention, and solemnly resigned their functions and renounced the Christian religion. All the clergymen, whether Protestant or Catholic, that were members of the convention, followed this example, excepting only Grégoire, whom we formerly mentioned as having been one of the first priests that joined the Tiers État after the meeting of the States General. He had the courage to profess himself a Christian, although he said that the emoluments of his bishopric were at the service of the republic. With the acclamations of the convention, it was decreed that the only French deities hereafter should be Liberty, Equality, Reason, &c., and they would seem to have consecrated these as a kind of new objects of worship.—What political purpose the leaders in the convention intended to serve by this proceeding does not clearly appear; unless, perhaps, their object was to render the French manners and modes of thinking so completely new, that it should never be in their power to return to the state from which they had just emerged, or to unite in intercourse with the other nations of Europe. The populace, however, could not at once relinquish entirely the religion of their fathers. The commune of Paris ordered the churches to be shut up, but the convention found it necessary to annul this order; and Robespierre gained no small degree of popularity by supporting the liberty of religious worship on this occasion. Hebert and Fabre d'Eglantine, who led the opposite party, hastened their own fall by this ill-judged contempt of popular opinion.

For, now that the republic saw itself successful in all quarters, when the Mountain party and the Jacobins between had no rival at home, and accounted themselves in no immediate danger from abroad, they began to split into factions, and the fiercest jealousies arose. The Jacobin club was the usual place in which their contests were carried on; and at this time Robespierre acted the part of a mediator between all parties. He attempted with great art to turn their attention from private animosities to public affairs. He spread a report that an invasion of Great Britain was speedily to take place. He therefore proposed that the Jacobin club should set themselves to work to discover the vulnerable parts of the British constitution and government. They did so: They made speeches, and wrote essays without number. And in this way was the most fierce and turbulent band of men that ever perhaps existed in any country occupied and amused for a very considerable time. What is no less singular, a great number of British subjects favoured the plans of these reforming Atheists, and, under the specious appellation of the Friends of the People, acted in concert with the French Jacobins.

The winter passed away in tolerable quietness, and no military enterprise was undertaken either by the allies or by the French. On the 1st of February, Barrère asserted in the convention that the confederate republicans were willing provisionally to acknowledge the lie by the French republic, to consent to a cessation of hostilities allies rejected for two years, at the end of which a lasting peace should be ratified by the French people. But this proposal of the convention declared itself determined to reject, as affording to the other nations of Europe the means of undermining their new government. In the mean time, vigorous revolutionary government was gradually becoming state of the more vigorous. Thirty committees of the convention managed the whole business of the state, without sharing much of the direct executive government, which rested in the committee of public safety. These different committees were engaged in the utmost variety of objects. The ruling party had no competitors for power. Without confusion or opposition, therefore, the most extensive plans were rapidly carried into effect. The convention was little more than a court in which every project was solemnly registered. In the same session 30 decrees would sometimes be passed upon objects the most widely different. The finances were under one committee, at the head of which was Cambon.—Manager. This committee found resources for the most lavish expenditure. The assignats were received as money throughout the state; and thus a paper mill was said to have become more valuable than a mine of gold. Their sources of credit was supported by an arbitrary law regulating the nation's maximum or highest price of provisions, and by the immense mass of wealth which had come into the hands of the convention by seizing the church lands, and by confiscating... confiscating the property of royalists, emigrants, and persons condemned by the revolutionary tribunal. So unequally had property been divided under the ancient government, that by means of these confiscations about seven-tenths of the national territory was supposed to be in the hands of the public. To this was added the plunder of the churches, consisting of gold and silver saints, and utensils employed in divine worship, along with other articles of less value; among which may be mentioned the innumerable church bells, which were regarded as sufficient for the manufacture of 15,000 pieces of cannon. These resources formed a mass of property such as never was possessed by any government.

Other committees were engaged in very different objects. Highways were constructed, and canals planned and cut throughout the country. Immense manufactories of arms were everywhere established. At Paris alone 1100 muskets were daily fabricated, and 100 pieces of cannon cast every month. Public schools were assiduously instituted, and the French language taught in its purity from the Pyrenees to the Rhine. The French convention possessed immense resources, and they did not hesitate to lavish them upon their schemes. Every science and every art was called upon for aid, and the most accomplished men in every profession were employed in giving splendour to their country. The chemists, in particular, gave essential aid by the facility with which they supplied materials for the manufacture of gun-powder; and in return for their services, Lavoisier, the greatest of them, suffered death by a most iniquitous sentence. Not fewer than 200 new dramatic performances were produced in less than two years; the object of which was to attach the people to the present order of things. The vigour with which the committees of subsistence exerted themselves is particularly to be remarked. As all Europe was at war with France, and as England, Holland, and Spain, the three maritime powers, were engaged in the contest, it had been thought not impossible to reduce France to great distress by famine, especially as it was imagined that the country had not resources to supply its immense population. But the present leaders of that country acted with the policy of a besieged garrison. They seized upon the whole provisions of the country, and carried them to public granaries. They registered the cattle, and made their owners responsible for them. They provided the armies abundantly, and, as the people were accurately numbered, they dealt out in every district, on stated occasions, what was absolutely necessary for subsistence, and no more. To all this the people submitted; and, indeed, throughout the whole of the mixed scenes of this revolution, the calm judgment of the historian is not a little perplexed. We cannot avoid admiring the patience with which the people at large endured every hardship that was represented as necessary to the common cause, and the enthusiastic energy with which they lavished their blood in defence of the independence of their country. At the same time we must regard with indignation and disgust the worthless intrigues by means of which the sanguinary factions in the convention and the capital alternately massacred each other.

During the winter the dissensions of the Jacobins still increased. They were divided into two clubs, of which the new one assembled at a hall which once belonged to the Cordeliers. The leaders of it were Hebert, Ronsin, Vincent, and others; but the old society retained its ascendancy, and Robespierre was now decidedly its leader. This extraordinary man had gradually accumulated in his own person the confidence of the people and the direction of the government. As the committees were above the convention, which was become little more than a silent court of record, so the committee of public safety was above the other committees. Robespierre was the leader of this ruling committee. Barrere, St Just, Couthon, and others of its members, only acted a secondary part. They laboured in the business of the state, but the radical power was with Robespierre. He surrounded the members of the convention with spies. He was jealous and implacable, and set no bounds to the shedding of blood. On the 25th of March he brought to trial the following active Jacobins, who were condemned and executed on the following day: Hebert, Ronsin, Momora, Vincent, Du Croquet, Koch, Col. Laumur, M. M. Bourgeois, Mazuel, La Boureau, Ancard, Le Clerc, Proly, Desieux, Anacharis Cloots, Pereira, Florent, Armand, Descombes, and Dubuisson. Not satisfied with this, on the 2d of April he brought to trial nine of those who had once been his most vigorous associates, Danton, Fabre d'Eglantine, Bazire, Chabot, Philippeaux, Camille Desmoulins, Lacroix, Delamay d'Angers, Hérault de Séchelles, who, along with Westerman, were executed on the evening of the 5th.

Still, however, the preparations for the ensuing campaign were proceeding with unabated vigour. The committee for military affairs, at the head of which were Carnot, La Fitte, d'Anissi, and others, was busy in arranging along the frontiers the immense force which the requisition had called forth. Plans of attack and defence were made out by this committee; and when approved by the committee of public safety they were sent to the generals to be executed. On the other side, the allies were making powerful preparations for another attempt to subjugate France. The emperor himself took the field at the head of the armies in the Netherlands. The plan of the campaign is said to have been formed by the Austrian colonel Mack. West Flanders was to be protected by a strong body of men; the main army was to penetrate to Landrecies, and getting within the line of French frontier towns, it was to cut them off from the interior by covering the country from Maubeuge to the sea. The plan was bold. It belongs to military men to judge whether this was not its only merit. When attempting to put it into execution, the allies must have been ill informed of the immense force which the French were collecting against them. Even the town of Lisle alone, which was capable of containing a numerous army within its walls, and which was to be left in their rear, should have seemed an insurmountable objection to the plan.

On the 16th of April the Austrian, British, and Dutch armies assembled on the heights above Cateau, and were reviewed by the emperor. On the following day they advanced in eight columns against the French, drove in their whole posts, and penetrated beyond Landrecies; which place the French attempted to relieve, but without success. The allied army now amounted to 187,000 men, who were disposed in the following manner; 15,000 Dutch and 15,000 Austrians, under the prince of Orange and General Latour, formed the siege siegé of Landrecies; 15,000 British, and 15,000 Austrians, commanded by the duke of York and General Otto, encamped towards Cambray. The emperor and the prince of Saxe-Cobourg, at the head of 60,000 Austrians, were advanced as far as Guise; 12,000 Hessians and Austrians under General Worms were stationed near Douay and Bouchain; Count Kaunitz with 15,000 Austrians defended the Sambre and the quarter near Maubeuge; and lastly, General Clairfait, with 40,000 Austrians and Hanoverians, protected Flanders from Tournay to the sea; 60,000 Prussians, for whom a subsidy had been paid by Great Britain, were expected in addition to these, but they never arrived.

The French now commenced their active operations. On the morning of the 26th of April they attacked the duke of York near Cateau in great force. After a severe conflict they were repulsed, and their general Chapuy was taken prisoner. At the same time they attacked the troops under his Imperial majesty, but were there also repulsed in a similar manner; losing in all 57 pieces of cannon. On the same day, however, General Pichegru advanced from Lisle, attacked and defeated General Clairfait, took 32 pieces of cannon; and, in the course of a few days, made himself master of Vervic, Menin, and Courtray. On the 29th of April, the garrison of Landrecies surrendered to the allies. When this event was known in the convention, it excited a considerable degree of alarm. It was, however, the last effectual piece of success enjoyed by the allies during this disastrous campaign. General Clairfait was again completely defeated by Pichegru in a general engagement; and it was found necessary to send the duke of York to his assistance. This movement was no doubt unavoidable; but the effect of it was, that it split down the allied army into a variety of portions, capable of carrying on a desultory warfare, but unfit for the vigorous objects of conquest. On the 10th of May the duke of York was attacked near Tournay by a body of the enemy, whom he repulsed; but he was unable to join Clairfait, upon whose destruction the French were chiefly bent: for at the same time that the duke of York was occupied by the attack upon himself, Pichegru fell upon Clairfait with such irresistible impetuosity, that he was compelled to retreat in confusion, and a part of his army appears to have fled to the neighbourhood of Bruges. While Pichegru was thus advancing successfully in West Flanders, General Jourdan advanced in East Flanders from Maubeuge, crossed the Sambre, and forced General Kaunitz to retreat. On the 18th, however, General Kaunitz succeeded in repulsing the enemy in his turn, and they re-crossed the Sambre with considerable loss.

The allies now found that no progress could be made in France while General Pichegru was advancing successfully and occupying West Flanders in their rear. The emperor, therefore, withdrew the greater part of his army to the neighbourhood of Tournay, and resolved to make a grand effort to cut off the communication between Courtray and Lisle, thus to prevent completely the retreat of Pichegru. On the night of the 16th, the army moved forwards in five columns for this purpose. Clairfait was at the same time directed to cross the Lys, to effect a general junction, if possible, and complete the plan. The attempt during that evening seemed to promise success; but, in the course of next day, the division under the duke of York was overpowered by numbers and defeated. The progress of the rest of the columns was stopped, and Clairfait completely defeated. In the confusion of the day, when attempting to rally the different parts of the division which he commanded, the duke of York was separated from his own troops by a party of the enemy's cavalry, and only escaped being made prisoner by the swiftness of his horse. The plan of the allies being thus frustrated, their army withdrew to the neighbourhood of Tournay.

Pichegru speedily attempted to retaliate against the allies. On the 22d of May he brought down at daybreak his whole force against them. The attack was commenced by a heavy fire of artillery, and all the advanced posts were forced. The engagement soon became general; the attacks were repeatedly renewed on both sides; the whole day was spent in a succession of obstinate battles. All that military skill could do was performed on both sides. The French and the allied soldiers fought with equal courage and equal discipline. At nine o'clock in the evening the French at last reluctantly withdrew from the attack. The day on which a vanquished enemy flies from the field is not always that on which the victory is won. In this engagement the French were unsuccessful in their immediate object; but the weight of their fire, their steady discipline, and their violent obstinacy of attack, raised their military character high in the estimation of the officers and soldiers of the allied army. It was soon perceived, that in addition to these they possessed other advantages. Their numbers were immense; they implicitly obeyed their generals; who, being men newly raised from the rank of subalterns, as implicitly submitted to the directions of the committee of public safety. A combination of efforts was thus produced, whose operation was not retarded by divided counsels. On the other side the numbers of the allies were daily declining; their leaders were independent princes or powerful men, whose sentiments and interests were often very hostile to each other, and their exertions were consequently disunited.

On the 24th the French again crossed the Sambre, but were driven back with much loss. On the 27th an attempt was made to besiege Charleroi, but the prince of Orange on the 3d of June compelled them to raise the siege. On the 12th a similar attempt was made, and they were again repulsed. In West Flanders, however, Pichegru was sufficiently strong to commence the siege of Ypres. He was soon attacked by General Clairfait for the purpose of relieving it, but without success. Ypres was garrisoned by 7000 men; reinforcements were therefore daily sent from the grand army to Clairfait for the purpose of relieving it. It is unnecessary to mention the bloody contests in which that unfortunate general was daily engaged with the French. It is sufficient to say, that they were uniformly unsuccessful, and were the means of wasting, in a great degree, the armies of the allies. Ypres held out till the 17th of June, when it capitulated; and such was the discipline of the French army at this time, that no notice could be obtained, for several days, of that event. But in consequence of this and of other events, the duke of York found it necessary to retreat to Oudenaarde; for Jourdan, after storming the Austrian camp of Betignies, now advanced with such strength upon Charleroi in the east that its immediate fall was feared. As this would have enabled the two French armies to encircle the whole of Flanders, the prince of Cobourg advanced to its relief. Charleroi surrendered at discretion on the 23rd. This circumstance was not known by the prince of Cobourg when he advanced on the 26th to attack in their entrenchments the army that covered the siege near Fleurus; but the covering army being by this time reinforced by the accession of the besieging army, the allies were repulsed. Jourdan then drew his men out of their entrenchments; and, in his turn, attacked the Austrians. He was three times repulsed, but was at last successful: the loss of the vanquished army is said to have been prodigious; but no regular accounts of it have been published. The French unquestionably exaggerated their own success, when they said that it amounted to 15,000 men.

The allies now retreated in all quarters. Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges, were taken; and Tournay, Mons, the French Oudenarde, and Brussels, opened their gates. At this last place, the French armies of East and West Flanders united. Landrecies, Valenciennes, Conde, and Quesnoy, were fruitlessly left with garrisons in them. The allied troops, evacuating Namur, formed a line from Antwerp to Liege to protect the country behind. The French advanced in full force, and attacked General Clairfait, cut to pieces half the troops that now remained under him, and broke the line. The allies retreated before them. The duke of York was joined by some troops under the earl of Moira that with much difficulty had made their way to him from Ostend; and with these and the Dutch troops he retired to the neighbourhood of Bergen-op-zoom and Breda for the protection of Holland. The prince of Cobourg evacuated Liege, crossed the Maese, and placed a garrison in Maestricht. He soon, however, sent back a part of his troops to the neighbourhood of Tongres; for here, to the astonishment of all Europe, the French armies made a voluntary pause in their career of victory, and ceased to pursue their retiring foes. Sluys in Dutch Flanders was the only foreign post that they continued to attack, and it surrendered after a siege of 21 days.

On the Rhine the war was equally successful on the part of the French. On the 12th, 13th, and 14th of July, repeated battles were fought; in which the French enjoyed their usual success. They had numerous armies in every quarter. Their mode of fighting was to make full preparation for accomplishing their object, and to fight in great bodies day after day till it was obtained. The Palatinate was then overrun, and Treves taken, by General Michaud. Flanders and the Palatinate have always been accounted the granaries of Germany; and both of them, at the commencement of the harvest, now fell into the hands of the French.

During the course of this summer Corsica was subdued by Great Britain; and the whole of the French West India islands, excepting a part of Gaudaloupe, yielded to the British troops under the command of Sir Charles Grey and Sir John Jarvis. On the 1st of June the British fleet, under the command of Earl Howe, gained a most splendid victory over the French fleet to the westward of Ushant. The French committee of safety were known to have purchased in America immense quantities of grain and other stores. These were embarked on board 160 sail of merchantmen, convoyed by six sail of the line. Lord Howe sailed to intercept this valuable convoy. The French fleet sailed at the same time to protect it. On the morning of the 28th of May the fleets came in sight of each other. The British admiral had previously dispatched six ships of the line under Admiral Montague to intercept the French convoy, while he should engage and detain the grand fleet. The French dispatched eight sail to defeat this attempt. In the course of the 29th Lord Howe got to windward of the French fleet. His force was 25, and theirs was 26, sail of the line. The following day he bore down upon them, and broke their line. The engagement was one of the severest ever fought. The French admiral, in less than an hour after the close action commenced in the centre, crowded off with 12 of his ships. The British fleet was so much disabled, or separated, that several of the French dismantled ships got away under sails raised on the stump of their foremasts. Seven sail of the line, however, remained in possession of the British, and two were unquestionably sunk. In the mean time, Admiral Montague fell in with the French convoy, but it was now guarded by 14 sail of the line. As he could not encounter such a force, he returned home, and it was safely conveyed into port. Thus, by one of those contradictions which so often occur in human affairs, the British fleet was victorious, and the French were left in some measure masters of the sea. As this engagement however testified that the British seamen had not lost their ancient superiority on their own element, the nation regarded the present victory as a pledge of its independence, and very general rejoicings took place in consequence of it.

In the mean time, the revolutionary system of government in the hands of committees of the convention elected at Paris, and of committees of the popular societies throughout the country, was arrived at its highest perfection, and proceeded without opposition in its severe and sanguinary measures.

On the 10th of May Madame Elizabeth, sister of the late king, was sacrificed by it, in consequence of a decree of the revolutionary tribunal. Multitudes of others of every rank and sex were daily sacrificed in a similar manner; the rich in particular were the greatest objects of persecution, because the confiscation of their property added to the strength of the ruling powers. But neither were the poor safe from the bloody vigilance of this new and singular government. By the different Robespierre executions Robespierre had contrived to destroy every avowed rival. All the constituted authorities consisted wholly of persons nominated with his approbation; and as the committees which conducted the business of the state were at his disposal, his will was irresistible throughout the republic. He met with no opposition in the convention; for that body was no longer the turbulent popular assembly which it had once appeared; it was little more than a name employed to give some sort of respectability to such schemes as were proposed to it.

Amidst this accumulation, however, of seemingly irresistible authority, Robespierre was at the brink of ruin. The whole of the old Girondist party was indeed subdued and silent; but many members of the convention still remained attached to it. The party of the Mountain, Mountain, by means of whom Robespierre had risen to power, with little satisfaction now found themselves not only disregarded, but ready at every instant to fall a sacrifice to that system of terror which they had contributed to erect. Even the Jacobins themselves, though neither timid nor cautious in the shedding of blood, began to murmur when they saw that awful privilege confined exclusively within a few hands, or rather monopolized by an individual. In this state things remained for some time; and it appeared how possible it is for an individual to govern a great nation, even while the whole of that nation is hostile to his power. The banishment or imprisonment of all foreigners, which had long been rigorously practised, prevents us from possessing much accurate information concerning the internal state of France at this period; but it is certain that one circumstance in particular tended much to accelerate the fall of Robespierre. He had procured a decree to be passed, authorizing the committee of public safety to imprison at its pleasure, and bring to trial, any member of the convention. All the individuals of that body found themselves placed by this decree in the hands of a man whose severe and suspicious temper they well knew. Still, however, they were so much surrounded by spies, that it was difficult to form a party or plan of operations; even the majority of the committee of public safety were among the number of the discontented, but they dared not to withstand their chief. At last, on the 25th of July, the convention began to give signs of agitation. It was understood, that in the course of a few days Robespierre would sacrifice a number of the members to his suspicions. On the following day the sitting of the convention was still more tempestuous. In a long speech Robespierre defended his own conduct against those who had reproached him with aspiring to the dictatorship of France. He attacked the party whom he styled Moderates, as wishing to overturn the revolutionary government, and to restore the feeble system of the Brissotines. The result of a long debate was, that Robespierre was apparently victorious, and his speech was ordered to be printed. On the 27th the convention appeared ripe for a change: St Just, a member of the committee of public safety, in attempting to defend Robespierre, was repeatedly interrupted; and Billaud Varennes stood forward, and enumerated the crimes, and proclaimed the tyranny, of Robespierre. The speech was received with bursts of applause. Robespierre in vain attempted to defend himself; he was silenced by shouts of execration from every part of the hall. Tallien seconded the former speaker in his accusation. The sitting was declared permanent, and a decree of arrest was passed against Robespierre and a younger brother of his, along with St Just, Couthon, and Lebas. These men left the convention, and found security in the hall of the commune of Paris; where the municipal officers agreed to protect and stand by them. The tocsin was sounded; the armed force was under their command; an insurrection was therefore attempted against the convention; but the sections of Paris refused their support. Very few of the troops could be collected, and these were not firm; the late tyranny had become odious. The hall of the commune was therefore speedily surrounded; and about three o'clock in the morning of the 28th Robespierre and his associates were made prisoners. They had been outlawed by the convention on account of their resistance. They were not therefore tried, unless for the purpose of identifying their persons; and, in the course of that day, they were executed; 60 of the municipal officers were also executed for joining in the rebellion; and in this way a storm passed over, which at one time threatened to involve the French capital in ruin, and filled all Europe with astonishment. Thus also terminated the career of the most extraordinary man that the French revolution had brought forward. His talents were undoubtedly considerable, and his ambition knew no bounds, bidding defiance to the ordinary feelings of humanity. Had Dumourier possessed his coolness and caution, or had he possessed the military talents of Dumourier, the convention would certainly have been overturned, and we should have seen a second Cromwell on the throne of his murdered sovereign.

After the fall of Robespierre, the convention exhibited no small change of appearance. Instead of that of terror silence which formerly prevailed, all was bustle and noise; all accused each other. There was no longer any leader, and there was no formed party. The system of terror was declared to be at an end, and a new system of moderation succeeded. This was carried to as great a height as the system of terror had formerly been; and all means were taken to render popular the fall of their late tyrant. The committees were organized anew, and their members ordered to be frequently changed. The correspondence between the affiliated Jacobin clubs was prohibited, and at last the Jacobin club itself was abolished. This last event was accomplished with ease; and that society which had been the great engine of the revolution, was itself without resistance overturned. Seventy-one deputies of the Girondist party, who had been imprisoned since the 31st of May 1793, were set at liberty. The name of Lyons was restored to it. Some of the agents of Robespierre were punished, particularly the infamous Carrier, whose cruelties in La Vendée we formerly mentioned. Still, however, the convention appeared so little united and so little decided with regard to objects of the first importance, that in all probability they would not have conducted the important struggle against the nations of Europe with more success than the Girondist party had formerly done, if the revolutionary government and the late system of terror had not already accumulated in their hands such vast resources, and traced out such a plan of procedure, as rendered it an easy matter to preserve their numerous armies in the train of success to which they were now habituated.

The allies in their retreat had left strong garrisons in the French towns which had surrendered to them. These were Condé, Valenciennes, Quesnoi, and Lannecres. They now surrendered to the republican armies with so little resistance, that the conduct of the emperors began to be considered as ambiguous, and he was suspected of having entered into some kind of complicity with the French. This idea proved erroneous; and as soon as the army which had besieged these towns was able to join the grand army under Pichegru and Jourdan, the operations of the campaign were resumed after a suspension of almost two months. The French army divided itself into two bodies. One of these under Jourdan advanced against General Clairfait, who had succeeded the prince of Cobourg in the command in the neighbourhood of Maestricht. On the 15th of September the French attacked the whole Austrian posts in an extent of five leagues from Liege to Maestricht. On that and the following day the losses were nearly equal. On the 17th the French with 50 pieces of cannon attacked General Kray in his entrenched camp before Maestricht. M. de Kray was already retiring when General Clairfait arrived with a strong reinforcement, and after a severe combat the French were once more compelled to retire. On the 18th the French renewed the attack with tenfold fury upon every part of the Austrian line, and the whole was compelled to fly to the neighbourhood of Aix-la-Chapelle. General Clairfait now chose a strong position on the banks of the Roer, where he even declared it to be his wish that he might be attacked. But by this time the spirit of his army was humbled, desertions became numerous, and the want of discipline was extreme. On the first of October the French crossed the Maese and the Roer, and attacked the whole Austrian posts from Ruremond down to Juliers. After a bloody engagement, the brave and active, though unfortunate, General Clairfait was compelled hastily to cross the Rhine, with the loss of 10 or 12,000 men. The French general did not attempt to cross that river, but one detachment of his army took possession of Coblenz, while others laid close siege to Venlo and Maestricht, which soon surrendered.

The division of the French army, in the mean time, under General Pichegru, came down upon Holland, and attacked the allied army under the duke of York between Bois-le-duc and Grave. They forced the advanced post of Boxtel. Lieutenant-general Abercromby was sent to attempt to recover this post on the 15th of September, but he found the French in such force that he was obliged to retreat. Indeed the French were discovered to be no less than 80,000 strong in that neighbourhood. The duke of York was unable to contend against a force so superior, and retired across the Maese with the loss of somewhat less than 1500 men. Pichegru immediately laid siege to Bois-le-duc. On the 30th of September, Crevecoeur was taken, and Bois-le-duc surrendered in 10 days thereafter. In it 408 French emigrants were taken prisoners; and these, as well as 760 that had been taken at Nieuport, 500 at Sluys, and 1100 at Valenciennes, were all put to death, agreeable to the rigorous law formerly made by the convention. The French now followed the duke of York across the Maese. Upon this the greater part of the allied army under his royal highness crossed the Rhine and took post at Arnhem. The remaining part of the army followed soon after, and Nimuegen was occupied by the French on the 6th of November. The duke of Brunswick was at this time requested to take the command of the allied army, to protect Holland, if possible. He came to Arnhem for that purpose; but after examining the state of things there, he declined the undertaking. The allied troops had now so often fled before their victorious and almost innumerable enemies, they had so often been in want of every necessary, and had been received so ill by the inhabitants of the countries through which they passed, among whom the French cause was extremely popular, that they had lost that regularity of conduct and discipline which alone can afford a secure prospect of success in military affairs.

The French, on the contrary, well received, abounding in every thing, and proud of fighting in a popular cause, now acted with much order, and submitted to the strictest discipline. In addition to all these advantages, the French leaders had the dexterity to persuade the world that new and unknown arts were employed to give aid to their cause. At this period the telegraph was first of the used for conveying intelligence from the frontiers to the capital, and from the capital to the frontiers. (See TELEGRAPH). Balloons were also used by the French during this campaign to procure knowledge of the position of the enemy. An engineer ascended with the balloon, which was suffered to rise to a great height, but prevented from flying away by a long cord. He made plans of the enemy's encampment; and during an attack he sent down notice of every hostile movement. In the affairs of men, and more especially in military transactions, opinion is of more importance than reality. The French soldiers confided in their own officers as men possessed of a kind of omniscience, while the allied troops, no doubt, beheld with anxiety a new contrivance employed against them, whose importance would be readily magnified by credulity and ignorance. With all these advantages, however, after the capture of Nimuegen, they once more made a halt in their career, and abstained from the attack of Holland, which now seemed almost prostrate before them.

While these events occurred in the north, the French arms were scarcely less successful on the side of Spain. Their conquests were extensive; in the Western Pyrenees, Foxtarabia surrendered, and also St Sebastian; the whole kingdom of Spain seemed panic struck. That feeble government, with an almost impregnable frontier, and the most powerful fortresses, could make little resistance; and the difficult nature of their country was their only protection. The history of this war is only a history of victories on the part of the French. In the Eastern Pyrenees, on the 17th November, the French general Dugommier was killed in an engagement, in which his army was successful. On the 20th of that month the French again attacked the Spaniards, and routed them by means of the bayonet, without firing a single musket-shot. Tents, baggage, and cannon, for an army of 50,000 men, fell into the hands of the conquerors, along with a great part of the province of Navarre. Towards the end of the year, an army of 40,000 Spaniards, entrenched behind 80 redoubts, the labour of six months, suffered themselves to be completely routed; their general Count de la Union was found dead on the field of battle; and the whole Spanish artillery was taken. In three days thereafter, the fort Fernando de Figueres, containing a garrison of 9107 men, surrendered, although it mounted 171 pieces of cannon, and possessed abundance of provisions. The French continued their conquests; Rosas was taken, and the whole province of Catalonia was left at the mercy of the invaders.

The successes of this wonderful campaign were not yet terminated; and the last part of them is perhaps the most important, although no great effort was necessary to its execution. The winter now set in with uncommon severity. For some years past the seasons of Europe had been uncommonly mild; there had been little frost in winter, and no intense heat in summer. But during the late season the weather had long been remarkably markably dry till the latter part of harvest, when there fell a considerable, though by no means unusual, quantity of rain. Towards the end of December a severe frost bound up the whole of the rivers and lakes of Holland. The Waal was frozen over in the beginning of January; a circumstance which had not occurred for 14 years past. Taking advantage of this, the French crossed that river, and with little opposition seized the important pass of Bommel, which at other seasons is so strong by its inundations. The allied army had been joined by 17,000 Austrians, and had received orders to defend Holland to the last. They did so, and were successful in repulsing the French for some days between the Waal and the Leck; but the republican army, amounting to 70,000 men, having at last advanced in full force, the allied troops were compelled to retire across the Yssel into Westphalia. In the course of their march through this desert country, in the midst of severe frost and a deep snow, they are said to have suffered incredible hardships, and to have lost a very great number of men. The French, in the mean time, advanced rapidly across the country to the Zuyder Sea, to prevent the inhabitants from flying, and carrying off their property. On the 16th of January 1795, a party of horse, without resistance, took possession of Amsterdam. The other towns surrendered at discretion. In consequence of an order from the states general, the strong fortresses of Bergen-op-zoom, Williamstadt, Breda, &c., opened their gates to the French. The fleet and the shipping were fixed by the intense frost in their stations, and fell a prey to the enemy; who thus, with a little effort, made a complete conquest of this populous and once powerful country. The French were well received by the people at large. The power of the stadtholder had been supported among them merely by the influence of Prussia and England. Through hatred to this office, which had now become odious chiefly to the mercantile aristocracy of Holland, they were little attached to their allies, and gave them, during the present war, as little support as possible. The stadtholder and his family now fled to England. The French declared, that they did not mean to make subjects but allies of the Dutch, and invited them to call together popular assemblies for settling their own government, under the protection of the French republic.

Thus terminated a campaign, the most astonishing, perhaps, that has been known in the history of mankind. In the course of it, even before the conquest of Holland, the French had taken 2000 pieces of cannon and 60,000 prisoners. After that event, the conquered territories added to them a population of nearly 14 millions of people. Luxembourg and Mentz were the only places on this side of the Rhine that resisted them. The former was closely blockaded, for the purpose of compelling it to surrender; the latter was several times assaulted, but successfully held out.

At this period Europe seemed to be weary of such a bloody contest, and the Diet of Ratisbon intimated its resolution to adopt such measures as might tend to bring about a general pacification. A treaty was concluded between the grand duke of Tuscany and France. The convention declared their readiness to treat for peace with any of the powers of Europe upon honourable terms. Great Britain and Austria, however, seemed to be persuaded, that an honourable and permanent peace could not be obtained with France, while her government was subject to such perpetual changes. For instance, such was the enmity of the Mountain party against the Girondes, that any treaty entered into by the latter would have been trampled upon by the former; and such, it was observed, might continue to be the aspect of affairs in that distracted country for an indefinite length of time.

As the constitution which had been framed in the year 1793, during the tyrannical dominion of Robespierre, was justly deemed impracticable, a committee was appointed to frame one entirely new. It was composed of Sieyès, Cambaceres, Merlin de Douay, Thibaudan, Mathieu, Le Sage of Eure and Loire, and Latouche. On the report of Cambaceres, the 19th of April, that the committee thought that a commission should be appointed for this important business, a number of qualified persons were accordingly chosen, while all citizens were invited to communicate their sentiments upon the subject, and the committee was to give orders for the best plans to be published. The feelings of the nation at large received additional gratification from the conduct of the convention towards Fonquier Tainville the president, and 15 judges and jurors, of the revolutionary tribunal. They were fully convicted on the 8th of May, and executed on the 9th, launched into eternity amidst the just execrations of a vast multitude of spectators.

Although the Jacobins were defeated on the 1st and 2nd of April, they did not consider themselves as entirely subdued. They were plotting a more extensive insurrection, which was not to be confined to the capital, and fixed on the 20th of May as the period of revolt. On the morning of that day, the tocsin was accordingly sounded, and drums beat to arms in the suburb of St Antoine, in which the Jacobins had always enjoyed the greatest influence. Upon this the convention met; and although the insurrection was far from being a secret, the committee of public safety did not appear to have taken any measures to prevent it. It was only at the moment when the insurgents were approaching that General Hoche was appointed to the command of the armed force, and sent to collect the military and citizens for the protection of the convention. The hall was presently surrounded, the guards were overpowered, and the mob forced their way into the midst of the assembly. The multitudes of women who met upon this occasion shouted for bread, and the constitution of 1793. Vernier the president, a man far advanced in years, quitted the chair to Boissy d'Anglas, who kept it with commendable fortitude during the remainder of the day. The mob had cockades with this inscription upon them, "Bread, and the constitution of 1793." One of the party attached to the convention imprudently tore off the hat of one of the insurgents whom the multitude attacked with swords; and as he fled towards the chair of the president, he was killed by a musket shot. The majority of the members gradually retired from this scene of lawless intrusion, and left the multitude masters of the hall. Four of the members who remained espoused the cause of the insurgents, whose triumph, however, was of very short continuance. A large body of the military and the peaceable citizens vanquished them in the evening; the powers of the majority were restored, and the four deputies... It would appear that the convention and the citizens of Paris now believed their triumph to be complete, as no measures were adopted by them sufficient to prevent the repetition of a similar outrage. The Jacobins, however, were not yet determined to view their cause as desperate, for next day they collected in the suburbs, and in the afternoon made a second attempt. The Carousal was taken by them without opposition, when they pointed some pieces of cannon against the hall of the convention, the members of which being wholly unprotected, endeavoured to gain over the mob by flattery,—by promising them bread, and the constitution of 1793; or whatever else they thought proper to demand; and the president even gave the deputation the fraternal embrace. On the 23d, the citizens assembled, and went to the Tuileries to defend the convention from insult and violence. The military collected in considerable force; and the convention was at length encouraged to act on the offensive. It was decreed that if the suburb of St Antoine did not immediately surrender its arms and cannon, with the murderer of Ferrand, it would be declared in a state of rebellion. The generals of the convention received orders to reduce it by force; and the insurgents finding themselves unequal to the conflict, were forced by the inhabitants to make an unconditional surrender, to preserve their property from the depredations of the military. The soldiers found among the prisoners were put to death, on which occasion six of the members were tried and condemned by a military commission. Three of them were guilty of suicide, and the other three were publicly executed.

In the southern parts of France, the Jacobins were equally turbulent as their brethren in Paris, and formed an insurrection at Toulon on the 20th of May, seizing on the gates, upon which they planted cannon; they set at liberty such of their associates as had been incarcerated, and detained the fleet which was about to put to sea. From Toulon they proceeded to Marseilles, at which time they were 3000 strong, and had 12 pieces of cannon. On their march they were opposed by Generals Charton and Pactol, by whom they were defeated, 300 of them being sent prisoners to Marseilles, and Toulon was liberated.

The Mountain party, who were anxious to revive the terrific reign and measures of Robespierre, were now very much reduced, and exposed in many places to violent persecution. Associations were formed for the purpose of avenging the crimes they committed during the continuance of their power. When we reflect on the character of Robespierre's government and what all ranks of men suffered under it, we must consider it truly astonishing that any number of men should hazard their lives in attempting its restoration. The party was of course gradually abandoned by its adherents on the fall of its tyrant, and it sunk in the estimation of every one who examined it with attention. Still, however, a small party remained, the members of which were men of superior activity and enterprise. They consisted of ferocious republicans, who thought they beheld the revival of royalty and aristocracy in every attempt to establish a mild, sober, and regular government. Yet, amidst the universal odium cast upon them, the Jacobins expected to rise once more into power; but what is most singular, the revival of their strength is to be dated from their unsuccessful insurrection just now mentioned. Their want of popularity began to affect the convention, as the people remembered how tamely that body submitted to the tyranny of Robespierre, of whose power the majority of the members had been the servile instruments. The press, therefore, being now free, the most hideous picture of their conduct was held up to the public. The greater part of them now began to repent of their victory over the Jacobins, as they foresaw that the consequences in the end might prove fatal to themselves.

On the 23d of June, Boissy d'Anglas presented the New report of the committee relative to the plan of a new constitution. It was, like its predecessors, prefaced with a declaration of the rights of man, consisting besides of 14 chapters on the following subjects:—the extent of the republican territories, the political state of citizens, primary assemblies, electoral assemblies, the legislature, the judicial authority, the public force, public instruction, the finances, foreign treaties, the mode of revising the constitution, and an act that no rank or superiority should exist among citizens, but what might arise from the exercise of public functions.

The legislature was composed of two assemblies, the council of the Ancients, consisting of 250 members, as two and none but married men and widowers turned of 40 bles. could be chosen members of it; the other council consisted of 500 members, and enjoyed the exclusive privilege of proposing the laws, while the council of Ancients might reject or oppose, without having power to alter the decrees. The executive power was intrusted to five persons who were to be 40 years of age at least, and to be denominated the Executive Directory. The two councils had the power of electing its members, the council of five hundred proposing 10 times as many candidates as could be chosen, and the council of two hundred and fifty selected the five members from among these 50 candidates. One member of the directory was to go annually out of office, by which they were all changed in the course of five years. In enacting laws the directory had no vote, being appointed purely to superintend the execution of them, regulated the coming of money, and had the disposal of the armed force. The treaties made by the directory with foreign courts were not binding without the sanction of the legislature, and war could not be made without a decree of the two assemblies. The whole articles of the new constitution underwent a separate discussion, when they were to be transmitted to the primary assemblies for their approbation. Prior to this event, however, it was agreed on by a majority of the convention, in order to avert the danger which now threatened themselves, from the loss of public favour, that at the approaching general election, the electors should be bound to return two-thirds of the present members, and if this failed, that the convention themselves might fill up the vacancies. These decrees accompanied the constitution; but at Paris the idea of re-electing two-thirds of the old members was rejected with contempt, and the absurdity of it pointed out with every expression of acrimony.

The convention, in the mean time, did not fail to publish the approbation of the decrees by the primary assemblies, as well as of the constitution, although it is certain certain that vast numbers had confounded the two together, and given their approbation accordingly. Such was the rage of many against the convention in consequence of the decrees already mentioned, that it was even proposed to try the whole members before a new revolutionary tribunal, and punish each in proportion to his crimes. The sections remonstrated against the decrees to the convention, and the more eager they appeared in the business, the more persuaded was the convention of its own imminent danger. Every remonstrance, however, was disregarded, and the contending parties formed the resolution of settling it by force of arms. About 100 electors of Paris met in the hall of the theatre in the suburb of St Germain before the day of meeting which had been appointed by the convention, and having chosen De Nivernois for their president, began their debates, absurdly concluding that the sovereignty was vested in the hands of the electors, after these had been chosen by the primary sections. A body of troops was sent to dissolve them as an illegal assembly, which was accomplished without any difficulty, the citizens not having been unanimous in their sentiments respecting it.

This, however, did not prevent the sections from presuming that by steady perseverance they would be finally victorious, having always found that the party favoured by the co-operation of the Parisian populace, had carried their point ever since the commencement of the revolution. The armed force with which the convention was surrounded gave the people very little alarm, as they endeavoured to persuade themselves that the military could never be brought to act against the citizens. As the members of the convention also appeared to suspect their fidelity, they applied for assistance to those very Jacobins whom they had humbled on the 24th of May. If the sections of Paris detested the members for their connexion with the atrocities of Robespierre, the Jacobins admired them from this very circumstance; a set of restless, bloody men, who were never satisfied with wars abroad nor revolutions at home. Hundreds of them were released from prison, and put in a state of requisition for assisting the legislative body.

The sections of Paris having beheld the convention surrounded by men who had justly obtained the appellations of terrorists and men of blood, they exhibited a desire of engaging them which was altogether unbounded. Their leader designed to make the members prisoners, till they could be conveniently brought to trial, and in the interim conduct public affairs by committees of the sections, till a new legislative body could be chosen. General Miranda was to have the command of the armed force after the overthrow of the convention, but as it was still problematical which party would be triumphant, he retired to the country till the event should declare it, resolving to have the reward of a conquest to which he was to contribute nothing. The superior officers of the convention were unfaithful, yet the subalterns and soldiers might have continued firm, to which they would, no doubt, be strongly exhorted by their Jacobin auxiliaries. What was greatly in favour of the convention was, that the first moments of enthusiasm were permitted to pass away, after which the sections exhibited a conduct both undecided and weak.

Barras was appointed on the 4th of October by the convention to the command of the troops, Generals Menon, Raslet and some others, having been dismissed from office. Barras called in the aid of the most able officers, among whom we find Brune and Bonaparte, and made speedy preparations for a vigorous defence to the chief Troops with cannon were placed in every avenue leading to the Tuileries, and masked batteries were placed of the national troops in situations of a more retired nature, if any of these should happen to be forced. The precaution was also taken of transporting the provisions and military stores to St Cloud, if the convention should be obliged to retreat from Paris. On the 5th of October both parties continued on the defensive for several hours, but about three o'clock in the afternoon, overtures were made by the general of the insurgents, Danican, in which he declared that the intention of the citizens was for peace, only they apprehended a massacre was to be begun by the armed terrorists surrounding the convention, and that if these were removed they would return to their duty; but it was resolved to try the issue of the dispute at the point of the sword, as the Jacobin party in the convention were now more fully persuaded of ultimate success. On this occasion the armed Jacobins without are generally understood to have been the first aggressors. The citizens on the south side of the river made an effort to reach the convention by the Quay de Voltaire, but were completely prevented by the cannon of the convention, while the conflict was extremely obstinate on the other side of the river, near the convention. After an engagement of four hours continuance, the sections were repulsed, and driven to the post of St Roche, which being also taken after an obstinate resistance, the insurgents fled to their head quarters at the section of Pelletier; but the troops of the convention were, about midnight, in possession of the whole city.

The victors attributed this insurrection to the influence of the royalists; and whether they were right or wrong in their judgment or not, it is certain that the cause of royalty was now become less odious to the people in general than the bloody extravagance of republicanism; but the mob in fact seemed to have looked no farther than the disarming of the Jacobins, and obtaining new representatives. The attempt failed, and the Mountain were again at the head of the state. The sittings of the convention were terminated on the 27th of October, and was succeeded by the new legislature in terms of the constitution. Among its last decrees, was one granting a general amnesty for all crimes and proceedings of a revolutionary nature, but the emigrants, transported priests, and every one concerned in the last insurrection, were excluded from the benefit of it. The agents of Robespierre in Paris and the departments were liberated from prison, and promoted to lucrative offices under the new government.

The next step of the new legislature was to divide itself into two councils, and proceed to the election of an executive directory. The council of five hundred was bound to present to the other council 50 candidates, of which a list was accordingly made out, consisting of no more than five whom they wished to be chosen, the other 45 consisting of obscure persons, farmers and peasants, which left no more power to the council of ancients than the form of an election, which must must fall on Sieyes, Barras, Rewbell, La Reveillere Lepaux, and Letourneur de la Manche, none of the rest being qualified for the office. The intriguing Sieyes, however, did not deem it prudent to venture on the possession of power; and on his declining to accept of this new dignity, Carnot was appointed in his stead. The form of government now established did not promise to be productive of much happiness or tranquility, as the most important offices in the state were filled by men whom the people could not endure. The members too of the executive directory, except only Reveillere Lepaux, had always been connected with the Mountain party, and they employed the Jacobins in almost every official department, which could not fail to render the government peculiarly obnoxious. It was feared that a directory chosen by the Jacobins, and new legislators appointed by the people, might one day be the means of totally subverting the constitution, which actually took place.

On the 10th of April a treaty of peace with the king of Prussia was presented to the convention, in order to be ratified. By virtue of this treaty, it was agreed that the republican troops should be immediately withdrawn from the territories of Prussia on the right bank of the Rhine, having power to retain, till a general peace, the territories which France then possessed on the left bank of that river. There was to be a mutual exchange of prisoners of war, and the intercourse between the two countries was to be placed in its former situation. Measures were also adopted to shift the theatre of hostilities from the northern parts of Germany. At the same time the king of Sweden acknowledged the French republic, whose ambassador was received at Paris with great solemnity. Another treaty was concluded with Prussia in the month of May, which had a special reference to the line of neutrality. The cantons of Switzerland followed the example of the king of Sweden, and a treaty of peace was concluded at Basle on the 22d of July, between the republic and the court of Spain, in consequence of which France gave up all the conquests she had made in that country, and the original frontier was restored; in return for which the republic received all the Spanish part of St Domingo. In this treaty the Dutch republic was included, and the mediation of the king of Spain, in favour of Portugal and the Italian princes, was accepted by France.

On the 9th of June, the dauphin, the heir to the throne of the unfortunate Louis XVI. and his only son, died in the prison of the Temple, where he was confined with his sister since the death of the king. Some think that his death was the consequence of disease, although it is much more probable that he was poisoned, since there is no crime in the annals of human depravity which the French rulers would have trembled to perpetrate, of which the numerous murders already detailed afford indubitable evidence. His death, however, interested the French nation so deeply in favour of his barbarously used family, that the convention found it prudent to liberate the princess. The committee of public safety proposed to the emperor to give her up in exchange for the commissioners whom Dumourier had sent prisoners to the Austrians, together with Semonville and Marat, who were seized on their way to Turkey as envoys extraordinary from the French republic.

The proposal was agreed to, and the exchange took place at Basle in Switzerland.

If Britain was unfortunate in her affairs on the continent, she still retained her superiority on the watery element. A fleet under Admiral Hotham engaged a French fleet on the 14th of March, and took two sail of the line, the Ca Ira and Censeur; but this was nearly counterbalanced by the loss of the Berwick and Illustrious. Three French ships of the line were captured by Lord Bridport on the 23d of June, in an attack on the enemy's fleet off Port L'Orient, the rest of the fleet effecting its escape. As Britain thus evinced upon all occasions her superiority by sea, advantage was taken of this circumstance to send assistance to the royalists in the western departments, which unfortunately for them came too late, for the convention had offered them a treaty, which was accepted and signed at Nantes on the 3d of March, on the one part by deputies from the convention, and on the other by Charette, Sapineau, and other chiefs of the insurgents of La Vendee, and by Cormartin, as representatives of the party called Chouans or night owls. Stofflet submitted to the republic on the 20th of April. The countenance given by Britain to the royalists made them disregard these treaties. The troops sent to their aid were composed of emigrants in the pay of Great Britain, and a number of prisoners who agreed to join the royal cause. Puisaye commanded this motley army, and Count de Sombreuil afterwards joined him with an inconsiderable reinforcement. This expedition arrived in the bay of Quiberon on the 25th of June. Arms were put into the hands of the inhabitants of the country, but it was soon found that they could not be of much advantage to regular troops. A resolution was therefore adopted to withdraw the emigrant army within the peninsula of Quiberon, the fort of which name was taken on the 3d of July, the garrison of which consisted of about 600 men, and was afterwards occupied by the emigrants. All the posts without the peninsula were carried by an army under General Hoche, the emigrants and Chouans escaping into the boats of the British fleet, or flying for protection under the cannon of Quiberon fort. The republicans then began to erect formidable works on the heights of St Barbe, which commanded the entrance of the peninsula. To prevent these operations, a sally on the 7th was made from the fort, but without effect, and another with still greater force had no better success. The whole forces in the peninsula amounted, including Chouans, to about 12,000 men, 5000 of whom were sent to make an attack on the heights of St Barbe, where the republicans were entrenched in three camps, two of which were taken without difficulty; but as the emigrants rushed forward to attack the third, a masked battery was opened upon them with grape shot, in consequence of which a dreadful slaughter ensued, and very few of the emigrants would have effected their escape, had not the fire from the British ships compelled the republicans to abandon the pursuit.

It was now evident that a complete and ultimate failure would be the fate of this expedition, and desertion among the emigrants became very frequent, especially those who had been liberated from prison on condition of serving against the republic. The weather was very tempestuous on the evening of the 20th, which induced the emigrants to indulge in a fatal security. The troops of the republic were conducted in silence along an unguarded quarter of the shore, and surprised one of the posts, where they found the artillerymen asleep. They extinguished the lanthorn which was intended to give the British fleet the alarm, and seized on their matches. Some of the emigrants threw down their arms and joined the republicans, while others maintained an obstinate contest before they surrendered. Count de Sombreuil was taken and put to death, together with the bishop of Dol and his clergy, none being spared but such as pretended that their appearing against the republicans was purely owing to compulsion.

But to return to the affairs on the continent. The fort of Luxembourg surrendered on the 7th of June, after having been besieged since the preceding campaign, which put the French in possession of the whole left bank of the Rhine, Mentz only excepted, because the Austrians could conveniently supply it with every necessary from the opposite bank of the river. The republicans therefore determined to cross the river, to invest it on every side; but for some time the attempt was delayed, till the result of the Quiberon expedition should be fully known. The passage of the Rhine at Dusseldorf was effected by General Jourdan in the month of August, as commander of what was denominated the army of the Sambre and Meuse. Having driven three Austrian posts before him, he crossed the Maine, and invested Mentz and Cassel, and Pichegru at the same time took possession of Mannheim, having crossed the river near that city with the army of the Rhine and Moselle. A strong detachment of this army having driven Marshal Wurmser from an important post, began to plunder, and consequently run into confusion, of which the Austrians took a proper advantage, returned to the charge, and the republicans were vanquished. Jourdan was pursued by Clairfait to Dusseldorf, where the former general made a stand, and Pichegru recrossed the Rhine near Mannheim, leaving a garrison in that city of 8000 men, which, after a vigorous siege, surrendered to the Austrians; and the republicans were driven from the vicinity of Mentz. Little more was either lost or won by the contending parties at this time, and they mutually agreed to an armistice of three months.

The landgrave of Hesse Cassel entered into a treaty of peace with France on the 28th of August, which was agreed to, on condition that he would furnish Britain with no more troops during the war. Peace upon similar terms was granted to the elector of Hanover; and the duke of Wirtemberg and some other princes of the German empire began to treat; but the negotiations were broken off in consequence of the reverse of fortune which the French now experienced.

The directory, however, still resolved to prosecute the war with vigour, and therefore made vast preparations during the winter for another campaign. The Mountain party being again possessed of power, soon began to discover their restless, turbulent disposition, which could not long submit peaceably to any government whatever, and became disgusted with that very directory which they themselves had established. They were perpetually disturbing the public tranquillity. The people of Paris, after the 5th of October, durst not openly avow their abhorrence of the Jacobins, but it was understood that their wearing green cravats was a token of contempt. This piece of dress was prohibited by the directory as a mark of attachment to royalty. Of this they were soon ashamed, and recalled their edict in a few weeks. In the southern parts of France, the present authority of the Jacobins produced very serious effects. Freron, by whom they had been abandoned after the death of Robespierre, returned to their cause before the 5th of October, and was sent to Toulon with full powers of administration. He dismissed the municipality which had been chosen by the people, restored the Jacobin clubs, and every person whom he suspected he caused to be imprisoned. The directory was alarmed at the numerous complaints which were made from every quarter against the conduct of those turbulent and bloody men, and resolved to obtain the confidence and affections of the people by deserting them entirely. Freron was recalled from Toulon, and more moderate men were made choice of to succeed the restless, sanguinary Jacobins.

The directory also made a public declaration that its which takes confidence had been abused. The police minister was charged with the removal from Paris of the members of former revolutionary tribunals, and such as were active leaders of the Jacobins. Ten thousand men, called the legion of police, who acted against the Parisians on the 5th of October, and were decidedly the favourers of the Jacobins, received orders from the directory and legislative body to join the armies on the frontiers, which orders they refused to obey, but were compelled to submit by the interference of other troops brought from a distant quarter to provide against that event. This led the violent Jacobins to concert a plan for the ruin of the directory and the majority of the councils, who had now abandoned them. But as they were a considerable time in being ready for action, their designs were discovered and completely defeated. The guards were increased on the 10th of May, and bodies of cavalry were stationed round the Luxembourg and Tuileries. The council of five hundred was informed by the directory, that a terrible plot was ready to burst forth on the ensuing morning. The conspirators, at the ringing of the morning bell, were to proceed in small parties of three or four men each, to the houses of those persons whom they had singled out for destruction. Having murdered these, they were then to unite in one body against the directory, whose guard they conceived themselves qualified to vanquish. The Jacobins in the mean time had nominated a new directory and legislature, from among the most turbulent and abandoned of their own persuasion. Some of the leaders of this conspiracy were arrested, among whom was Drouet the postmaster of Varennes, who stopped the unfortunate Louis on his way to the frontiers, and with him ten others, who were condemned at Vendome, but Drouet made his escape.

These defeats which the Jacobins experienced, and moderate the disgrace into which they were again brought, determined the moderate party in the two councils to attempt to procure the repeal of the concluding decrees of the convention, which had granted them an amnesty, and confirmed the laws against emigrants, excluding their friends from succeeding them. A number of days were employed in the discussion of these topics, but the moderate party gained nothing in favour of the emigrants, and nothing against the Jacobins but this, that such as owed their preservation to the amnesty, should not be deemed competent to hold any public office.

Another matter of no less serious nature now called for the attention of the republican government, which was the deplorable state of the finances. While the tyrannical usurpation of Robespierre continued, terror supported the credit of the assignats, which joined to the sale of the church lands, and the property of the emigrants, furnished ample resources in the mean time; and no provision was at all thought of for future exigencies. If money was wanted, more assignats were fabricated, and no enquiry was made concerning the public expenditure, as no taxes were demanded from the people. The directory complained to the councils of the great distress under which they laboured, and of the want of sufficient funds to meet the unavoidable expenses of the ensuing campaign. A law was in consequence passed on the 25th of March, giving authority to dispose of the remainder of the church lands at the value formerly fixed on them, which was 22 years purchase. A new paper currency, termed mandats, was to be received in payment, but government had now lost its credit. These rapidly lost a great part of their value, which increased the demand for national property; and to prevent this, the legislature decreed that one-fourth of every purchase should be paid in cash, which prevented the sale of the national property, and the circulation of mandats.

During their preparations for the approaching campaign, the directory attempted to render themselves popular at home, by the establishment of the National Institute, or society of men of letters under the protection of government. Every man of erudition who had escaped the bloody persecution of the Mountain party, was invited to be a member. It was opened on the 4th of April, in the hall of the Louvre, when the ambassadors of Spain, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, America, Tuscany, Genoa, and Geneva, were present, and the members of the directory in their robes of state. The president expressed the determination of the executive power to afford every encouragement to the improvement of literature and the arts; and the president of the institute replied that it was the determination of the members to endeavour to give lustre to the republican government by the exercise of their talents, and by publications. The speeches were enthusiastically applauded by 1500 spectators, and the general expectation was, that France was now to enter on a career of glory and prosperity wholly unprecedented.

About this time an approach towards a negotiation with France was made on the part of Great Britain, by Mr Wickham, ambassador to the Swiss Cantons; and on the 8th of March, a note was communicated to M. Barthélemy, ambassador from the French republic. It was asked, whether France would be willing to send ministers to a congress to negotiate peace with his Britannic majesty and his allies? Whether France would be inclined to communicate the general grounds on which she would be willing to conclude peace, that his majesty and his allies might consider them in concert? Lastly, whether France would desire to communicate any other mode of accomplishing a peace? Whatever answer should be returned was to be transmitted to the British court; but it was at the same time declared that Mr Wickham had no authority to discuss these subjects. An answer was returned on the 26th of the same month, by Barthélemy in the name of the directory, complaining of the insincerity of the British court, as its ambassador had no authority to negotiate, and that the proposal of a congress made negotiation endless. It stated the wish of the directory to obtain peace, but that no portion of territory would be relinquished, which formed part of the republic by the constitutional decree. To this note no reply was made; but it was complained of to the foreign ministers resident at the court of London, and considered as leaving Britain no other alternative than the prosecution of the war, at once both just and necessary.

During the winter season, the directory found means to reduce the western departments to proper subjection. The expedition from England had tempted the royalists once more to try their fortune in the field of battle; but after a number of defeats, their leaders Charette and Stofflet were apprehended, and put to death on the 29th of March, which tended to suppress the insurgents in every quarter. Domestic enemies being thus subdued, the republican government was enabled to make the more vigorous exertions on the frontiers. Their military force was divided into three armies; the army of the Sambre and Meuse under Jourdan was principally stationed about Dusseldorf and Coblenz; the army of the Rhine and Moselle, commanded by the celebrated General Moreau, stationed on the Upper Rhine, and from Landau to Treves; and the third army occupied the Italian coast from Nice towards Genoa, the command of which was bestowed on Bonaparte, a native of Corsica, and one of the most extraordinary men that ever lived in any country, as our readers will perceive in the sequel.

The army of Italy about this time was 56,000 strong, which Bonaparte, at his arrival, found very ill equipped, and in a state of mutiny for want of pay and necessaries. Wishing them to prepare for immediate action, he addressed them in the following manner: "If we are to be vanquished, we have already too much, and if we conquer, we shall want nothing." He was anticipated by the enemy. The Austrians employed in the defence of Italy, under Beaulieu were more numerous than the army of Bonaparte, to which were added 60,000 regular troops belonging to his Sardinian majesty, the militia of the country, and about 2500 Neapolitan cavalry. On the 9th of April the campaign was opened by General Beaulieu, who attacked a post called Voltri, in the possession of the republicans, six leagues from Genoa. They defended themselves till the evening, after which they retreated to Savona. Next day Beaulieu succeeded in all his attempts, till he reached Mentonette, the last republican entrenchment, which contained 1500 men. Rampon, their commander, prevailed with them in a moment of enthusiasm, to swear that they would not surrender, in consequence of which they succeeded in arresting the progress of the Austrian general for the remaining part of the day. The right wing of the French army was, during the night, stationed in the rear of the redoubt of Montenotte, under La Harpe, while Bonaparte, Massena, Berthier and Salicetti, advanced by Altara, to take the enemy on their flank and rear. Powerful reinforcements were in the meantime sent to Beaulieu, who, on the morning of the 11th, again made an attack on La Harpe; but the approach of Massena soon made the Austrians and Sardians nians give way on all sides. Two of their generals were wounded, 2500 were made prisoners, and the republicans pursued them beyond Cairo, which, on the following day, fell into their hands.

General Angereau, on the 13th, forced the defiles of Millesimo; and by a rapid movement General Provera was surrounded at the head of 1500 grenadiers; but instead of surrendering, this brave officer forced his way through the enemy, and entrenched himself in the ruins of an old castle at the top of the hill. Angereau, with his artillery, endeavoured to dislodge him; after which he arranged his troops into four columns, and made an attempt to carry Provera's entrenchments by storm, which proved unsuccessful, but the French had two generals killed, and Joubert was wounded. The adverse armies faced each other on the 14th, while a division was left to continue the blockade of Provera. The Austrians made an unsuccessful attack on the republican centre, while Massena turned the left flank of their left wing in the vicinity of Dego, and La Harpe turned the right flank of the same wing. One column kept in check the centre of the Austrians, another attacked the flank of their left wing, and a third column gained its rear. The republicans took 8000 prisoners, and General Provera at last surrendered.

General Beaulieu, after he was defeated at Millesimo, made an effort similar to those which have been frequently found to change the fortune of war. With 7000 of his best troops he made an attack upon the village of Dego, where the republicans after their success were indulging in security. He made himself master of the village, and the troops having rallied under Massena, that general employed the greater part of the day in his efforts to retake it. The republicans were three times repulsed, but Bonaparte having arrived in the evening with reinforcements, the post was retaken, and 1400 men were made prisoners. Bonaparte was now, by design, between the Austrian and Sardinian armies, his right wing being secured by the village of Dego against the efforts of Beaulieu, while he could act against the Piedmontese troops with the greater part of his force. Angereau powerfully seconded his exertions, who had opened a communication with the Tanaro, where Serrurier was approaching the town of Ceva, in the vicinity of which there was a Piedmontese entrenched camp of 8000 men. The redoubts covering this camp were, on the 16th, attacked by General Angereau, capturing the greater part of them, on which the Piedmontese evacuated Ceva during the night, and, on the 17th, Serrurier entered it in triumph. Count Colli repulsed Serrurier on the 20th; but Bonaparte, on the 22d, defeated him at Mondovi. The flying army endeavoured to make a stand at Fossano, its wings being at Coni and Cherasco, which latter place was taken by Massena on the 25th, when Fossano was taken by Serrurier, and Alba by Angereau.

Prior to these movements, an armistice was requested by Count Colli on the 23d, which General Bonaparte granted, on condition that the fortresses of Coni, Ceva, and Tortona, should be given up to him, with their magazines and artillery, and that he should have permission to cross the Po at Valentia. The armistice was signed on the 29th of April, and a definitive treaty was concluded at Paris on the 17th of May. The conditions, in so far as they concerned his Sardinian majesty, were unquestionably humiliating. The duchy of Savoy was given up to France for ever, as were also the counties of Nice, Jende, and Bretueil. An amnesty was granted to all his subjects who were persecuted for political opinions, and he agreed that the French troops should have free access to Italy through his territory. He was to erect no fortresses on the side of France, to demolish those of Brunette and Susa, and confess that his conduct to the last republican ambassador had been disrespectful.

The republican army, in the mean time, advanced towards the Po; but Beaulieu was deceived respecting one article of the armistice, which granted permission to Bonaparte to cross that river at Valentia. Concluding that the republican chief seriously intended to cross at this place, he made every possible preparation to oppose him, while Bonaparte hastily penetrated into Lombardy, and on the 7th of May, was 60 miles down the river to Placentia before the enemy could obtain information of his route. He passed the river without difficulty. Six thousand infantry and 2000 cavalry were dispatched by Beaulieu to oppose the passage of Bonaparte across the river when it was too late, by whom they were met and defeated on the following day, at the village of Fombio. As 5000 more advanced to the assistance of these, they were repulsed by La Harpe, at which time that officer was killed. An armistice was granted by General Bonaparte on the 9th to the duke of Parma, on condition that he paid 2,000,000 of French money, and delivered 10,000 quintals of wheat, 5000 quintals of oats, and 2000 oxen for the use of the army. He likewise agreed to give up 20 of his best paintings, to be made choice of by the republicans. This last measure was strongly objected to by several men of literature and artists as soon as it was known; but the directory disregarded every remonstrance, and gave orders for similar stipulations to be inserted in every subsequent treaty.

As General Beaulieu was forced to abandon the Po, Victory of he crossed the Adda at Lodi, Pizzighitine, and Cre-Lodi, leaving some troops to defend the approaches to Lodi, which were attacked by the advanced guard of the republicans on the 10th, who drove them into the town, and pursued them so rapidly, that there was no time left to break down the bridge over the Adda. Here the Austrians defended the passage with 30 pieces of cannon, and the republican officers, after holding a consultation, were of opinion that the bridge could not be forced. Bonaparte, however, having demanded of his grenadiers whether they were willing to make the attempt, they commended the proposal, on which he formed them into a close column, when they availed themselves of the darkness occasioned by the smoke of the enemy's artillery, and reached the middle of the bridge unperceived, where 700 of them perished by the Austrian cannon; but a number of republican officers flew to the head of the column, urged on the brave soldiers, broke into the Austrian ranks, and made them fly in all directions.

It appears that nothing more was expected from the campaign of Bonaparte in Italy, than to induce the different princes and states to abandon the coalition against it. France, which every one of them assisted either with troops, or with money and provisions. He made himself master of Ferrarra, Bologna, and Urbino, granting to his Holiness and the duke of Modena an armistice on the usual terms, we mean large contributions, paintings, and curiosities. The Neapolitan cabinet was so terrified in consequence of his march into the Roman territory, that it requested a peace; and Bonaparte agreed to an armistice without any of the humiliating conditions demanded from the other states of Italy. He next proceeded to Leghorn, in the neutral state of Tuscany, in order to drive out the English, and confiscate their property. In this manner did he finish the task assigned him, before the commencement of the campaign on the Rhine. It is true that Mantua was still in possession of the Imperial troops; but it was in a state of siege, and the rest of Italy was submissive to the French republic.

With a view to lessen the exertions of the republicans in Italy, the contest in Germany was renewed by the Austrians. General Jourdan was of consequence informed, that the armistice would terminate, and the war be renewed, on the 31st of May. Jourdan at this time had to contend with General Wartensleben, while the archduke was at the head of the army in the Hunsrück, to oppose General Moreau on the Upper Rhine. A singular stratagem distinguished the commencement of the campaign on the part of the French, with a view to decoy the whole of the Austrian forces to the Lower Rhine, that an opportunity might thus be afforded to General Moreau of suddenly entering Swabia, and carrying the war to the hereditary territories of Austria. Jourdan began to make vigorous exertions, and Moreau remained inactive. The lines of Dusseldorf were left on the 31st of May by the left wing of Jourdan's army, under the command of General Kleber, who defeated the Austrians in marching towards the Sieg. Advancing with his centre and right wing, Jourdan forced the Austrian posts on the Nahe, effected the passage of the Rhine, blockaded Ehrenbreitstein, and hastened forward as if he designed to form the siege of Mentz. These movements brought the archduke into the perilous situation of having Moreau in his front, and Jourdan in his rear. He therefore crossed the river in haste, leaving the fortresses of Mentz and Manheim to retard the progress of Moreau. The archduke attacked the advanced guard of General Jourdan, which, after an obstinate and bloody conflict, he forced to retire. Jourdan, upon this retired to his former positions; and Kleber, on the 20th, entered the lines of Dusseldorf, from which he had taken his departure.

The archduke had no sooner withdrawn from the Palatinate to force Jourdan down the Rhine, than Moreau marched speedily towards Strasbourg, by which the hostile armies seemed as fast as possible to be flying from each other. The passage of the river opposite to Kehl was effected by Moreau on the 24th of June, which was attended with considerable difficulty, a sudden swell having prevented the Austrians from being taken by surprise, which appears to have been the primary intention of the republican commander. The entrenchments on the islands occupied by troops, were instantly carried at the point of the bayonet, and 2600 republicans effected a landing on the opposite shore, where they were exposed to the Austrian cannon from the camp of Wilstedt, and to the cannon of the fort; still, however, they maintained their ground, and likewise acted on the offensive, till the boats returned with reinforcements, when the fort and redoubts were carried by storm, and the Austrians retreated towards Offenburgh.

In consequence of the archduke's departure to the Lower Rhine in pursuit of General Jourdan, and the detachments sent to Italy to check the victorious career of Bonaparte, General Moreau was in a situation for entering Swabia with a superior force. On the 26th of June he succeeded in compelling the Austrians to abandon their camp at Wilstedt, and next day proceeded with his army in three columns, against another body of 15,000 men before Offenburgh. A detachment from General Wurmser was sent to their assistance, but these were defeated on their march by two republican columns, and Offenburgh was evacuated during the night. The mountain of Knobis was seized on the 2d of July by a body of French under General Laroche. This is the loftiest point in that ridge of mountains denominated the Black Forest. The Austrians were next day driven from the pass of Friedenstadt, after an obstinate resistance, by which their communication with the emigrants under the Prince of Condé was entirely cut off. The Austrians were attacked at Rastadt on the 8th by the left wing of the republican army, commanded by the gallant General Dessaux, and, after a most obstinate resistance, were obliged to retreat to Ettingen.

The archduke now arrived with his army on the Lower Rhine, leaving Wartensleben to check the progress of General Jourdan, who began to act upon the Frisian offensive as soon as the archduke departed. General Kleber, as before, set off from the lines of Dusseldorf, and the centre and right wing crossed the Rhine in the vicinity of Coblentz. The French forced the posts of Ukareth and Altenkirchen, and the whole army under General Jourdan crossed the Lahn on the 9th of July, and next day Wartensleben was defeated with great slaughter, and the loss of 500 men taken prisoners; and the republicans entered Frankfort on the 12th. The two imperial armies were now not far from each other, being in the centre between those of Moreau and Jourdan. Had the archduke found it practicable to resist for a little one of these two armies of the French by a detachment, while he rushed upon the other with the main body of his army, it is not improbable that an end might thus have been put to any further invasion of the Germanic empire; but the activity of the republican officers was not so easily checked, nor could their progress be arrested by any partial exertions. His last resource, therefore, was to give battle to Moreau, which was most obstinately fought on both sides. The French, in their endeavours to force the heights of Rollensolle, were four times repulsed, and, after a most terrible slaughter, they carried the field at the point of the bayonet.

In consequence of the loss they sustained at the battle of Ettingen, the two imperial armies retired eastward, the archduke retreating through Swabia towards Ulm, where he had magazines. At every post of any strength he made a stand, in order to obstruct General Moreau's progress as much as possible. Wartensleben, in his retreat through Franconia, made a similar opposition to the march of Jourdan. The archduke was forced by Moreau to cross the Neckar, and afterwards the Danube, by which means the whole circle of Swabia was in the rear of the republicans. Wartensleben was forced to retreat through Aschaffenburg, Wartsburg, Schweinfurt; and was obliged to cross the Rednitz, in order to shun the army of Jourdan, which was pressing on his rear. Jourdan continued to advance, till his right wing, commanded by General Bernadotte, was posted at Neumarkt; his advanced posts at Teining, and the main body of the army pursued Wartensleben beyond the Nab, having arrived at Amberg on the 22d of August.

The three republican armies commanded by Moreau, Bonaparte, and Jourdan, were possessed of the whole country from the frontiers of Bohemia to the Adriatic, excepting only a part of the mountains of Tyrol, which caused an alarm through the whole of Germany. The payment of 4,000,000 of French money procured a peace for the duke of Würtemberg; and the circle of Swabia obtained it, on condition of paying 12,000,000 of livres, and delivering 8,400 horses, 5,000 oxen, 100,000 quintals of wheat, 50,000 quintals of rye, 100,000 sacks of oats, 100,000 pairs of shoes, and a large quantity of hay. Peace was granted to the margrave of Baden upon similar terms. Negotiations were also entered into by the elector of Bavaria and the circle of Franconia, having offered large sums in order to procure it. Even the diet of Ratisbon sent a deputation to the republican generals to treat for a neutrality. Spain made a treaty with France, both offensive and defensive, and war was in consequence soon after declared against Great Britain.

Bonaparte was detained still in Italy, whereas had it been in his power to cross the Tyrol at Innspruck, and reach the Danube, it is more than probable that the emperor of Germany would have been obliged to accept of a peace upon any terms which the conquerors thought proper to propose. He was now abandoned by every member of the coalition, Britain alone excepted, whose pecuniary aid enabled him to extricate himself from the dangers which surrounded him. A command of money raised one army after another to check the career of Bonaparte in Italy, while his German armies were recruited by extensive levies, and mercenary troops belonging to the states which had made peace with France.

The archduke Charles having received strong reinforcements, came to the resolution of opposing Moreau at Umersheim. A desperate battle was of consequence fought, of 17 hours continuance, when one of the wings of the Austrian army succeeded in gaining about four leagues of territory in the rear of the republican army; but as the archduke was informed that Wartensleben could not maintain his ground against the efforts of General Jourdan, he deemed it prudent to retreat, and adopt new measures. On the 17th of August, he left General La Tour to be a check upon Moreau, and crossing the Danube at Ingolstadt, he marched to the relief of General Wartensleben, and with united forces determined to fall upon Jourdan. On the 23d he made an attack upon Bernadotte at Teining, whom he compelled to retreat towards Nuremberg. The archduke was now on the right of Jourdan, and Wartensleben was in front of him, which induced the French commander to retreat on the 24th. Such was the state of the French finances at the beginning of this campaign, that the armies of Jourdan and Moreau were under the necessity of plundering wherever they came, to supply their immediate wants. This was particularly the case with Jourdan's army, which, when it began to retreat, suffered almost as much from the exasperated inhabitants as from the opposing army. The archduke and Wartensleben having united their forces, the former was enabled to dispatch General Nauendorf with reinforcements to La Tour, to keep Moreau in check, while he continued his pursuit of Jourdan towards Wartzburg, where the French made a stand, and a severe engagement took place on the 3d of September. In this, General Jourdan was the greatest sufferer, and he continued his retreat during the night. Having crossed the Lahn, he made a feeble resistance, and marched along the banks of the Rhine, till his army, on the 17th, arrived at Coblenz and Dusseldorf, from which it had formerly departed.

The army of Moreau was now in a situation extremely perilous, yet he maintained his position till the 17th of September, the very day on which Jourdan reached Dusseldorf; but he was obviously in a wavering condition as to his future movements, and one of the greatest generals Europe ever beheld was now at a loss what step to take. He made an unsuccessful effort to draw the archduke from the pursuit of Jourdan. Many attacks were made upon him, but without effect; and the Austrian generals gave way to him wherever he turned. But finding that the retreat of Jourdan was irretrievable, and that General Bonaparte was still detained in Italy, he finally resolved to retreat. To His unprepare for this arduous undertaking, he had crossed the Lech, which he suddenly repassed, as if fully determined to penetrate farther into Austria, and compelled La Tour to fall back to Lansberg. Having thus obtained a free passage for his future movements, he began his ever memorable and unexampled retreat, passing between the Danube at Ulm and the lake of Constance, while La Tour continued pressing upon his rear. The passes of the Black Forest were occupied by numerous bodies of Austrians and armed peasantry, while his right flank was harassed by Generals Nauendorf and Petrasch, at the head of 24,000 men. He turned once more upon La Tour with terrible impetuosity, defeated him, and took 5,000 prisoners, whom he was able to carry to France. He after this continued his retreat, checking Nauendorf and Petrasch with the right wing of his army under General Dessaux, and the rest of the army cleared the passages in front, till he reached the Valley of Hell, a narrow defile extending for some leagues between lofty mountains, and in particular parts of it not more than a few fathoms broad. This passage was forced by the centre of his army in a mass, and the wings opposed the enemy under Nauendorf and La Tour. After this dreadful effort, he arrived at Fribourg on the 13th of October. The archduke, on his arrival from the pursuit of Jourdan, forced him to abandon his positions on the Swabian side of the Rhine, Kehl excepted, and a temporary fortification at Hunningen, called a bridge-head.

As the French frontier at this time was in a defenceless situation, the Imperial troops took advantage of it to cross the Rhine at Manheim, and march in different detachments to Weissenburg, Seltz, Hagenaus, and nearly to the very gates of Strasbourg, levying contributions, and demanding hostages wherever they came. When these detachments were recalled, the archduke... archduke formed the resolution of terminating the campaign by the reduction of Kehl and the fortification at Huningen, which he found to be no easy task. At both these places a communication was open with the French side of the river, and the divisions of General Moreau's army did duty at them alternately. Much of the winter was spent by the Austrians in endeavouring either to carry them by storm, or to reduce them in consequence of a regular siege. The French at last agreed to evacuate Kehl on the 10th of January, and the fortification at Huningen was surrendered in the month of February.

Although the republicans in Germany experienced very considerable reverses of fortune, as we have just now seen, yet Bonaparte in Italy continued victorious. Having laid all Italy under contribution, he enjoyed the means of preserving a secure and steady discipline over a well paid army. The mode of fighting which he adopted in all desperate cases, was that of the close column; the favourite method of Epaminondas and Gustavus Adolphus. The style, too, in which he addressed his army before any great action, was well adapted to inspire them with enthusiasm. His speech to his army when he first entered Lombardy, deserves to be remembered. "Soldiers, you have rushed like a torrent from the summit of the Appenines, you have driven back and dispersed all who opposed your march. Your fathers, your mothers, your wives, your sisters, your sweethearts, rejoice in your success, and boast with pride of being related to you. But remains there nothing more for you to effect? Shall posterity reproach us with having found a Capua in Lombardy? But I already see you rushing to arms; an unmanly repose fatigues you, and the days lost to glory are lost to your felicity. But let the people be tranquil; we are the friends of all nations, and more particularly of the descendants of the Brotuses, the Scipios, and the illustrious personages whom we have chosen as models. To restore the capitol, to replace with honour the statues of the heroes who rendered it renowned, and to rouse the Roman people, become torpid by so many ages of slavery, such will be the fruit of your victories; they will form an epoch to posterity, and you will have the immortal glory of renovating the fairest portion of Europe. The French nation, free and respected by all the world, will give to Europe a glorious peace. You will then return to your homes, and your fellow-citizens, who, when pointing to you, will say, "He was of the army of Italy."

Bonaparte took up the first part of the month of July in commencing a regular siege against Mantua, expecting to be master of that city towards the end of the month. In this, however, he proved too sanguine, for the military efforts of Austria were very great, and the pecuniary aid of Britain was not refused. Twenty thousand troops were sent from the Rhine, besides vast numbers from different quarters, so that he was obliged to raise the siege, and provide for his own safety in the best manner he could. Massena was driven from his post at La Corona on the 29th of July, while 15,000 Austrians drove the republicans from Salo, and next from Brescia, with the whole of the stores and magazines belonging to the army of General Bonaparte. The Imperial troops, however, committed a fatal blunder in their plan of operations, by dividing into two parts an army which, when united, was a match for the enemy, and placing Bonaparte between them. Of this blunder the republican chief was fully aware, and did not fail to take advantage of it. He unexpectedly raised the siege of Mantua, and leaving a small body of troops to check the Austrians, he marched rapidly westward and retook Brescia, with the magazines and hospitals, on the 1st of August. As he had the mass of his army with him, he exceeded his enemies in numbers wherever he attacked them. Forming a large body of his troops into close columns, the Austrians extended their line with the view of surrounding him, being not yet acquainted with his manner of fighting, by which means he penetrated their line in all directions, and threw them into the greatest confusion. He made 4000 prisoners, and took 20 pieces of cannon. A division of them finding Salo in possession of the republicans, wandered about in search of a road, by which to make their escape, when they summoned Lonado to surrender, believing that the bulk of the French army had gone in search of Wurmser to give him battle. This was indeed the case; but Bonaparte was in Lonado with no more than 1200 men. Although this event no doubt gave him much uneasiness, yet with great presence of mind he threatened to destroy their whole division for insulting the French army, by summoning its commander in chief to surrender. The Austrian officers believed that the whole army was in the place, so that by this singular stratagem 4000 men were induced to throw down their arms.

Marshal Wurmser was attacked by Bonaparte on the 6th and 7th, and driven from Peschiera and the river Mincio. The Austrians were obliged to quit Verona on the 7th, and again to betake themselves to the mountains of Tyrol; losing in a contest of six days upwards of 20,000 men, but fortunately three-fourths of them were prisoners. The siege of Mantua was again begun by the French, whose works the enemy had destroyed in their absence, and taken 130 pieces of cannon into the city which they had left behind. By this loss, the French could not undertake a regular siege, and General Wurmser was in a condition to attempt the relief of it by the beginning of September. Bonaparte having been apprised of his approach, left troops behind him to carry on the blockade, while he directed his march northward with the main body of his army, drove the Austrians from St Marco and Roveredo to the pass of Calliano, where they made a stand. Here an engagement ensued, in which the Austrians lost 6000 men taken prisoners, and the French entered Trent in triumph. Instead of retiring from the hero who had vanquished him, Wurmser threw himself into Bassano, upon the flank and rear of Bonaparte, and then marched with rapidity towards Mantua. He endeavoured to make a stand at Bassano, but was defeated with the loss of 3000 men taken prisoners. He crossed the Adige at Porto Legnago, and entered Mantua with no more than 8500 men, infantry and cavalry. Great as this veteran's loss was, it had the effect of detaining Bonaparte in Italy, to watch the numerous garrison of Mantua. He expected that its numbers would very soon reduce it by famine to the necessity of capitulating, but in this he found himself disappointed, as the flesh of the 4500 horses which Wurmser carried into it, afforded subsistence to the troops for a long time. Such was the fame of Bonaparte as a general, on account of the victories he obtained over the Austrians, that his countrymen, the Corsicans, discovered an inclination to throw off the British yoke, and be united to France. They became of course, so mutinous, that the viceroy deemed it necessary to evacuate the island, the submission of Italy to the republic having greatly diminished its value. The imperial subjects of Italy, together with the inhabitants of Bologna, Ferrara, and Modena, now began to form themselves into republics, under the patronage of General Bonaparte; they sent deputies to the convention, raised troops, and abolished all orders of nobility.

The emperor soon after endeavoured to relieve Mantua, by sending another army into Italy, under the command of General Alvinzi, who having crossed the Piava, was met by the republicans, and compelled to repass the river. Davidovich with his division having driven the French down the Adige towards Verona, General Bonaparte found it necessary to concentrate his forces. He therefore left General Vaubois as a check to the progress of Davidovich, and marched in person against General Alvinzi, and was met by the Austrians at the village of Arcole. As this village could not be turned speedily, on account of a canal, the French were obliged to attempt the passage of a narrow bridge in the face of the Austrian fire. Their officers rushed to the head of the column which had undertaken it, but in vain endeavoured to rally them. Angereau advanced to the end of the bridge with a standard; but he was followed by none, when the commander in chief hastened to the bridge and exclaimed, Grenadiers, follow your general! They followed till within 30 yards of the bridge, when they were intimidated by the tremendous fire of the Austrians, and Bonaparte judged it proper to fall back. In the evening General Guieux took the village at the head of 2000 men, but again left the Austrians in possession of it. On the 16th of November a desperate engagement took place in the vicinity of Arcole; and next day the Austrians pressing on the centre of the republican army, were unexpectedly taken on their flank by the left wing of the enemy, which was lying in ambush. Bonaparte sent a party of horse and 25 trumpeters round to the rear of the Austrians, who concluded from the terrible noise, that they were surrounded, and fled on all sides in the utmost confusion.

Having driven Alvinzi across the Brenta, Bonaparte returned; the positions of Rivoli and La Corona were resumed, and Davidovich driven back into Tyrol. General Wurmser still defended Mantua during the remaining part of the year; so that nothing farther may be said to have been gained by so many victories, but to consider Bonaparte as their only invincible commander.

During these transactions in the field of battle, Great Britain made a laudable effort to negotiate with France. Passports were obtained from the directory, and Lord Malmesbury set out as ambassador to Paris. He began the negotiation with De la Croiz, the minister for foreign affairs; but his lordship soon found that the directory had no serious intention of concluding a treaty with Britain. While the British ministry, as individuals, did not approve of a peace at that time, yet officially they considered it as proper, if it could be obtained on honourable terms. It was proposed by Lord Malmesbury, that the principle of mutual restitutions should be agreed upon as the basis of the treaty, and the directory wished that the objects should be specified. Lord Malmesbury therefore said, that the French should give up the Austrian Netherlands, for which Britain would give up the foreign settlements belonging to the republic. Many of the Dutch possessions abroad were also to be relinquished, on condition that the authority of the stadtholder should be acknowledged. He was next required to give in the ultimatum of his conditions in 24 hours; and on complaining of this demand, he was informed on the 19th of December, that the directory would agree to no conditions repugnant to the French constitution; and he was informed that his farther residence was unnecessary.

During this year Great Britain maintained her accustomed superiority at sea. The Cape of Good Hope was taken by Admiral Elphinstone on the 16th of September 1795, which the Dutch were extremely anxious to recover, for which purpose they advanced money to the French to fit out a squadron to combine with them in an attempt to reduce it. Seven ships of war were sent to retake the Cape, under the command of Admiral Lucas, but having been caught between two fires, he could not effect his escape, and therefore be surrendered to the British admiral without firing a gun.

Although Britain was superior by sea, yet an invasion of Ireland was attempted by the French in the end make an unsuccessful attempt on Ireland. The French admiral was committed to one man, General Hoche, without any second to occupy his place in the event of an accident. The disaffected party in Ireland had received no information of their approach, and the fleet was sent towards a part of the country where the people were not very much disposed to receive them. In this expedition 18 sail of the line, 13 frigates, 12 sloops, and transports with 25,000 men, were employed. It was detained for some time when ready for sailing, in consequence of a mutiny. Hoche set sail on the 10th of December, but in working out of Brest, a ship of the line was lost, and some more of them considerably damaged. The frigate which had on board the commander in chief was separated from the fleet by a gale of wind, in consequence of which, when most of the fleet arrived at Bantry Bay, they were without instructions how to proceed. The officers and troops wished to land, but Admiral Bouvet refused to comply. After remaining for some days on the coast, he sailed for France, and reached Brest with part of the fleet on the 31st. General Hoche reached Bantry Bay when it was too late, and consequently could not land. One ship of the line and two frigates foundered at sea, a frigate was captured by the British, and a ship of the line was run ashore, to prevent her from being taken.

In the beginning of the year 1797, the archduke Charles was still employed in his endeavours to reduce Kehl, and the fortifications opposite to Huningen, Morveau being still his antagonist. General Hoche was appointed to succeed Jourdan on the Rhine, and Bonaparte was still engaged in the siege of Mainz, while powerful efforts were making to recruit the army of Alvinzi. The youth of Vienna were requested to grant their assistance, when 6000 of them volunteered their services. services for Italy. General Alvinzi's army was now 50,000 strong, with which he continued to alarm the republicans in all directions, in order to conceal from them the plan of his future operations. Bonaparte was still at Bologna, to prevent the escape of General Wurmser by that quarter, which he understood, by an intercepted letter, was his design. Having been informed of the approach of the Austrian army, he hastened to Mantua, and from that city to Verona, where the centre of his line was opposed to Alvinzi; but as the Austrians continued to attack all quarters at once, he could not penetrate the design of their commander. On the 14th of January the movements of the enemy became more serious on the lower part of his line near Porto Legnago; but in the evening being informed that the upper extremity of it under Joubert, had been attacked by vastly superior numbers, there he concluded that the Austrians were in greatest force. Still the Austrians persisted in the absurd plan of dividing their army—an absurdity which melancholy experience had not taught them to correct. Ten thousand troops, including the Vienna volunteers, received orders to proceed to Mantua by Porto Legnago, at the lower end of the republican line, while Alvinzi in person advanced against Joubert, who was forced to retreat, and was reduced to such a situation, that the capture of his whole division on the following day (the 14th) seemed highly probable.

Bonaparte having received information respecting the state of affairs, left Verona on the 13th, having ordered Massena to follow him with the centre to Rivoli as fast as possible. On the 14th, at the break of day, the division of Joubert made an attack on the Austrians, at which they were very much surprised, not knowing that Bonaparte had arrived with reinforcements. The superior numbers of the Austrians defeated all the endeavours of the French troops to turn their divisions; and the two wings of the republican army were driven back upon the centre in considerable confusion. Alvinzi engaged the centre, which with difficulty maintained its ground; and the Austrian wings advancing on both sides, entirely surrounded the French. The victory seemed already won, and it is even reported that General Alvinzi sent a courier to Vienna, to announce the approaching capture of Bonaparte and all his army. There can be no doubt that the republican chief was now greatly alarmed, yet he still considered it in his power to make a last effort. Forming three strong columns, he dispatched them against the right wing of the Austrians, which they penetrated at various points, and made it fly in such confusion, that, having met a party of republicans which had not arrived in time to join the army, 4000 Austrians laid down their arms, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Bonaparte apprehending that this part of his line was no longer in danger, left Joubert to prosecute the victory, and went to oppose the march of Provera. A party under General Morat having continued their march all the night of the 14th after the battle, seized on Montebaldo in the rear of the position at Corona, to which part of the Austrians retreated, while Joubert on the following morning attacked them in front. Being thus surrounded, they were thrown into confusion, 6000 of them were taken prisoners, and numbers perished in attempting to cross the Adige.

During this bloody conflict on the upper part of the river, General Provera forced his passage across the lower part of it near Porto Legnago, and obliged the republican general Guieux to retreat to Ronco. As Provera was marching rapidly to Mantua, General An-Savoncerieu came up with his rear, and made 2000 prisoners; but the Austrian general reached the neighbourhood of that city on the 15th, which was blockaded at St George and La Favourite. He summoned the republican commander here to surrender, but he having refused to comply, Provera endeavoured, without success, to carry it by assault. He next made an attack upon La Favourite, and was seconded by Wurmser with the troops in the garrison, who had perceived his arrival; but as Bonaparte had arrived with reinforcements, General Wurmser was defeated, and Provera being surrounded by the French, surrendered himself and his troops as prisoners of war. In consequence of these engagements at Rivoli and Mantua, the Austrians lost 23,000 men taken prisoners, and 60 pieces of cannon. The surrender of Mantua was now inevitable, on account of absolute famine, and therefore it capitulated on the 2d of February. That Bonaparte might allow the French emigrants to escape, he allowed General Wurmser to select and take out of the garrison 700 men who were not to be examined, nor viewed as prisoners of war, and the general himself was to depart unconditionally.

The most active and vigorous preparations were making by the emperor and the French, for recommencing their bloody contest on the German frontiers, and therefore it was of importance for Bonaparte to leave Italy in his rear in a state of tranquillity. He sent General Victor on the 1st of February, together with the Lombard legion, to enter the papal territories; and after the surrender of Mantua, General Bonaparte followed in person. The Lombard legion, after storming the entrenchments of the Pope's troops, made 1000 of them prisoners, and took all their cannon. General Colli had carried away most of the treasure from the chapel at Loreto; but the republicans still found articles of gold and silver worth a million of livres, and the image of the virgin was sent to Paris as a curiosity. At Tolentino the republican chief was met by a messenger from the pope with an overture of peace, and a treaty was concluded on the 19th. The pope promised to pay 15,000,000 of livres, and to deliver 800 cavalry horses, with a like number of draught horses and oxen. He also agreed to pay 300,000 livres to the family of the French ambassador Basseeville, whom the rabble had murdered at Rome, and to make an apology by his minister at Paris for that event.

The French having been so unfortunate in their invasion of Germany by the way of Swabia and Franconia, now determined to make their principal attempt from Italy under the command of General Bonaparte. Vast bodies of troops were therefore detached by the directory from those who had served under Moreau, and sent as secretly as possible towards Italy by the way of Savoy. The impending danger was however perceived by the court of Vienna, and therefore gave the command on the side of Italy to the archduke Charles, he being the only Austrian who had hitherto been successful against the republicans. The war was now about to be carried into new territories, where a It was necessary that Bonaparte should once more force his way over the Alps, that immense chain of mountains which rises in the neighbourhood of Toulon, and stretching northward, obtains the names of Piedmont and Savoy. It then takes an easterly direction, forming the countries of Switzerland, Tyrol, Carinthia, and Carniola. The three last of these passing along the Adriatic, constitute the frontier, in this quarter, of the hereditary states of Austria. The fertile and level country, which belonged to Venice, lies between the mountains and the sea. It is crossed by many streams which are increased by the melting snows of the Alps, and whose peculiar characteristic is this, that they are greatest in summer, and least in winter.

The archduke, instead of making a stand in the defiles of the mountains, was sent into the plain to guard the passages of the rivers; a very important blunder which entered into the plan of defence adopted by the council of war at Vienna.

While Bonaparte continued to advance to the territories of the pope, the arrangement of the Austrian army was going forward along the eastern bank of the Piava. The republicans were on the opposite side, and Bonaparte, after quitting the papal territories, hastened to join them. Having effected the passage of the Piava on the 12th of March, the Austrians retired, skirmishing for some days, till they crossed the Tagliamento, where they halted with their whole force. The republican army reached, on the 17th, Valvesone, on the opposite side of the river, which after some hesitation they determined to cross. The stream having been diminished by the frost, the French crossed it in columns at different points. Joubert with the left wing received orders to pass along the valley of the river Drave, beyond the highest chain of the Noric Alps. Massena, at the head of the centre division, passed into the defiles of these mountains, and the right division, commanded by Bonaparte, marched along the coast of the Adriatic.

On the 19th, the town of Gradisca, on the river Lisonza, surrendered to the right wing of the army; and its garrison, consisting of 3000 men, were made prisoners. The same division entered Goritz on the 21st, where it found the principal magazines and hospitals belonging to the Austrians. Trieste was taken on the 23rd, and materials worth 2,000,000 of livres were sent off by the French from the quicksilver mines of Ydria. On the 24th a large body of Austrians was confined by Massena, and a part of the right wing commanded by General Guieux; but they having procured reinforcements from the archduke, engaged the French next day, and were defeated, having lost 5000 prisoners and 400 baggage waggons. Equal success attended the left wing under Joubert, Baraguay D' Hilliers, and Delmas. Four thousand Austrians were taken on the banks of the Lavis, and they were defeated at Clauzen, with the loss of 1500 prisoners. This division then directed its march eastward, along the valley of the Drave, towards Clagenfurt, the metropolis of Carinthia, where it was met by General Massena, that officer having obliged the archduke to evacuate his headquarters, and proceed nearer to the capital of the empire, which now began to be in danger. In 15 days General Bonaparte took 20,000 prisoners, and effected the passage of the Alps, after which there was no place of sufficient strength to arrest his progress to Vienna. Yet it must be confessed that his own situation was not free from danger, and therefore he prudently embraced this moment of unprecedented success to make overtures of peace. He wrote to the archduke on the 31st of March, deprecating the continuance of the war, and entreating him to use his influence for putting a period to its ravages. This prince evasively replied, that it did not belong to him to investigate the principles on which the war was carried on, and that he had no power to negotiate.

The Austrians raised the peasantry in the Tyrol, to harass the rear of the French army, by which they gained some advantages under General Laudohn, and drove out the republican troops which had been left at Botzen and Brixen. The people of the Venetian states acted a similar part against the troops left in them, and with the assistance of 10 Slavonian regiments, they murdered every Frenchman they could find, not sparing even the sick in the hospitals, of whom 500 were massacred at Verona. The Austrians attempted to surround the invading army; but Bonaparte knew that the embarrassment of the court of Vienna was at least equal to his own. He was at the head of 95,000 men, hitherto irresistible; and the Austrians could not but know that to surround his army was not to vanquish it, on which account he persisted in advancing. On the 2d of April, after a bloody conflict, he forced the strong defiles between Freissach and Newmark, making 600 prisoners. His advanced guard reached Hunsmark on the 4th, where they again defeated the Austrians, which induced the cabinet of Austria to treat for peace, there being no place where the army of the archduke could make a stand, till it came to the mountains in the neighbourhood of Vienna. Bellegarde and Morveld requested a suspension of hostilities from Bonaparte, while care was taken to remove the public treasure and effects into Hungary. The French commander consented, on condition of getting possession of Gratz and Leoben, about 50 miles from Vienna. This was on the 7th of April, and the armistice, which was to expire on the 13th, was afterwards renewed for a longer period. A preliminary treaty followed this on the 19th, by which the French were to retain the Austrian Netherlands, and the republic of Lombardy should be called the Cisalpine republic, comprehending the Milanese, Mantua, Modena, Ferrara, and Bologna. Bonaparte consented to return to Italy, if his army should be supplied with provisions during its march, and all farther disputes were to be settled by a definitive treaty of peace. He brought an accusation against the Venetian government for conniving at the murder of the French during his absence, and having possessed himself of the city and territories, he dissolved that ancient aristocracy.

During the approach of Bonaparte towards Vienna, the republican armies on the Rhine were pressing on the isolated Austrians, that they might not have it in their power to send reinforcements against him. An armistice was offered by the Austrians, but since the French required Ehrenbreitstein as a compensation, both parties resolved to prosecute the war. The left wing of the army of General Hoche proceeded from Dusseldorf, while the centre and right wing crossed the river near Coblenz. On the 18th of April a fierce contest took place between... between the hostile armies near the Lahn, in which the Austrians lost 4000 taken prisoners. General Moreau having forced the passage of the Upper Rhine near Strasbourg, attacked and carried the village of Diersheim. Next day the conflict was renewed with such vigour on the part of the republicans, that the fort of Kehl was taken, and 5000 Austrians were made prisoners. They were next pursued towards the Danube, when all military operations were instantly suspended by messengers dispatched through Germany from the archduke and Bonaparte, with the joyful news that peace was concluded. On the arrival of these messengers, the army of General Hoche was making a desperate attack upon Francfort on the Maine, which General Warnacht was employing every effort to protect. Both armies suddenly received the news, the hostile troops threw down their arms, and congratulated each other on the happy event.

A contest of an alarming nature was now fast approaching between the legislative and executive branches of the French government. A third part of the legislative body was now to be changed. On the 19th of May, Letourneur went out of the directory by lot; on the 20th, the new third took their seats, and on the 21st Barthelemy was chosen a member of the directory in the room of Letourneur. Pichegru, Jourdan, and Wilot, were among the members of the new third, so that a decided majority of both councils was of the moderate party; and two members of the directory, Carnot and Barthelemy, were understood to be men of the same description. Every measure was adopted which tended to render the Mountain party odious, or embarrass the directory.

Gilbert Desmolières, on the 14th of June, brought up a report from a committee on the state of the finances, in which he inveighed against the prodigality and profusion of the directory and its agents in the strongest language. A new plan of finance was proposed by the same committee on the 18th, which went to take from the directory the administration of the public money. On the preceding day Camille Jourdan presented a report of great length on the subject of religion, wherein he insisted on the impropriety of forbidding its ceremonies to be publicly displayed, and the iniquitous nature of that persecution which its ministers had suffered, because they could not take the oaths prescribed by the legislature. The council of five hundred decreed, on the 15th of July, that all the laws against refractory priests should be repealed; and on the following day a decree requiring from them an oath of fidelity to the constitution, was carried by a majority of no more than six members. Emery, a new member, proposed the repeal of those laws by which the property of emigrants had been confiscated, and that their relations should be considered as competent to succeed them. Such as had fled into foreign countries from Toulon and other parts of the nation, received encouragement to return home, and allowed to cherish the expectation that their names would be expunged from the list of emigrants.

The discussion which these topics underwent made the directory and the councils professed enemies to each other. The latter wished the former to be changed before the expiration of the legal time, and the directory wished to deprive many new members of their seats who had been elected by the people. As Barras was rather the most odious member of the directory, an effort was made to deprive him of his seat, under the pretence that he was less than the legal age of 40; but his colleagues maintained that he was born in the year 1755, and it seems no proof of the contrary could be produced. Still the directory did not want a number of adherents. The resolution of the councils in favour of the priests had the appearance of a counter-revolution, which induced the royalists to resume courage, and journals were rapidly published in defence of their cause. The councils received information on the 20th of July, that a division of the army under General Hoche was within a few leagues of Paris, while the constitution declared that the directory incurred the penalty of ten years imprisonment, if it brought any troops nearer the residence of the legislative body than twelve leagues without its consent. An explanation was demanded, when the directory declared their ignorance of the march, having been undertaken without any orders from them, and purely owing to a mistake of the officer by whom it was conducted; but the councils paid little regard to such an allegation. The mutinous suburb of St Antoine adhered to the majority of the directory, which encouraged them so much, that they lost no time in proceeding to action. General Angereau had been sent for from Italy, under the pretext of delivering to the directory some standards taken from the enemy. The Thulleries was surrounded by Angereau on the morning of the 4th, with a division of the troops, when the guard of the councils refused to act against them, and Ramel their commander was made prisoner. On entering the hall, he found Pichegru and twelve more of the chiefs of the opposite faction, whom he immediately set prisoners to the Temple. Carnot made his escape on the preceding evening, but Barthelemy remained and was put under arrest. When several members of the councils came to the hall at the usual hour, they were astonished to find that seals had been put upon the doors, and that they could not find admittance. They were ordered to go to the surgeons hall, where the directory, it was said, had appointed them to meet. Of both councils not more than 120 members assembled, who sent to obtain from the directory an account of the late proceedings. They were given to understand that what had been done was absolutely necessary for the salvation of the republic, congratulating the duped councils on their escape from the machinations of the royalists. According to the report of Boullay de la Meurth, a vast royalist conspiracy, the centre of which was in the bosom of the councils, was endeavouring to subvert the constitution, but that the indefatigable diligence and activity of the directory had defeated all their attempts! It was proposed to transport the conspirators without a trial, and the councils were so completely imposed upon as to vote the transportation of 53 of their own members, and twelve other persons, among which number were included the directors Carnot and Barthelemy.

During the whole of these transactions the city of Paris remained in a state of tranquillity. Its unfortunate struggle on the 5th of October had so completely subdued the ardour of the inhabitants, that they allowed the national representation to be violated with impunity, and liberty to be trampled under foot, without a single exertion in its defence. The directory excused cused their conduct to the nation under pretence of the existence of a royalist conspiracy. General Pichegru, it was said, had offered to join the emigrants under the prince of Condé, and the Austrians commanded by General Wurmser, and with this aggregate force to march directly to Paris, for the re-establishment of royalty. There are certain circumstances which lead us to suspect that this was a fabrication: for at the time when this supposed correspondence became public, it was denied to be genuine; and Moreau, who was implicated in this conspiracy, was afterwards employed in the service of the republic, to whose military skill and fidelity the French rulers seemed willing to commit the salvation of the country.

The directory was now very powerful, but its members soon became giddy from the elevated nature of their situation, and seemed to act under the dangerous conviction, that there was nothing in which they might not venture to engage, whatever might be the capacity or ambition attached to it. While contending with the councils, they prolonged the negotiations with Lord Malmesbury, acting in a similar manner respecting those which had been entered into between Bonaparte and the imperial ambassadors at Campo Formio. Great Britain offered to make peace with France, if permitted to retain possession of the Cape of Good Hope, together with the Spanish island of Trinidad. The negotiations with the emperor were speedily terminated, and on the 17th of October a definitive treaty was signed at Campo Formio. The Netherlands were given up to the republic, the Milanese to the Cisalpine republic, and his territories in the Brisgaw to the duke of Modena, to compensate for the loss of his duchy in Italy. It was likewise agreed by the emperor that the French should possess the Venetian islands in the Levant, namely Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa Maura, Cerigo and others. The emperor was to have the city of Venice with its remaining territory, from the extremity of Dalmatia, as far as the Adige and the lake Garda. The Austrians accordingly left the Rhine, by which means the republicans were enabled to surround Mentz and Ehrenbreitstein, the former of which was captured in a short time, but the latter required a very tedious blockade before it would surrender. Venice was at the same time entered by the Austrians, the French having left it, and Bonaparte, when about to march out of Italy, left 23,000 men to garrison Mantua, Brescia, Milan, and some other places, and to preserve this new republic in a state of dependence upon France.

It is said that the directory about this time endeavoured to force America to purchase a forbearance from war by a large sum of money, together with a private present of 50,000l. to the members of the directory. The last part of this charge was denied by the minister Talleyrand, but the general impression it produced could not be effaced, and the directory was thus very much injured in the estimation of such countries as were otherwise disposed to view it in a very favourable light. To lessen its reputation still more, it caused the councils to pass two laws, by which all neutral ships on their way to Britain, or returning from it, should be liable to be seized. This, however, produced an effect very different from that which was intended; for having put all the trade of the western world into the power of the British, they enriched the very people whom they were meant to ruin. Britain at this time held the empire of the seas in such an eminent, and perhaps we may add, unprecedented degree, that the republican fleets lay blockaded in their own ports during the greater part of the year. The expedition against Ireland having completely failed, the directory was at a loss how to dispose of the galley slaves who had made troops land a part of Hoche's army destined against Ireland. It in Wales would have been cruel to remand them back to punishment; the troops would not serve with them in the army, and by the new laws of France they could not receive a pardon, neither was it prudent to give so many criminals liberty. Thus perplexed, the directory at last determined to send them over to England. They were landed from two frigates and some small vessels on the coast of Wales, with muskets and ammunition, but destitute of artillery. On the evening of the day on which they landed (23d of February), they were made prisoners of war by a party of militia, yeomanry, cavalry, colliers and others, under the command of Lord Cawdor.

Although the navy of France continued in port, and therefore out of danger, for the remainder of this year, yet the Dutch and Spanish allies of that country sustained very serious losses by sea. A Spanish fleet of 27 sail vis. of the line, opposed to a British fleet of only 15 sail, under the gallant admiral Sir John Jervis, was completely defeated on the 14th of February, off Cape St Vincent. The British admiral passed twice through the enemy's line, and cut off part of their fleet from the rest. Four ships were taken, and the admiral's own ship made her escape with considerable difficulty. This fleet was on its way to Brest in order to effect a junction with the French fleet, but Jervis's victory rendered this object unattainable. In consequence of this memorable victory, Sir John was created earl St Vincent, and had an annuity of 2000l. settled upon him, receiving at the same time the thanks of both houses of parliament.

The Dutch, if possible, were still more unfortunate, a Dutch Admiral Duncan having blocked up the Texel where their fleet lay, during the whole summer, with the assistance of which it appears that the French meant to try the fate of another attack upon Ireland. A resolution having at length been adopted of risking an engagement with the British at sea, De Winter received positive orders to sail, a step against which he remonstrated, but without effect. Admiral Duncan was at this time refitting at Yarmouth, but on receiving intelligence of the sailing of the Dutch fleet, he set out in search of, and came up with it on the 11th of October, consisting of a force rather inferior to his own fleet, which amounted to 16 sail of the line and three frigates. The British admiral ran his fleet immediately through the Dutch line, commencing the attack between them and their own coast, about nine miles from Camperdown. As the Dutch are desperate fighters by sea, our readers will naturally conclude that this was a sanguinary conflict. It lasted for three hours, at which time the greater part of the Dutch fleet had struck; but owing to the shallowness of the water on the coast they could not all be seized. Eight ships of the line, two of 56 and one of 44 guns, were taken, besides a frigate afterwards lost near the coast of Britain. Admiral De Winter was captured with his ship, and Vice-admiral Rentjes. Admiral Duncan received honours similar to those which were bestowed upon Earl St Vincent, and an annuity to the same amount.

After the ratification of the treaty with the emperor at Campo Formio, Joseph Bonaparte, one of the brothers of the general, was sent to the city of Rome as plenipotentiary from the French republic. The pope having now no expectation of foreign assistance, submitted to every demand for the reduction of his troops, and for emancipating every person confined in prison on account of their political sentiments. On the 26th of December 1797, three men waited upon the ambassador, and requested the co-operation of France in bringing about a revolution which a party at Rome was anxious to establish. He rejected the proposal, and did everything in his power to dissuade them from it; but he neglected to communicate the intelligence to the papal government, which was certainly his duty. He went to the secretary of state on the 28th, and shewed him a list of persons under his protection who had a legal authority to wear the French cockade, and consented at the same time that all others wearing it should be punished. He offered to give up six of the insurgents who had taken refuge in the palace. In the evening of the 28th a more serious tumult happened in the courts and vicinity of the French ambassador's palace, with which the pope, it is believed, was not personally acquainted; but the governor of the city endeavoured to disperse the insurgents by parties of cavalry and infantry. General Duphot, in attempting to make the military desist from firing upon the insurgents, was shot by a petty officer belonging to the troops of his holiness. The ambassador and his other friends now made their escape to the palace through a bye-way. The Spanish ambassador having been informed of this event, sent to the secretary of state, and protested against such a daring violation of the privileges of plenipotentiaries. The palace of the French ambassador was still surrounded by the military, when at last he demanded passports to enable him to leave the territories of the pope, which were soon granted, and accompanied by many protestations of the innocence of government, and its sorrow that such an unfortunate event should have taken place.

Joseph Bonaparte went to Florence and from thence to Paris. The protection of Vienna, Spain, Naples, and Tuscany, was earnestly solicited by the pope, but they all seemed disposed to keep at a distance from his misfortunes. General Berthier experienced little or no opposition on his march to Rome, where he subverted the dominion of the pope, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the Roman people, with too many marks of wanton, unprovoked insult. The tree of liberty was planted on the very day on which the anniversary of the pope's election to the sovereignty was celebrated; intended, no doubt, to make him feel still greater mortification. While in the Sistine chapel, receiving the congratulations of the cardinals, the commissioner general, and Cervoni, who commanded the troops within the city, during this ceremony entered the chapel, and announced to the sovereign pontiff on his throne, that his reign was at an end. He was removed to the territory of Tuscany, where he dwelt in great obscurity, till his enemies being in their turn driven from Rome, were pleased to remove him farther from the capital, to terminate his existence beyond the Alps.

The greatest curiosities found in Rome were conveyed to Paris, and sold by public auction, the directory having sacrificed national vanity at the shrine of avarice. Passports were offered to the natives of countries at war with France, if they inclined to become purchasers.

But scenes of a different and sanguinary nature were in the mean time exhibited in Switzerland, a country which had preserved its neutrality during the conflict of land France with the combined powers, thus defending the weakest part of her frontiers; and as a grateful return for past favours, it was now determined to subjugate Switzerland. About the end of the year 1797, an insurrection broke out in the Pays de Vaud, subject to the canton of Berne, which made the government perceive its critical situation, and issue a proclamation on the 5th of January 1798, requiring the people of the Pays de Vaud to appear in arms, renew their oath of allegiance, and reform every existing abuse. A commission of the senate at Berne was empowered to examine every complaint, and redress every grievance; but their motions were considered as too tardy by popular impatience, and the insurgents endeavoured to become masters of the strong places. Troops were sent against them by the government of Berne, but General Weiss acted with hesitation, if not even with treachery, and a body of republicans appeared under General Menard, who sent an aid-de-camp and two hussars to General Weiss. As the messengers returned, one of the hussars was killed, most probably by accident, but it was instantly magnified into a horrid breach of the law of nations. The French, therefore, continued to advance, and were masters of the whole Pays de Vaud by the end of January. The government of Berne prepared for war, while it at the same time used every effort in order to maintain peace. A truce was entered into with General Brune, the successor of Menard, and those who killed the hussar were delivered up. An army of 20,000 men was collected, the command of which was given to M. d'Erlach, once a field marshal in the service of France. But there was a prevailing dissatisfaction in his army, and the people were far from being united among themselves. With this circumstance the French were well acquainted, and therefore they demanded a total change of government. As M. d'Erlach was apprehensive of a still greater defection in his army, he requested permission to put an end to the armistice. The French now refused to negotiate, and General Schauenberg on the 2d of March took possession of Soleure at the head of 13,000 men. Brune afterwards made himself master of Friburg, and forced the Swiss army to retreat. The government of Berne being now greatly alarmed, decreed the landsturm, or rising of the people in a mass, which their ancient customs justified in the time of necessity. The people assembled, dissolved the government, and offered to dismiss the army, if the republican troops would retire. This offer was rejected, without admitting a French garrison into Berne, and therefore they continued to advance. About 6000 from the army of M. d'Erlach had deserted, leaving him at the head of no more than 14,000 men; and although the rising had abundantly supplied him with numbers, yet he had not time sufficient to get them properly arranged. He was attacked on the 5th of March, and driven from Newenbeg and Faventron. Favenbrun, but having rallied his troops, he made a stand for some time at Uteren. The conflict was renewed at Grauholtz, from whence they were driven four miles nearer the capital. Being completely defeated, they murdered many of their officers in a fit of despair, among whom was their commander in chief. Berne capitulated to the French, which induced the more wealthy and populous states to follow the example; but the poorer cantons made a dreadful effort to preserve their small possessions, and the independence of their country. They compelled Schauenberg to retire with the loss of 3000 men, but were at last totally vanquished by the superior skill and numbers of the republican army. The public magazines were plundered, and a new constitution was forced upon them after the model of France.

If the directory made no scruple to violate the independence of other nations, it was very reasonable to conclude that they would pay little regard to the liberties of their countrymen at home. A third of the legislature was changed in the month of April; one member of the directory went out by ballot, and Treilhard was chosen to succeed him. Nothing was left unattempted by the directory to influence the election in favour of their friends, but their success was not great. They complained to the council of five hundred on the 2d of May; they complained of plots of royalists, by which it was said that elections had been made to fall on men who were inimical to the interest of the republic. It was proposed on the 7th by the committee who reported on the message of the directory, that many electoral assemblies should be annulled; but General Jourdan opposed this plan as incompatible with the freedom of election, and as proceeding upon the supposition of conspiracies which had no existence.

We are now to be presented with the most extravagant project which perhaps the directory ever attempted to execute—to send a formidable army to take possession of Egypt, and from thence to proceed by the Red sea to the East Indies, to take possession of the British settlements in that quarter of the globe. After peace was proclaimed between France and Germany, the directory made no secret of their determination to invade Great Britain. Whether this project was of Bonaparte's own devising, or intended as a snare in order to get rid of him and his victorious army, seems to be a matter which our readers must be left to determine for themselves. It might not be his project, and he might accept the command of the army of Egypt from this conviction, that he would be safer abroad in the most perilous undertaking, than be exposed at home to the malice of a government become jealous of his reputation, and which was far from being scrupulous of its conduct.

The meditated attack upon Egypt was certainly conducted with such a degree of secrecy as was calculated to mislead. Prodigious stories were circulated concerning rafts of timber, by means of which the army of England, as it was called, was to be conveyed over to Britain; and to give the greater probability to this report, General Bonaparte, the commander in chief, made a journey to the western coast. The fleet was getting ready in the harbour of Toulon, and troops were collected in its vicinity. But Bonaparte embarked with 40,000 of his veteran troops, and on the 9th of June reached the island of Malta. He quarrelled with the grand master, because he would not permit so large a fleet to water all at once in his ports. The French commander landed his troops in different places, and attempted to make himself master of the island. It is said that many of the knights belonged to the illuminati, and were therefore ready to betray their government. After a very feeble opposition the grand-master capitulated, and thus gave up in a few days a fortress which, it is said, might have held out for weeks against all the troops of the French republic. Bonaparte left in the island a garrison of 4000 men, and sailed for Alexandria on the 21st.

Rear-admiral Nelson having distinguished himself in Admiral a very eminent degree, while in the station of commodore under Lord St Vincent, was sent in pursuit of Bonaparte. Being wholly ignorant of the destination of the French, he sailed for Naples, where he obtained information of the attack upon Malta, to which accordingly he steered his course. On his arrival, however, he found that Bonaparte was gone; but conjecturing that he had sailed for Alexandria, he immediately prepared to follow him. The French commander, instead of keeping a direct course towards that city, stood along the Grecian coast, till he made the easternmost point of the island of Candia. Then steering to the southward, he so protracted his voyage, that he did not reach the Egyptian coast till Admiral Nelson had left it. Having landed his troops he took the city of Alexandria by storm on the 5th of July. It was desperately defended by the inhabitants, but without military skill. The republican transports were drawn up within the inner harbour of Alexandria, and the ships of war cast anchor along the shore of the bay of Aboukir. The republican army marched on towards the Nile, and in proceeding along the banks of that river, they suffered much from the intense heat of the climate. They soon came to action with the Mamelukes, or military rulers of the country; but the small degree of skill possessed by these barbarians, was by no means a match for European tactics. Cairo surrendered on the 23d, and two days after, another battle was fought, in which the inhabitants were defeated. They made a last effort on the 26th, near the celebrated pyramids, when 2000 of them were killed, 400 camels with baggage were taken, and 50 pieces of cannon.

Having proceeded thus far in his conquest of Egypt, Tyranny Bonaparte framed for it a provisional government, and depublished proclamations in the Arabian language, protesting that the French were friendly to the religion of Mahomet, owned the authority of the grand signior, and were only come to inflict punishment on the Mamelukes for doing so much injury to their trade with Egypt. Thus far the good fortune of Bonaparte seemed still to attend him; but on the 1st of August the fleet under Admiral Nelson appeared off the mouth of the Nile, who having discovered the position of the French fleet, prepared to attack it. In point of numbers the two fleets were upon a level, but as to weight of metal the French fleet was the stronger of the two. Admiral Nelson, by running some of his ships between the enemy and the land, surrounded one part of the fleet, while the rest were thus rendered entirely useless. The Culloden ran aground while this plan was carrying into effect; an advantage upon the whole, as it pointed out to the rest where the danger lay concealed. This memorable morable action commenced with the setting of the sun, and continued, with occasional intervals, till the break of day. Nine sail of the line belonging to the French were taken; a ship of the line was burnt by her own commander, and the admiral's flag ship, L'Orient, was blown up during the action, few of her crew, consisting of 1000 men, having escaped destruction. Two ships of the line and two frigates were saved by flight, but afterwards captured.

If we confine ourselves to modern times, it will be difficult to point out any naval engagement productive of more interesting effects than this. The military exertions of France had by degrees destroyed the combination which the princes of Europe formed against her. The victories of Bonaparte had humbled the pride of Austria; the continent looked with dismay towards the new republic, and when the directory seized on Rome and Switzerland, no power ventured to interpose in their behalf. The aspect of affairs, however, had now undergone an almost total revolution. The once triumphant Bonaparte was shut up in a barbarous country, from which the fleets of Britain might prevent his return. Proposals were made by Great Britain to the northern powers, for the recommencement of hostilities against France, as it was not conceived possible that she could make such resistance as formerly. The states of Italy, too, determined to make a bold effort for the recovery of their independence. The court of Naples rejoiced at the destruction of the French fleet, and the king himself went to meet Admiral Nelson on his return from the Nile.

It is well known that the French had long promised encouragement to the Irish rebels; but as their expectations were not gratified in time, they broke out into open rebellion without the promised assistance; and when the spirit of rebellion was almost wholly subdued, the directory attempted to land troops in small divisions, such as that under General Humbert on the 22d of August, consisting only of 1100 men, who landed at Killala. Yet this force, small as it was, would have proved formidable but a month before. They were joined by a party of the most desperate of the rebels in the vicinity, and defeated General Lake at the head of a superior force, taking from him six pieces of cannon. Their next step was to march in different directions to announce the arrival of the republicans, and maintained their ground for three weeks. This able general receiving no reinforcements from France, finding the rebellion in a great measure crushed, and being informed that General Cornwallis was about to surround him with 25,000 men, he laid down his arms to a British column, four days after he had dismissed his Irish associates, that they might provide for their own safety. Active measures were now taken by the directory to send troops to Ireland when too late, as the vigilance of British cruisers defeated all their endeavours. La Hocbe, a ship of 84 guns, and four frigates, were captured by Sir John Borlase Warren on the 12th of October, in attempting to reach Ireland with 3000 men. On the 20th another frigate was taken, destined for the same country, which induced the directory to abandon the attempt as altogether desperate.

The victory obtained by Admiral Nelson at the mouth of the Nile, made the king of Naples act the very imprudent part of preparing to commence hostilities against France. Without even waiting till the Austrians should commence the attack on the republican troops in the Roman territory, he procured General Mack to assume the command of his army. He began the war without any foreign aid, except the British fleet, and thus brought upon himself the vengeance of the French republic. The directory had no idea that he would adopt such conduct, and of consequence when General Mack appeared at the head of 45,000 men, the troops of France in that quarter were unable to contend with him. General Championet having justly complained of the attack made upon his posts, circumstanced as he was, he received for answer from the hostile commander, that his majesty had resolved to take possession of the Roman territory, and advised the French to retire quietly into the Cisalpine states, maintaining that their entrance into Tuscany would be considered as a declaration of war. Championet accordingly evacuated Rome, as he had no force against such a formidable army. He left a garrison in the castle of St Angelo, and concentrated what troops he could collect in the northern parts of the Roman state. General Mack entered the city of Rome without opposition in the end of November.

These transactions having been known at Paris, war was immediately declared against their Neapolitan and Sardinian majesties, the latter of whom had committed no act of hostility against the French; but he was accused of disaffection to the republic, a charge which could scarcely fail to be true. He found himself placed in a very humiliating situation since the first entrance of Bonaparte into Italy, his strongest fortresses being in possession of the French, who levied on him what contributions they thought proper, and even placed a garrison in his metropolis. Being unable to go to war, he made a voluntary surrender of his continental dominions, and agreed to retire to the island of Sardinia.

A period was soon put to the dispute with Naples. As the French retreated, the country people gave them much trouble and uneasiness, and the Neapolitan troops scarcely observed the modern rules of war respecting such as they had taken prisoners. When General Bouchar, by orders from General Mack, commanded the castle of St Angelo to surrender, he maintained that he would view the prisoners in the light of hostages for the conduct of the garrison, and that a man should be put to death for every gun fired from the castle. It is scarcely to be imagined that the Neapolitan officers would have expressed themselves in such a shocking manner, if they had not calculated on the vigorous cooperation of the Austrian forces, in which, however, they were very much deceived. The consequence was, that the territory of Naples very soon fell into the hands of the French. Either the terror of the republican name was so great in Italy, or the cowardice of the Neapolitan troops, that they were defeated by one-fourth of their own numbers, at Terni, Porto Fermo, Civita Castellana, Otricoli, and Calvi. As the army of General Mack was gradually reduced to 12,000 men, in consequence of desertion and frequent defeats, he advised the king of Naples and his family to take refuge on board the British fleet, which was then lying at Leghorn. This advice was adopted, and they reached Palermo in Sicily on the 27th of December, in Admiral Nelson's ship. General Mack having requested an armistice, mistice, it was refused by the French commander. Being driven from Capua, the only remaining post of any consequence in the territory of Naples, and being in the greatest danger from the disaffection of his troops, he surrendered himself and the officers of his staff to the republican general. The governor of Naples offered a contribution of money if the French troops would not enter that city, which was agreed to, and they remained at Capua. General Serrurier, at the head of a French column, drove the Neapolitans out of Leghorn, and took possession of that place.

Such is the mildness of the climate in the southern parts of Italy, that the people can subsist with fewer efforts of industry than in almost any other country of Europe. This naturally begets an indolent disposition, which is cherished by a number of charitable institutions originating from the Catholic religion. In Naples there had long been a body of men called Lazzaroni, or beggars, amounting to the astonishing sum total of near 40,000, who entirely subsisted on charity. They frequently threatened the state if they did not receive an immediate supply of their wants, which procured them very liberal contributions. Having been informed that the French, wherever they came, destroyed all monasteries and other sources of charity, they determined to oppose them to the utmost of their power, and appear the advocates for royal government. In the beginning of January 1799, they exhibited marks of discontent, and at last broke out into an open insurrection. They appointed Prince Militorni their commander in chief, who made many fruitless efforts to restrain their violence and love of plunder. They declared war against the French, forced the prisons open, and murdered all who had been incarcerated for disaffection to the kingly government. Their ravages now became so dreadful and boundless, that Prince Militorni abandoned them, set out to Capua, and requested Championet to take possession of the city, in order to rescue it from utter destruction. It was agreed that a column of French troops should take a circuitous route, and enter the city from the opposite quarter. Before this plan could be carried into execution, two thirds of the Lazzaroni marched out on the 19th and 20th of January, with the daring resolution to attack the French in the fortifications of Capua. Multitudes of them perished by the French artillery; and in order to favour the capture of Naples by the party sent on that expedition, Championet made no sally out upon them, but continued on the defensive. The Lazzaroni being informed on the 21st that a French column had marched for Naples, returned to the city; and although Championet closely pursued them, they arrived in time to barricade the streets, and prepare for the defence of different quarters. A terrible conflict now commenced, which lasted from the morning of the 22d to the evening of the 23d of January. Having been driven from street to street, they finally rallied at one of the gates of the city, where they were almost totally cut off. It is certainly a reproach to the Neapolitan government, not to have been able to give a better direction to the undaunted courage of such men.

We may view this triumph as the last which the directory enjoyed, for the consequences of their past conduct were now rapidly gathering around them. They were with the greatest justice unpopular at home, both from their mode of conducting public affairs, and their repeated violations of the constitution of their country. Their profusion was unlimited, as well as the exorbitant demands which they made upon conquered countries. Championet was so ashamed of them, that in Italy he endeavoured to restrain them, in consequence of which he was deprived of his command, and thrown into prison; Scherer, the war minister, being appointed his successor. Under him the rapacity of the government agents, and the embezzlement of the public stores, were carried as high as possible. Yet France still continued to be dreaded by foreign nations, to whom the true state of internal affairs was but obscurely known. An army of 45,000 Russians had arrived to the assistance of Austria, yet that cabinet was at a loss whether to declare war or not. Britain solicited the aid of Prussia, with an offer of large subsidies; but Sieyès, the plenipotentiary at Berlin, artfully contrived to defeat the negotiation, and counteract the unpopularity of his country in Germany, by giving to the world the secret convention of Campo Formio. This determined the greater number of the German princes to maintain their neutrality under the guardianship of Prussia.

A note was presented to the congress at Rastadt on the 2d of January by the French plenipotentiaries resident there, intimating, that if the entrance of Russian troops into Germany was not prevented, it would be considered as tantamount to a declaration of war. To this no satisfactory answer was returned. The strong fortress of Ehrenbreitstein surrendered on the 26th of that month, after being blockaded since the treaty of Campo Formio. This possession, together with Mentz and Dusseldorf, made the French a very powerful enemy on the Rhine. Switzerland also belonged to them, and all the fortified places of Italy, on which account they were qualified to commence active operations. At this period Jourdan commanded on the Upper Rhine from Mentz to Huningen; the eastern frontier of Switzerland was occupied by General Massena; Scherer had the chief command in Italy; Moreau acted under him, and Macdonald commanded the troops in the territory of Rome and Naples. Yet all these armies so scattered, did not exceed 170,000 men, a force greatly inferior to that of Austria, altogether independent of the Russian army. The directory, however, trusting to War declared against the emperor of Vienna, and the slow movements of the imperial armies, was anxious to renew the war, a declaration of which against the emperor of Germany and the duke of the grand duke of Tuscany, was made on the 13th of Tuscany March. Jourdan had actually crossed the Rhine at Strasburg on the 1st of that month, and occupied many strong positions in Swabia. Mannheim was taken, and General Bernadotte summoned Philipsburg to surrender, while General St Cyr entered Stuttgart. In order to oppose the march of this army, the archduke Charles crossed the Lech on the 4th of March; Massena marched into the territory of the Grisons, and surprising a strong body of Austrians, made the whole of them prisoners, together with their general, and the whole of his staff, in consequence of which the country of the Grisons was reduced.

The republican plan of procedure was not completed without the junction of Massena's and Jourdan's armies, to accomplish which it was necessary to carry the important... portant post of Feldkirch, which was held by General Hotze. Defeated in his first attempt, Massena renewed the attack five times with fresh forces, but the determined bravery of the Austrians rendered them ineffective. But as the French were in possession of the Grisons, the invasion of the Engadine was facilitated, where the Austrians being too weak to resist, retreated into the Tyrol, and were pursued by the republicans, who forced some of the defiles, and extended their inroads as far as Glarentz and Nauders.

The vanguard of the principal Austrian army pushed on to meet the French. It was attacked by Jourdan on the 22nd of March, by whom the outposts were driven in; but the centre of his army was attacked on the following day, and forced to retire to Stockach during the night. The archduke encamped before Stockach on the 24th, and the republicans attacked him on the following day. His right wing under General Meerfeldt was their main object, which they succeeded in driving into a wood between Liptingen and Stockach. Meerfeldt renewed the conflict without success. The left wing having maintained its ground, sent reinforcements to General Meerfeldt, who in his turn obliged the French to retire. The French, however, made 4000 prisoners during the various movements of the day. Yet their loss was so great, and the Austrian force so vastly superior to their own, that General Jourdan durst not hazard another engagement. He retreated on the following day, and feeling that he was not a match for the enemy, he sent a part of his army to cover Kehl and Strasbourg, and marched with the remainder towards Switzerland. By this event General Massena, who was forcing his way to the Tyrol and Engadine, was obliged to return to the protection of Switzerland. He was appointed to the chief command in this quarter, and Jourdan was removed.

The Austrians were no less successful in Italy, notwithstanding they were attacked by the French before the termination of the armistice. General Kray obtained a complete victory over them at Legnago, and forced them to flee for protection under the walls of Mantua. On the 15th of April they were again attacked by the Austrians at Memiruolo, and again forced to retreat after an obstinate resistance. The loss sustained by the French in these different engagements was unquestionably great, but we should apprehend that the account which states it at 30,000 men killed, wounded, and prisoners, must surely be exaggerated. But the Austrians may be said to have purchased these victories at a dear rate. Scherer at first gained some advantages over them, but he had not skill to improve them, else they would have unquestionably given a new turn to the aspect of affairs. The Austrian posts were forced by a division of his army on the 26th of March, and 4000 prisoners taken; but on the other division being repulsed, he withdrew his troops, and thus relinquished the advantages he had obtained. On the 5th of April the division under Moreau performed wonders, and took 3000 prisoners; but by the unskilful measures of Scherer he was not supported, and the triumph of the Austrians was of course complete.

Prior to this period, a body of Russians joined the imperialists, and the command of this combined army was given to Field-marshal Suwarrow Rimmiski, who advanced towards the Adda on the 24th of April; and after carrying the outposts of General Moreau, Suwarrow determined to attack him in his entrenchments. He maintained the appearance of attack along the whole line of Moreau, while he secretly threw a bridge over among the rocks at the upper part of the river, where such a thing had been considered as impossible. By means of this bridge a part of the combined army next morning turned the republican fortifications, and attacked their flank and rear, while the rest of the army forced the passage of the river at different points. The French fought with their usual intrepidity, but were soon driven from all their positions, and forced to retreat to Pavia, with the loss of 6000 men killed, 5000 made prisoners, including four generals, and 80 pieces of cannon.

General Moreau now established the poor remains of his army, amounting to 12,000 man, upon the Po, between Alessandria and Valentia. He forced, on the 11th of May, a body of Austrians, to retreat, and took a number of them prisoners. On the 12th, about 7000 Russians crossed the Po at Bassignano, and marched on towards Pecetto, when Moreau fell upon them with fury; and they refusing to lay down their arms, about 2000 of them were drowned in repassing the river, and a few were taken prisoners. On the advance of Suwarrow, General Moreau was under the necessity of retiring to occupy the Bochetta, as well as other passes which lead to the territory of Genoa, when the combined army began the sieges of the fortified places in Italy then occupied by the French. Bellegarde drove the French from the Engadine; Massena was obliged to retire to the vicinity of Zurich, he was so pressed by the archduke; and nearly the whole of Piedmont had risen against the republicans. They received no reinforcements from the interior of France, and their officers were obliged to act on the defensive, to defend the frontiers as long as possible. In one instance only they had the power of making offensive war, and it was certainly done with great vigour. General Macdonald had still a considerable army in the southern parts of Italy, in the territories of Naples and Rome. The combined powers had made no effort to cut off his retreat, convinced, perhaps, that this could scarcely be accomplished in the mountainous countries of Tuscany and Genoa. Knowing his situation to be secure, he was in no hurry to remove, although nearly the whole country between him and France was occupied by the combined army. His army amounted to about 30,000 men, and he received orders from the directory to leave the territories of Rome and Naples, and unite, if possible, with the army of Moreau. From the situation of the allies, however, he resolved to hazard an action by himself. With Moreau he had concerted a plan for dividing their enemies, and vanquishing them in detail, as Bonaparte had so often done in Italy before. Macdonald alone was in a situation for striking an important blow, yet it was necessary for Moreau to draw upon himself as many of the Austro-Russian forces as possible, that the remainder might be more completely exposed to the attack of Macdonald.

Moreau availed himself of the circumstance of the French and Spanish fleets being in the vicinity of Genoa, to spread a report that they had brought him a very powerful reinforcement, intending thereby to withdraw the attention of Suwarrow from Macdonald. The Russian general was at Turin, his advanced posts at Susa, Pignerol, and the Col d'Assiette, while General Hohenzollern was stationed at Modena with a considerable force, and General Ott at Reggio with 10,000 men. General Macdonald began his operations on the 12th of June, when his advanced divisions attacked and defeated Hohenzollern, taking 2000 of his men prisoners. General Ott was attacked at the same time, and being compelled to retreat, the French made their entry into Parma on the 14th. He was again attacked on the 17th, and forced to retire towards Giovanni, where the progress of General Macdonald was arrested.

Suwarrow having received information of his approach, and of his successes, left Turin on the 15th of June, at the head of 20,000 men, and came up with Macdonald on the banks of the Tidone. The centre and right wing of Suwarrow's army were commanded by Rosenberg and Foerster, the Austrian general Melas commanded the left wing; Prince Procratius was at the head of the advanced guard, and Prince Lichtenstein of the reserve. An action immediately commenced, which was fought with desperate fury on both sides for three successive days, when victory declared in favour of Suwarrow. Driven from Tidone to the Trebbia, the French were finally vanquished on the 19th, after a greater slaughter on both sides than the oldest officer present recollected to have witnessed. Victory remained doubtful, till General Kray arrived with large reinforcements from the army besieging Mantua, and, in direct contempt of his orders, decided the fate of the day.

The republicans retreated during the night, and the next day they were pursued by the army of Suwarrow in two columns. Seldom could the French be overtaken in a march, but the army of Suwarrow accomplished this, when he surrounded the rear-guard of the fugitives, and obliged them to lay down their arms. The rest of the army defended themselves in the passes of the Appenines and territory of Genoa, after losing, it is said, no fewer than 17,000 in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Moreau, in the mean time, gave battle to the Austrians under Bellegarde, and though far superior to him in numbers, they were totally defeated. This temporary advantage, however, availed little, in consequence of the rapid return of Suwarrow from the pursuit of Macdonald. The fortresses in Italy surrendered in close succession, and it appeared as if the combined powers would soon be able to enter the territory of France.

The affairs of the republic became equally critical in Palestine. After having defeated the Mamelukes, made himself master of Alexandria and Cairo, and avowed himself a Mahometan in Egypt, Bonaparte led an army into Palestine, to take possession of Jerusalem, and by rebuilding the temple, and restoring the Jews, to give the lie to the prophecies of the Christian religion. At the head of 10,000 men, with officers eminently skilled in the art of war, he reached the town of Acre on the sea-coast, 28 miles south of Tyre, and 37 north of Jerusalem. He laid siege to this town in due form, which was but indifferently fortified, and defended by a small garrison of Mussulmans, which the governor would have unconditionally surrendered, had he not been advised to make a vigorous resistance by an English naval officer. Sir Sidney Smith having received the command of the garrison, detained Bonaparte before Acre 69 days, although the number of the allies by whom it was defended did not exceed 2000 men. The French commander made eleven attempts to carry it by assault, all of which proved unsuccessful. He was at last obliged to raise the siege, after he had lost eight of his generals, 8 inferior officers, and almost one half of his army. His unsuccessful attempt upon Acre must indeed appear important, especially to Britain, if it be true that the Druses, to the number of 60,000 men, had promised to join him on the reduction of that town. Had this junction been effected, it is believed that Constantinople would have become their prey, which was first to have been plundered, and then reduced to ashes.

While France experienced such reverses abroad, she was much disturbed also by internal commotions, and the directory found itself in a very critical situation. New elections were still unfriendly to their interest, and they could no longer secure a majority in the councils, they were sunk into such contempt. When they sought money, they obtained reproaches on account of their own profusion, and the agents they employed. Insurrections in the west and south were formed by the friends of royalty, and these were with difficulty subdued, on account of the absence of the military. In the midst of all these difficulties, the occurrence of one event seemed to promise the directory the return of their former influence. On the 28th of April, the French plenipotentiaries received orders to quit Rastadt in 24 hours. Having demanded a passport from Colonel Barbasy, they received for answer that none could grant it but the commander in chief. They at last began their journey, the three ministers, Bonnier, Roberjot, and Jean Debray, were in separate carriages, Roberjot having his wife, and Jean Debray his wife and daughters along with him, attended by the ministers of the Cisalpine republic. At a short distance from Rastadt they were met by 50 Austrian hussars, who stopped the carriage of Jean Debray, and demanded his name. Of this he informed them, adding that he was a French minister returning to France. He was immediately torn from his carriage, desperately wounded with sabres, and thrown into a ditch for dead. Bonnier and Roberjot were murdered on the spot. When the ruffians departed, and the carriages returned to Rastadt, Jean Debray wandered all night in the woods, and next day returned to Rastadt. He demanded the restitution of the papers which the hired assassins had carried off when they plundered the carriages, but they were refused. Rastadt and its vicinity was occupied by French troops during the long sitting of congress, of which the Austrians had obtained possession but a few days before. The discipline, therefore, of the Austrian army was severely reproached by this event; but it is probable that more than the want of subordination was at the bottom of a crime so atrocious, unprecedented, and totally repugnant to the laws of nations. It is true, the archduke lost no time to declare his utter ignorance of the matter in a letter to Massena; but this was far from giving satisfaction to the French directory. In a message to the councils on the 5th of May, they made it the premeditated act of the Austrian government, to insult France by the murder of her ambassadors.

A violent opposition to the directory commenced by the introduction of the new third of this year. Sieyes, who was ambassador at Berlin, and had possessed considerable influence over all parties, was elected a member of the directory. This station, we have already seen, he refused to occupy at the first establishment of the constitution, and therefore his acceptance of it at such a critical juncture, excited great surprise. Treilhard was removed from the directory, as it was said that he had held an office in the state within less than a year previous to his election. Merlin and Reveillere were under the necessity of resigning, to avoid an impeachment which was threatened to be brought against them; but Barras still retained his station. Moulin, Gohier, and Ducos, men who were but very little known, and far from being leaders of the contending parties, were chosen members of the directory. The public spirit was attempted to be revived by the establishment of clubs, a liberty of which the restless Jacobins first took advantage. They soon proposed violent measures, and began to denounce the members and the conduct of government. But their intemperance having justly alarmed the directory, they obtained permission from the councils to suppress their meetings, before they had time to corrupt the public mind.

The directory now employed every effort to augment the armies which had lately suffered such dreadful diminutions. In the beginning of August their army in Italy amounted to 45,000 men, of which General Joubert had the chief command. Turin, Alessandria, Milan, Peschiera, and Ferrara, were captured by the allies with astonishing rapidity. Turin sustained a bombardment of only three days, Alessandria held out seven, and Mantua only fourteen, in which last place there were 13,000, who were dismissed on their parole. The combined powers next laid siege to Tortona, and General Joubert resolved on its relief, which object he expected to accomplish before the arrival of Kray with assistance to Suwarrow. The whole of the Austrian posts were driven in by the republicans on the 13th of August, who took possession of Novi. On the 15th they were attacked by Suwarrow, who by this time had received troops from Mantua under General Kray. The right wing was commanded by this officer, its left by Melas, and its centre by Prince Procratation and Suwarrow in person. The engagement commenced about five o'clock in the morning, soon after which, while General Joubert was urging his troops forward to charge with the bayonet, he received a musket shot in his body, and falling from his horse, he immediately expired. Moreau assumed the command, and after a bloody conflict, the allied army gave way in all directions. The Russians in particular suffered severely, from the obstinate manner in which they fought. The French line was attacked at three in the afternoon, but remained unbroken; and the whole would have terminated in the defeat of the allies, if General Melas had not turned the right flank of the republican line; and following up his advantages, he got possession of Novi, when the French army began to retreat under the command of General Moreau.

The Austrians say that the French upon this occasion lost 4000 men killed, and the same number taken prisoners, confessing that their own loss was equal to this; but the loss of the Russians was never published. We have reason to believe that it was the greatest of the whole, since they will rather stand and be cut to pieces than think of retreating. The French lost all hope of being able to defend Genoa, and therefore prepared to evacuate that city and territory. It was now the apprehension of the directory that the south of France would immediately be invaded, but in this they were happily deceived. The conquered army was astonished to find itself unmolested after so signal a defeat, and in a few days ventured to send back parties to reconnoitre the movements of the allies. Championet, the successor of Joubert, was amazed to find that they had rather retreated than advanced, on which account he resumed the positions held by his army before the battle of Novi.

So far from prosecuting the advantages they had obtained in Italy, Suwarrow was persuaded to abandon that country with his Russian troops, and march to the relief of Switzerland from the yoke of France' land. The army of Massena in this quarter amounted to 70,000 men in the month of August, which not only prevented the archduke from pursuing his advantages, but the French even threatened to endanger his position. Massena's right wing under General Lecourbe had carried Mount St Gothard, the great pass leading from the eastern parts of Switzerland into Italy. Suwarrow's expectations were no doubt high, having never yet been vanquished, and being called upon to undertake an enterprise in which the Austrians had hitherto failed, even under their most fortunate general. When he was ready to march, the Austrian commander in Italy refused to give him mules for transporting his baggage. This officer had recourse to a most pitiful falsehood, when he asserted that he would be furnished with a competent number at Bellinzone, where Suwarrow could find none. Having no other alternative, he dismounted the cavalry, and made use of their horses to drag along the baggage. In spite of these obstacles, however, he arrived, by forced marches, on the frontiers of Switzerland on the day which he and the archduke had fixed upon.

Either supposing that it would demean a prince of the house of Austria to serve under a Russian general, or not being daring enough to require the most experienced general in Europe to receive orders from so young a man as the archduke, that prince was sent into Swabia to attack a small body of republicans. He took with him 48,000, some say 60,000 men, although 20,000 would have been more than sufficient for the accomplishment of such an undertaking. It is not an easy matter to conceive upon what principle the council of war at Vienna could imagine, that such an able officer as Massena would continue inactive at the head of an army almost the double of that which was sent to oppose him. The archduke marched against the French in Swabia, who resisted him as much as the small number of their troops would permit; but they were gradually driven towards the Rhine. To carry on the deception, they made a serious stand in the vicinity of Manheim, where they lost 1800 men, and which the Austrians entered, seemingly determined to cross the Rhine.

Switzerland in the mean time was completely exposed posed to the army of Massena. The right wing of the combined army in this country was commanded by General Hotze; the centre, composed of the newly arrived Russians, was headed by Korsakof; and the left wing by General Nauendorf. As soon as Massena understood that the archduke had entered Mainz, and that Suwarrow was approaching to Switzerland by the way of St Gotthard, he began his movements. St Gotthard was defended by Lecourbe, and in the mean time Massena determined to anticipate the arrival of Suwarrow. Having drawn the attention of the Russians to another quarter on the 24th of September, by a false attack, he suddenly crossed the Limmat, three leagues from Zurich. Some of the French troops engaged the Austrians, but the principal part of the army marched against the Russians. General Hotze fell in the beginning of the action, and Petrasch who succeeded him shunned a total defeat, by retiring in the night with the loss of 4000 men. The Russians fought with very singular obstinacy, being in a mountainous country to which they were strangers, and fighting against the most able commanders in Europe. It was in vain, however, to attempt putting them to flight, for even when surrounded they would not lay down their arms, but stood to be slaughtered on the spot. The Austrians having retreated on the 25th, the Russians on the 28th followed their example, retreating under General Korsakof in good order, and with the loss of 3000 men, which was not very great, considering his perilous situation.

During these transactions, General Suwarrow was proceeding by the way of Italy with an army of 18,000, but others say no more than 15,000 men. He carried the pass of St Gotthard, and descended into the valley of Ursen, driving Lecourbe before him with great slaughter, and advanced as far as Altorf. He next day reached the canton of Glaris, and made 1000 of the French prisoners, and General Linken defeated another corps of 1300 men. Massena now turned upon Suwarrow, and by surrounding him on all sides, expected to take him and the grand duke Constantine prisoners. Suwarrow defended himself in a very masterly manner, and there being only one pass in the mountains unoccupied by the republicans, the aged hero discovered it, and by this he effected his escape, but lost his cannon and baggage among the dreadful precipices with which that country abounds. He made his way through the Grison country, and arrived at Coire with about 6000 men. Suwarrow felt truly indignant when he found in what manner affairs had been conducted, the perilous situation in which the Russians had been left by the archduke, and the destruction which of consequence they had met with. He considered himself and his men as treacherously betrayed, complained bitterly of the commander of the allies in Switzerland, and publicly charging the council of Vienna with selfishness and injustice, refused to co-operate farther with the Austrian army. He transmitted an account of the whole in a letter to Petersburgh, and withdrew his forces to the vicinity of Augsburg to wait for further orders from his court.

Great Britain in the mean time made active preparations to invade Holland, with an army of 40,000 men, composed of British troops and auxiliaries from Russia. The first division under General Sir Ralph Abercromby sailed in the month of August, protected by a fleet under Admiral Duncan. Bad weather prevented any attempt to land the troops till the 27th, on the morning of which day the debarkation was effected on the shore of Helder Point without opposition. They were not expected to land in North Holland, on which account the troops in that neighbourhood were few. But before the British troops had proceeded far on their march, they had to contend with a considerable body of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, hastily collected from the adjacent towns. The Dutch fought with great obstinacy, but became fatigued by the steady opposition of their antagonists, and fell back about two leagues. They evacuated the fort of Helder in the night, and it was taken possession of by the British on the morning of the 28th. Admiral Mitchell now entered the Zuider sea with a detachment of the British fleet, in order to give battle to the Dutch under Admiral Story. Instead of retiring to the shallow water with which that sea abounds, he unaccountably surrendered his whole fleet on the 30th of August without firing a gun, pretending, that from the mutinous disposition of his seamen, he could not prevail upon them to fight.

If this had terminated the expedition, it would have been extremely fortunate, as establishing the power of conducted the British fleet without a rival. But this victory, if it can be so called, was followed up by an endeavour to restore the authority of the stadtholder, and the ancient government of the United Provinces. As no more than the first division had arrived, the terror of an invading foe began to be dissipated, the enemies of the new government were disheartened, and time was allowed to prepare for defence. But these were not the only errors chargeable on the expedition. The British troops landed in the very worst place they could possibly have chosen, not only as it is everywhere intersected by ditches and canals, but it abounded more than any other part of Holland, with persons disaffected to the person and government of the stadtholder. In a word, this unfortunate expedition was undertaken towards the approach of the rainy season, when a campaign in Holland is next to impossible. When it was first spoken of, even the French directory hesitated to undertake the defence of that country; but when the time and place of landing came to be known, they were soon determined, being almost certain of success. General Brune was accordingly sent with what troops could be speedily collected, in order to co-operate with General Daendels.

General Abercromby in the mean time could only act on the defensive, as no reinforcement had arrived. The enemy was encouraged by his want of activity, and ventured to attack him on the 10th of September. Two Dutch columns, and one of republicans, advanced upon him, but were repulsed in every direction, and forced to retreat to Alkmaer. Additional troops arrived on the 13th, under his royal highness the duke of York, who assumed the chief command. On the arrival of the Russians, offensive operations were immediately resolved on, and the army advanced on the 19th. The left wing under General Abercromby marched along the shore of the Zuider sea to attack Hoorn; Generals Dundas and Pultney commanded the centre columns, and the Russians were led on by their own general D'Herman. Owing to some misunderstanding, the Russians advanced to attack the enemy France.

about three o'clock in the morning, which was some hours before the rest of the army began its march. Their first efforts were crowned with success, and they made themselves masters of the village of Bergen; but as they pressed too eagerly forward without the cooperation of the other columns, the enemy nearly surrounded them. Their general was made prisoner; and notwithstanding the British troops came up in time to secure their retreat, they lost upwards of 3000 men. This defeat of the right wing made the commander in chief recall his troops from their advanced positions, notwithstanding General Abercromby was master of Hoorne and its garrison, and General Poltney had carried by assault the chief position of the Dutch army.

Such was the severity of the weather, that no fresh attack was made till the 2d of October, on which day a desperate action commenced between the British, and the united Dutch and French troops, at 6 o'clock in the morning, which did not terminate till the same hour at night when the British gained possession of Alkmaer and the neighbouring villages. This engagement having been chiefly carried on among the sand hills near the ocean, the fatigue which the troops endured, prevented them from gaining any great advantage over the fugitives, who took a position between Baverwycke and Wyck-op-zee, where the duke of York again attacked them on the 6th, and kept possession of the field after a very sanguinary contest. This, however, was the last success gained by the invading army. The duke of York finding that he could make no farther progress, the enemy having been so rapidly reinforced, the difficulties presented by the face of the country and the badness of the weather also conspiring against him, retired to Schager Brug, where he waited for orders from England relative to his return home. Being in the mean time closely pressed by the enemy, his embarkation must have been accomplished with great danger, had he not entered into a convention with the Dutch and French, that his retreat should not be molested farther, in return for which he promised not to injure the country by demolishing any of the dykes which defended it from the sea, and that Great Britain would restore to France and Holland 8000 prisoners taken before the present campaign.

The affairs of the French republic now began, in consequence of these events, to wear a more favourable aspect. It is true, Championet was defeated in Italy in all his efforts against the Austrians, and Ancona surrendered on the 13th November to General Frolich; but the French were still masters of the Genoese territory, Switzerland and Holland, and the new combination formed against them seemed about to be dissolved. Prussia withdrew at an early period, and still preserved a neutrality; and from existing circumstances it was natural to conclude, that the emperor of Russia would also desert the cause of the allies.

An event took place about this time which presented the revolution of France in a light never before seen. Our readers will recollect that General Bonaparte was obliged to retreat from Acre with great loss, after a siege of 69 days. At this time he received information that a Turkish army was about to invade Egypt by sea, and therefore he returned across the desert of Arabia by the way of Suez, and arrived in the vicinity of the Pyramids on the 11th of July, when an army of 18,000 Turks landed at Abonkir, which they carried by assault, and put the garrison to death, consisting of 500 men. Bonaparte marched down the country against them on the 15th, and ten days after came in sight of them at six o'clock in the morning. Their troops were divided into two parts, encamped on the opposite sides of a delightful plain. The cavalry of Bonaparte advanced with rapidity into the centre of the Turkish army, cutting off the communications between its different parts. Struck with terror, the Turks endeavoured to gain their ships, when the whole of them perished in the sea. The left division made a more obstinate resistance, but it was at length defeated. About the end of September the news of this victory reached France, which recalled the memory of Bonaparte's conquests, as forming a striking contrast to the reverses experienced by the republic after that period. The directory received a dispatch from him on the 10th of October, which was read to the councils; and on the 14th a message announced the arrival of Bonaparte in France, together with his principal officers. He was received at Paris with marks of distinction, although none could tell why he had left his army and returned home. At this time the parties in the government were unequally balanced; and the assistance of Bonaparte was urgently requested by both. The Jacobins were superior in the council of five hundred, and the Moderates in that of the Ancients. It was understood that Sieyes was attached to the latter party, on which account the Jacobins had made many unsuccessful efforts to dismiss him from his office. Intriguing as the Jacobins were, they were fairly outwitted by Sieyes, who had a plot ripe for execution, to overwhelm them in a moment. On the morning of the 9th of November, one of the committees of the council of Ancients gave in a report, that the country was in danger, proposing the sitting of the legislature to be adjourned to St Cloud, about six miles from Paris. The council of five hundred having no legal right to question the authority of this decree, and as the ruling party was clearly taken unawares, the members gave their silent consent, and both councils met at the place appointed on the 10th of November.

The council of five hundred received a letter from Lagarde, secretary to the directory, informing them that four of its members had resigned their offices, and that Barras was a prisoner by order of Bonaparte, whom the council of Ancients had appointed commander of their guard. In the midst of their deliberations, General Bonaparte entered the hall, accompanied by about 20 officers and grenadiers. He proceeded towards the chair where his brother Lucien sat as president, when great tumult ensued, and the epithets of a Cromwell, a Caesar, and a usurper, were conferred upon him. The members pressed forward upon him, and Arena Corsican endeavoured to dispatch him with a dagger; but he was rescued by his military attendants. A party of armed men entered the hall, and carried off the president, when in a violent debate which ensued, it was proposed that Bonaparte should be declared an outlaw. Military music was soon heard approaching; a body of armed troops entered the hall, and the members were obliged to disperse. The council of Ancients set aside the constitution, and passed a number of decrees. The directory was abolished, and an executive commission substituted in its place, consisting of Bonaparte, Sieyès, and... and Roger Ducos, under the denomination of consuls. The sittings were adjourned till the 20th of February 1800, and two committees, consisting of 21 members, chosen from both councils, to act as interim legislators. The greater part of the members composing the council of five hundred returned to Paris, having been expelled from the hall by the military, while part of them continued, and sanctioned all the decrees of the council of ancients. On the 17th of November the consuls decreed the transportation of a great number of Jacobins to Guiana, and cast a number of them into prison; but these decrees were soon after reversed, and everything assumed an air of tranquillity.

The expedition to Egypt was in the mean time unsuccessful in every one of its objects. Tippoo Sultan, son and successor to the celebrated Hyder Ally, sovereign of the Mysore country, had, in the year 1792, been under the necessity of concluding a treaty of peace with Lord Cornwallis under the walls of Seringapatam, in which he resigned a portion of his territory to the invaders, and agreed to pay a very considerable sum of money. He was likewise obliged to deliver up two of his sons as hostages for the punctual performance of every thing stipulated. A war which terminated in this manner could not reasonably be expected to become the basis of much cordiality. He was indeed obliged to submit, but he only waited for a favourable opportunity to recover what he had lost, and to accomplish, if possible, the total expulsion of the British from India, which with him was a favourite object, as it had always been with his father. The ascendancy of Britain, however, was now so great, chiefly owing to the exertions of Warren Hastings, Esq., that Tippoo clearly perceived the impossibility of shaking it, without the assistance of an army from Europe. To no country but France could he look for an adequate force; but the foreign and domestic wars arising from the revolution, had prevented the rulers of that nation from attending to the interests of distant regions. In 1797, Tippoo determined to renew his intercourse with France by means of the islands of the Mauritius and Bourbon. One Ripaud, formerly a lieutenant in the French navy, who had resided for some time at Seringapatam, persuaded Tippoo that the French had a considerable force at the Mauritius, which with little difficulty might be sent to his assistance. Ripaud being sent to confer with the French upon the subject, he and two ministers from Tippoo were joyfully received by Malartic the governor, and vessels were sent to France to acquaint the directory with their proposals.

The governor Malartic in the mean time, either from gross ignorance, from treachery, or a wish to involve Tippoo Sultan in a quarrel with Britain, adopted a measure which ultimately defeated the plans, and brought about the ruin of that prince. On the 30th of January 1798, he published a proclamation, containing the whole of Tippoo's confidential proposals, inviting all citizens of France to espouse his cause. Copies of this proclamation soon found their way into most quarters of the world. Accordingly the governor-general of India, received orders to watch the motions of Tippoo, and even hostilely attack him if it could not be prudently avoided. The Indian government, however, had, before this, been apprised of the impending danger, and had made preparations for war without loss of time.

But Tippoo did not place his sole dependence on assistance from France. He invited one Zemunn Shah from the north-west, whose kingdom was composed of provinces taken from Persia and India, to make an attack upon the British and their allies. In hopes of direct aid from France, which Tippoo expected in consequence of Bonaparte's invasion of Egypt, and the important service which he looked for from the exertions of Zemunn Shah, he remained quiet, and endeavoured to temporise with the British. Military preparations on the part of the British being in a considerable degree of forwardness, Lord Mornington, the governor-general, informed Tippoo that he was not ignorant of his hostile designs, and of his connection with France, proposing, however, to send an ambassador for the purpose of bringing about a reconciliation. This was not answered till the 18th of December, although written by his lordship on the 8th of the preceding month. Tippoo simply denied the charge, and refused to admit the ambassador. Unwilling to sport with human blood, his lordship on the 9th of January 1799, again intreated Tippoo to receive the ambassador, to which no answer was returned during a whole month, during which interval 5000 men arrived from England, and General Harris received orders to advance at the head of the Madras army against the kingdom of Mysore. This seemed to bring Tippoo a little more to reason, who now offered to receive the ambassador, on condition he should come without any attendance; but as this was not deemed a satisfactory concession, the army continued to advance. An army from Bombay was also approaching on the opposite side of his dominions, which encountered part of Tippoo's forces, and defeated them; General Harris defeating the remainder of them on the 27th of March, who on the 7th of April sat down before Seringapatam. This officer received a letter from Tippoo on the 9th, in which he mentioned his adherence to treaties, and wished to be informed as to the cause of the war. The only answer he received was a reference to Lord Mornington's letters. He made another attempt on the 20th, and General Harris informed him that he had already been made acquainted with the only conditions which could or would be granted. The half of his dominions was to be surrendered, large sums of money were expected from him; he was to admit an ambassador to his court, to disclaim all connection with the French, and grant hostages for the faithful observance of every stipulation.

Tippoo wrote a letter to General Harris on the 28th, desiring leave to treat by ambassadors, which was rejected, as he was in possession of the sine qua non of the British government. It was believed that the besieging army would have been obliged to retreat, had it been possible for Seringapatam to hold out only a fortnight longer. On the last day of April the besiegers began to batter the walls of the city, and they got possession of it on the 4th of May. Tippoo hastened from his palace to the attack, when given to understand that a breach was made in the walls, where he fell undistinguished in the general conflict. His treasures and the plunder of the city were immense, with which the besieging army was enriched, after deducting a certain proportion for the British government and the East India Company. His subjects immediately surrendered, France, and that part of the country which formed the ancient kingdom of Mysore, was conferred on a descendant of the former race of its kings, and the remaining territories were divided among the British and their allies. The family of Tipoo were either taken or made a voluntary surrender, being removed from that part of the country, and allowed a decent annuity.

Zemau Shah in the mean time invaded the country from the north-west, advancing to the vicinity of Delhi, and spreading terror and desolation wherever he came. Satisfied with plunder, however, he soon withdrew his forces; and the French army being detained in Egypt by a war with the Turks, as well as the want of shipping at Suez, Tipoo had to contend singly against the united forces of Britain and her allies in those eastern regions.

A consular government public by the consuls in the month of December 1799, established According to this plan, 80 men, who had the power of nominating their own successors, and were called the conservative senate, had likewise authority to elect the whole of the legislators and executive rulers of the state, while none of these offices could be held by themselves. One man, called the chief consul, possessed the sovereign authority, held his power for ten years, and was competent to be re-elected. Other two consuls were to assist in his deliberations, but had no power to control his will. The legislative power was divided into two assemblies; the tribunate, composed of 100 members, and the conservative senate of 300. When the chief consul thought proper to propose a law, the tribunate might debate upon it, without having authority to vote either for or against it, while the members of the senate might vote, but were not enabled to debate. The consuls and the members of the legislative body, as well as of the conservative senate, were not responsible for their conduct, but ministers of state employed by them were understood to be accountable. The committees which framed the constitution, nominated the persons who were to execute the functions of government. Bonaparte was appointed chief consul, and Cambaceres and Lebrun second and third consuls. Sieyes, as formerly, declined taking any active part in the administration of public affairs, and he received, as a gratuity for his services, an estate belonging to the nation, called Crosne, in the department of the Seine and Oise.

Bonaparte had not long been in possession of the reins of government, till he sent overtures for negotiating peace with the allied powers at war with France; but it is to be presumed that he did not wish for a general peace. Separate proposals were made to the different belligerent powers, no doubt with a view to dissolve the coalition; but the decrees of the convention, which declared war against all the powers of Europe, were not repealed by him. He departed from the forms sanctioned by the custom of nations in carrying on diplomatic correspondence, but addressed a letter directly to his Britannic majesty, the substance of which was contained in two questions; "whether the war, which had, for eight years, ravaged the four quarters of the globe, was to be eternal?" and "whether there were no means for Britain and France of coming to a good understanding?" Satisfactory, and we think, unanswerable replies, were made to these questions by the

British ministry, who dwelt much, and very justly, on the bad faith of revolutionary rulers, and the instability of the governments of France since the subversion of monarchy. The overture transmitted to Vienna was of a similar nature, and it experienced similar treatment; but the emperor of Russia abandoned the coalition, probably on account of the shameful manner in which Suwarrow had been treated, while carrying on the war in Italy and Switzerland.

Bonaparte on the 7th of March sent a message to the legislative body, containing his own ideas of the conduct and designs of the British cabinet, and assuring them that he would invoke peace in the midst of battles and triumphs, and swear to fight only for the happiness of France and the repose of the world. This message was followed by two decrees; the one calling, in the name of honour, upon every soldier absent on leave from the armies of Italy and the Rhine, to join them before the 5th of April; and the other appointing a fresh army of reserve of 60,000 men to be assembled at Dijon, under the immediate command of the first consul.

About this time the belligerent powers were nearly ready for opening the campaign in Italy and on the Rhine. The Genoese republic was the only territory of any importance in Italy, which remained in the hands of the French, but the army by which they defended it was very much reduced since the preceding year, and might be considered as in a state of mutiny, from the want of pay, clothes and provisions. The Austrians eagerly wished to obtain possession of Genoa and all its dependencies, in which they could not fail to be seconded by the Genoese themselves, as they looked upon the republicans to be the destroyers of their commerce. Massena received the command of the army in Genoa, with extraordinary powers, and evinced himself to be a general of consummate abilities. Carrying a reinforcement of troops with him from Lyons and Marseilles, and reducing to order and obedience, by a judicious distribution of rewards and punishments, all whom he found ready to desert their standards, he soon found himself at the head of a force sufficient to check the progress of the Austrians, and keep the Genoese in subjection. After a number of battles had been fought, he was obliged to retire into the city, where he must soon have been compelled to surrender by famine, if General Melas had immediately blockaded it.

The appearance of the British fleet on the 5th of April, was the concerted signal for Melas to make an attack upon Genoa, the communication between which and France was thus cut off. Prior to the arrival of Lord Keith, a quantity of wheat and other provisions had been thrown into the city, by which means the army and the inhabitants were rescued from the consequences of immediate famine. The surrounding country was soon vanquished by the Austrians; but as the gallant Massena still lived in the expectation of supplies from France, he obstinately refused to surrender the city. General Melas having nothing to apprehend from this army blocked up in Genoa, left General Ott to continue the blockade, and went with his own forces against Sauchet, who commanded another division of the French army.

A decisive battle was fought between Ceva and St Lorenzo, Lorenza, on the 7th of May, in which the republicans experienced a total defeat, having lost 1200 prisoners, and 19 pieces of cannon. This soon obliged General Sauchet to abandon his strong position of Col di Tenda, where he left behind him four pieces of cannon and 200 prisoners; and marching on towards Nice, the Austrians drove him from one post to another, till he was finally obliged to take refuge behind the Var; by which movements General Melas became master of the whole department of the Maritime Alps. But the campaign on the Rhine did not open in such a favourable manner to the Austrians. The court of Vienna directed the archduke Charles to resign the command of the army to General Kray, who distinguished himself in such an eminent manner in Italy, during the campaign of 1799. Of his military talents there could be only one opinion, and his integrity and zeal had been sufficiently tried; but he had the misfortune not to be so noble as some of the other generals! It is truly ridiculous to behold men contending about trifles, when engaged in matters of such vast importance as the salvation of their country. During the most propitious days of Rome, her greatest generals were plebeians.

It could not be reasonably expected that such a discontented army, commanded by an able officer who had directed the misfortune not to be a nobleman, would ever be able to make head against the veterans of France, led on by such an extraordinary general as Moreau. The Hungarian troops, finding themselves ready to be sacrificed to the party dissensions of their officers, would not fight against the enemy. The council of war at Vienna had sent General Kray instructions at the opening of the campaign, how he was to dispose of his forces, and having no general under him to support his own opinion, he was under the painful necessity of obeying his instructions, whether he could approve of them or not. Instructions of a similar nature had been transmitted to Moreau by the chief consul, but he indignantly refused to fight under such restraints. He was no doubt conscious that his own knowledge of the military art was at least equal to that of Bonaparte, while he was infinitely better acquainted with the country, and therefore he sent a courier to Paris to acquaint the consul, that if the orders sent him were to be rigidly obeyed, he would feel it his duty to resign his command, and accept of an inferior station. He accompanied his resignation with a plan of the campaign which he had framed for himself, the propriety of which instantly struck the chief consul, and therefore he was ordered to carry on the war, according to his own judgment.

General Moreau being thus wisely left to adopt and execute his own measures, crossed the Rhine, and drove the Austrians from one post to another, till Kray, finding it impracticable to adopt offensive measures with a rebellious army, with disaffected officers to command them, resolved to maintain his position at Ulm, and wait for assistance from Vienna. He was defeated at Stockach, Eugen, and Moskirch, although he exhibited fully the talents of an able general; but what talents were able to counteract the pernicious consequences of treachery? At one time, when 7000 men received orders to advance, they instantly threw down their arms. Kray too plainly perceiving that it was absolutely in vain to attempt any thing of an offensive nature, entrenched himself strongly at Ulm, commanding both sides of the Danube, which makes it a place of great importance. Moreau perceiving his intentions, resolved to try the passage of the Danube, and force him to a general engagement, by cutting him off from his magazines at Donawert. For this purpose he gave orders to Lecourbe with one of the wings of his army, to take possession of a bridge between Donawert and Dillingen, which was not effected without considerable difficulty. The Austrians having perceived, when too late, that their all was in danger, disputed every inch of ground with the French commander. Between the time of marching to, and of crossing the Danube, Kray sent reinforcements to the left bank to oppose the passage, in consequence of which a battle was fought at Hochstet, in the vicinity of Blenheim, where victory again declared for the French, who made 4000 of the enemy prisoners, independent of the killed and wounded lost by the Austrians, of which we have seen no estimate.

General Kray, sensible that his situation was perilous, left a strong garrison at Ulm, and marched against the enemy, attacking them at Newburg, which both sides conducted with determined bravery; but the Austrians, after a long contest, fell back on Ingolstadt. It may not improperly be said, that this battle decided the fate of Germany. The electorate of Bavaria was now in the possession of the French, with other territories of less extent; and as they approached the hereditary dominions of the emperor, men of republican sentiments behaved with such effrontery, as to convince the court, that no dependence could be reasonably placed on armies composed of such men. The imperial family, and the British ambassador, were openly insulted in the theatre, and the cry of peace, peace, was vociferated from different quarters.

The ill success of General Kray alone could not excite such a spirit, because at this time the affairs of army at Germany were even in a more deplorable state in Italy than upon the Danube. When the campaign opened on the Rhine, the army of reserve under the command of Bonaparte, which was formed at Dijon, began its march. When the French government declared that this army was above 50,000 strong, and receiving daily reinforcements, few could be found who were disposed to give any credit to the report. Such as were friendly to the cause of the allies, were unwilling to allow the French government so much vigour, while it was industriously circulated by the Jacobins of Germany, that it could not amount to more than 6000 men. The first consul set out from Paris on the 5th of May, to take the command of an army, the strength and destination of which had given rise to so many conjectures, and on receiving the troops cantoned at Dijon, he proceeded towards Geneva. Having been a short time in the Pays de Vaud, he joined the army of reserve at the foot of St Bernard, of which he immediately assumed the command. It is certain that a very insignificant force would have been able to arrest the progress of Bonaparte while ascending the mountain; but either General Melas had heard nothing of its being in motion, or he had implicitly believed the report of the Jacobins. In consequence of this ignorance or credulity, the army of reserve encountered no opposition till it reached the town of Aost, of which the first consul very soon Having, with the most astonishing perseverance, passed the fort of Bard, he proceeded on his march down the valley of Aost with little opposition, till he arrived at the town of Yorea, where the Austrians were assembled in force, but were obliged to give way before the impetuosity of the republicans, and post themselves on the heights of Romano behind the Chinsella. It was of vast importance as commanding the passage of the river, and was occupied by 4000 cavalry, 5000 infantry, and a few pieces of cannon. It was taken on the 26th of May, and the fort of Brunette soon after, in consequence of which the road to Turin was now open. While the republicans were effecting a passage over St Bernard, the chief part of the Austrians under Melas were employed in the celebration of their victory over them at Nice, little suspecting how soon they were to experience a sad reverse of fortune, and that the victors would very soon be vanquished. General Melas, at length roused from his dream of security, marched towards Turin with all possible speed, in order to defend the Po, and prevent the invaders from arriving at Vienna. He naturally concluded that Turin would be the first important point of attack made by the French, but in this he was deceived; for while he prepared to dispute the passage of the Po with the republicans, Bonaparte suddenly turned to the left, and entered Milan on the 2d of June.

The army of Bonaparte was very numerous, but he wanted magazines, artillery, and stores of every kind; but understanding that Pavia was the great depot of the Austrian army, he sent his advanced guard against it under General Lannes, who made an easy conquest of it, and found in it more than 200 pieces of cannon, 8000 muskets, 2000 barrels of gunpowder, and a prodigious quantity of all sorts of provisions. Another of the chief consul's generals crossed the Po at Stradella; and having cut off the communication between General Melas and the country of Piedmont, gained possession of the Austrian magazines at Piacenza, Cremona, and a number of other places on the banks of the river.

About this time it was that Bonaparte became acquainted with the fate of Genoa, by means of intercepted letters. Massena did everything in the power of bravery and perseverance to keep possession of the city; but after he had witnessed 15,000 of the inhabitants perish with hunger, he surrendered to the British and Austrian commanders on the 5th of June, and obtained very favourable terms, when we consider that it was impossible for him to hold out any longer. The right wing of his army, consisting of 8,110 men, was permitted to march into France by the way of Nice, and the rest were to be conveyed by sea to Antibes, at the expense of Britain; no man was to be deemed responsible for having held any public office under the government of the Ligurian republic; and all officers taken prisoners since the commencement of the campaign, were allowed to return to France on their parole, not to serve till they should be regularly exchanged. By the fall of Genoa, the Austrian army which besieged it was at liberty to co-operate with the commander-in-chief; and, accordingly, General Ott marched at the head of thirty battalions to check the progress of the French army in Piedmont. On the 9th of June he was met by Generals Lannes and Victor at Montebello, where a battle was fought with great fury on both sides, when the French were victorious, and General Ott retreated with great loss. Melas being unable to arrest the progress of the republicans by detachments of his army, collected his whole force between Alessandria and Tortona, that he might be able to open a way for himself to the Austrians on the Mincio, if he should find it impossible to crush the enemy. The consequence of this step was the ever memorable battle of Marengo, fought on the 14th of June, which has been variously described. The French accounts represented the army of General Melas as more numerous than that of the chief consul, to whose superior conduct and bravery alone the French were indebted for success. Others have believed that the superiority was on the side of the republicans, and think they can discover as much from comparing together the different bulletins of the army of reserve. On this point we pretend not to decide, only it is certain that the Austrians were victorious for nine hours, and the fate of that battle appears to have been decided by the masterly conduct of General Desaix, who died on the field. One false movement, made by General Melas, which enfeebled his centre, afforded the gallant Desaix an opportunity of making a vigorous charge with a body of cavalry that had hitherto been unemployed. General Zach, a man worn out with age and fatigue, when about to take the command of the army from Melas, fell into the hands of the enemy, who remained masters of the field of battle.

The Austrians lost in this engagement above 9000 men, and the French upwards of 12,000, according to their own account. Enraged that the victory should thus be snatched from them, the Austrians were eager to renew the combat on the following day; but General Melas deemed it prudent to check the ardour of his troops, and concluded a capitulation, said by some to be unparalleled in the annals of war. He may have signed such a capitulation in consequence of instructions from the council of war at Vienna, or the fortresses given up by him may have been destitute of provisions. If we admit the first supposition, it follows that the council of war were determined enemies to the cause of the combined powers; and if we go upon the second, Melas himself was perhaps the most improvident commander that ever was charged with the defence of a country. The whole of Piedmont and Genoa were given up to the French, and an armistice was concluded, to last till the court of Vienna had time to return its opinion.

General Kray in Italy was anxious to avail himself of this armistice, to arrest the progress of Moreau's army; but that able general would not listen to any overtures upon the subject, till he should receive instructions from Paris. Count St Julien arrived with proposals of peace from the Imperial cabinet, in consequence of which the armistice was concluded in Germany and Italy, the posts then occupied by the respective armies being considered as constituting the line of demarcation. In opposition to the spirit of their stipulations with General Melas, the French reinforced their army in Italy, levied immense contributions, and raised troops in different states declared by themselves to be independent.

While France was everywhere victorious in Europe, her troops in Africa were subjected to hardships and disgrace. Their being abandoned by their chief made them feel... them complain bitterly; and Kleber is said to have declared, that the same universe should not contain him and Bonaparte. He continued the negotiations begun by General Bonaparte with the grand visier for evacuating Egypt, between whom a convention was concluded on the 24th of January 1800, to which Sir Sidney Smith agreed on the part of Great Britain. By virtue of this convention, the republican army, its baggage and effects, were to be collected at Alexandria, Rosetta, and Aboukir, to be conveyed to France in vessels belonging to the republic, and such as might be furnished for that purpose by the Sublime Porte. It would seem that nothing could have happened more injurious to the interest of the allies than the evacuation of Egypt upon such terms, since the consul would thus have been furnished with nearly 18,000 troops, which might have been advantageously employed, either in Italy or on the Rhine. It is strange how this important circumstance did not occur to Sir Sidney Smith, and no less so, how he took upon him the office of plenipotentiary. Mr Dundas clearly proved in the house of commons, that he exceeded any power with which he could reasonably conceive himself vested, that being lodged with Lord Elgin at Constantinople.

In the latter end of the year 1799, the British ministry had reason to believe that a negotiation would take place between the grand visier and General Kleber, respecting the evacuation of Egypt by the troops of the latter; and as such an event was much to be desired, Lord Keith received orders to accede to it, on condition that General Kleber and his army should be detained as prisoners of war, instead of being sent back to France. This was bitterly complained of in France, and numbers even in England exclaimed against it as a flagrant breach of faith, while General Kleber himself did not consider it in such a light, although the only person who had reason to do so, could have done it with fairness. On the 20th of March he attacked the Turks in the vicinity of Cairo, who fled before him in all directions, and left more than 8000 men dead and wounded on the field of battle. By this conquest Cairo was restored to the French, which in terms of the convention they had abandoned. Kleber again proposed to evacuate Egypt, on the terms agreed to by the grand visier and Sir Sidney Smith, and Lord Keith being ordered to agree to them by the cabinet of St James's, a suspension of hostilities took place, and the Turks were ready to be delivered from enemies whom they were not able to expel, when General Kleber was suddenly assassinated.

Both parties had reason to regret this event, as General Kleber appears to have been, not only the most honourable, but by far the ablest commander of the republicans, in that quarter of the globe. It is not certainly known by whom he was murdered, nor who were the contrivers of such a plot; but at Constantinople his successor Menou was strongly suspected. We must confess that he was not friendly to Kleber; but on the other hand we do not find General Reynier, in his "State of Egypt," insinuate anything of this nature against Menou, although he treats his conduct and abilities with some degree of contempt; and we are informed that the assassin himself, previous to his execution, solemnly acquitted Menou from being in the least acquainted with the plot.

As Menou refused to leave Egypt by capitulation, the British government formed the resolution of driving him out of it by force. Sir James Pulteney received the command of 12,000 men, to act in the Mediterranean in such a manner as might most effectually annoy the enemy; a plan which was disconcerted by the issue of the battle of Marengo. He was superseded by Sir Ralph Abercromby, who carried reinforcements along with him, together with a train of artillery from Gibraltar. He touched at Minorca and Malta, from whence he steered his course for the coast of Egypt, which he reached on the 1st of March 1801, and anchored next day in the bay of Aboukir; but the weather prevented him from attempting to land till the 7th of that month, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. The first division effected a landing in the face of the French, to the amount of 4000 men, whose position was so very advantageous, that an eye witness thought they might have resisted the world; yet 2000 British troops drove them from it with the loss of some field pieces, and the disembarkation was continued during that and the following day.

The whole army of General Abercromby moved forward on the 12th, and coming in sight of the main body of the French, gave them battle on the 13th. The conflict was obstinate on both sides, and their loss very considerable, but victory in the end declared for the British. This advantage was followed up with vigour, and on the 21st a more interesting battle was fought with similar success, about four miles from the city of Alexandria. Sometimes the French had the advantage, and sometimes the British, but the latter were finally victorious. General Abercromby, that he might not damp the ardour of his troops, concealed for two hours the anguish of a mortal wound he received in this action—a degree of magnanimity which has very seldom been equalled, and we believe never was surpassed. The loss of the British on this occasion was estimated at 1500, and that of the French at 4000 men.

As it may be said that the fate of Egypt was decided in a great measure by these two battles, we beg leave to call the attention of our readers to affairs of great importance which about this time took place in Europe. The powers of the north, envious of the superiority of Britain by sea, and acting under the influence of the capricious Paul, were resolved to revive the armed neutrality of Catharine II. during the continuance of the American war, and claimed a right of trading to the ports of France, without being subjected to have their vessels searched. The ministry of Great Britain were determined to break such a confederacy; but to the astonishment of the nation they resigned at this period. Different causes have been assigned for an event which was so unexpected; but the ostensible reason was a difference in the cabinet relative to catholic emancipation. After the union of Ireland with Britain, it seems pretty clear that the minister did propose this subject in the cabinet; but his majesty, from a sacred regard to his coronation oath, put his negative upon it, in consequence of which Mr Pitt and his friends gave in their resignation. In general they were succeeded by men who had countenanced their administration during the war. Mr Addington was appointed first lord of the treasury, and chancellor of the exchequer; chequer; Lord Eldon, lord high chancellor; the earl of St Vincent, first lord of the admiralty; Lord Hawkesbury and Pelham, secretaries of state, and the honourable Colonel Yorke, secretary at war. The former ministry was dissolved on the 11th of February; but owing to the indisposition of his majesty, none of the new ministry entered upon office before the middle of March, during which eventful interval Mr Pitt and his associates had the chief management of public affairs. The new ministry entered upon office by solemnly pledging themselves to the nation, that they would employ their united efforts in procuring a safe and honourable peace with France, while they never lost sight for a moment of the warlike plans of those who had preceded them.

About this time the most hostile measures were adopted by the powers composing the northern confederacy. The free city of Hamburg was taken by a Danish army under Charles prince of Hesse, in order to injure the commerce of Great Britain; and the king of Prussia sent a numerous army into the electorate of Hanover. To punish this unaccountable conduct, and dissolve the northern confederacy, a fleet of 17 sail of the line, four frigates, four sloops, and some bomb vessels, was fitted out in the ports of Britain, which sailed from Yarmouth on the 12th of March, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and Rear-admiral Graves, and having passed the Sound, appeared before Copenhagen on the 30th of the same month. The Danes did not appear in the smallest degree agitated, for it was impossible to molest either the fleet or the city, without passing through a channel so extremely intricate, that it was once believed hardly safe to attempt it with a single ship, and without any enemy to oppose. This channel was sounded by Lord Nelson, who undertook to conduct a large division of the fleet through it, requesting from Sir Hyde Parker the command of it, which was accordingly given him, and Rear-Admiral Graves was his second in command.

As the largest ships drew too much water for being employed in such a hazardous attempt, his lordship selected 12 of from 74 to 50 guns, together with four frigates, four sloops, two fire-ships, and seven bombs. A most prodigious force was opposed to this, consisting of six sail of the line, 11 floating batteries, each mounting from 26 twenty-four pounders to 18 eighteen pounders, one bomb-ship, and a number of schooners. These were supported by the Crown Islands, mounting 88 pieces of cannon; by four sail of the line, moored in the mouth of the harbour, and by a few batteries on the island of Amak. Lord Nelson attacked this tremendous force on the 2d of April, and silenced the firing of the batteries after an obstinate and bloody action which lasted four hours, taking, burning, and sinking about 17 sail, including seven sail of the line. In killed and wounded the British lost 943 men, while that of the Danes must have been at least double the number. A suspension of hostilities was the immediate consequence of this brilliant victory, and a treaty of armed neutrality to last for 14 weeks.

After repairing the ships that were damaged upon this occasion, the British fleet sailed for Carlscrona, and appeared before it on the 19th of April. The govern- be immediately followed by a definitive treaty. If the archduke could have had any dependence on his army, although very much weakened, this armistice, in all probability, would not have taken place, for the position of Moreau was perilous in the extreme. In the very heart of Austria, he had behind him on his right, about 30,000 men in the Tyrol, with upwards of 50,000 on his left. But Austrian valor was now almost extinguished by so many sad reverses of fortune, and Austrian officers were not true to their trust.

This armistice was followed by a treaty of peace signed at Luneville on the 9th of February 1801, between the emperor for himself and the Germanic body, and the first consul of the French republic, in the name of the people of France. By it the emperor ceded the Brisgau to the duke of Modena, for the territories lost by that prince in Italy, and bound himself to find indemnities in the Germanic empire for all those princes whom the fate of war had deprived of their dominions. The grand duke of Tuscany was to renounce his dukedom for ever, with its dependencies in the isle of Elba, to the infant duke of Parma, for which the empire was to furnish him with an adequate indemnification.

On the 28th of March a treaty of peace was concluded between the French republic and the king of the Two Sicilies, by which his majesty obliged himself to shut all the ports of Naples and Sicily against ships of every description belonging either to the British or the Turks, till these powers should conclude a treaty with the French republic, and till Britain and the northern powers should come to a good understanding. He renounced for ever Porto Longano in the isle of Elba, his states in Tuscany, and the principality of Piombino, to be disposed of in such a manner as the French republic might think proper.

Great Britain had now none to assist her in the contest with France, but the Turks in Egypt and the Portuguese in Europe, powers which rather diminished than increased her strength, by dividing it. The Spaniards had made an attack upon Portugal at the desire of France, conquering some of its provinces; but a treaty of peace was concluded between them on the 6th of June, by which the king of Spain restored all his conquests except the fortress of Olivenza, and the prince regent of Portugal and Algarva promised to shut the ports of his whole territories against the ships of Great Britain, and to make indemnification to his Catholic majesty for all losses and damages sustained by his subjects during the war.

When the chief consul had made peace with all his other enemies, he threatened Great Britain with an immediate invasion, which gave great uneasiness at first to a considerable part of the nation, but it gradually subsided. In order to diminish this alarm, Lord Nelson was sent to destroy the shipping and harbour of Boulogne. His success in this undertaking fell short of the expectations which many had formed; but he made such an impression on the enemy on the 4th of August, as evinced that Britain could annoy the coast of France with greater facility, than France could molest that of Britain. It was also highly satisfactory to find that the spirit of the British navy was not exclusively attached to the hero of the Nile; for Rear-admiral Saumarez having, in the month of July, come up with a combined squadron of French and Spanish ships of war bound for Cadiz, much superior to his own, he scrupled not to give them battle, the consequence of which was, that one of them was captured, and two more were burnt.

Attempts were again made by Britain during the summer of 1801, to negotiate with France. The first temptations could not but see, from the total dissolution of the northern confederacy, that it was impossible for him to ruin the British commerce, and consequently that all the treaties he had made for the purpose of excluding our ships from neutral ports would signify nothing. He seemed determined, however, to keep possession of Egypt; and Britain, on the other hand, was as fully resolved to wrest it from him. On this account the negotiations were protracted, till the conquest of that country was known at London and Paris.

When Sir Ralph Abercromby died, General Hut-Rosetta, chimson succeeded to the command of the British forces in Egypt, who was probably acquainted with the plan taken by his much lamented predecessor, as one spirit seemed to actuate both. Rosetta soon surrendered, which was followed by the conquest of Cairo; and Menou having accepted of similar terms for Alexandria, the whole of Egypt fell into the hands of the allies, and the republican troops and baggage were conveyed to the nearest French ports in the Mediterranean, in ships furnished them by the allies. After these events, the negotiations between Britain and France went on more agreeably; and, on the 1st of October, the preliminaries of peace were signed at London by Lord Hawkesbury on the part of his Britannic majesty, and M. Otto on that of the French republic. By it Great Britain engaged to give up all the conquests made during the continuance of the war, excepting the islands of Ceylon and Trinidad. France was to restore nothing. The Cape of Good Hope was to be free to all the contracting parties; the island of Malta was to be given to the knights of the order of St John of Jerusalem; Egypt was to be given to the Ottoman Porte; Portugal was to be maintained in its integrity, except what was ceded to the king of Spain by the prince regent; Naples and the Roman states were to be evacuated by the French, Porto Ferrajo by the British, with all the ports and islands occupied by them in the Mediterranean; and plenipotentiaries were appointed to meet at Amiens, for the purpose of drawing up and signing the definitive treaty. This was concluded on the 22d of March 1802, in consequence of which the French republic was acknowledged by the whole of Europe.

The restoration of peace, after so long and sanguinary Peace concluded at a contest, gave the highest satisfaction to all ranks and denominations of men, with the exception, perhaps, of a few interested individuals; and it was certainly as honourable to Britain as could be well expected from the nature of the war. It was celebrated at Paris, in the cathedral of Notre Dame, with great pomp and magnificence. The celebration of the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in France, to which the majority of the people were warmly attached, gave additional importance to the scene in that country, and the measure evinced the most consummate political wisdom on the part of Bonaparte, whose popularity in consequence of it was very much increased. We shall now notice a few of the leading articles in the celebrated Concordat, or convention concluded between Bonaparte and the pope, by which the Catholic faith was again established in that country, dated 10th September 1801, and a few of the regulations established for the government of the Protestant churches.

By the regulations established for the government of the Catholic church, it is settled that no bull, rescript, decree, provision, or any thing in the place of a provision, or, in short, any other dispatch from the court of Rome, even though it should relate to individuals only, shall be received, published, printed, or otherwise put in force, without the authority of the government, and that no individual, assuming the character of nuncio, legate, vicar, or apostolic commissary, or whatever other appellation he may assume, shall be allowed to exercise his functions in France, but with the consent of the government, and in a manner conformable to the liberties of the Gallican church. The decrees of foreign synods, or even of general councils, are not to be published in France before the government shall have examined their form, their conformity to the laws, rights, and privileges of the French republic, and whatever might in their publication have a tendency to alter or to affect public tranquillity. No national or metropolitan council, no diocesan synod, no deliberative assembly, is allowed to be held without the express permission of government.

The archbishops consecrate and instal their suffragans, and watch over the maintenance of doctrine and discipline in the dioceses dependent on their see. No person can be named a bishop who is not a Frenchman, and at least thirty years of age. He must undergo an examination respecting his tenets, by a bishop and two priests commissioned by the chief consul. He nominates and installs the curés; who are not however to make public their appointment, till their nomination has been agreed to by the chief consul. The bishops are bound to reside in their dioceses, and are not at liberty to quit them without the permission of the chief consul.

The curés are to perform no ecclesiastical functions before they have taken, in the presence of the prefect, the oath prescribed by the convention entered into between the government and the holy see. They are bound to reside in their respective parishes; and they are directly subject to the bishops in the exercise of their functions. The vicars, and the assistants performing their duties, are under the superintendence and direction of the curés. They must be approved by the bishop, and are liable to be recalled by his authority. No priest can quit his diocese to serve in another without the permission of his bishop.

The archbishops and bishops who wish to exercise the power which is given them, by establishing chapters, are allowed to make no appointment without having previously obtained the authority of the government, not only for the establishment itself, but for the number and choice of the ecclesiastics by whom they are to be formed.

All ecclesiastics are required to dress according to the French fashion, and in black. The bishops add to this costume the pastoral cross, and violet stockings. Domestic chapels and oratories, for the accommodation of individuals, are not to be established without the express permission of the government, granted on the application of the bishop.

The bishop is to concert with the prefect the means of calling the faithful to religious worship by public bells, which are to be rung on no other occasion, without the permission of the local police. The curés in the ordinary exercise of their parochial duties pray for, and cause prayers to be offered up in behalf of the prosperity of the French republic, and the safety of the French consuls.

Article 58 fixes that there shall be in France 10 archbishops and 50 bishops; and article 60, fixes that there shall be at least one parish within the jurisdiction of a justice of peace, and as many subsidiary places of worship as circumstances may require.

The salary of the archbishops is to be 15,000 francs (about 62l. sterling), and that of the bishops 10,000 francs (about 42l. sterling). The curés are divided into two classes. The salary of the curés of the first class is to be 1500 francs (about 62l. sterling); that of the second class is to be 1000 francs (about 42l. sterling). The pensions they enjoy according to the regulations of the constituent assembly shall be deducted from their salaries. But the general councils of the larger communes are empowered to grant them an augmentation of salary, such as circumstances may require.

The principal articles relating to the Protestant religion are as follows:

No individual is allowed to officiate, as a minister of religion, who is not by birth a Frenchman; and neither the Protestant churches nor their ministers are permitted to have any connexion with a foreign power or authority. The pastors or ministers pray for the prosperity of the French republic and the safety of the consuls. No doctrinal decision or formality, under the title of a confession, or under any other title, is to be published or become a subject of instruction before its publication has been authorised by the government; and no change can take place in the forms of their discipline without the same authority. The council of the state takes cognizance of all the plans formed by their ministers, and of all the dissensions which may arise among them. To the support of pastors of consistorial churches, the property of these churches is to be applied, as well as the obligations established by usage and by positive regulations; and they are on the same footing as the Catholics in regard to the liberty of endowments, and the nature of the property which can be the object of them.

Two academies or seminaries are appointed in the east of France for the instruction of the ministers of the confession of Augsburg; and one at Geneva for the instruction of the ministers of the reformed churches. The professors in all these academies or seminaries shall be nominated by the chief consul. No person can be elected a minister or pastor of any of these churches, who has not studied during a fixed period in one of the seminaries appointed for ministers of this persuasion, and who cannot produce a certificate in due form of his capacity and regular conduct during the continuance of his studies.

When Bonaparte was elected first consul for ten years, years, he was deemed competent to be re-elected for the same length of time; but he was afterwards chosen for life, with the strange power conferred upon him of nominating his successor, or, in other words, of governing beyond the grave, than which nothing can be conceived more ridiculous or unjust. Having advanced with such rapidity in the acquisition of power and authority, it was extremely natural to conclude, that the ambition of Bonaparte was not satiated, but that he would afterwards claim to himself, and influence an infatuated people to sanction, still higher degrees of dignity and grandeur. A book was accordingly published, either with his permission, or by his express command, pointing out the propriety and expediency of creating him First Emperor of the Gauls! At a subsequent period of the history contained in this article we shall see this extravagant proposition actually carried into effect, and Napoleon I. adorned with imperial honours. This verifies what Damourier asserted concerning the French, at a time when such an event was highly improbable; "that a king they would have."

In the capacity of first consul, his power was similar to that of his Britannic majesty, in respect of criminals under sentence of death, that he could grant them at his pleasure a plenary pardon, and admit them to return again to the bosom of society; but his executive authority in almost every other case was dangerously greater, as there was in fact no other power in the state which could possibly control him. While his authority was established thus firmly within his own dominions, he endeavoured to increase his influence over the rest of Europe, by forming an alliance with the court of Petersburgh. At first it was believed to be purely of a commercial nature, but the active part taken by both in dismembering the Germanic body, clearly evinced that such an alliance was of a more interesting nature, notwithstanding the ostensible reason for such conduct was the indemnification of the sufferers during the war.

It will perhaps be admitted, that the state of France, after the dreadful convulsions occasioned by the revolution, required an executive government of considerable promptitude and vigour; yet it was surely possible, and it was no less a sacred duty binding upon him, to consult, in particular circumstances, the happiness and prosperity of the people much more than he did, without endangering in the smallest degree the stability of his government. The French people should not have been deprived of the many blessings resulting from a representative government; and if not ripe for it then, it should have been conferred upon them at a subsequent period. If the hero of Marengo was afraid of facing a free parliament, he thus pronounced himself a tyrant, and if unable to moderate its deliberations, very deficient in political knowledge. He might find it expedient, for instance, to impose some restraints on the licentiousness of the press; but totally to annihilate its liberty was as unjust as it was impolitic. He should have recollected a saying of an historian and philosopher, "that a whisper may circulate as rapidly as a pamphlet."

Towards the termination of the year 1802, Bonaparte was very active in his visitation of the sea-port towns, where the most fulsome addresses were presented to him which were ever given to any mortal being. Various conjectures were formed as to the probable sign of such visits. It was thought by some that he intended to conciliate the affections of the people, especially the military and the constituted authorities; others imagined that it was to make himself acquainted with the true state of public opinion; while a third class conjectured that it was with a view to increase the navy of France, and acquire an intimate knowledge of the different parts of the coast. Whatever his object was, it is more than probable that it was directed to one point, and that his complicated movements were purposely intended to mislead those who felt an interest in watching him. It is true, he made no secret of his determination to invade Great Britain; but we should greatly diminish that knowledge which he must unquestionably possess, were we to conclude that he ever seriously believed in the practicability of such an undertaking.

His abilities as a soldier will be disputed by no man, for when viewed only in this light, he is unquestionably of Bonn great; but it would be a most unpardonable breach of part-truth to call him an able politician. While he promised to restore the commerce of France, it continued to languish, more perhaps after the restoration of peace, than during the continuance of the war. This seems to be a subject fairly beyond his comprehension. Numbers in France drew a great part of their subsistence from the expenditure of such persons from the British dominions, as were disposed, after the return of peace, to pay a visit to the metropolis of the Gallic empire. But while we thus freely animadvert on the conduct of the first consul, and point out his errors or faults without any reserve, we wish not to conceal a single circumstance which redounds to his honour. When Cambaceres, the bishop of Caen, made application to the prefect of Rouen to have the Protestant churches forcibly shut; as soon as the request of the bishop was known to Bonaparte, he sent for the second consul, and told him, that if the bishop had not been his brother, he would have struck him off the list. Such a reply was certainly worthy of a great man.

On the 21st of February 1803, a view of the state of France was laid before the legislative body and the tribunate, containing a comprehensive view of the relations of the republic, both with respect to colonies and foreign states; but the most important part of it had a reference to Britain, which was charged with acting improperly in retaining troops in Malta and Egypt, after the signing of the definitive treaty. It divided the inhabitants of it into two parties, representing the one as having sworn implacable enmity to France, and the other as anxious to maintain the relations of peace and amity, concluding with singular bravado, "whatever may be the success of intrigue at London, it will never force other nations into new leagues; and the French government asserts, with just pride, that England alone cannot now contend with France."

It now began to be manifest, that the blessings of peace were not to be long enjoyed. The extensive war-like preparations going forward about this time in the ports of France and Holland, roused the jealousy of the British ministry; for although the ostensible reason was to reduce the revolted colonies to obedience, they could not help apprehending that much more was comprehended in such extensive armaments. We shall still be more inclined to adopt this opinion, if we advert to the following

When Bonaparte, on the 13th of March, found Lord Whitworth and M. de Marcoff standing together, he addressed them in these words:

"We have fought for fifteen years, and it seems there is a storm gathering at London, which may produce another war of fifteen years more.—The king of England has said, in his message to the parliament, that France had prepared offensive armaments; he has been mistaken; there is not in the ports of France any considerable force, they having all set out for St Domingo. He said there existed some differences between the two cabinets; I do not know of any. It is true that his majesty has engaged by treaty that England should evacuate Malta. It is possible to kill the French people, but not to intimidate them." At the conclusion of the drawing-room, it is said that Bonaparte addressed the British envoy thus, when near the door: "The duchess of Dorset has passed the most unpleasant season at Paris; I most ardently wish she may pass the pleasant one also; but if it is true that we are to have war, the responsibility, both in the sight of God and man, will be on those who shall refuse to execute the treaty."

Much about the same time a paper was inserted in the Humburgh Correspondenten, containing much violent declamation against Great Britain, and believed by many to have been the production of Bonaparte. If our information be correct, the French minister requested, and obtained permission, from the magistrates of that city to make it thus public. Some alterations were made on the manuscript, which having given offence to the republican ambassador, it was, on the 30th of March, inserted without any alterations or supposed amendments. It contains many rancorous expressions against Great Britain, while part of it seems to be a designed apology for the insulting conversation which took place at Madame Bonaparte's dressing room already mentioned. It contains some reflections also on the freedom of discussion indulged in the British newspapers relative to the affairs of France, a circumstance far beneath the notice of the first consul, who, in this particular, did not advert to the freedom of the British press.

In the interior parts of France, the most active preparations for war continued to be made, and at the seaports, the different commanders received orders to put the navy as fast as possible on a respectable footing. Vast bodies of the military received orders to leave the Netherlands, and march towards the frontiers of the Batavian republic, while the ships destined for the Newfoundland fishery were laid under an embargo.

As the island of Malta was, by the treaty of Amiens, to be surrendered to the knights of the order of St John of Jerusalem, upon certain conditions, De Thomasi, the new grand master, sent M. de Bussy his lieutenant in the month of January, with full powers to demand possession of the island; to which the governor Sir Alexander Jonathan Ball, replied, that as some of the powers who had, by the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens, been invited to guarantee the independence of Malta, had not as yet agreed to that measure, he could not terminate the government of his Britannic majesty without farther instructions.

As the long and tedious correspondence carried on between Great Britain and France, by means of Lord Whitworth and M. de Talleyrand, which was laid before both houses of parliament on the 18th of May, did not terminate in such a manner as the lovers of peace most ardently wished, a fresh rupture between the two countries seemed unavoidable. Officers were sent to reside in the principal seaports of Great Britain, vested with the character of commercial agents, but they were in fact detected in sounding the harbours, and in drawing plans of the ports; a glaring proof that some desperate blow was meditated against this country.

In spite of the efforts of the British ministry to prevent a rupture, hostilities actually commenced on the 16th of May, and letters of marque were issued against the French republic. The ultimatum of Britain was conceived in these terms: "that the French government should not oppose the cession of the island of Lampedusa to his Britannic majesty; that the French forces should evacuate the Batavian and the Swiss territory; that a suitable provision should be made for the king of Sardinia; and, by a secret article, that Britain should be permitted to retain possession of Malta for ten years." Our readers will no doubt immediately conclude, that this was rejected; but France still made some feeble endeavours to negotiate, which appearing to the cabinet of St James's to be a pretext only to gain time, the war was considered as actually recommenced. All subjects belonging to Britain who were now found in France and Holland were arrested and detained; an event which was speedily followed by the march of a republican army towards Osnaburgh and Hanover, the former of which was taken possession of by General Mortier on the 26th of May, after which he took the town of Bentheim, and the Hanoverian garrison were made prisoners of war. Osnaburgh was abandoned by the Hanoverians on the 28th, and two days after the French got possession of Quackenbrock. His royal highness the duke of Cambridge was determined to stand or fall with the electorate; but as he was at the head of no more than a handful of troops compared with the army of Mortier, the regency urged him to retire from the command, as the probability of success was entirely against him. The duke, therefore, returned to Bremen, and reached Yarmouth on the 13th of June, along with Prince William of Gloucester.

Much about this period, General Mortier was waited upon by deputies from the regency, both of a civil and military nature, who begged that he would suspend his march, and proposed a capitulation. By this the Hanoverian troops were permitted to surrender on their parole, and agreed not to take up arms against France during the continuance of the war. Sums were to be raised for maintaining the republican army, while private property was to be held sacred.

If this promise, however, was really made, it does not appear that it was considered as binding, for it has been said that more flagrant acts of cruelty and injustice were scarcely ever perpetrated by people professing to be civilized. The following, we are told, is part of the information upon this subject communicated by private letters.

"In the city of Hanover, and even in the public streets, women of the highest rank have been violated by the lowest of the brutal soldiery, in the presence of their husbands and fathers, and subjected at the same time to such additional and undescribable outrages, as the brunt..." tal fury of the violators, inflamed by drunkenness, could contrive. Nor have we heard that the philosophers of Goettingen, the enthusiasts of equality and perfectibility, have been at all better treated." We suspect that this picture is too highly coloured; yet, if a thousandth part of the narration be true, of which we have only selected a specimen, we must allow it to be an indelible stigma on the French nation.

It had always been a favourite object with Bonaparte, to do as much injury as possible to the commerce of Great Britain, and therefore he now determined to shut against this country the ports of the Weser and the Elbe; and also insisted on the ports of Denmark being shut against vessels belonging to Britain, proposing to plant a French garrison in the city of Copenhagen, while the other powers of Europe seemed to behold his conduct with indifference or stupefaction. The French having put themselves in possession of the exclusive navigation of the Elbe, Great Britain determined to blockade it with ships of war, as a report then prevailed that Bonaparte would make use of that port for the purpose of invading Scotland. In this view of the matter, the conduct of Britain was highly commendable.

About this time the French army in St Domingo was in a most melancholy condition, as appeared from the information contained in some intercepted letters. Although about 10,000 men reached the island, in three months after General Rochambeau's arrival, when they were landed in the different ports, scarcely any traces of a reinforcement could be perceived, so much had his army suffered. The atrocities of the troops in their turn were also said to be great, and complaints made to the commanding officers were answered with threats. It appears that Rochambeau was obliged to have recourse to absolute falsehood, in order to keep up the spirits of his troops, and allay their discontent; giving out, what he knew could not be the case, that a reinforcement of 20,000 men was daily expected.

In the mean time, the ministry of Great Britain used every effort to place the country in a secure and respectable state of defence, should the insatiable ambition of Bonaparte lead him to a serious attempt to invade it. The intelligent part of the people indeed believed that he never seriously intended to hazard the consequences of what he threatened, yet it was certainly prudent to prepare for the worst. The troops of the line were industriously and successfully recruited, the militia were called out and kept in actual service, and an army of reserve was raised with the utmost expedition. Having almost 500,000 troops of different species, Britain had no just reason to apprehend an invasion, being able to accomplish the destruction of the boldest invader. These troops were encamped along the coast, garrison towns were properly supplied with men, the greatest force was concentrated wherever the probability of a landing was strongest, and care was taken of the health of the military, as well as the appointment of the ablest generals to command them. Provisions, ammunition, and stores, were collected in abundance. As it was natural to conclude that London would be the great object with an invading army, the utmost attention was paid to the defence of those parts of the coast which are most adjacent to it.

Similar efforts were made to annoy the enemy by sea, and render their designs wholly abortive. To Lord Keith and Admiral Montagu was entrusted the command of the channel fleet; and an attempt was made at Granville to disconcert the preparations of France, by a detachment of ships under the command of Sir James Saumarez, which was so far attended with success as to intimidate the inhabitants, damage a number of houses, and destroy some boats in the harbour. Similar attacks upon Calais and Boulogne also tended to convince the French residing on the coast that they were far from being secure, although total destruction was not the consequence of such exertions. Lord Nelson then guarded the Italian seas, and Sir Edward Pellew and Sir Robert Calder were stationed off Ferrol.

In the mean time the republican army in Hanover continued to oppress the inhabitants, and to devour the resources of that electorate. The Dutch were made to Hanover suffer almost as much from their new allies and pretended friends, as the inhabitants of a conquered country. They were dragged into a war, of which they certainly wished to be the unconcerned spectators, compelled to raise and maintain a large body of native troops, to receive garrisons into all their strong towns, to give up their sea-ports to the French, and expose their whole country as a scene of passage and encampment to the armies of the republic. Their trade was ruined, and their ports blocked up by the British at sea, on account of their alliance with France. The inhabitants of the Belgic provinces belonging to France were also severe sufferers by the levies of conscripts, the interruption which their trade and manufactures met with from the war, and the rigour by which they were governed. It was reported that the first consul had 300,000 effective men in readiness along the coast and the places adjacent, and that 2800 men were incessantly employed, augmenting and repairing the fortifications at Boulogne.

During the month of November 1803, the sea-coasts of Great Britain and Ireland received fresh additions of strength, that if ever troops from France should dare to attempt a landing, they might be assured of meeting with a warm reception. The garrison of Plymouth was augmented to 13,700 landmen, besides 1500 seamen and marines. A battery was erected at Paul Point, for the defence of the Humber, and two others were to be built opposite to it in Lincolnshire. Exertions equally spirited were continued by sea. Sir Sidney Smith cruised off the Texel, and drove on shore on the coast of Holland, 12 armed ships of the enemy, three of which were captured. During the month of February 1804, the French and Dutch ports continued to be blockaded by the British navy with the utmost vigilance, a measure which the tempestuous nature of the weather frequently rendered hazardous. The preparations for an invasion of this country were still continued on the part of France, but no force of any consequence found it practicable to put to sea, owing to the vigilance of our cruisers. A number of gun-boats were taken at different times off Boulogne, and different other parts of the French and Dutch coasts, which might have convinced the people of these countries of the absurdity of expecting to accomplish anything decisive against Britain by such inadequate means.

A plan was suggested for filling up the ports of the enemy with stones and the hulls of old vessels, so as to render it difficult, if not wholly impracticable, either for ships or small craft to make their way out of them. them. The idea seems to have been taken from a fact well known, that harbours have been often ruined by the tides and currents of the sea, the deposition of sand from rivers, earthquakes, and other accidents; and therefore it was concluded that similar effects might be produced by artificial means. The accomplishment of such an object, if it were practicable, would be an ample compensation for the greatest expense.

It was the opinion of the discerning part of mankind long before it happened, that the ambition of Bonaparte would not always remain satisfied with the dignity of first consul, even for life; for although he could receive no fresh additions to his power and influence, yet there was reason to believe that the sound of such titles as have always been deemed higher and more dignified still, would be too fascinating for him to resist. Accordingly, on the 25th of April 1804, the following decree was issued by the tribunate of France.

"The tribunate, considering that at the breaking out of the revolution, when the national will had an opportunity of manifesting itself with the greatest freedom, the general wish was declared for the individual unity of the supreme power, and for the hereditary succession of that power:

"That the family of the Bourbons, having by their conduct rendered the hereditary government odious to the people, forced them to lose sight of its advantages, and drove the nation to seek for a happier destiny in a democratical form of government:

"That France having made a trial of different forms of government, experienced from these trials only the miseries of anarchy:

"That the state was in the greatest peril, when Bonaparte, brought back by providence, suddenly appeared for its salvation:

"That the consulship for life, and the power granted to the first consul of appointing his successor, are not adequate to the prevention of intrigues at home or abroad, which could not fail to be formed during the vacancy of the supreme power:

"That in declaring that magistracy hereditary, conformity is observed at once to the example of all great states, ancient or modern, and the first wish of the nation, expressed in 1789:

"That, enlightened and supported by this experience, the nation now returns to this wish more strongly than ever, and expresses it on all sides:

"That when France demands for her security an hereditary chief, her gratitude and affection call on Bonaparte:

"That France may expect from the family of Bonaparte, more than from any other, the maintenance of the rights and liberty of the people:

"That there is no title more suitable to the glory of Bonaparte, and to the dignity of the supreme chief of the French nation, than the title of emperor.

"The tribunate have come to the following vote:

"That Napoleon Bonaparte, the first consul, be proclaimed emperor of the French, and in that capacity be invested with the government of the French republic:

"That the title of emperor and the imperial power be made hereditary in his family in the male line, according to the order of primogeniture."

The foregoing decree having been put to the vote, it was carried by acclamation, with the single exception of the only member (Carnot) who delivered his sentiments against its adoption.

The senate presented an address to the first consul, in which they took great pains to convince him that the safety of France, and the happiness of Europe, depended entirely upon his acceptance of the title of Emperor of the French, and upon its being made hereditary in his illustrious family. The different divisions of the army of course sent addresses to the first consul, intreating him to condescend to become emperor of France.

Bonaparte requested them, in his answer, "to make known to him the whole of their thoughts." The senate then desired him to take the imperial and hereditary dignity. Bonaparte consented.

An address was presented by the senate to the first consul, in which they employed many arguments to make him see that the preservation of France, and the repose of all Europe turned on his acceptance of the dignified title of the emperor of the French, which right to be hereditary in his august family. The different divisions of the army hoped also that he would be graciously pleased to condescend (what an instance of humility!) to become emperor of France. Whether or not it may excite the astonishment of our readers, we can assure them upon the most undoubted authority, that he was so humble as to accept of it, and the following is his address to the conservative senate.

"Senators,

"Your address of the 6th last Germinal has never ceased to be present to my thoughts. It has been the object of my most constant meditation.

"You have judged the hereditary power of the supreme magistracy necessary, in order to shelter the French people completely from the plots of our enemies, and from the agitations which arise from rival ambitions. It even appears to you, that many of our institutions ought to be improved, in order to secure forever the triumph of equality and public liberty, and present to the nation and to the government the double guarantee they are in want of.

"In proportion as I fix my attention upon these great objects, I am still more convinced of the verity of those sentiments which I have expressed to you, and I feel more and more, that in a circumstance as new as it is important, the counsels of your wisdom and experience were necessary to enable me to fix my ideas.

"I request you then to make known to me the whole of your thoughts.

"The French people can add nothing to the honour and glory with which it has surrounded me; but the most sacred duty for me, as it is the dearest to my heart, is to secure to its latest posterity those advantages which it has acquired by a revolution that has cost it so much, particularly by the sacrifice of those millions of brave citizens who have died in defence of their rights. Fifteen years have past, since, by a spontaneous movement you ran to arms, you acquired liberty, equality, and glory. These first blessings of nations are now secured to you for ever, are sheltered from every tempest, they are preserved to you and your children; institutions conceived and begun in the midst of the storms of interior and exterior wars, developed with constancy, are just terminated in the noise of the attempts and plots of our our most mortal enemies, by the adoption of every thing which the experience of centuries and of nations has demonstrated as proper to guarantee the rights which the nation had judged necessary for its dignity, its liberty, and its happiness."

The new emperor was allowed to adopt the children or grand-children of his brothers, if arrived at the age of 18 years complete, and be without legitimate children of his own; but this privilege cannot be enjoyed by his successors. Failing both legitimate and adopted heirs, the crown shall be enjoyed by Joseph Bonaparte and his descendants; and failing Joseph and his descendants, it shall devolve on Louis Bonaparte and his descendants, &c. If a successor cannot be found in any of these channels, a Senatus consultum, proposed to the senate by the dignitaries (we presume it should have been dignitaries) of the empire, and submitted for the acceptance of the people, shall nominate an emperor. It was also decreed that the members of the imperial family should be called French princes, and the eldest son of the family, the imperial prince. Amongst other things it was enacted, that every emperor, two years after he comes to the throne, shall swear to maintain the integrity of the territory of the French republic! We have mentioned this last circumstance, wholly for this reason, that the emperor of a republic is no doubt a rarity to the greater part of our readers.

The trial of the state prisoners commenced at Paris on the 29th of May 1804. They were charged with conspiring against the life and government of Bonaparte; but how great was our astonishment to find the justly celebrated General Moreau included in the number! Envy and jealousy of Bonaparte can alone have implicated this great man in such a charge, as he was heard to say on the arrival of the new emperor from Egypt—"this is the man who is necessary to save France." Georges with 11 of his associates, were condemned and executed on the 25th of June; the gallant Moreau and four more, were sentenced to suffer two years imprisonment, and about 18 were acquitted. Some of those who were condemned were afterwards pardoned by imperial clemency, moved by the fascinating charms of female eloquence and female tears. The sentence of imprisonment against Moreau was commuted to banishment for life to the United States of America.

The coronation of Bonaparte took place in the month of December 1804, which was accompanied on the part of the people by such demonstrations of apparent satisfaction as evinced the degraded state of the public mind in that unfortunate country. After receiving a number of the most fulsome speeches, filled entirely with bombast and falsehood, his imperial majesty delivered the following address. "I ascend the throne, to which the unanimous wishes of the senate, the people, and the army have called me, with a heart penetrated with the great destinies of that people, whom, from the midst of camps, I first saluted with the name of Great. From my youth, my thoughts have been solely fixed upon them (so it appears); and I must add here, that my pleasures and my pains are derived entirely from the happiness or misery of my people. My descendants shall long preserve this throne (a very bold prediction).

In the field they will be the first soldiers of the army, sacrificing their lives for the defence of their country. As magistrates they will never forget, that contempt of the laws, and the confusion of social order, are only the result of the imbecility and uncertainty of princes. You, senators, whose counsels and support have never failed me in the most difficult circumstances, your spirit will be handed down to your successors. Be ever the prop and first counsellors of that throne, so necessary to the welfare of this vast empire."

On the 4th of February 1805, a letter written by Whowrites Bonaparte to his Britannic majesty on the subject of a letter to peace, was laid before the legislative body by the counsellors of state, in which he observed that providence, the senate, the people, and the army, had called him object of the throne of France. He admitted that the two peace countries, over which they presided as the chief magistrates, might contend against each other for ages, but denied that it was for the interest of either to continue the contest. He requested his Britannic majesty not to deny himself the inexpressible felicity of giving peace to the world; for should the present moment be lost, he did not see how all his efforts would be able to terminate the war, which he considered as without any object or presumable result. He concluded with observing, that reason is sufficiently powerful to discover means of reconciling everything, when the wish of reconciliation exists on both sides. On the 16th of the same month, a very splendid entertainment was given to the emperor and empress by the city of Paris.

Never was any naval victory more glorious or decisive than that which was gained by the British under Lord Nelson over the combined fleets of France and Spain, off Cape Trafalgar, on the 21st October 1805. The British commander in chief gave the signal for bearing up in two columns as they formed in the order of sailing, a mode of attack which had been previously ordered by his lordship, to prevent the delay and inconvenience of forming the line of battle in the manner usually adopted. The fleet of the enemy consisted of 33 ships, under the command of the French admiral Villeneuve. The Spanish division under Admiral Gravina, formed the line of battle with great coolness and skill, the heads of the ships being turned to the northward. The manner of attack was uncommon, and the formation of their line was consequently new. Few signals were necessary from the commander of the British fleet, because the flag officers and captains were made previously acquainted with the admiral's whole plan. The weather column was led by the commander in chief, on board the Victory, and Lord Collingwood in the Royal Sovereign took charge of the leeward division. The leading ships of the British columns breaking through the enemy's line, was the signal for commencing hostilities, which began about 12 o'clock. The ships of the enemy were fought in such a manner as did the highest honour to the officers by whom they were commanded, but they opposed a force which was not to be vanquished. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon the enemy's line gave way, many of their ships having struck their colours. Admiral Gravina then steered for Cadiz; and 19 sail of the line, of which two were first rates, fell into the hands of the victors, and three About the same time that the British navy acquired the most signal victory over the combined fleets of France and Spain, the emperor Napoleon was carrying his victorious arms through the heart of Germany, and forcing the emperor of that country to abandon his metropolis. He left Paris on the 24th of September 1805, to join the grand army, and reached Strasburg on the 26th, accompanied by the empress. Here he issued a manifesto to his army, in which he mentioned the commencement of the war of what he termed the third coalition, which he said was created and maintained by the gold and hatred of England. He declared he would fight till he had secured the independence of the German body, and never again make peace without sufficient security of its continuance. He crossed the Rhine at Kehl on the 1st of October, and on the evening of the same day arrived at Ettlingen, where the elector of Baden was presented to him, along with his two sons. On the 2d he went to Stuttgart, where the elector (now king) of Wurtemberg received him in the most magnificent manner, and the city was illuminated. The king of Wurtemberg agreed to furnish 6000 men for the assistance of France, and the elector of Baden 4000.

The French armies on the coast reached the banks of the Rhine in the month of September, and crossed that river on the 25th. General Bernadotte reached Franconia on the 23d, where he was joined by the Bavarian army of 20,000 infantry and cavalry; by the army of Holland under Marmont, and the Batavian division. This army of Bernadotte, about 40,000 strong, constituted the fifth division of the grand or imperial French army. It is remarkable that these three great men, Jourdan, Lecourbe, and Macdonald, were not employed; the reason assigned for which measure is, that Bonaparte suspected them of disloyalty ever since the condemnation of that singular officer Moreau. Bernadotte marched directly for the Danube on the 2d of October, and took a position at Ingolstadt. The rapidity with which the French forces moved seems to have disconcerted the Austrian commander completely, as no movements were made to oppose their progress.

Hostilities commenced on the 7th, when the Austrians were defeated with the loss of many killed, wounded, and prisoners, in attempting to oppose the passage of General Vandamme across the bridge of Donawert. Field-marshal Auffenberg, while on his march to Ulm, was completely surrounded by the French, and obliged to surrender. It is said that the Austrians here lost two colonels, five majors, 60 officers, and 4000 men made prisoners. Memmingen surrendered on the 14th to Marshal Soult, after which he marched on to Biberach, in order to cut off the retreat of the Austrians by that road. Marshal Ney crossed the Danube, and made an attack upon Eichingen a little above Ulm. The Austrians made a sortie, but were driven back to their entrenchments before Ulm, with the loss, it is said, of 3000 men taken prisoners; and at Langenau their loss amounted to the same number, in an action with Prince Murat, who commanded the cavalry. This officer again brought them to action on the 17th, when their loss was computed at 1000 men, and next day General Werneck's division was obliged to capitulate. From Albeck to Nuremberg, Murat is said to have got possession of 1500 wagons and 16,000 prisoners; but Prince Ferdinand effected his escape.

Ulm surrendered by capitulation on the 17th, and Suretthis unaccountable step was taken by General Mack, because Berthier assured him that the Austrians were on the other side of the Inn; that Lannes was in pursuit of Prince Ferdinand; that Werneck had capitulated, and that it was impossible for any succours to reach Ulm. After the surrender of this place, the Austrian generals who were made prisoners, were sent under an escort through Bavaria to Vienna, and Mack was entrusted with some proposals to the emperor of Germany.

On the 28th of October a spirited proclamation was issued by the emperor at Vienna, declaring that the views of Austria and Russia were extremely moderate, and execrating the designs and views of Bonaparte. Every division of the French army, except that under General Ney, crossed the river Inn on the 1st of November. Bonaparte himself was with the right wing at Salzburg; and the centre, commanded by Prince Murat, marched towards Lintz with uncommon rapidity. The Austro-Russian army retreated to Maelk (50 miles from Vienna) as the enemy advanced. The Austrians and Russians made no stand between the Enns and Vienna, which latter place the French entered on the 12th of October. Bonaparte arrived on the 13th, and took up his quarters in the palace of Schoenbrunn, about two miles from the city of Vienna. The French troops conducted themselves with the utmost propriety and decorum, which prevented any disturbance from taking place in the metropolis.

On the 27th November, as Bonaparte perceived the dreadful carnage which was inevitable from the conflict of two such prodigious armies as that of the allies and his own, was extremely anxious to spare the effusion of human blood, and for this purpose he proposed an armistice, which was rejected with disdain. It was not long before Bonaparte discovered that the allies were acting from presumption, want of consideration, and imprudence, of which circumstance he was but too well qualified to take advantage. At sunrise the battle commenced, and a tremendous cannonade took place along the whole line. It is almost needless to remark, that 200 pieces of cannon and 200,000 men made a most tremendous noise. In less than an hour the whole left wing of the allies was cut off, their right being by that time at Austerlitz, the head quarters of the Russian and Austrian emperors. From the heights of this place the emperors witnessed the total defeat of the Russians by the French guard. The loss sustained by the allies during the whole of this battle was estimated at 150 pieces of cannon, with 45 stand of colours, and 18,000 Russians, and 600 Austrians were left dead on the field. On the 5th of December an interview took place between the emperors of Austria and France, which lasted for two hours. An armistice was mutually agreed to, which was to serve as the basis of a definitive treaty. The emperor of Russia was comprehended in this armistice, on condition of marching home his army. army in such a manner as the emperor Napoleon might think proper to prescribe. By virtue of the treaty of peace, the French agreed to evacuate Brunn on the 4th of January, Vienna on the 10th, and the whole Austrian states in six weeks after the signing of the treaty, except such as were ceded to Italy and Bavaria.

From the humbled situation of the emperor of Germany after the memorable battle of Austerlitz, it was natural to expect that he would feel it his interest to make peace with the French emperor, and accordingly the treaty of Presburg was signed and ratified on the 26th and 27th of November, 1805. By this treaty, Austria gave up the Venetian territories both in Italy and Dalmatia, with the islands in the Adriatic. She acknowledged Napoleon as emperor of the French and king of Italy, and acknowledged also the new royal titles of the princes of Bavaria and Wurtemberg.

A fleet which escaped from Brest in the end of 1805, had the bad fortune which usually attended the French maritime expeditions. It consisted of eleven sail of the line and some frigates; and a part of it under Admiral Le Seigle, after disembarking some troops and ammunition at St Domingo, was destroyed or taken by Admiral Sir J. Duckworth in Ocoa bay. The other division of the fleet under Admiral Villamez, which was destined for the Cape of Good Hope, having learned the capture of that colony, sailed first to Brazil, and afterwards to the West Indies, and the coast of North America, where some of the vessels were shipwrecked, others taken by the British; and of the whole eleven sail of the line, the Castor only, with Jerome Bonaparte on board, returned to France. About the same time the Marengo and Bellepoule French ships of war, which had committed great depredations in the East Indies, were taken by Sir J. B. Warren near the Mauritius.

In August 1825, an expedition, consisting of about 3000 land troops, with a proportional naval force, under Sir David Baird and Sir Home Popham, sailed from England for the Cape of Good Hope, and disembarked in Saldanha bay on the 4th January 1826. The army having advanced, defeated the Dutch force on the 8th, and shortly after terms of capitulation were proposed by General Jansens. This important settlement with all its dependencies was given up to the British, and the Dutch army was sent to Holland at the expense of the British government.

The reduction of the Cape was followed by another expedition, the first result of which produced an extraordinary sensation in Great Britain. Sir Home Popham had formerly been entrusted with some schemes formed by the British government against the Spanish possessions in South America, but which had subsequently been abandoned. Thinking, however, that success would cover the crime of disobedience, and perhaps stimulated by the prospect of private gain, he carried away the whole naval force from the Cape, and persuaded Sir David Baird to supply him with a small body of troops. He sailed to the Rio Plata, and disembarked his small army of 1600 men, about 12 miles from Buenos Ayres on the 25th June 1826. The Spanish regular troops being all at Monte Video and Maldonado, the town was defended only by the militia, who retired and left it open to the British almost without the least shew of resistance. The news of the capture of the place, accompanied by a very exaggerated account of the advantages of the colony as a market for British manufactures, spread the most extravagant joy through Great Britain, and led to a multitude of ruinous mercantile speculations. The Spaniards had been surprised rather than conquered. Seeing the small amount of the British force, they drew a body of troops from Monte Video, armed the country population, and assisted by a conspiracy within the town, they attacked the British on the 12th August, compelled them to surrender, and marched them up the country as prisoners. Another army, however, arrived under Generals Whitlocke, Crawford, and Sir S. Achmuty, in June 1827. Monte Video was taken by storm, with the loss of 600 men killed and wounded on the part of the British. On the 5th July, an attack was made on Buenos Ayres; but the Spaniards had fortified their houses, broken up the streets, and made their defences so strong, that after a bloody and obstinate conflict in the town, the British general found it necessary to enter into terms with the enemy in order to effect his retreat; and thus an expedition undertaken foolishly and without authority, cost Britain a vast sum of money, and some thousand lives, and brought disgrace on her arms, while it was the means of tempting thousands of her citizens into ruinous mercantile speculations. We return now to events more immediately belonging to the history of France.

The king of Naples, who had agreed by a treaty with France to observe a strict neutrality during the Austrian campaign, had inconsiderately allowed a body of Russian and English troops to land at Naples. Bonaparte immediately availed himself of this circumstance, by issuing a decree from Vienna, "declaring that the king of Naples had ceased to reign." A French army under Joseph Bonaparte immediately advanced into Calabria, and the Neapolitan government gave up the country without resistance. The fortress of Gaeta alone held out for a short time, and the peasantry of Calabria carried on a desultory warfare of little importance. A British force from Sicily under General Stewart landed in the gulf of St Eufemia, on the 1st July 1806, advanced to Maida, where it met the French army of General Regnier, nearly twice as numerous. A battle ensued, in which the French received a signal defeat, with the loss of 700 men killed, and two or three thousand wounded or prisoners. As the Neapolitans, however, were not excited to any new exertions by this event, the British army returned shortly after to Sicily, and the French occupied the whole country.

The emperor Napoleon now prepared to consolidate the great accession of power and territory he had obtained by new arrangements. Hanover, which the French had occupied, was given up to Prussia, who surrendered to France certain districts in return. Prussia followed up this measure, by excluding British vessels from her ports in the Baltic; and the British ministry retaliated by blockading the mouths of the Ems, Weser, and other rivers flowing through Prussia. Joseph Bonaparte was raised to the throne of Naples; the Venetian territories were added to the kingdom of Italy, the succession to which, in failure of heirs from Napoleon, was settled on Prince Eugene Beauharnois. Holland, to bring her system into a correspondence with that of France, received a king in the person of Louis Bonaparte; and Murat received the principalities of Cleves and Berg. To crown this series of changes, the old constitution of the German empire was dissolved, and by an act of 12th July 1806, nearly all the smaller German powers were united into a body, denominated the Confederation of the Rhine, of which Napoleon was created the head, with the title of protector. This confederation furnished the French emperor with a large auxiliary force of good troops, and was a formidable instrument in his hands in all his future plans of aggrandisement. It was finally dissolved in 1813; but the principles upon which it was founded have been embodied with little alteration in the new Germanic constitution. (See Confederation of the Rhine, in the Supplement.)

The king of Prussia soon found that his co-operation in Bonaparte's plans would not secure him from spoliation or degradation, when it suited the views of the latter to humble him. The Prussian army and population too resented the indignities to which their king had submitted; and the latter, after making great sacrifices to maintain peace, found himself hurried into a war by circumstances which made no change in his relations with France. The bad faith of France, indeed afforded him just grounds of war; but of that bad faith he was well apprised before he entered into his engagements. With an ill-advised precipitancy, his preparations disclosed his hostile intentions before means had been taken to insure the support of Russia in sufficient time. Napoleon, who was never behind his opponents on such occasions, immediately assembled a formidable army, and advanced into Germany. Some actions of little importance brought the armies in presence of each other at Jena in Saxony, on the 13th October 1806. The battle commenced at day-light next morning between the armies, estimated at 130,000 men each. After a struggle of two hours the first advantage was gained by Marshal Soult on the French right; but this was by no means decisive. The Prussians, thrown partially into disorder, formed anew and fought bravely; but while the combat continued in suspense, Murat, who commanded the reserve, made a sudden and vigorous charge with the whole forces under his command, and overthrew the Prussians entirely. Never was a victory more complete. The Prussians, according to the French account, lost 20,000 killed, from 30,000 to 40,000 prisoners, besides 300 pieces of cannon, and immense magazines of military stores and provisions. The duke of Brunswick, and General Ruchel were among the killed. Such was the panic produced by this disaster, that most of the Prussian garrison towns, though well prepared for a siege, surrendered without attempting resistance. Erfurt with a garrison of 14,000 men, Magdeburg with 22,000, Stettin with 6000, Hameln, with 9000, Spandau and other fortresses, were reduced almost without bloodshed. Blucher alone distinguished himself by an obstinate but unsuccessful resistance. The French passed through Leipsic, and reached Berlin in a few days. A single victory gave them almost complete possession of the Prussian monarchy. The unfortunate king retired to Konigsberg, where he collected the wrecks of his army, scarcely amounting to 50,000 men, in order to await the arrival of his Russian allies.

Bonaparte in the mean time organized a provisional government for Prussia; occupied Hamburgh, Lubeck, and other ports; and, irritated at the real or pretended abuse of the right of blockade by the British, he issued his celebrated Berlin decree, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade. The great extent of sea coast which he now commanded, enabled him to exclude the manufactures and merchandise of Great Britain from the continent much more effectually than he had ever done before; and though this decree was at first regarded as an impotent and ridiculous threat, the event shewed that it was the means of inflicting a serious wound on the commerce of Britain.

An ineffectual attempt was made by the king of Prussia to negotiate; but the terms offered by the conqueror were so humiliating, that he preferred trying the chances of war with the aid of his Russian allies. About the end of November a division of the French army reached Warsaw, and re-established a bridge which the Russians had destroyed. The other corps arrived in succession, and crossed the Vistula. The Russian army was now collected in the part of Poland, immediately eastward of that river, and hostilities commenced. After some actions of less importance, a pretty severe engagement took place at Poltusk, in which the Russians were worsted, though they made a most determined resistance. The depth of winter now suspended hostilities for a short time. A part of the population of Silesia, excited by a proclamation of the king of Prussia's, had risen in arms; but they were defeated by a French force under Jerome Bonaparte, and after a short struggle, nearly all the fortresses in the province surrendered to the enemy. Early in February 1807, the contending armies, strengthened by reinforcements, recommenced hostilities. On the 7th and 8th was fought the battle of Eylau, one of the most obstinately contested engagements in modern times. The issue was in favour of the French, who remained masters of the field of battle; but it was by no means a decisive victory; and though the loss on each side was estimated at 30,000 in killed, wounded, and prisoners, no consequence of any importance resulted from it. During the pause which followed this bloody contest, the French pushed vigorously the siege of Dantzig; and that fortress was at last surrendered to them on the 21st May, after a brave defence by General Kalkreuth, and after repeated attempts by the allies to throw succours into it had failed.

The combined Russian and Prussian armies having collected their various corps, began a series of attacks on the French on the 5th of June, and continued them to the 12th, in all of which, however, they failed, and generally with great loss. On the 14th was fought the battle of Friedland. It commenced at five in the morning, and continued till seven at night; and though the Russians fought with determined courage, and succeeded at some points, the ignorance of their commanders, and the superior tactics and skill of the French, gave the latter a most decisive victory. The Russians lost altogether in the ten days, from the 5th to the 14th, forty thousand men, and twenty-seven generals. After the defeat they abandoned Konigsberg, crossed the Niemen, and continued their retreat eastward. Napoleon arrived at Tilsit on the 19th, and two days after this an armistice was agreed upon. On the 25th the emperors of Russia and France met on a raft constructed on the Niemen, and conferred together for two hours. Entertainments, reviews, and fetes followed, with all the external demonstrations of friendship and harmony. The peace of Tilsit, signed on the 9th July, deprived Prussia of all her territories on the left of the Elbe, and of all her recent acquisitions in Poland; Dantzig was created an independent town; East Friesland was added to Holland; the ceded Prussian territories in Germany were erected into the kingdom of Westphalia, the sovereignty of which was bestowed on Jerome Bonaparte; and the emperor Alexander agreed to recognize the titles of this new prince, of the kings of Holland and Naples, and of the new kings belonging to the Rhinish confederation. But what was most disgraceful to the Russian emperor, he obtained for himself the cession of a district of Polish Prussia from his distressed and humbled ally, to redress whose wrongs he pretended to take up arms. By a secret article Russia ceded the Ionian islands to France, and engaged to enforce the French continental system by excluding British vessels from her ports. In short, never had France acquired before in one campaign such extraordinary advantages.

Negotiations for peace had been opened in February 1806 between the governments of France and Britain. The French ministers, however, shifted their ground again and again, eluded all direct and intelligible propositions, and seemed so anxious to separate the claims and interests of Britain from those of her ally Russia, that after some months spent in discussion, no progress was made, and all hopes of peace were abandoned. Mr Fox died during the discussions, but it is not probable that the prolongation of his life would have given a different termination to the negotiations. Shortly after the treaty of Tilsit, Russia offered her mediation towards effecting a peace between England and France, but the offer was couched in terms so offensive to the British government, that it was promptly declined. In this state of things the ill-considered expedition to Copenhagen was undertaken, and furnished the Russian emperor with a most plausible pretext for those hostile measures to which he was already disposed. He was no sooner apprised of the seizure of the Danish fleet, than he dismissed the British ambassador, and published his resolution to put an end to all commercial intercourse with England, and to revive the principle of the armed neutrality. This was received and replied to as a declaration of war by the British government. The British property in Russia was forthwith confiscated, and the most vigorous measures were adopted to exclude our manufactures. The great extent of coast which Bonaparte now commanded, enabled him to make his edicts against our commerce operate with signal effect, and the pressure became very severe upon the cotton manufacturers and the West India planters. Parliament appointed a committee to investigate the subject, but, as might be expected, no means could be devised to afford any effectual relief. The orders in council issued by the British government, January and November 1807, were found to inflame the evil they were designed to cure.

On Bonaparte's return from the north after such splendid conquests, congratulations from public bodies and public functionaries flowed in upon him in uninterrupted succession: the powers of language were exhausted to find expressions, and history was ransacked to find comparisons, to set forth the glory and grandeur of his achievements. Now was the moment for his ambition to pause from schemes of conquest, and for giving his cares to those measures of internal improvement, which he declared should henceforth occupy his attention. But with such means of conquest in his hands, new enterprises were sure to tempt his ambition. Portugal had hitherto been suffered to enjoy a neutrality which had been denied to stronger states. Her trade with Britain, however, was now become an inexpiable crime; and as she refused to adopt the continental system, which would have involved her in war with her ancient ally Great Britain, her subjugation was resolved on. The government, fully apprised of the intentions of France, prepared a fleet, and on the approach of General Junot with a French army, the prince regent and court set sail for Brazil. As the means of the country were inadequate to a war with so powerful an enemy, no resistance was made; and so rapid was the approach of the enemy, that before the fleet had got out of the Tagus on the 29th November 1807, the French army was seen upon the heights.

Napoleon was now about to enter on another enterprise, more daring in its nature than any he had hitherto engaged in; and as the event shewed, more difficult and hazardous in its execution. The imbecile and disorganized government of Spain had hitherto been a passive instrument in his hands, by which he had held at his disposal the resources of the country, such as they were. But as he had already given kings to Holland and Belgium, he was tempted to think that Spain would consent with the same facility to see the drowsy and useless figures which misgoverned her thrust aside, and replaced by a branch of the imperial family. To pave the way for the meditated change, 16,000 Spanish troops, the flower of the army, were drawn away to Germany to act as auxiliaries to the French. And under the pretext of securing possession of Portugal, bodies of French troops, to the number of 70,000, were introduced into the north of Spain, and placed in the fortresses which commanded the roads into the country. When things were thus prepared, a plot was got up or discovered for killing the old king, in which his son Ferdinand was implicated; and afterwards the court was persuaded to embrace the absurd resolution of emigrating to Mexico. The discovery of this intention led to a popular tumult. The king intimidated, dismissed his minister Godoy, and resigned the crown in favour of his son Ferdinand. Murat was no sooner informed of these transactions than he advanced with the French army towards Madrid, and getting possession of the person of the deposed king, the latter declared that his resignation was compulsory. Ferdinand alarmed by the approach of the French, and the declaration of his father, was prevailed upon in an evil hour to submit his claims to Napoleon, and to repair to Bayonne to receive his award. When the two princes were thus within the power of Napoleon, a resignation of the crown was extorted from both, from the father on the 5th, and from the son on the 10th of May 1808, after which the royal prisoners were marched into the interior of France. Murat in the mean time advanced to Madrid, and obtained possession of the city, but the spirit of the Spaniards was roused by the indignities offered to their king. The populace, unaided by the authorities, boldly attacked the French and drove them out with great loss on the 2nd of May; but the latter returning in greater force, repossessed themselves of the town, and put to death above a hundred of the inhabitants in cold blood as conspirators. The supreme junta, entrusted by Ferdinand with the government, basely repressed the rising spirit of the people; and the holy inquisition did not scruple to lend its aid to a treacherous enemy, and to issue a circular enjoining submission to the French, accusing the people of faction and insubordination, and laying the guilt of the recent bloodshed upon them. When the news of the resignation arrived, it produced a universal burst of indignation. The spirit of resistance spread from province to province: Juntas were formed, among which that of Seville peculiarly distinguished itself by its activity and wisdom. Muskets and ammunition were dispatched from Britain; all the unmarried men from 18 to 45 were summoned to arms, and a correspondence was established among the patriots in the different quarters of the country. The first measures of the Spaniards were eminently successful. Five French ships of the line lying in Cadiz were forced to surrender after three days cannonading. General Dupont, who had been dispatched too late to take possession of that port, attacked a superior force of Spaniards at Baylen, but was repulsed with such loss that he was not able to effect his retreat, and surrendered his army of 14,000 men prisoners. In the north Palafox defended Saragossa with astonishing courage and perseverance. The French were defeated with great loss in two attacks upon Valencia; and Joseph Bonaparte, after coming to Madrid with the title of king, backed by the nobles and the inquisition, and with a new constitution in his pocket, was compelled to measure back his steps on the 27th July. Thus, within less than three months Spain was almost cleared of its enemies by the valour and patriotism of its population.

These unexpected reverses had in no respect shaken Bonaparte's purpose. A new levy of 160,000 men was ordered in France; and large reinforcements were poured into Spain. Napoleon, after holding a meeting with Alexander at Erfurt, and receiving additional assurances of his support, joined his army in Spain, which had occupied the line of the Ebro for some months. By a series of persevering attacks, the three principal Spanish armies under Castanos, Blake, and Count Belvedere, were broken, and in a great measure dispersed; and on the 4th December Napoleon entered Madrid, after battering it for two days.

A British army of 30,000 men under Sir Arthur Wellesley landed in Portugal in July to assist the Portuguese, who had begun to rise in arms, in expelling their invaders. Junot advanced from Lisbon to meet them, and on the 21st of August was fought the battle of Vimiera, which ended in the defeat of the French. By the convention of Cintra which followed this battle, the British generals agreed to transport the French army to France; and much dissatisfaction was excited in England when it was found that so decisive a victory had not enabled the British commanders to dictate more humiliating terms. The generals were called home to be tried; and Sir John Moore was appointed to command the army. An additional force under Sir David Baird landed at Corunna, and the two armies advancing into Spain joined at Valladolid. Notwithstanding the flattering promises of support they received from the supreme junta, not a single regiment of Spaniards joined them; and the commanders having at length learned that Bonaparte was advancing upon them with a force of 70,000 men, they found it indispensable to retreat. As it was now the depth of winter, the retreat was attended with great loss and incredible hardships to the troops. The army reached Corunna on the 12th January 1809, and on the 15th was attacked by the French under Soult. They were repulsed at all points, but the death of General Sir John Moore, who fell early in the engagement, damped the joy of the victors. He was buried the next morning on the ramparts of Corunna. The loss of the British was about 700 killed and wounded; that of the French about 2000. The British army embarked next day, and returned to England.

The occupation of so large a portion of the French force in Spain seemed to present a favourable opportunity to Austria for recovering some of her losses. She had been silently, but diligently, increasing and improving her military establishment, and re-organizing her finances. Bonaparte, who kept an eye on her proceedings, endeavoured to intimidate her; but failing in this object, he prepared for war. He called up the contingents of the Rhenish confederation, and with these, added to some large bodies of French troops, advanced into Bavaria. He attacked and defeated the Austrians at Ebensberg on the 20th, and at Eckmühl on the 22nd April, in which two battles the Austrians lost 20,000 men. These successes laid open the whole of Austria to him, and he reached Vienna on the 10th May, which was surrendered after a trifling resistance. The archduke Charles retired to Hungary, and took up a position near Presburg; and on the 21st and 22nd was fought the battle of Aspern, one of the most bloody and obstinately contested engagements which has occurred in modern times. The Austrians were the assailants; and though they did not succeed in their object of driving the French across the Danube, it is yet clear that the latter suffered the greater loss, and had no victory to boast of. Not less than 30,000 men were killed or wounded on each side. The situation of Napoleon had never before been so critical. During the month of June he was assiduously employed in collecting troops. On the 6th July, having completed his preparations, he attacked the Austrians at Wagram, and by superiority of skill, more than numbers, gained a decisive victory. The loss of the Austrians, according to the French accounts, amounted to 40,000 killed and wounded, and 20,000 prisoners. Another defeat at Znaim entirely ruined their hopes; and they now sought peace on the conqueror's terms. The treaty of Presburg, which was not definitely arranged till October, subjected Austria to less considerable sacrifices than had been expected. To France she gave up Fiume and Trieste, with the whole northern shores of the Adriatic; to Bavaria certain districts between the Alps and the Danube, with the Tyrol; to Saxony she ceded the western part of Galicia, and to Russia the district of Tarnopol on the east of that province. In the Tyrol, and in the north-west of Germany, a desultory war was carried on against the French for a short time; but the resistance in both cases proved unavailing.

Bonaparte, in the course of this campaign, had annexed the papal territories to the French empire, by a decree dated from Vienna. Parma, Placentia, and Tuscany, had been added some time before.

Soon after the breaking out of the war between France and Austria, the British ministers collected a large force, naval and military, for an expedition, the object of which was kept a profound secret. It sailed from the Downs on the 29th July, and on the 1st August, Flushing, in the island of Walcheren, was invested. The place held out till the 14th, when the garrison of 4000 men surrendered prisoners of war. Antwerp was the main object of the expedition; but the British commander, the earl of Chatham, had neglected to seize some forts which would have facilitated his approach to the place; the French had employed the time lost in the siege of Flushing in strengthening the defences; and the capture of that great naval depot was now judged to be impracticable. The expedition then returned to England, to the great disappointment of the nation, who anticipated some more important result than the occupation of a useless sandy island, from an expedition consisting of 40,000 chosen troops, and 35 sail of the line. The public mortification was increased in the sequel. The ministers resolved to keep possession of Walcheren, apparently for no other reason than that they were ashamed to renounce what had cost them so dear. A pestilential fever, the annual and regular scourge of the place, which broke out among the troops, destroyed or disabled nearly all who remained in it, and ultimately rendered it indispensable to abandon the island.

In the month of April, this year, a most gallant and daring attack was made by Lord Cochrane on the French fleet in Basque roads, by which six ships of the line were driven on shore and rendered useless, and three others, besides frigates, were burnt.

After the expulsion of the British from the peninsula, the Spanish armies were attacked by the French, and defeated in various engagements; but the patriotism of the people soon filled up the ranks again, and kept a respectable force on foot. Saragossa was besieged a second time, and defended with incredible valour and perseverance, till it was reduced to a mass of ruins, and 30,000 of its inhabitants had perished by the sword and disease. Another British army, which had been recently landed in Portugal under Sir Arthur Wellesley, marched into Spain, and joined the Spanish force under General Cuesta. The two armies advanced towards Madrid, and at Talavera were attacked by the French under Marshal Victor. The battle continued two days, and terminated in the repulse of the French, who retired in good order. The loss of the latter was estimated at 10,000 men; that of the British and Spaniards at 7000. The rapid advance, however, of Soult and Ney from the south compelled the British general to measure back his steps to Badajoz, and no advantage was reaped from the victory. From the middle of summer to the end of the year a number of actions were fought between the French and Spaniards, in which the former were generally successful, though they sometimes experienced reverses. The battles of Ocana and Alba were peculiarly disastrous to the Spaniards, and broke their confidence so completely, that for a considerable time after they offered little resistance to their enemy, who possessed himself of Seville, and all the most considerable places in the south except Cadiz.

Massena arrived in Spain in the spring of 1810 with large reinforcements, and assumed the command of the French army destined to act against Portugal. After taking Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, he advanced to Busaco, and attacked the British in their strong position there, but was defeated with great loss. The pass by the northern edge of the Sierra, however, being left open by accident, he proceeded through it to Coimbra, and thence to Torres Vedras, where finding the British army posted in an impregnable position, he retired a short distance, and took up his quarters at Santarem. Here he remained from the 15th November to the 6th of March, when he returned to Spain, continually harassed in his retreat by the British.

In the course of this year, the islands of Guadaloupe in the West Indies, and of Mauritius and Bourbon in the Indian ocean, were taken from the French by the British with little loss.

The peace of Presburg had put it in Bonaparte's power to accomplish an object, on which it is probable his thoughts had long been bent. Possessing a power surpassing that of any sovereign in Europe, he was anxious to ally himself by marriage with some of those royal families, who could add the lustre of ancient renown to the titles which the sword had given him. His marriage with the archduchess Maria Louisa took place in March 1810. It was followed by splendid fetes, and multitudes of addresses, couched in the most sickening style of hyperbolical flattery. As if this new alliance had made him more regardless of public opinion, he, about the same time, issued several decrees of a most arbitrary nature, of which one authorized the detention of all such persons as the government might suspect, without bringing them to trial; another ordered the names of all servants, male or female, employed in families, to be registered at the police, obviously for the purpose of perfecting the system of espionage previously established; and several others subjected the press to a rigid censorship, and limited the number of printers and booksellers. His brother Louis, king of Holland, being found too humane for the rigorous system he had adopted, was set aside; and that unhappy country, as well as Bremen, Hamburg, and Lubeck, with the intermediate sea coast, were added to the French empire. He was now in fact at the acme of his power. Within the empire, if he did not enjoy the love of his subjects, he had dazzled their judgments by his exploits, and commanded their admiration. The conscription furnished him with an inexhaustible supply of soldiers. His revenues were equal to his expenditure; and a crowd of tributary kings and princes, who owed their dignities to him, enabled him to command the resources of all the adjacent countries. Of the only two princes on the continent capable of disturbing his security, the one was his firm supporter, and in some measure the participator in his crimes; the other was closely connected with him by family ties. The countries directly under France, under his authority were now a half larger than old France, and contained forty-four millions of inhabitants; but including the dominions of his tributary princes, namely, Naples, Lombardy, and the confederation of the Rhine, he ruled over an extent of territory embracing 490,000 square English miles, and containing seventy millions of inhabitants. This is exclusive of Spain and Prussia. So great an extent of dominion had never been held by one man in modern times; and yet, with all its appearances of stability and overwhelming power, the causes were already in operation which worked its overthrow.

During 1811 the war was carried on with undiminished activity on both sides in the Spanish peninsula. A division of the British army having laid siege to Badajoz, Soult advanced to relieve it, and attacked Marshal Beresford at Albuera. The battle was remarkably obstinate and bloody, but the French general did not drive the British from their post, though he did not sustain a defeat. The siege, however, was raised, though only for a short time. Another battle, equally obstinate and bloody, was fought between some divisions of the British and French armies at Fuentes d'Honor, which ended in the repulse of the French. Another glorious but unprofitable victory was gained by General Graham at Barrosa, in March. On this occasion, the jealousy or cowardice of the Spanish general, La Pena, alone prevented the total destruction of the French army. Badajoz and Ciudad Rodrigo were taken by the British, the latter by a very bold and gallant attack. To balance these successes, however, the French took Tarragona, Murviedro, Figueras, and Valencia; but none of them without considerable resistance. A series of defeats had at length taught the Spaniards the imprudence of meeting the French armies in the field. They now confined themselves much more to desultory hostilities, the surprising of posts, the harassing of foraging parties, the intercepting of supplies and dispatches. The small corps who carried on this species of warfare had the name of guerrillas; and a new race of leaders sprang up among them, who attained great distinction by their courage and enterprise. Of these Sanchez, Portier, Mina, and Martin were the most celebrated.

After the reduction of Badajoz and Ciudad Rodrigo, the British army moved northward; and on the 22d July 1812, was fought the celebrated battle of Salamanca, in which the French, under Marshal Marmont, were defeated with the loss of about 13,000 men, of whom 7000 were made prisoners. This splendid victory was immediately followed by the evacuation of Madrid by Joseph Bonaparte; and shortly after Soult raised the siege of Cadiz, and retired northward. Lord Wellington pressed on the broken French army for some time, but failed in his attempt to take Burgos from the want of heavy artillery. The French, however, having soon concentrated their different armies, were again in a condition to advance. They compelled the British commander to raise the siege of Burgos, and about the end of October again occupied Madrid. The retreat of the British was attended with much loss, chiefly in consequence of the state of the weather and the roads.

At the peace of Tilsit, the emperor Alexander had agreed to adopt the continental system, by excluding British manufactures and produce from his ports. He persevered in this course till the complaints of his nobles induced him to relax the prohibition, and to permit British goods to be imported in limited quantities under licence. This concession, which had been wrung from him by necessity, was highly resented by Napoleon, who seized the duchy of Oldenburg, belonging to the emperor's brother-in-law, and presented menacing remonstrances to the Russian monarch. Alexander, though really anxious for peace, could not revoke the concession, and nothing less would satisfy his ally. Both sides then prepared for war. Bonaparte collected the troops of Westphalia, of the Rhenish confederation, and of Italy; and with these, joined to a large body of French stationed in Prussia, he took the field. This army was computed to amount to 360,000 men; and certainly surpassed in numbers, discipline, and in the skill of the commanders, any that Europe had ever witnessed. The Russians had been equally diligent in preparing for hostilities; but as a great part of their troops were new levies, it was part of their plan not to hazard a general action at first, but to train their men to military habits by the defence of posts, and by partial engagements. Napoleon left Paris in May 1812, and reached the banks of the Niemen 22d June. A continued series of small engagements followed, in which the French, though they generally saw their enemies retreat, had little advantage to boast of. The Russians, though inferior to their enemies in discipline and equipments, constantly displayed a desperate courage. In every contest, small or great, the victors purchased their success extremely dear, and few prisoners were taken on either side. The first general battle was fought under the walls of Smolensko on the 17th August, and terminated in the defeat of the Russians, and capture of the town, which was on fire in many places when the victors entered it. Had Napoleon now stopped in his career, and employed the winter in organizing Poland, of which he had complete possession, he might, in the ensuing spring, have resumed his operations under the most favourable auspices, and in all probability have dictated a peace under the walls of Petersburg. But a fatality hurried him on, against the advice, it is said, of his ablest generals. He followed his enemy boldly into the centre of Russia, undismayed by the approach of winter. The sanguinary battle of Borodino, in which the Russians were compelled to retire, rather than defeated, opened his way to Moscow, which he entered on the 15th September. But what was his surprise to find that the Russians had set fire to their ancient capital. The flames burst out in a hundred places after the French entered the town; and four-fifths of the houses were destroyed. The conqueror now saw the dangers of his situation; and after waiting some time in the hope of receiving a submissive application for peace from the Russians, he at length condescended to offer them terms. His proposals were indignantly rejected. Mortified by this circumstance, he reluctantly left Moscow on the 16th October. We forbear to give the details of the disastrous retreat which ensued. Suffice it to say, that the vengeance of an exasperated enemy tracked his footsteps, and left him not a moment's respite. The country in his rear had been occupied, and his exhausted and dispirited army had to dispute every height and every pass. Those whom the sword spared, the rigour of the climate destroyed; and of the fine army of 360,000 men, with which he entered Russia, scarcely 50,000 returned to Poland. At the end of the year the wrecks of the army reached Marienwärder in Prussia.

Napoleon had left the army in Poland, and travelling rapidly with a small escort, he arrived in Paris before the end of the year. In his address to the legislative body, he admitted that a heavy calamity had befallen the army, to repair which, great sacrifices would be necessary. A pompous exposition was then made of the resources of the country, and of the improvement which had taken place in it since the revolution. On the 11th January 1813, a senatus consultum was issued, decreeing a levy of 350,000 men; and so perfect was the system of the conscription, that in a few weeks this enormous levy was raised, and after a short drilling, the men were marched off to Germany, in separate bodies. Napoleon before leaving Paris, effected a reconciliation with Pope Pius VII., by restoring his temporal possessions; and he at the same time nominated the empress regent during his absence. He joined the army on the Elbe about the middle of April.

The emperor Alexander was determined to follow up his successes with the utmost vigour. New and extensive levies were made throughout his empire, and he endeavoured at the same time, to engage the kings of Sweden and Prussia in the war. As Denmark continued to adhere to the French cause, the bait held out to the Swedish crown prince, was the conquest of Norway, in which Alexander engaged to assist him. The king of Prussia had so often suffered from the overwhelming power of France, that his fears held him long in suspense, and he was at last only driven into an alliance with Alexander, by the impatience of his subjects to deliver themselves from the French yoke. At length both he and the Swedish crown prince engaged cordially in the cause. Austria for the present professed neutrality; but Napoleon was aware that no reliance could be placed on her, and that any fresh disaster might tempt her to become his enemy, notwithstanding the family alliance. She had recruited her army, and put herself in a condition to derive advantage from any circumstances which might occur.

The campaign was opened in April. The French army assembled on the Elbe amounted to 170,000 men, but with a very small proportion of veteran troops. The Russian, Prussian, and Swedish forces were estimated at 200,000. After some fighting, of less consequence, the two armies met on the field of Lutzen, on the 2d of May. A line of five or six villages occupied by the French were attacked, taken and retaken several times, till night put an end to the combat. The allies retired next day, but were not molested in their retreat by the French, though the latter claimed the victory. In the French official dispatch to the empress, it was affirmed that this action, like a clap of thunder, had dissipated the chimerical hopes of those who calculated on the destruction of the French empire. The allies, however, were not disheartened. They received considerable reinforcements soon after, and again resolved to abide the combat. The battle of Bautzen fought the 20th and 21st May, was as severe and bloody as that of Lutzen, but the advantage which the French obtained was rather more decisive. Austria, who had, as already mentioned, greatly increased her military force, now interposed her mediation. She felt herself in a condition which enabled her to interfere with effect, and she had an obvious interest in preventing Napoleon from again attaining that baleful ascendancy under which she had suffered so much. Napoleon was sensible that notwithstanding the advantages he had gained in Germany, the state of his affairs in Spain rendered his situation precarious. The mediation of Austria was accepted by both parties, and an armistice concluded on the 4th June. A congress was formed at Prague; but the negotiations, which were continued till the 12th August, served only to show how irreconcilable the objects of the contending parties were. In the course of the discussions, Austria went more and more into the views of the allies. She proposed that the duchy of Warsaw should be suppressed, the Prussian fortresses occupied by the French given up, the Illyrian provinces restored to her, and the confederation of the Rhine dissolved. These terms were rejected by Bonaparte, who endeavoured, but in vain, to bribe Austria to co-operate with him, by offering her a large section of the Prussian monarchy. At length all prospect of pacification disappeared. Austria joined herself to the allies, and both parties appealed once more to the sword.

While the armistice lasted, Prussia had made great exertions to recruit her armies. The king made a strong appeal to the people, promised them a representative constitution, and called upon them to deliver their country from a foreign and hateful yoke. The call was obeyed with unprecedented zeal. Vast numbers presented themselves spontaneously to be enrolled; a large militia force was organized, as a support to the regular army; carts and horses were voluntarily supplied by the peasantry; and the women furnished clothes and flannels for the use of the soldiers. In short, the whole of Prussia resembled a camp.

The first considerable action after the campaign commenced, was fought at Jauer in Silesia, where the French, under Marshal Macdonald, were defeated with great loss by Blucher. This was followed by the battle of Dresden, fought on the 26th, 27th, and 28th August, in which the allies were repulsed with the loss of 20,000 or 30,000 men, and the celebrated General Moreau was mortally wounded. The entire destruction of Vandamme's corps shortly after in Bohemia, was, however, a compensation for this disaster. The Austrians in the mean time, had formed a junction with the allies, who were farther strengthened by the arrival of a corps of 40,000 Russians under General Beningsen. The Westphalians, released from the presence of the French, by the irruption of a body of Russians, declared against the French; and at the same time the Bavarians made a treaty with Austria, and joined the allies. Napoleon now found his situation more critical than ever. He was greatly outnumbered by his enemies, his allies were daily deserting his standard, his troops were inexperienced and dispirited, and he was at a distance from France in the midst of a hostile population. From that fatal confidence which he had displayed in his Russian campaign, he did not attempt a retreat while such a measure was practicable. The allies pushed bodies of troops forward on both flanks, till his communication with the Rhine was intercepted, and his position almost surrounded. Napoleon now prepared for the combat, which he saw was unavoidable, by concentrating his troops, and strengthening the weak points of his position with field-works. The decisive battle of Leipzig, the greatest and most eventful in modern times, was fought on the 16th, 17th, and 18th October. On the 16th, the advantage at the close of the day was rather on the side of the French; the 17th was spent chiefly in preparations for renewing the engagement. Even on the 18th, the success of the allies was not so complete, that it would have been ruinous to Napoleon's army, had the bridge between Leipzig and Lindenau not been destroyed prematurely, and exposed the divisions of Macdonald and Poniatowsky to destruction. The loss of the French was estimated at 60,000 men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, and 300 pieces of cannon. Their route to the Rhine was strewed with baggage, artillery, and every species of military wreck. At Hanau they encountered the Bavarian general Wrede, with 35,000 men, but he was not able to stop their march. The remnant of the army crossed the Rhine at Mentz, on the 7th November.

Bonaparte after his first reverses in Russia had weakened his armies in Spain, by drawing troops from that country to Germany. The British and Spanish generals now prepared to avail themselves of this advantage. The French withdrew from Madrid in the end of May, and appeared at first disposed to defend the line of the Ebro. But this intention was soon abandoned, and they continued to retire northward. At Vittoria the British general attacked them on the 20th June, and gained a brilliant victory. A second victory in the heart of the Pyrenees enabled Lord Wellington to lay siege to Pamplona and St Sebastian, both of which were reduced. The war was now carried into France, and after five days fighting, the strong lines which the French had formed in the neighbourhood of Bayonne were forced, and the British and Spanish armies advanced to the Adour.

The supports of Napoleon's power now crumbled down on all sides. The Confederation of the Rhine was entirely dissolved immediately after the battle of Leipzig, and the whole of the German auxiliaries were from that moment lost to the French cause. In his efforts to collect an army, Napoleon had withdrawn almost all the French troops from Holland. The Dutch, who had suffered severely from his anticommunal principles, gladly seized the opportunity to shake off the yoke. A conspiracy was formed at the Hague and in Amsterdam; the Dutch military joined the people; and Holland recovered her independence almost without a struggle. On the 30th November the prince of Orange arrived from England, and was greeted with the liveliest acclamations of the people.

Preparatory to entering France, the allied sovereigns issued a proclamation from Frankfort (1st December), in which they declared to the French nation, that they had no plans of conquest in view; that they wished France to be great, happy, and free; and that it was solely against the ambition of Napoleon, who held all the neighbouring states in slavery, that they made war. The French emperor called for a new levy of 300,000 men, and by his own authority increased the existing taxes. The legislative body was convoked, and for the first time ventured to speak another language than that of adulation. A deputation of its members drew up a report (28th December), in which they stated the necessity of uniting the nation to the throne, by an open renunciation of projects of aggrandisement, and by maintaining the entire and constant execution of the laws which guarantee liberty, and the free exercise of political privileges. These they considered as the only means of giving energy to the French in their own defence. Napoleon resented the freedom of this statement with the insolence which unbridled power had taught him. He taxed the members of the committee with faction and treason; and without regard to their remonstrances, took measures for recruiting his armies, and raising the nation en masse. But the people, worn out with his endless demands, answered his call to arms with much less zeal than was evinced by the Prussians in a similar case.

The allies passed the Rhine on the 1st January 1814, and spread themselves over the Netherlands and Alsace, without experiencing much resistance. They wisely pressed on, without losing time in besieging fortresses. A last and fruitless effort was made to negotiate, but without suspending hostilities. Commissioners met at Chatillon on the Seine. The basis proposed by the allies was, that France should be reduced within the limits she occupied in 1792; and that Antwerp, and certain other strong places, should be put immediately into their hands, till the treaty was completed. The French ministers shifted their grounds as the fortunes of their master fluctuated, during the course of hostilities, till the negotiations were closed on the 18th March. It would be tedious to recount the various movements and battles of the different armies, which were now pressing towards Paris as a common centre, and against which Napoleon made head with a very inferior force. It is admitted that he never displayed greater ability than in this short campaign; and that the French troops, though consisting in a great measure of raw levies, never fought with greater intrepidity. No exertions, however, could now avail against the overwhelming force of the allies under Prince Schwartzenburg, Laon, Rheims, Troyes, Montmiral, Arcis, places within seventy or eighty miles of Paris, were the scenes of sanguinary contests, in which the French often succeeded; but still the loss generally operated more severely upon their small force, than upon the larger masses of the allies. It was on the 22d March that Napoleon made a movement, which suddenly changed the state of the war. Placed between two armies of a hundred thousand men each, with a force not exceeding sixty thousand, he attempted by a desperate effort at Arcis, to disable or defeat one of his antagonists; but failing in his design, and despairing of forcing the position of the Austro-Russian army, he ventured on the daring project of retiring to Vitry, where he was interposed between the two hostile armies, but where he was in no condition to prevent their approach to the capital, if they chose to follow that course. He calculated that Prince Schwartzenburg would not advance to Paris, while he hung on his rear; but that on the contrary, he would be followed by the Austrian general, who would thus be drawn away from the capital, without the expense of a battle. The result, however, disp- pointed his calculations. Blucher and Schwartz- burg pushed rapidly forward, leaving a corps to observe Napoleon's motions, and on the 28th March reached the neighbourhood of Paris. The French emperor saw his error when too late, and in the first moment of de- spair, addressed a letter to his father-in-law at Dijon, entreating him to interpose to secure the throne to his daughter's child. But his application was fruitless. On the 29th several of the villages on the north of the capital were taken after a brave defence; and on the 30th the allies drove the French within the barriers, when Marshal Marmont seeing farther resistance to be hopeless, proposed a capitulation, which was signed at two in the morning on the 31st March. The allied sovereigns with their troops entered Paris the same day. The inhabitants were assured by proclamations, that they came not as conquerors, but as friends and deliverers; that private property and rights should be religiously respected, and no insult offered to the na- tional feelings. In such circumstances, it was not won- derful that a people so susceptible of sudden emotions as the French, relieved by this liberal conduct from the most appalling apprehensions, should welcome the allied princes with unbounded acclamations. As they passed into the city through the suburb of St Martin, shouts of long live Alexander, long live Frederic William, long live our Deliverers, were heard on all sides. The Parisians were divided into three parties. The most considerable party in point of numbers was chiefly anxious about the establishment of a free constitution; another party was attached to the existing order of things, and wished to secure the crown to Bonaparte's son; the third and smallest party consisted of Royal- ists, and desired merely the restoration of the Bour- bons. The allies naturally wished to favour the last party; but as Alexander professed his readiness to al- low the French to form a constitution for themselves, and to make what conditions they pleased with their prince, the liberal party, with a few exceptions, de- clared for the Bourbons. The senate assembled, with Talleyrand at its head, decreed on the 2d April, that Napoleon by his various acts of ambition and tyranny had forfeited the throne. A plan of a constitution was immediately afterwards drawn up, and unanimously adopted by that body, under which it was carried, that the crown should be offered to Louis, brother of the late king. By this instrument, the supreme authority was vested in the king, the senate, and legislative body; the king was to possess an absolute veto; the senate was to consist of not less than 150, nor more than 200 members, whose dignities were hereditary; the legis- lative body was to be elected immediately by the elec- toral bodies, for a period of five years. The existing nobility were to preserve their titles, and the old nobles to resume theirs. The freedom of the press was guaran- teed. While these great changes were taking place in Paris, Napoleon remained at Fontainebleau, from which he sent Marshals Ney and Macdonald to nego- ciate with the allies, and to endeavour to secure the succession to his son. The restoration of the Bour- bons, however, had already been determined on; and the result of the negotiation was, that Napoleon was allowed to retire to the isle of Elba, with a pension of two millions of francs per annum (80,000l.); one mil- lion more were assigned to the ex-empress Josephine; two millions and a half to the other branches of the im- perial family; and the sovereignty of Parma, Placen- tia, and Guastalla, was given to the empress Maria Louisa, and to her son in succession. Napoleon was permitted also to take with him to Elba, 400 volun- teers as a guard.

While the allies were thus bringing the war to a happy termination in the north of France, Lord Wel- lington was advancing with uninterrupted success in the south. His lordship passed the Adour, as soon as the cessation of the rains rendered the roads passable, and on the 27th February attacked Soult in his strong position at Orthes. The French army, though much inferior in numbers to the allies, made a most deter- mined resistance, but was at length driven back with the loss of seven thousand men. This victory opened the city of Bordeaux to the conquerors, where the white flag was immediately displayed, amidst shouts of long live the Bourbons. Soult retired slowly towards Thoulouse, under the walls of which he took up a very strong position. He was here again attacked by the allied British and Spanish armies on the 10th April. The French commander availed himself of the advan- tages of his situation with consummate skill, and baf- fled his antagonists for many hours; but he was at last overpowered, and compelled to retire, leaving the city to be occupied by the victors. The loss of the British and Spaniards in this battle which terminated the war, amounted to five thousand men: that of the French has not been mentioned, but must of course have been greater. Next day intelligence of the capitulation of Paris arrived, and immediately led to the suspension of hostilities.

Louis left his residence in England, and arrived at Restora- Paris on the 3d May, where he was welcomed with the tion of tumultuous acclamations of the populace. The nego- ciations now proceeded rapidly, and the peace of Paris was signed on the 30th May. The limits of France were re-established as they existed on the 1st January 1792, except that some small additions were made for the sake of rounding the frontier. She received back all her colonies except Tobago, St Lucia, the Mauri- tius and its dependencies, and the part she possessed of St Domingo. The allies discharged her of all pecuni- ary claims, or claims for compensation, except those of private individuals; and she was allowed to retain the works of art collected in the Louvre from the spoils of Italy and Germany. Considering how wantonly the victors had been provoked, and how much they had suffered from the restless aggressions of Napoleon's government, it must be admitted that the terms they dictated to France were extremely liberal, and that they made a very temperate use of their power.

Louis thus found himself reinstated on the throne of his ancestors without any effort of his own. Though his situation presented considerable difficulties, they were such as prudence and liberal conduct on his part would have surmounted. As his policy was necessarily peaceful, he could not hope to detach the affections of the army from the celebrated commander who had been so long their idol. But in these circumstances, it was so much the more incumbent on him to attach the nation firmly to his cause; to unite their interest with his own, by establishing liberal institutions, and by show- ing the people that their only security for the blessings France of unshackled industry, the upright administration of justice, and a really free government, depended the stability of his throne. The great changes which had taken place in the state of property in France had created an interest adverse to his family; and the enjoyment of liberty was the only bribe by which Louis could hope to reconcile this hostile interest to his authority. Unfortunately it was found that the schooling of adversity had produced no beneficial effect on the Bourbon dynasty. The very first acts of Louis betrayed arbitrary principles. He rejected the constitution framed by the senate, and ratified by a large portion of the legislative body, and promulgated another by his own authority, less liberal in its character, and rendered the more offensive because it asserted the supreme and uncontrolled power of the crown, though it admitted the propriety of regulating its exercise according to circumstances. He assumed the title of Louis XVIII., and dated the year of his accession as the 19th of his reign, thus declaring all the acts of the preceding period rebellious and illegal. His new ministers, chiefly emigrants, evinced a restless and violent spirit. Though subjected to the forms of a representative government, they did not hesitate to avow the principles of absolute monarchy in their speeches; and some of them were so imprudent, as to give no very obscure hints that a time might soon come when the property of emigrants would be reclaimed. The freedom of the press, so pompously announced by the charter, was violated by the establishment of a rigorous censorship; and to show that this was not meant to be a temporary measure, it was professedly founded on the rash and impetuous disposition of the French people.

The situation of the finances, it was declared, would not admit of the abolition of the droits réunis, which had been promised. The conscription, though nominally laid aside, was re-established before any relief was experienced from its abolition. In short, the French soon found or conceived, that the return of the Bourbons brought no alleviation of their grievances. The peace which attended their restoration was considered as stamped with national ignominy; they were viewed as having all the arbitrary principles of Napoleon, without any pretensions to his talents or his renown. They were dreaded as the friends and patrons of feudal rights, and as the enemies of those revolutionary interests which comprehended so great a portion of the population. The public discontent arising out of this state of things, would not have shaken their power had they been secure of the attachment of the army; but possessing neither the confidence of the soldiers nor the people, the indiscreet and violent measures they adopted continually increased the perils that surrounded them. All that has transpired since 1815, has tended to show more and more clearly that the subversion of their power was not the consequence of any conspiracy, but was simply the effect of the attachment of the military to their old commander, and of the indifference or hostility of the great bulk of the population.

The constitution or charter granted by Louis, vested the elective franchise in persons of thirty years of age, and paying 300 francs (12l.) direct taxes. This law, which is still in force, restricts the right of voting to about 110,000 persons in the whole of France. The individual eligible as a representative must be forty years of age, and belong to the class which pays 1000 francs (40l.) direct taxes. The chamber of peers consists of persons holding their dignities either for life or hereditarily. This court, named by the king, and whose deliberations are secret, takes cognizance of crimes of high treason, and all attempts against the state. In both chambers the king has the initiation of all laws. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the principles of such a constitution. A body better contrived than the chamber of peers for destroying individuals obnoxious to the government could not easily be conceived. The intention of confining the choice of deputies to persons above forty, is partly no doubt to limit the number who are eligible, but still more to fill the chamber with individuals born before the revolution, and therefore more probably attached to the old régime. The object in making the qualification of electors so high, is obviously to confine the franchise to so small a number of persons, that the government by its money and patronage may be able to corrupt them, and thus in effect name the deputies itself. As it turned out, however, that the French ministers were not so dexterous in the trade of corruption as some of their neighbours, and that the national voice still made itself heard through this very imperfect instrument, a great change was made in its composition in 1820.

The power of returning nearly two-fifths of the members is now vested in about 20,000 persons; and by gaining one half of these, and a small proportion of the rest, perhaps in all about 25,000 or 30,000 individuals, the government can secure a decided majority of its own creatures in the chamber. With a revenue of thirty millions sterling a-year, and such a multitude of places, titles, and distinctions to bestow, it can never be difficult for the ministry to accomplish this object. It is a mockery to give the name of a chamber of representatives to such a body which represents not the sense of the people, but the will of the court. It is a convenient instrument of taxation and coercion, a mask which conceals the harsh features of despotism without restraining its malignant spirit. It is necessarily doomed by the vices of its constitution to be the enemy—not the friend of popular rights, the champion of prerogative, the protector and promoter of the corruption and profusion by which it is nourished. We now return from this digression to our narrative.

Napoleon landed in Elba on the 4th May. For some time his active mind seemed to be entirely occupied with the embellishment of his capital and with various rural pursuits. He conversed freely with the British and Austrian commissioners, and with strangers of all nations, about the scenes and events of his past life, and seemed perfectly reconciled to his situation. But after some months residence he suddenly assumed more retired habits. He abandoned his usual pursuits, rarely received visitors, and when seen appeared absorbed in thought. He was in fact now maturing a project for recovering the French throne. He kept up a correspondence with various individuals in France who were disgusted with the conduct of the Bourbons; and it was most probably the numerous and increasing symptoms of discontent in that country which induced him to embark in the daring enterprise. He secretly augmented his military force, and collected a number number of small craft; and the execution of his design is said to have been hastened by the intelligence he re- ceived that the allied princes at Vienna had it in con- templation to transport him to St Helena. At length, on the 26th February 1815, he left Porto Ferrajo with 900 men, on board of seven vessels, of which one was armed. With this handful of men he was now about to invade a powerful kingdom, defended by an army of 200,000 soldiers. A landing was effected on the 1st March, near Antibes. For five days he received no support, and his situation appeared extremely critical; but a force of 6000 men sent from Grenoble to arrest his progress having joined him, and the garrison of that city having immediately after declared in his favour, his difficulties were in a moment at an end. From this period every regiment sent against him served to swell his army. The people, even those who had insulted him during his journey to Elba, moved by novelty, or disappointed in the conduct of the Bourbons, strewed his path with flowers, and received him as a deliverer with joyful acclamations. In short, his journey to Paris was a continued triumphal procession. He reached that capital on the 20th March, in the evening, and, without shedding one drop of blood, reascended the throne from which he had been driven eleven months before. Louis had left Paris at one o'clock the same morning, accompanied by a few emigrants, without the body of the people testifying the least concern for his misfortunes, or the least regret at his departure. He retired to Ghent in the Netherlands.

Though the whole of France submitted almost instan- taneously to Napoleon, he was well aware that vast ex- ertions would be required to establish his power. The great princes assembled at the congress of Vienna, no sooner learned that he had landed in France, than they issued a proclamation, placing him "without the pale of civil and social relations," and declaring their deter- mination to maintain the dispositions of the treaty of Paris at all hazards. Sensible of the difficulties of his situation, he now endeavoured to unite the national feeling to his cause by a liberal system of government. A new constitutional act was promulgated, establishing a hereditary chamber of peers, and settling a plan of representation, which, though not entirely unobjection- able, was infinitely preferable to any that had been in operation since the dissolution of the republican govern- ment. The two chambers, when they afterwards met, evinced a spirit of independence to which France had been a stranger for 15 years. The censorship was abolished by an imperial decree, and every thing was done to give a popular character to the acts of the go- vernment. Deputations called from the electoral col- leges, met at Paris, and an assembly, to which the an- cient name of a Champ de Mai was given, swore to maintain the constitution. Bonaparte had been all the time sedulously employed in strengthening his army. It was desirable to act before his enemies could con- centrate their vast resources; and as soon therefore as his preparations were tolerably advanced, he hastened to the Netherlands. Both the Prussians and British were taken by surprise. The former were attacked and repulsed near Charleroi with considerable loss on the 13th. On the 16th were fought the battles of Quatre Bras and Ligny, in which the Prussians again suffered severely; but the small body of British engaged main- tained their ground by astonishing efforts of heroism. Napoleon had now accomplished one object; he had se- parated the main body of the Prussians from their al- lies; and the 17th was spent in preparations for a con- flict with the British on the following day. The duke of Wellington had taken up a station in a position chosen by himself in the neighbourhood of Waterloo. French Here he awaited the attack of the French, which com- menced at mid-day on the 18th. It is impossible to do justice within our present limits to this memorable battle. Both generals exerted themselves to the ut- most; and never did two armies second the skill of their commanders by a more devoted courage. The im- moveable firmness of the British troops, defied the tactics, the enthusiasm, and the desperation of their enemies; and on the arrival of the Prussians at sunset, the French, worn out by incessant but fruitless efforts, were at length overthrown with unexampled carnage, and the entire loss of their artillery and baggage. The victory was so decisive, that the flight was a complete route, the beaten army seemed totally dissolved, and scarcely a semblance of resistance was offered. The total loss of the French in this battle was never accu- rately ascertained, but has been estimated at 40,000 men killed, wounded, and prisoners, out of an army of 80,000. Napoleon arrived at Paris on the 20th, and finding that he was now considered as the only ob- stacle to peace, he resigned the imperial crown in fa- vour of his son. The two chambers conducted them- selves with great firmness and wisdom in this trying conjunction. They formed a provisional government, sent commissioners to treat with the allies for peace, made preparations for defending Paris, and found them- selves so warmly seconded by the national spirit of the people and the army, that probably nothing but the ex- treme difficulties of their situation, from the sudden ap- proach of an overwhelming force, prevented a general rising of the nation to defend its independence. When the cannon were roaring within hearing of the citizens, and a hostile army threatened them with the most fear- ful calamities, not a single voice was raised in the chamber in favour of the Bourbons. The representa- tives continued to meet till the 8th July, when the ali- ally troops being in possession of Paris in virtue of a capitulation, the doors of the chamber were shut, and the deputies excluded by an armed force. The allies now acted with less reserve than in the former year. They avowed their determination to replace Louis on the throne by force; and in this measure the British minister concurred, in opposition to the most obvious sense of the treaty between the allied powers of 25th March, and subsequent declarations, which however were found to be nicely adapted to cover such a design by a happy equivocation in their terms (p). In every town which the allies entered they proclaimed Louis XVIII.; France.

XVIII.; and he returned to Paris with their baggage, and surrounded with their bayonets, on the 8th of July. Negotiations for peace now commenced, and were prolonged to the 20th November, when the second treaty of Paris was concluded. The terms of this treaty were more humiliating to the vanquished party than those of 1814. Some small portions of territory were detached from France. The works of art collected in the Louvre from Italy and Germany, which she had been allowed to retain by the treaty of 1814, were restored to their original owners. France was to pay to the allies seven hundred millions of francs, as an indemnity for the expense of the campaign, and to provide for 150,000 of the allied troops, who were stationed on her northern frontier under the duke of Wellington, to keep down any renewed attempts at revolution. These troops were only removed in 1818.

The ex-emperor after the resignation of his authority, proceeded to Rochefort, with the view of sailing to America. But finding all chance of escape precluded by the vigilance of the British squadron, he left the port in a small vessel, and surrendered himself a prisoner to Captain Maitland of the Bellerophon, on the 15th July. After being exhibited in Torbay for some days to wondering crowds, he was removed to St Helena, where he has since continued, and is likely during the remainder of his life to continue to live—a monument of the mutability of fortune, and the instability of earthly grandeur.

Shortly after the king was re-established, he dissolved the chamber of deputies, and convoked a new chamber; having previously caused his prefects fill up the vacancies in the electoral colleges, which should have been filled up by the primary assembly; in other words, having nominated a great proportion of the electors. By this infamous jugglery, the chamber was filled with a set of furious ultra-royalists, who outdid the king himself in a zeal for prerogative, and disgraced the name of representatives by clamouring for the restoration of absolute power. A violent reaction naturally followed; the press was again subjected to a censorship; the protestants in the south were harassed and persecuted; their houses were burned, and 240 murdered in cold blood. Louis, who soon became sensible that the ultra zeal of the deputies was multiplying his dangers, prudently dissolved the chamber again in 1816, and convoked another, in which a more moderate spirit prevailed. Since this period the only changes of importance which have taken place in France are those made in the charter, of which some account has already been given.

In a country so extensive as that of France, it is not to be expected that the climate should be invariably the same; but it is certainly clearer and more salubrious upon the whole than that of Britain, and it is admirably adapted to the cultivation of the vine, without which many parts of it would perhaps continue in a state of nature. The country presents to the eye a level appearance in general; but several mountains are met with in the southern parts of it, such, for example, as Auvergne, Languedoc, Dauphiné, and Provence. Some reckon the Limousin the most beautiful province in France, although many parts of it besides this exhibit a charming diversity of hills and valleys, and some of the rivers, but the Seine in particular, often assume a picturesque appearance. It cannot be said that agriculture has attained to the perfection which it has done in Britain; yet in different provinces the cultivation of the ground seems to keep pace with its fertility, and the husbandmen of others display a degree of industry which is deserving of commendation. As a striking proof of this, many mountains of the Cevennes, only remarkable for their sterility, have been rendered extremely fertile by the indefatigable exertions of industry.

The most remarkable rivers of France are commonly reckoned four in number, the Seine, Loire, Rhone, and the Garonne, although there are many others of inferior note. The Seine is universally allowed to be a beautiful river, which takes its rise in the department of Cote d'Or, and, after traversing a country of about 250 miles in extent, falls into the English channel at Havre de Grace. The source of the Loire is in Mont Gerbier, in what was formerly called Languedoc, and after running about 500 miles, empties itself into the sea beyond Nantes. The Rhone rises from the Glacier of Furea, and the Garonne in the vale of Arau in the Pyrenees. The inferior rivers are the Saone, Dordogne, and a number of lesser streams which form a junction with the Loire.

There are numerous mountains in France, but there are none which are of a great height. The chain of the Vosges, in the east, about twenty or thirty miles from the Rhine, has an elevation not exceeding 4000 feet. Those of Brittany consist chiefly if not wholly of granite, but there is nothing remarkable in their elevation. France is divided from Switzerland by Mont Jura; but the principal chain of mountains is that denominated Cevennes, running from north to south, and sending out ramifications from east to west. Some naturalists are of opinion, that certain volcanic appearances may be traced among the mountains in the departments of Cantal and the Upper Loire; but the basaltic columns of which they chiefly consist, either do not favour this conjecture, or leave the truth of it extremely problematical. The loftiest mountains in France are those called Monts d'Or, which constitute the centre, of which Puy de Sansi forms the chief elevation, its height being computed at 6300 feet above the level of the sea. This mountain is covered a great part of the year with snow, and from its sides issues the river Dordogne.

The Pyrenees have been known and celebrated in history since the time of Herodotus, and may with equal propriety be considered as belonging either to France or Spain; although they have been more ably and minutely described by the learned of the former country. Shells and skeletons of animals have been found among the Pyrenees, which may afford matter for ample discussion to the admirers of nature's productions. Marine productions

may be in favour of the restoration of the king, they no otherwise seek to influence the proceedings of the French, in the choice of this or any other dynasty or form of government, than may be essential to the safety or permanent tranquillity of Europe." Lord Clancharly's Despatch, dated Vienna, 6th May 1815. productions have been discovered on the top of Mont Perdu, which it is extremely difficult to ascend, because, in many places, it is almost perpendicular for nearly 900 feet; and near the summit there is a lake about 9000 feet above the level of the sea.

There are many forests in France, and of considerable extent, to the growth of which it becomes of importance to attend, as the chief fuel which the inhabitants can command is wood. The largest forests are those of Orleans and Ardennes, but our limits forbid us to give an enumeration of the rest, which could answer no important purpose.

Of the botanical state of this country nothing can be advanced with certainty; for although its productions of this nature may be said to have been examined around Paris, Lyons, and Montpelier, with considerable accuracy, yet much is still wanting to furnish anything like a complete history of its vegetables. We have no certain accounts of what are purely indigenous or what are exotic, although the former must be more abundant in France than in any other European country.

The horses of this country are certainly inferior to those of Britain; and in former times its monarchs were drawn by oxen to the national assemblies. Their cattle are of a beautiful cream colour, but their sheep are much inferior to the English, owing, perhaps, to their wretchedly ill management, their meat being straw during the winter season instead of green food. France in some places is infested by the wild boar and the wolf, while the ibex and chamois inhabit the Pyrenees and the Alps.

At one period there were gold mines in the southern parts of France, and particles of that precious metal are still to be found in some of the rivulets. There are mines of silver in Alsace, and mines of copper in the departments of the Alps. The duchy of Deux Ponts contains mines of mercury; antimony is found in Ardeche; and abundance of iron, the most extensively useful of all the metals, is met with in the northern departments, for the working of which there were computed to be 2000 furnaces employed in the year 1798.

The population of France was estimated at 26,363,000 in 1791. In 1817 it amounted to 29,327,000. Our readers will find a pretty accurate account of it by inspecting the following table, which exhibits the number contained in each department, according to the division adopted since the revolution.

| Ancient Provinces | Departments | Population | Chief Towns | |-------------------|-------------|------------|-------------| | Flandre Françoise | Nord | 899,890 | Douai | | Artois | Pas-de-Calais | 580,457 | Arras | | Picardie | Somme | 495,058 | Amiens | | Normandie | Seine Inferieure | 642,948 | Rouen | | | Calvados | 505,420 | Caen | | | Manche | 583,429 | Coutances | | | Orne | 425,920 | Alencon | | | Eure | 421,581 | Evreux | | Isle de France | Seine | 780,000 | Paris | | | Seine and Oise | 439,972 | Versailles | | | Oise | 383,500 | Beauvais | | | Aisne | 442,989 | Lom | | Champagne | Seine and Marne | 304,068 | Melun | | | Marne | 311,037 | Chalons-sur-Marne | | | Ardennes | 275,792 | Mezieres | | | Aube | 238,819 | Troyes | | Lorraine | Haute Marne | 237,785 | Chammont | | | Meuse | 284,703 | Bar-sur-Ornain | | | Moselle | 385,049 | Metz | | | Meurthe | 365,810 | Nancy | | | Vosges | 334,169 | Epinal | | Alsace | Haut-Rhin | 318,577 | Colmar | | | Bas-Rhin | 391,642 | Strasbourg | | Bretagne | Isle and Vilaine | 508,544 | Rennes | | | Cotes-du-Nord | 519,620 | St Brieux | | | Finisterre | 452,895 | Quimper | | | Morbihan | 453,423 | Vannes | | Maine and Perche | Loire Inferieure | 407,900 | Nantes | | | Sarthe | 410,380 | Le Mans | | Anjou | Mayenne | 322,550 | Laval | | Touraine | Mayenne and Loire | 493,864 | Angers | | | Indre and Loire | 275,292 | Tours | | Orléanais | Loiret | 286,153 | Orleans | | | Eure and Loire | 205,996 | Chartres | | | Loire and Cher | 212,552 | Blois | | | Indre | 204,271 | Chateauroux| | Berri | Cher | 228,138 | Bourges |

Nivernois. | Ancient Provinces | Departments | Population | Chief Towns | |-------------------|-------------|------------|-------------| | Nivernois | Nievre | 241,520 | Nevers | | Bourgogne | Yonne | 525,994 | Auxerre | | | Cote d'Or | 334,436 | Dijon | | | Saone and Loire | 471,457 | Mâcon | | | Ain | 304,668 | Bourg | | Franche-Comté | Haute-Saone | 300,176 | Vesoul | | | Doubs | 240,792 | Besançon | | | Jura | 292,882 | Lons-le-Saunier | | Poitou | Vendée | 268,686 | Fontenoy-le-Peuple | | | Deux-Sevres | 234,105 | Niort | | | Vienne | 233,048 | Poitiers | | Marche | Haut-Vienne | 243,195 | Limoges | | | Creuze | 266,224 | Guéret | | | Corrèze | 254,271 | Tulle | | Bourbonnois | Allier | 260,266 | Moulins | | Saintonge and Aunis| Charente-Inferieure | 293,011 | Saintes | | Angoumois and part of Saintonge.| Charente | 326,985 | Angoulême | | Auvergne | Puy-de-dôme | 358,834 | Clermont | | | Cantal | 251,436 | St Flour | | Lyonnois, Foret and Beaujolais.| Rhône | 347,381 | Lyons | | | Loire | 315,838 | Montbrison | | | Isère | 471,660 | Grenoble | | Dauphiné | Hautes-Alpes| 121,771 | Gap | | Guyenne, comprehending Gascoigne.| Drome | 253,372 | Valence | | | Dordogne | 424,413 | Perigueux | | | Gironde | 514,562 | Bordeaux | | | Lot and Garonne | 320,150 | Agen | | | Lot | 268,150 | Cahors | | | Aveyron | 331,373 | Rhôdez | | | Gers | 286,493 | Auch | | | Landes | 235,550 | Mont-de-Marsan | | | Hautes-Pyrénées | 198,763 | Tarbe | | | Basses-Pyrénées | 383,502 | Pau | | Bearu | Ariège | 222,936 | Tarascon | | Comté-de-Foix | Pyrénées-Orientales | 126,625 | Perpignan | | Roussillon | Haute-Garonne | 367,550 | Toulouse | | Languedoc | Aude | 240,993 | Carcassonne | | | Tarn | 295,885 | Castres | | | Gardé | 322,144 | Nismes | | | Lozère | 143,347 | Mende | | | Ardèche | 290,833 | Privas | | | Haute-Loire | 268,202 | Le Puy | | Provence | Hérault | 301,099 | Montpellier | | | Bouches-du-Rhône | 293,935 | Aix | | | Basses-Alpes | 146,994 | Digne | | | Var | 283,296 | Toulon | | Venaissin | Vaucluse | 205,832 | Avignon | | Corsica | Corsica | 174,702 | Bastia |

The established religion is that of the church of Rome, but entirely independent of the Holy see; and the revenues of the clergy are not so extensive as to render them formidable to the preservation of the state. Of its political constitution, as that is an ignis fatuus which eludes all description, little need be said.

Subsequent to the revolution, it was perhaps impossible to give a just account of the strength of the French army, for both themselves and their enemies made it more numerous than it really was, although both parties must have been actuated by very different motives. The numerous defeats which the allies experienced, rendered it necessary to speak of their antagonists as a never- never-to-be-diminished swarm of men, and the French no doubt gave exaggerated reports of their own actual strength, in order to intimidate the allies. In the time of the old government, the army amounted to 170,000 infantry, 44,000 cavalry, and 11,000 artillery; and perhaps at no period of the revolution did it ever exceed 600,000 men, although it has been often magnified to the prodigious total of a million. Since the restoration of the Bourbons, the army has been about 140,000, the annual expense of which is about six millions sterling.

The naval power of France was once formidable even to Britain: but the decided superiority in this respect has been invariably possessed by the latter country ever since the battle of La Hogue.

The revenue of France, immediately before the revolution, has been estimated at twenty-two millions sterling. The amount during Bonaparte's reign, it is believed, was never honestly stated. In 1820, it was estimated at thirty millions. The public debt, funded and unfunded, in 1814, was one hundred and twenty-three millions, and the interest seven millions.

With respect to literature, France certainly holds a distinguished place among the nations of Europe; and if the palm has been adjudged to Italy and Britain by some authors, in point of bold invention and profound philosophical speculations, French authors are to be met with in great abundance who have done honour to human nature by their polite learning, and elegant as well as useful science. Altogether independent of a Corneille, a Racine, a Crebillon, a Moliere, or a Voltaire, this country has, at a more modern period, produced many distinguished writers in literature and philosophy, whose productions will continue to be read and admired, so long as men retain a sense of the value and importance of the sciences they respectively illustrate.

At one period there were no fewer than 21 universities in France, of which the Sorbonne at Paris was reputed the most celebrated, the fame of which drew numbers of students from distant countries. There were about 39 academies and literary societies, which produced many elegant and valuable dissertations on the different sciences, which have been long known to, and justly esteemed by, the learned world.

The cities of France are very numerous, and many of them make a most conspicuous figure. Paris, which is still the metropolis, has been sometimes reckoned a third smaller than London, and its population stated at 713,000 souls. It has often been considered as superior to London in point of magnificence, but it is undoubtedly inferior both in regard to convenience and cleanliness, the streets in general having very poor accommodations for passengers on foot—a defect for which no elegance or magnificence can fully compensate. The next to Paris in importance, is the city of Lyons, the population of which is computed at 101,000: the desolation which it suffered during the tremendous reign of Jacobin fury it has since recovered. The abolition of monarchy was the innocent cause of much injury to its trade, which consisted chiefly in the manufacture of such splendid articles as were consumed by the court.

Next to Lyons we may mention Marseilles and Bordeaux, of which the former contains 100,000 people, the latter 92,000. The port of the former city is perhaps the best, as well as the most frequented, of any in the Mediterranean. Lisle and Valenciennes are both strongly fortified cities, the former of which has a population of about 60,000. It surrendered to the combined powers in the year 1793, but the French retook it in the following year. The remaining cities, of which we can only give a bare enumeration, are Amiens, Rouen, Brest, Nantes, Orleans, Nancy, Metz, Strasbourg, Toulouse, Montpelier, &c., none of them having a population under 30,000 souls, many of them carrying on an extensive trade, and all of them abounding with elegant buildings.

Many exertions have been made at different periods, canals to improve the inland navigation of France. The great Henry IV. began the celebrated canal of Burgundy, which was finished by Louis XIII. and by which a communication is opened between the rivers Loire and Seine. It consists of 42 locks, and is of singular importance to the commerce of the western provinces. The canal of Picardy reaches from the river Somme to the Oise, taking its rise from St Quintin, and affording an intercourse to the provinces lying on the north-east. But the greatest and most expensive work of this nature in France, which was begun and finished by Louis XIV. is the canal of Languedoc, which was completed in 15 years. It is 144 feet broad, six feet deep, and about 180 miles long; and it cost upwards of half a million sterling.

The total amount of the exports of France in the year 1784, exclusive of the provinces of Lorraine and Alsace, and the trade with the West Indies which has been since carried on, was 307,151,700 livres, and her imports 271,965,000. The exports in 1789 were estimated at 613,000,000 livres, and the imports at 448,000,000. Since the restoration of the Bourbons, in 1818, the exports have been stated in the French journals at 15,400,000 sterling. See the article France, in the Supplement, in which a full view is given of the statistics of the country.

Isle of France, a late province of France, but now divided into five departments, and so called, because it was formerly bounded by the rivers Seine, Marne, Oise, Aisne, and Ourque. It comprehends, besides Paris, the Beauvoisis, the Valois, the county of Senlis, the Vexin, and Hurepoix, the Gatinois, the Multien, the Goele, and the Mantois. Paris is the capital.

FRANCFORF on the MAINE, an imperial and ban-

Vol. IX. Part I. FRANCKPORT Since 1815 it has been the permanent seat of the German diet. The number of inhabitants is 41,000; and it is one of the four towns which still retain their privileges. It was taken in October 1792, by the French, who were dispossessed of it by the Prussians in December following; it was again taken by the French in July 1796, but they evacuated it to the Austrians in September following. The suburb is called Saxenhausen, and joined to the town by a stone bridge built over the Maine. E. Long. 8° 37'. N. Lat. 50° 7'.

FRANCKPORT on the Oder, a rich and handsome town of Germany, in the middle marche of Brandenburg, formerly imperial, but now subject to the king of Prussia. It is remarkable for three great fairs, and a celebrated university; and was taken by the French in 1806. It lies about 45 miles south-east of Berlin, and 72 south of Stettin. E. Long. 14° 45'. N. Lat. 52° 22'.

Charles V. was succeeded by his son Charles VI., named the Well-beloved, who, at the time of his accession to the throne, was only 12 years of age. The duke of Anjou, eldest brother to the late king, had been appointed guardian during the minority of the prince; but he being totally unfit for the office, and distinguished only for his rapacity and ambition, readily resigned his charge to the dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, the former uncle to the king by his father's side, the latter by his mother's. None of these tutors, however, proved faithful to the trust reposed in them. The duke of Anjou seized the plate and treasures of the late. late king, in order to support his ambitious enterprises. At that time Joan, infamous for her profligacy, reigned in Naples. She had appointed one Charles Durazzo, who was her relation, to succeed her in the throne; but the inhuman wretch murdered his benefactress, who with her last breath revoked her grant of the kingdom to him, and bestowed it upon the duke of Anjou. His influence at the French court enabled him to waste the treasures of the kingdom in support of his pretensions; though he proved ultimately unsuccessful, his forces being constantly defeated, and his designs frustrated by the superior skill of his adversary. The duke of Burgundy, instead of instructing his pupil in the ways of virtue, indulged him in every kind of vicious pleasure, hoping thereby to gain his favour afterwards. The citizens of Paris, oppressed by taxes, broke out into tumults, and were quelled with difficulty; while the mal-administration of Philip the duke of Burgundy soon involved the nation in hostilities with the Flemings. Philip invaded their country at the head of an army of 80,000 men, along with whom was the young king, accompanied by the principal nobility of France. The first operations of war were favourable to the Flemings; but they were at length totally defeated on the banks of the river Lys, where their leader, with 25,000 of his followers, perished. This victory was followed by the submission of the whole country; but the satisfaction of the king at this event was disturbed by new seditions and revolts in the city of Paris, and other great towns of the kingdom. His return, however, at the head of a victorious army, soon reduced them to their duty, and several of the revolted cities were severely punished; at the same time that the death of the duke of Anjou having freed him from the immediate dependence on his tutors, he assumed the reins of government into his own hands in the year 1384.

The genius which Charles began to display in his early years, raised the hopes of the nation; but these were soon overcast, and greater misfortunes than ever were now about to ensue. The young king, whose marriage began to be a subject of attention to the council, refused to comply with the forms in use among his predecessors, and insisted upon seeing the person designed for his consort. An interview was accordingly contrived betwixt him and Isabella daughter to the duke of Bavaria; where he fell in love with that princess, and afterwards married her. His administration was for some time prudent and vigorous. He conciliated the affections of his people by restoring their privileges, punishing their oppressors, and relieving them from the taxes which had been imposed in his minority. He reduced the Flemings to submit to the authority of his uncle the duke of Burgundy; detached 15,000 archers and 1500 men at arms to assist the Scots in their incursions into England; and in 1385 fitted out a prodigious armament against England. A vast fleet was assembled in the harbour of Sluys, and a very numerous army in the neighbourhood. According to some writers, the armament consisted of 1200 ships, 20,000 foot differently armed, 20,000 cavalry, and 20,000 cross-bow-men. There was besides a vast wooden edifice or floating town, which was contrived for the protection of the soldiers when landed: but all these preparations were at last brought to nothing through the obstinacy of the duke of Berry; who, having been originally against this measure, carried on his part of the armament so slowly, that he did not arrive at Sluys till the middle of September, when the season was so far advanced, that no invasion was practicable. A storm that happened soon after, drove the greatest part of the fleet on shore, and beat the wooden edifice all to pieces; the remains of which the king bestowed on the duke of Burgundy, to whom he gave also the port of Sluys, which was then very commodious, and of the utmost importance.

The destruction of the French fleet was only a prelude to calamities of a more extraordinary nature. The Sieur de Craon, a profligate nobleman, had been intrusted by the court of France with a considerable sum of money for the support of the duke of Anjou, at the time he was reduced to distress by his Italian expedition. This money he had dissipated at Venice; but, by the credit of the duke of Orleans, the king's brother, he had obtained his pardon, and returned to court. Here he attempted to gratify his private resentment by the assassination of Oliver Clisson the constable, whom he suspected of having promoted his disgrace. This veteran hero was attacked, on his return from the hotel de St Pol, by a band of 20 ruffians, against whom he defended himself with wonderful intrepidity, when at last he fell, after receiving more than 50 wounds. Happily, however, he recovered notwithstanding his being mangled in this manner; while the assassin, to screen himself from vengeance, fled for protection to the duke of Brittany. The king demanded the assassin to be given up to him in chains; but the duke answered, that he knew nothing of him: to which the king giving no credit, marched with all his forces into his territories. When the army arrived at Mans, the king was seized with a slow fever; but its seizing could not be prevailed upon to rest or take physic. On the 5th of August 1391, having marched all day in the heat of the sun, a miserable, ragged, wild-looking fellow darted from behind a tree, and laying hold of the bridle of his horse, cried out "Stop! where are you going, king? You are betrayed:" and immediately withdrew again into the wood. The king passed on not a little disturbed: and soon after one of the pages, who rode behind and carried his lance, overcome with heat, fell asleep, and let it fall upon the helmet which was carried by the other. The king hearing the noise, looked about; and perceiving the page lifting the lance, killed him immediately: then riding furiously with his sword drawn, he struck on every side of him, and at every person, till he broke his sword: upon which one of his gentlemen leaped up behind him and held his arm. He fell soon after, and lay as if he had been dead; so that being taken up and bound in a wagon, he was carried back to Mans, where he lay two days in a lethargy, after which he came a little to himself, and expressed great concern at the blood he had shed in his delirium. The people, who had expressed the greatest concern for his distemper, were equally rejoiced at the news of his recovery; but unfortunately it was soon discovered, that he no longer possessed that strength of judgment and understanding for which he had formerly been remarkable. Hence a regency became indispensably necessary; and and the competition for it brought to light the characters of the queen and duke of Orleans, which had not hitherto been displayed to public view. The former of these was a most beautiful and accomplished princess; but vindictive, violent, and intriguing; insensible to natural affection, but easily accessible to flattery, and ready to yield to every impulse of lawless passion. The duke of Orleans was equally remarkable for his personal accomplishments, and had married Valentina daughter of the duke of Milan; but his engagements with that princess did not prevent him from engaging in a number of licentious amours, and among the rest, as was supposed, with his sister-in-law Isabella. During the king's illness he openly aspired at the regency; but his pretensions were overruled by the states, the administration of affairs being for the present conferred on the duke of Burgundy. In a few months indeed the health and understanding of the king seemed to be sufficiently restored; but in the year 1393 it was again disturbed by an accident no less extraordinary than the former had been. An entertainment had been given in honour of the marriage of one of the queen's attendants. At this six masques entered the apartment, disguised like satyrs, in linen clothes covered with rosin, and while warm stuck over with down. These were the king and five of his lords.

The duchess of Berri paid attention to the king, though she did not know him, and engaged in conversation with him. In the meantime the duke of Orleans, ignorant of the consequence, out of diversion ran a lighted torch against one of them. His whole dress was instantly in a flame, and the fire was from him communicated to all the rest. The masques, notwithstanding the dreadful situation they were in, called out, "Save the king; save the king!" on which the duchess of Berri, recollecting that it must be him with whom she had engaged in conversation, wrapped him in her cloak, and preserved him from further danger. Only one of the rest escaped by jumping into a cistern of water; the other four perished in the flames. The terror which the king underwent by this accident instantly occasioned a relapse; and he continued delirious at intervals as long as he lived. During this state of insanity he was untractable by every person except Valentina duchess of Orleans; who seemed to have as great an influence over him as her husband the duke had over the mind of the queen. So great was the power indeed which she had over the king in this deplorable state, that in those superstitious times it was supposed by many to be the effect of magic. Others, with more probability, ascribed it to her superior charms as a woman; and this idea instantly produced her a number of enemies among her own sex, the duchess of Burgundy particularly; and the quarrel between the two ladies soon extended itself to their husbands. Amidst their dissensions, however, they did not entirely neglect the administration of public affairs; they strove to conciliate the affection of the parliament by preserving the rights of the commons inviolate; and they endeavoured to check an inordinate passion for gaming which began to appear about this time, and to substitute manly and martial exercises in its place.

During the intervals of his reason, Charles frequently assumed the government into his own hands; and as the war still continued with England, though in a languid manner, the French monarch, in one of these lucid intervals, had an interview with Richard king of England, in order to put an end to hostilities, of which both were equally weary. Still, however, their claims were so difficult to be adjusted, that they could do no more than conclude a truce for 25 years; France and during which space it was hoped that a lasting peace might take place. Richard gave up Cherbourg to Charles, and Brest to the duke of Brittany; a marriage was also concluded betwixt the king of England and Isabella the daughter of Charles, though the latter was then only seven years of age; but by reason of the tender age of the princess, this marriage was never consummated.

During this unfortunate reign, France was still farther weakened by the succours sent to the Hungarians against the Turks. On this fatal expedition upwards of 1000 of the bravest and most experienced knights were sent under the conduct of John count of Nevers, eldest son of the duke of Burgundy; the count of Eu, constable of France; John de Vienne, admiral of France; and the count of Marche, a prince of the blood royal; together with De Courcy, one of the best and most experienced captains in Christendom. The prudent counsels of this veteran, however, were not obeyed by the youthful warriors by whom he was accompanied. Attacking the enemy therefore rashly, and while heated with wine, they were all either killed or taken prisoners. Notwithstanding this disaster, however, assistance was sent in the year 1400 to Wenceslaus emperor of Germany; and the duke of Orleans, who commanded the army on this occasion, acquitted himself so well that he acquired the duchy of Luxembourg for himself, and left his ally satisfied; but while the friendship of France was thus courted by foreign powers, the kingdom itself was in the most miserable situation. The king's distemper seemed daily to gain ground; while the discordant interests of the contending parties kept the whole nation in a ferment. The most violent animosity took place betwixt the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy. The former, by means of his own interest with the queen, and the ascendancy his duchess had over the king, for some time got the better of his rival, and was made lieutenant general and governor of the kingdom; but having presumed on his power to levy new imposts on the people, and oppressing also the churchmen, whom in that superstitious age he ought by all means to have let alone, he was deprived of his authority, and obliged to yield to the duke of Burgundy. For some time, however, these powerful rivals were kept within some bounds by the mediation of the duke of Bourbon, who seems to have been the only grandee who maintained a pure and unsullied character; but by his death in 1404, the unhappy nation was left totally exposed to their relentless fury. In 1405, the queen and duke of Orleans again seized the administration; but were soon deprived of it by the unanimous voice of the people. During this period Charles and his children were neglected and abandoned to distress; but they were relieved by the duke of Burgundy on his obtaining the regency; and Isabella, with the duke of Orleans, was obliged to retire from Milan. A sudden return of the king's reason and understanding for a much longer time than usual, now deprived both parties of their power; and the administration administration was vested in the queen and a council composed of princes of the blood.

The two rival dukes, thus prohibited from interfering in public affairs, exercised themselves in committing hostilities against the English, with whom the truce had been lately concluded. They were encouraged to this infraction of the treaty by the unsettled situation of the affairs of Henry IV.; but their attempts proving unsuccessful, the truce was renewed after obtaining restoration of the princess, who had been married to Richard II., as has been already mentioned. The failure of their enterprises produced a new scene of discord betwixt the dukes, who mutually threw the blame upon each other. By the entreaties of the duke of Berry they were apparently reconciled; but the duke of Burgundy pretended friendship only in order to take the more signal vengeance. To this he was now further inflamed by jealousy. Having hired a band of ruffians to execute his bloody purpose, the duke was one evening attacked by eighteen of them while attended only by two pages. A Norman gentleman whom the duke had deprived of an employment, headed the assassins, and in person attacked the duke. At the first blow he cut off his hand, at the second he struck him from his mule, and at the third put an end to his life. His wife Valentina was so deeply affected with his death, that she died soon after. The duke of Burgundy escaped to Flanders; and the whole nation was rent into two factions, called the Burgundians and Armagnacs; the latter being the title of the party of the duke of Orleans, from Armagnac the father-in-law of that prince. A dreadful confusion ensued: the duke of Burgundy soon returned to France, and extorted a pardon from the unhappy king, who was now no longer able to resist him: and we may have some notion of the state of the kingdom in general from being told, that 2000 people perished in one tumult in the capital. The king himself was alternately the prisoner of each party, and alternately transferred the power from the one to the other as he happened to fall into their hands. This therefore was thought by Henry V. of England, a favourable opportunity to recover from France those grants that had been formerly given up by treaty. But previously, to give his intended expedition the appearance of justice, he sent over ambassadors to Paris, offering a perpetual peace and alliance, on condition of being put in possession of all those provinces which had been ravished from the English during some former reigns, and of espousing Catharine, the French king's daughter, in marriage, with a suitable dowry. Though the French court was at that time extremely averse to war, yet the exorbitance of these demands could not be complied with; and Henry invasion by very probably made them in hopes of a denial. He therefore assembled a great fleet and army at Southampton; and having allured all the military men of the kingdom to attend him, from the hopes of conquest, he put to sea, and landed at Harfleur, at the head of an army of 6000 men-at-arms, and 24,000 foot, mostly archers.

His first operations were upon Harfleur: which being pressed hard, promised at a certain day to surrender unless relieved before that time. The day arriving, and the garrison, unmindful of their engagement, still resolving to defend the place, Henry ordered an assault to be made, took the town by storm, and put all the garrison to the sword. From thence the victor advanced farther into the country, which had been already rendered desolate by factions, and which he now totally laid waste. But although the enemy made a feeble resistance; yet the climate seemed to fight against the English; a contagious dysentery carrying off three parts of Henry's army. In this situation he had recourse to an expedient common enough in that barbarous age, to inspire his troops with confidence in their general. He challenged the dauphin, who commanded in the French army, to single combat, offering to stake his pretensions on the event. This challenge, as might naturally be expected, was rejected; and the French, though disagreeing internally, at last seemed to unite at the appearance of the common danger. A numerous army of 14,000 men-at-arms, and 40,000 foot, was by this time assembled under the command of Count Albert, and was now placed to intercept Henry's weakened forces on their return. The English monarch, when it was too late, began to repent of his rash inroad into a country where disease and a powerful army everywhere threatened destruction; he therefore thought of retiring into Calais. In this retreat, which was at once both painful and dangerous, Henry took every precaution to inspire his troops with patience and perseverance; and showed them in his own person the brightest example of fortitude and resignation. He was continually harassed on his march by flying parties of the enemy; and whenever he attempted to pass the river Somme, across which his march lay, he saw troops on the other side ready to oppose his passage. However, he was so fortunate as to seize by surprise a passage near St Quintin, which had not been sufficiently guarded; and there he safely carried over his army.

But the enemy was still resolved to intercept his retreat: and after he had passed the small river of Terrois at Blangi, he was surprised to observe from the heights the whole French army drawn up in the plains of Agincourt; and so posted, that it was impossible for him to proceed on his march, without coming to an engagement. A battle accordingly took place, in which the English gained a victory, the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history; an account of which is given under the article Agincourt.

This victory, gained on the 25th of October 1415, was however attended with no immediate effects. Henry still continued to retreat, after the battle of Agincourt, out of the kingdom; and carried his prisoners to Calais, and from thence to England. In 1417, he once more landed an army of 25,000 men in Normandy; and prepared to strike a decisive blow for the crown of France, to which the English monarchs had long made pretensions. That wretched country was now in a most deplorable situation. The whole kingdom appeared as one vast theatre of crimes, murder, injustice, and devastation. The duke of Orleans was assassinated by the duke of Burgundy; and the duke of Burgundy, in his turn, fell by the treachery of the dauphin. At the same time, the duke's son, desirous of revenging his father's death, entered into a secret treaty with the English; and a league was immediately concluded at Arras, between Henry and the young duke of Burgundy, in which the king pro- mised to revenge the murder of the late duke; and the son seemed to insist upon no further stipulations. Henry, therefore, proceeded in his conquests without much opposition from any quarter. Several towns and provinces submitted on his approach; the city of Rouen was besieged and taken; and he soon became master of Pontoise and Gisors. He even threatened Paris by the terror of his power, and obliged the court to re- move to Troyes. It was at this city that the duke of Burgundy, who had taken upon him the protection of the French king, met Henry in order to ratify that treaty which was formerly begun, and by which the crown of France was to be transferred to a stranger. The imbecility into which Charles had fallen, made him passive in this remarkable treaty; and Henry dic- tated the terms throughout the whole negotiation. The principal articles of this treaty were, that Henry should espouse the princess Catharine; that King Charles should enjoy the title and dignity of king for life; but that Henry should be declared heir to the crown, and should be intrusted with the present administration of the government; that France and England should for ever be united under one king, but should still retain their respective laws and privileges; that Henry should unite his arms with those of King Charles and the duke of Burgundy, to depress and subdue the dauphin and his partisans.

It was not long after this treaty, that Henry mar- ried the princess Catharine; after which he carried his father-in-law to Paris, and took a formal possession of that capital. There he obtained from the estates of the kingdom a ratification of the late compact; and then turned his arms with success against the adhe- rents of the dauphin; who, in the mean time, wan- dered about a stranger in his own patrimony, and to his enemies successes only opposed fruitless expostula- tions.

Henry's supplies were not provided in such plenty as to enable him to carry on the war without returning in person to prevail upon his parliament for fresh succours; and, upon his arrival in England, though he found his subjects highly pleased with the splendour of his con- quests, yet they seemed somewhat doubtful as to the ad- vantage of them. A treaty, which in its consequences was likely to transfer the seat of empire from England, was not much relished by the parliament. They there- fore, upon various pretexts, refused him a supply equal to his exigencies or his demands; but he was resolved on pursuing his schemes; and, joining to the supplies granted at home, the contributions levied on the con- quered provinces, he was able once more to assemble an army of 28,000 men, and with these he landed safely at Calais.

In the mean time, the dauphin, a prince of great pru- dence and activity, omitted no opportunity of repairing his ruined situation, and to take the advantage of Hen- ry's absence from France. He prevailed upon the re- gent of Scotland to send him a body of 8000 men from that kingdom; and with these, and some few forces of his own, he attacked the duke of Clarence, who com- manded the troops in Henry's absence, and gained a complete victory.

This was the first action which turned the tide of success against the English. But it was of short dura- tion: for Henry soon after appearing with a consider-

able army, the dauphin fled at his approach; while many of the places, which held out for the dauphin in the neighbourhood of Paris, surrendered to the con- queror. In this manner, while Henry was everywhere victorious, he fixed his residence at Paris; and while Charles had a small court, he was attended with a very magnificent one. On Whitsunday 1421, the two kings and their two queens with crowns on their heads dined together in public; Charles receiving apparent homage, but Henry commanding with absolute autho- rity.

In the mean time, the dauphin was pursued beyond the Loire, and almost totally dispossessed of all the northern provinces. He was even pursued into the south, by the united arms of the English and Burgun- dians, and threatened with total destruction. In this exigence, he found it necessary to spin out the war, and to evade all hazardous actions with a rival who had been long accustomed to victory. His prudence was everywhere remarkable; and, after a train of long per- secutions from fortune, he found her at length willing to declare in his favour, by the death of the king of England.

Charles VI died a short time after; and Charles VII. succeeded his father to a nominal throne. Nothing could be more deplorable than the situation of that mo- narch on assuming his title to the crown. The Eng- lish were masters of almost all France; and Henry VI., though yet but an infant, was solemnly invested with regal power by legates from Paris. The duke of Bed- ford was at the head of a numerous army, in the heart of the kingdom, ready to oppose every insurrection; while the duke of Burgundy, who had entered into a firm confederacy with him, still remained steadfast, and seconded his claims. Yet notwithstanding these fa- Desperate vourable appearances, Charles found means to break situation of the leagues formed against him, and to bring back his Charles subjects to their natural interests and their duty.

However, his first attempts were totally destitute of success. Wherever he endeavoured to face the enemy he was overthrown, and he could scarcely rely on the friends next his person. His authority was insulted even by his own servants; advantage after advantage was gained against him; and a battle fought near Ver- neuil, in which he was totally defeated by the duke of Bedford, seemed to render his affairs altogether des- perate. But from the impossibility of the English keep- ing the field without new supplies, Bedford was obliged to retire into England; and in the mean time, his vigi- lant enemy began to recover from his late consternation.

Dunois, one of his generals, at the head of 1000 men, compelled the earl of Warwick to raise the siege of Montargis; and this advantage, slight as it was, began to make the French suppose that the English were not invincible.

But they soon had still greater reason to triumph in their change of fortune, and a new revolution was pro- duced by means apparently the most unlikely to be at- tended with success. In the village of Domremy, near the Maid Vaucouleurs, on the borders of Lorraine, there lived a country girl, about 27 years of age, called Joan de Arc. This girl had been a servant at a small inn; and in that humble station had submitted to those hardy employments which fit the body for the fatigues of war. She was of an irreproachable life, and had hi- thereto thereto testified none of those enterprising qualities which displayed themselves soon after. She contentedly fulfilled the duties of her situation, and was remarkable only for her modesty and love of religion. But the miseries of her country seemed to have been one of the greatest objects of her compassion and regard. Her mind, inflamed by these objects, and brooding with melancholy steadfastness upon them, began to feel several impulses, which she was willing to mistake for the inspirations of heaven. Convinced of the reality of her own admonitions, she had recourse to one Baudricourt, governor of Vaucouleurs, and informed him of her destination by heaven to free her native country of its fierce invaders. Baudricourt treated her at first with neglect; but her importunities at length prevailed; and willing to make a trial of her pretensions, he gave her some attendants, who conducted her to the court, which at that time resided at Chinon.

The French court were probably sensible of the weakness of her pretensions; but they were willing to make use of every artifice to support their declining fortunes. It was therefore given out, that Joan was actually inspired; that she had been able to discover the king among the number of his courtiers, although he had laid aside all the distinctions of his authority; that she had told him some secrets, which were only known to himself; and that she had demanded, and minutely described a sword in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, which she had never seen. In this manner, the minds of the vulgar being prepared for her appearance, she was armed cap-a-pie, and shown in that martial dress to the people. She was then brought before the doctors of the university; and they, tinctured with the credulity of the times, or willing to second the imposture, declared that she had actually received her commission from above.

When the preparations for her mission were completely blazoned, the next aim was to send her against the enemy. The English were at that time besieging the city of Orleans, the last resource of Charles, and everything promised them a speedy surrender. Joan undertook to raise the siege; and to render herself still more remarkable, girded herself with the miraculous sword, of which she before had such extraordinary notices. Thus equipped, she ordered all the soldiers to confess themselves before they set out; she displayed in her hand a consecrated banner, and assured the troops of certain success. Such confidence on her side soon raised the spirits of the French army; and even the English, who pretended to despise her efforts, felt themselves secretly influenced with the terrors of her mission. A supply of provisions was to be conveyed into the town; Joan, at the head of some French troops, covered the embarkation, and entered Orleans at the head of the convoy which she had safely protected. While she was leading her troops along, a dead silence and astonishment reigned among the English; and they regarded with religious awe that temerity, which they thought nothing but supernatural assistance could inspire. But they were soon roused from their state of amazement by a sally from the town; Joan led on the besieged, bearing the sacred standard in her hand, encouraging them with her words and actions, bringing them to the trenches, and overpowering the besiegers in their own redoubts. In the attack of one of the forts, she was wounded in the neck with an arrow; but instantly pulling out the weapon with her own hands, and getting the wound quickly dressed, she hastened back to head the troops, and to plant her victorious banner on the ramparts of the enemy. These successes continuing, the English found that it was impossible to resist troops animated by such superior energy; and Suffolk, who conducted the attack, thinking that it might prove extremely dangerous to remain any longer in the presence of such a courageous and victorious enemy, raised the siege, and retreated with all imaginable precaution.

From being attacked, the French now in turn became the aggressors. Charles formed a body of 6000 men, and sent them to besiege Jergean, whither the English, commanded by the earl of Suffolk, had retired, with a detachment of his army. The city was taken; Suffolk yielded himself a prisoner; and Joan marched into the place in triumph at the head of the army. A battle was soon after fought near Patay, where the English were worsted, as before; and the generals Scales and Talbot were taken prisoners.

The raising of the siege of Orleans was one part of the Maid's promise to the king of France; the crowning him at Rheims was the other. She now declared that it was time to complete that ceremony; and Charles, in pursuance of her advice, set out for Rheims at the head of 12,000 men. The towns through which he passed opened their gates to receive him; and Rheims sent him a deputation, with its keys, upon his approach. The ceremony of his coronation was there performed with the utmost solemnity; and the Maid of Orleans (for so she was now called) seeing the completion of her mission, desired leave to retire, alleging that she had now accomplished the end of her calling. But her services had been so great, that the king could not think of parting with her; he pressed her to stay so earnestly, that she at length complied with his request.

A tide of successes followed the performance of this solemnity; Laon, Soissons, Chateau-Thierry, Provins, and many other fortresses in that neighbourhood, submitted to him on the first summons. On the other hand, the English, discomfited and dispirited, fled in every quarter; not knowing whether to ascribe their misfortunes to the power of sorcery or to a celestial influence; but equally terrified at either. They now found themselves deprived of the conquests they had gained, in the same manner as the French had formerly submitted to their power. Their own divisions, both abroad and at home, unfitting them entirely for carrying on the war; and the duke of Bedford, notwithstanding all his prudence, saw himself divested of his strong holds in the country, without being able to stop the enemy's progress. In order, therefore, to revive the declining state of his affairs, he resolved to have Henry crowned king at Paris, knowing that the crown natives would be allured to obedience by the splendour of the ceremony. In 1430, Henry was accordingly crowned, all the vassals that still continued under the English power swearing fealty and homage. But it was now too late for the ceremonies of a coronation to give a turn to the affairs of the English; the generality of the kingdom had declared against them, and the remainder remainder only waited a convenient opportunity to follow the example.

An accident ensued soon after, which, though it promised to promote the English cause in France, in the end served to render it odious, and conducing to the total evacuation of that country. The duke of Burgundy, at the head of a powerful army, had laid siege to Compeigne; and the Maid of Orleans had thrown herself into the place, contrary to the wishes of the governor, who did not desire the company of one whose authority would be greater than his own. The garrison, however, were rejoiced at her appearance, and believed themselves invincible under her protection. But their joy was of short duration; for Joan having the day after her arrival headed a sally, and twice driven the enemy from their entrenchments, she was at last obliged to retire, placing herself in the rear, to protect the retreat of her forces. But in the end, attempting to follow her troops into the city, she found the gates shut, and the bridge drawn up by order of the governor, who is said to have long wished for an opportunity of delivering her up to the enemy.

Nothing could exceed the joy of the besiegers, in having taken a person who had been so long a terror to their arms. The service of Te Deum was publicly celebrated on this occasion; and it was hoped, that the capture of this extraordinary person would restore the English to their former victories and successes. The duke of Bedford was no sooner informed of her being taken, than he purchased her of the Count Vendome, who had made her his prisoner, and ordered her to be committed to close confinement. The credulity of both nations was at that time so great, that nothing was too absurd to gain belief that coincided with their passions. As Joan but a little before, from her successes, was regarded as a saint, she was now, upon her captivity, considered as a sorceress, forsaken by the demon who had granted her a fallacious and temporary assistance. Accordingly it was resolved in council to send her to Rouen to be tried for witchcraft; and the bishop of Beauvais, a man wholly devoted to the English interest, presented a petition against her for that purpose. The university of Paris was so mean as to join in the same request. Several prelates, among whom the cardinal of Winchester was the only Englishman, were appointed as her judges. They held their court at Rouen, where Henry then resided; and the Maid, clothed in her former military apparel, but loaded with irons, was produced before the tribunal. Her behaviour there no way disgraced her former gallantry; she betrayed neither weakness nor womanish submission, but appealed to God and the pope for the truth of her former revelations. In the issue, she was found guilty of heresy and witchcraft; and sentenced to be burnt alive, the common punishment for such offences.

But previous to the infliction of this dreadful sentence upon her, they were resolved to make her abjure her former errors; and at length so far prevailed upon her, by terror and rigorous treatment, that her spirits were entirely broken by the hardships she was obliged to suffer. Her former visionary dreams began to vanish, and a gloomy distrust to take place of her late inspirations. She publicly declared herself willing to recant, and promised never more to give way to the vain delusions which had hitherto misled her, and imposed on the people. This was what her oppressors desired; and willing to show some appearance of mercy, they changed her sentence into perpetual imprisonment, and to be fed during life on bread and water. But the rage of her enemies was not yet satiated. Suspecting that the female dress which she had consented to wear, was disagreeable to her, they purposely placed in her apartment a suit of men's apparel, and watched for the effect of their temptation upon her. Their cruel artifices prevailed. Joan, struck with the sight of a dress in which she had gained so much glory, immediately threw off her penitent robes, and put on the forbidden garment. Her enemies caught her equipped in this manner; and her imprudence was considered as a relapse into her former transgressions. No recantation would suffice, and no pardon would be granted. She was condemned to be burnt alive in and cruelly the market-place of Rouen; and this infamous sentence put to death, was accordingly executed with most brutal severity.

One of the first misfortunes which the English felt after this punishment, was the defection of the duke of Burgundy; who had for some time seen the error of his conduct, and wished to break an unnatural connexion, that only served to involve his country in ruin. A treaty was therefore begun and concluded between him and Charles, in which the former agreed to assist him in driving the English out of France. This was a mortal blow to their cause; and such was its effects upon the populace of London when they were informed of it, that they killed several of the duke of Burgundy's subjects, who happened to be among them at the time. It might perhaps also have hastened the duke of Bedford's death, who died at Rouen a few days after the treaty was concluded; and the earl of Cambridge was appointed his successor to the regency of France.

From this period, the English affairs became totally Affairs of irretrievable. The city of Paris returned once more the English to a sense of its duty. Lord Willoughby, who commanded it for the English, was contented to stipulate for the safe retreat of his troops to Normandy. Thus ground was continually, though slowly, gained by the French; and notwithstanding their fields were laid waste, and their towns depopulated, yet they found protection from the weakness and divisions of the English. At length both parties began to grow weary of a war, which, though carried on but feebly, was yet a burden greater than either could support. But the terms of peace insisted upon by both were so wide of each other, that no hopes of an accommodation could quickly be expected. A truce, therefore, for twenty-two months, was concluded in 1443, which left everything on the present footing between the parties. No sooner was this agreed upon, than Charles employed himself with great industry and judgment in repairing those numberless ills to which his kingdom, from the continuance of wars both foreign and domestic, had so long been exposed. He established discipline among his troops, and justice among his governors. He revived agriculture, and repressed faction. Thus being prepared once more for taking the field, he took the first favourable occasion of breaking the truce; and Normandy was at the same time invaded by four powerful powerful armies; one commanded by Charles himself, a second by the duke of Brittany, a third by the count of Alençon, and a fourth by the Count Dunois. Every place opened its gates almost as soon as the French appeared before them. Rouen was the only one that promised to hold out a siege; but the inhabitants clambered so loud for a surrender, that the duke of Somerset, who commanded the garrison, was obliged to capitulate. The battle, or rather the skirmish, of Fourmigny, was the last stand which the English made in defence of their French dominions. However, they were put to the rout, and above a thousand were slain. All Normandy and Guienne, that had so long acknowledged subjection to England, were lost in the space of a year; and the English saw themselves entirely dispossessed of a country which for above three centuries they had considered as annexed to their native dominions. Calais alone remained of all their conquests; and this was but a small compensation for the blood and treasure which had been lavished in that country, and only served to gratify ambition with a transient applause.

Thus, in the year 1450, the power of the English in France was entirely destroyed; and Charles deservedly obtained the surname of Victorious, on account of the vigour he had shown in driving out the invaders of his country. His satisfaction, however, was now greatly diminished by domestic misfortunes. The dauphin, forgetting the allegiance and filial duty he owed to his father, had already impeded his conquests by his seditious intrigues. He had used every endeavour to thwart the designs of his ministers, and it was supposed that he had destroyed Agnes Soreille his father's favourite mistress by poison. He had married Charlotte daughter to the duke of Savoy; which Charles had resented by a declaration of war against the duke, but had been persuaded to recall it in order to prosecute the war against Guienne, which made part of the dominions of the English. At last, weary of the disobedience of his son, he commanded him to be arrested; but Louis, informed of his design, withdrew to Franche Comté, and afterwards to Brabant; of which the duke of Burgundy (at this time sovereign of the country) was no sooner apprised, than he ordered him to be supplied with every necessary, and treated with all imaginable respect. He refused to see him, however, until he should obtain the approbation of his father; on which Louis, having in vain attempted to draw the duke into a participation of his crimes, employed himself in sowing dissension betwixt his benefactor and his son the count of Charolois, at the very time that he himself was receiving a pension of 12,000 crowns annually from the father. Thus he at last destroyed the domestic peace of his benefactor, while his unnatural behaviour created continual suspicions in the mind of his father. Charles was repeatedly informed that his own domestics, along with his unfaithful son, were in a conspiracy against his life. The miserable monarch, therefore, in continual fear of being poisoned, and having none in whom he could repose any confidence, obstinately refused for some days to take any nourishment; and when at last prevailed upon by the importunities of his attendants to do so, his stomach had become incapable of receiving food, so that he died for want of sustenance in the year 1461. His body, neglected by his unnatural son, was interred at the expense of Tannegui de Chastel, who had been his faithful companion.

On the death of Charles, his son Louis succeeded to the throne, to which he had so long aspired. He was reckoned one of the greatest politicians that ever existed; though his character was not on that account the more amiable; on the contrary, there are few princes whose history appears in a more detestable light. So destitute was he of natural affection, that he did not even attempt to conceal his joy at his father's death. He pretended much friendship for the count of Charolois, son to the duke of Burgundy, on account of the protection he had received at his father's court; and even conferred upon him a pension of 12,000 crowns annually; but all this show of affection soon degenerated into a mortal aversion on both sides. Some differences which took place between the courts of France and Castile produced an interview betwixt the two monarchs, Louis, and Henry surmounted the Impotent. They met at Mauléon on the confines of Navarre; but their negotiations came to nothing, and they parted with a mutual contempt of each other; Henry despising the mean and sordid appearance of Louis, as he in his turn did the gaudy magnificence of Henry. In his negotiations with the duke of Burgundy, Louis proved more successful; persuading him to restore some towns on the river Somme, which had been ceded by Charles VII. and by the possession of which the duke was in effect master of Picardy. This cession was opposed by the count of Charolois; but Louis, by corrupting John de Croy the duke's minister, obtained his end; and for the sum of 400,000 crowns the cities were delivered to him. By this transaction he effectually ensured the hatred of Charolois; and even in that very transaction the duplicity of Louis was eminently displayed; for though he had agreed to retain in those towns the officers appointed by the duke, he was no sooner in possession of them than he displaced them all, and nominated others in their stead.

The duchy of Brittany was at this time governed by Francis, a weak but generous prince, and whose defective capacity was supplied by the abilities of his ministers. Him Louis insulted in the most grievous manner; and as Francis found himself unable to oppose such a powerful adversary alone, he joined in a close alliance with the duke of Burgundy and the count of Charolois; the latter having been grievously offended with Louis, and even accused him of attempting his life. The conspiracy was joined by several of the principal French nobility, who had been oppressed by the king; and though the secret was confided to upwards of 500 persons, not one of them ever divulged it. Louis, finding matters become very critical, marched with an army towards the capital, which the count of Charolois already insulted. A battle ensued, in which both princes exerted themselves to the utmost, though their valour was but ill seconded by the bravery of their troops. About 1500 perished on each side; but the count of Charolois remained master of the field of battle. Louis, however, after this engagement, entered the capital; where he endeavoured, by every kind concession he could think of, to conciliate the affection of his subjects; in which he succeeded so well, that though the army of insurgents was soon augmented to more than 100,000 men, they were unable to make themselves masters of the city.

At last a treaty was set on foot betwixt Louis and the count of Charolais; by which the latter obtained the towns which had been formerly ceded, with the districts of Boulogne, Guisne, Peronne, Mondidior, and Roye, as a perpetual inheritance for himself. By granting favours to the other confederates, the league was broken; and the moment that Louis found himself freed from danger, he protested against the whole treaty in the presence of some confidential members of parliament, as contrary to the interest of the crown; and therefore waited the first favourable opportunity to crush one by one those who had been ready by their united efforts to destroy himself. The duke of Bourbon, one of the most able of the confederates, was gained over, by bestowing upon him in marriage, Jane the natural daughter of Louis himself, with the dowry of Usson in Auvergne; together with Moras, Beaujouaire, and Cormillon in Dauphiny; while, by the discontented dukes of Brittany and Normandy, he was enabled to secure the neutrality of the former, and to recover from the latter some territories which he had unwillingly ceded to him.

In 1467, Philip duke of Burgundy, from his amiable qualities surnamed The Good, died, and left his dominions to his son Charles count of Charolais. That fiery and impetuous prince, jealous of the growing power of France, and an implacable enemy of Louis, had entered into a secret treaty with Francis; but Louis had driven the Bretons from the posts they occupied in Normandy before the duke of Burgundy could pass the Somme. The king, however, alarmed at the power of the confederates, concluded a peace with Brittany; and, confident in his talents for negotiation, determined to have a personal interview with the duke of Burgundy.

This memorable interview took place in the year preceding 1468; and Peronne, a city of Picardy, but belonging to the duke of Burgundy, was appointed as the place of rendezvous. To this place the politic Louis repaired with a slender train, and attended only by Cardinal Balue, the duke of Bourbon, and the count de St Pol, constable of France; seemingly without reflecting that he was entering a hostile city, where he might be confined for any length of time, or treated at the pleasure of the duke, who was his mortal enemy. Indeed he had not long been in the place when he began to see the error of his conduct; and by the daily concourse of Burgundian lords and other persons of rank, who were his avowed enemies, he became alarmed for his personal safety. His fear now suggested to him a worse measure than even the former; and he requested apartments in the castle, where it was in the power of his rival in a moment to make him a close prisoner. This event accordingly took place, and that through the arts and machinations of Louis himself. His design had been from the beginning to keep the duke of Burgundy constantly employed in domestic wars. For this purpose he had, before his interview with Charles, excited the inhabitants of Liege, who were subject to the duke of Burgundy, to revolt. It is most probable, that he did not imagine the effects of this treachery would so soon begin to appear. At the very time, however, that Louis was in the castle of Peronne, the people of Liege revolted, seized the bishop and governor; and having massacred great numbers of the adherents of Charles, retired with the prisoners they had made to the capital. Charles was soon informed of this massacre, with the additional circumstance, that the ambassadors of Louis were seen animating the insurgents to their work of destruction. He then flew into a transport of rage; commanded the gates of the castle to be shut and strictly guarded; denouncing the severest vengeance on the perfidious monarch who had so often deceived him. Louis, however, though greatly, and no doubt very justly, alarmed, did not neglect to take the proper methods for securing himself. He distributed large sums of money among those officers to whom he imagined the duke was most inclined to pay any regard, and by splendid promises and presents endeavoured to allay the resentment of his other enemies. At last the resentment of Charles having subsided, he entered into a treaty with the king, and concluded it upon much between the same terms as those which had been agreed upon before. His resentment, however, still manifested itself so far, that he insisted upon Louis being present at the punishment he inflicted upon the inhabitants of Liege for the massacre they had committed, and of which we have already taken notice. This was agreed to; the two princes formed the siege of the city in conjunction; and, notwithstanding the obstinate defence of the people, it was at last taken by storm, and the inhabitants massacred. It was not long, however, before the new alliance was dissolved. A confederacy against Louis, whom neither promises nor treaties could bind, was formed betwixt his own brother the duke of Normandy and the duke of Burgundy; but before their measures were ripe for execution, Louis had already commenced hostilities. The duke of Burgundy, as a peer of France, was summoned to parliament; and on his refusal, the constable St Pol made himself master of St Quintin. Several other cities were soon after reduced; and Baldwin, the natural brother of Charles, corrupted by Louis, deserted his cause; and the haughty spirit of the duke was thus at last obliged to condescend to solicit a peace. This, however, was of no long duration. Charles, encouraged by the success of Edward IV. of England his brother-in-law, began once more to league against Louis with the dukes of Brittany and of Guienne; the latter being the king's brother, formerly duke of Normandy, but who had exchanged that duchy for the territory of Guienne. But while the affairs of the confederates seemed to be in a prosperous way, their prospects were suddenly overcast by the death of the duke of Guienne, which was universally supposed to have been occasioned by poison, and Louis was as universally looked upon as the author. The abbot of St Joan d'Angeli was fixed upon as the immediate perpetrator of the deed; but on the day appointed for his trial he was found strangled in his cell; and this also was with great probability supposed to have been the deed of Louis, who after the death of his brother instantly seized on the territory of Guienne, and annexed it to the dominions of France.

By this unheard-of conduct of the French monarch, Charles was exasperated to such a degree, that he vowed the most dreadful vengeance against the unhappy people. people of France, and threatened to sacrifice to the memory of the duke of Guienne every one who now fell into his hands. The citizens of Neale were massacred without distinction of sex or age; Beauvais resisted his attacks; after which Charles wreaked his fury on other places. Having entered the country of Caux, he reduced the cities of Eu and St Valery, burnt Longueville, and wasted the whole country as far as Rouen. Louis, on the other hand, steady and constant in his designs, determined to dissolve the league between the duke of Brittany and Edward IV. of England. Accordingly he encamped with his army on the frontiers of Brittany; while the duke, not meeting with the assistance promised by Edward, was obliged to consent to a truce for a year; and the duke of Burgundy himself was obliged to follow his example, having committed such devastations as deprived him of all means of subsistence in the country, so that he could neither advance nor retreat. In a very little time, however, he again began to conspire with the king of England against Louis, and a powerful invasion was determined upon. Edward was to cross the sea with an army of 10,000 men, while Charles assembled all his forces to join him. The former was also to set up a claim to the crown of France, and at least to obtain the provinces of Normandy and Guienne; the duke was to have Champagne with some adjacent districts; to free his dominions from homage; and neither party was to make peace without the consent of the other. It was supposed that the duke of Brittany would naturally accede to the confederacy; and the Count de St Pol, constable of France, had engaged to deliver up the town of St Quintin and others which he occupied on the river Somme. Louis, however, still had the good fortune to avoid the storm. Charles, instead of advancing to the assistance of Edward, who had entered France at the head of 15,000 archers and 1500 men at arms, laid siege to the city of Nuitz on the Rhine; while the constable St Pol, instead of delivering up the towns as he had promised, deceived his allies, and enabled Louis to dissolve a confederacy, which, had it been vigourously maintained, might have involved him in the greatest difficulties. To procure the departure of Edward, however, he was obliged to consent to a tribute of 75,000 crowns, as well as to settle on the king himself 50,000 crowns for life; betrothing also the dauphin to the eldest daughter of the king of England. The duke of Burgundy exclaimed loudly against this treaty; but Edward persisted in his resolution; and it was accordingly executed at a place called Pecquigny, near Amiens; but in such a manner as showed the little confidence the two sovereigns reposed in each other. A grated barrier was erected in the middle of the bridge of Pecquigny, between the barriers of which only a man's arm could pass; the two princes appeared on the opposite sides of it; and having conferred privately, and confirmed the treaty between them, parted with many protestations of friendship; in which, probably, neither party was very sincere. A power was reserved by Edward, for the duke of Burgundy to accede to the treaty; but the latter haughtily replied, that he was able to support himself without the assistance of England; and that he would make no peace with Louis till three months after the return of Edward to his own country. To this resolution he adhered: but no sooner was the term expired, than he concluded a truce with Louis for nine years. The stipulations publicly agreed upon betwixt these two princes consisted only in some articles for the mutual advantage of their subjects; but privately they had signed others of a different nature. The constable St Pol having rendered himself obnoxious to all parties by his complicated treachery, fled to Mons in Hainault; but the duke of Burgundy had already consented to deliver him up on condition of receiving his estates and moveables as the price of his treachery.

Thus was Louis, without any other remarkable qualification than the mere arts of falsehood and duplicity, got rid of all his enemies except the duke of Burgundy, whose growing power rendered him a constant object of jealousy and terror. His own imprudence and rashness, however, soon proved his ruin. Having rashly engaged in a war with the Swiss, he was defeated in the first engagement with that martial nation, with the loss of his military chest and baggage, with his plate and jewels, supposed to be the richest in Europe. His disappointment on this occasion was so great, that he was seized with a severe sickness, from which he had hardly recovered when he resumed his mad scheme of conquering the Swiss. Another battle ensued; in which, after an obstinate dispute, Charles was defeated with the loss of 18,000 men, himself escaping with great difficulty. This disaster was followed by the defection of most of his allies; the duke of Lorrain recovered the city of Nancy and great part of his dominions which Charles had seized; while the latter, overwhelmed with shame and disappointment, spent his time in solitude and inactivity. From this he was at last roused by the misfortunes which fell upon him in such quick succession. He now invested the city of Nancy; and in this, as well as in every other instance, he acted against the advice of his best officers; and the consequences were still more fatal than before. The duke of Lorrain advanced with a strong body of Germans to the relief of the city, while Charles had scarcely 4000 men to oppose him. His troops were therefore easily defeated, and himself, notwithstanding the most heroic efforts of valour, hurried away in the crowd. The count de Campobasso, an Italian nobleman in whom he put a great deal of confidence, but who was in reality a traitor, had deserted with about 80 men in the beginning of the engagement. He left 12 or 15 men about the duke's person, with strict orders to assassinate him in the tumult; and this sanguinary order they punctually complied with; the body of Charles being found two days after the battle pierced with three wounds.

The news of Charles's death was received with the most unfeigned joy by Louis, whose sole object now was to unite the territories of the duke of Burgundy to his own. This might be done in two ways; one by a match betwixt the dauphin and Mary the heiress Burgundy; the other, by marrying her to the duke by Louis of Angouleme, a prince of the royal blood of France, and on whom Mary had shewn some inclination to bestow herself. The king, however, to whom duplicity and falsehood seem to have been absolutely necessary, chose a third method, more agreeable to his character. The match with the dauphin was attended with such circumstances circumstances as rendered it evidently impracticable. The disparity of age was very great, the dauphin being only eight years old, and the princess twenty: the Flemings were besides very much averse from submitting to a prince whose powerful resources would enable him to oppress their liberties; but notwithstanding these unsurmountable difficulties, Louis chose to insist upon the match, at the same time that he endeavoured to make himself master of her dominions by force of arms. He addressed circular letters to the principal cities of Burgundy; representing that the duchy had been given by King John to the male heirs of his son Philip; and that now, when these were extinct by the death of Charles, the territory reverted of course to the crown. To render this argument more effectual, he corrupted the governors of some towns; seduced the inhabitants of others to rise against their governors; whilst he himself at the head of an army, prepared to enforce obedience from those who could not be worked upon by other methods. Thus the province of Burgundy was entirely reduced; but Flanders could not be brought under subjection either by fair means, force, or fraud. In his conduct for this purpose, indeed, Louis displayed the most detestable as well as the meanest treachery and falsehood. To render Mary odious to her subjects, he negotiated with her ministers, and prevailed upon them to disclose to him some of the most important state secrets; after which he communicated their letters to the states of Flanders. This double treachery, however, did not at present answer his purpose. The two ministers whom he had betrayed were indeed put to death without mercy, and that even in the presence of their sovereign: but Mary herself was thus induced to bestow herself upon the emperor Maximilian; and Louis had the mortification to find that all his arts had contributed only to aggrandise a rival power, whom he had already sufficient cause to dread. To remedy this oversight, he entered into an alliance with Edward IV. of England, whom he had inspired with a jealousy of his brother Clarence, in order to prevent a match betwixt that nobleman and the princess Mary, which had also been in agitation. Thus a peace was concluded between the two monarchs, to continue during the life of each, and a year after.

The marriage of Mary with Maximilian effectually secured the independence of Flanders; while the return of the prince of Orange to the party of that princess extended the flames of war once more to the cities of Burgundy. The French were on the point of being totally expelled from that country, when Maximilian unexpectedly made proposals of peace. A truce was on this concluded between the two princes, but without any term limited for its duration, or without any conditions stipulated in favour of the Burgundians; so that the whole country was quickly after reduced by Louis.

The king now freed from the apprehensions of foreign enemies, turned his vindictive disposition against his own subjects; over whom, under pretence of former rebellions, he exercised the most insupportable tyranny. The principal victim to his sanguinary disposition on this occasion was James d'Armagnac duke of Nemours, one of the first noblemen in the kingdom, but who had formerly appeared a zealous confederate against him in the league in which Edward and Charles were concerned. The unfortunate nobleman, knowing that vengeance was determined against him, fled to a fortress named Carlat, situated among the mountains of Auvergne. Here he was besieged by the Seigneur de Beaujeu, who had married Anne the daughter of Louis. The place, however, was almost impregnable to any force; so that his enemies were obliged to make the most solemn promises of safety in order to induce him to surrender himself. By these he was at last persuaded to trust himself in the hands of the faithless tyrant: who no sooner had him in his power than he shut him up in the Bastile in an iron cage, and reprimanded the judges because they had released him from this close confinement during the time of his examination. The judges reluctantly condemned him to be beheaded: but the king's cruelty extended beyond the sentence: and he ordered the two young sons of the duke, though yet in early childhood, to be placed directly under the scaffold, that they might be covered with the blood of their father. Four thousand persons are supposed to have perished upon this occasion without any form or trial: and were it not for the concurrent testimony of the historians of that age, the inhumanities and barbarities of this monarch are scarce to be credited. By these he broke the spirits of the French nobility, and gradually extended the power of the crown beyond all bounds; so that at last it was limited only by the sovereign's pleasure. Amidst all the perfidy and cruelty, however, for which this monarch is so justly to be detested, we may on some occasions remark a kind of magnanimity and generosity which we cannot but applaud. An instance of this was his supporting the house of Medici against Pope Sextus, whom he obliged to desist from his attacks, and to recall his sentence which he had fulminated against them.

In 1479, the emperor Maximilian, who had lightly abandoned the duchy of Burgundy, when he might have reduced it, now renewed his claims when it was no longer in his power to enforce them. After a variety of actions of lesser note, and the destruction of cities on both sides, a decisive battle was fought at Guinegate. Here the Flemings were routed; but as the French pursued with too great ardour, the infantry of the enemy rallied, and the battle was renewed with great slaughter on both sides. A more decisive advantage was afterwards gained by the capture of 80 Flemish vessels, which induced that commercial people to think of peace. In the meantime, however, Louis, after a life spent in continual deceit, hypocrisy, and cruelty, received warning of his approaching end by a fit of apoplexy with which he was seized in the year 1480. He lay speechless and motionless for two days; after which he recovered in some degree, but never completely regained his health and strength. His illness, however, neither prevented him from pursuing the schemes of his ambition, nor from using the same methods as before to attain them. He seized, without any pretence, the estates of the duke of Bourbon, the only nobleman in the kingdom whose power could give him any cause of suspicion; yet, notwithstanding his assiduity for the interest of the dauphin, he kept him a kind of prisoner in the castle of Amboise, permitting none but his own servants, or pers- sons of the meanest rank, to have access to him. He banished his own consort, the mother of the dauphin, to Savoy, and endeavoured to inspire the prince with aversion towards her. By the death of Charles, the titular king of Naples, and the last of the second house of Anjou, he became master of the county of Provence; but his satisfaction on this occasion was marred by a second stroke of apoplexy. Still, however, he revived, and, with his recovery, again began to pursue his ambitious intrigues. The death of Mary of Burgundy, who perished by a fall from her horse, inspired him with new views; and he betrothed his son to the infant daughter of the emperor. Thus he offended Edward IV. of England, whose eldest daughter Elizabeth had been previously contracted to the dauphin; and a war would have undoubtedly ensued, had it not been for the death of the king of England.

This was followed in no long time after by that of Louis himself, who had in vain exhausted the skill of the physician, and wearied the clerical order with prayers and processes to avert the impending stroke. He expired in the year 1483, after a reign of 23 years; during which he was detested by his subjects, whom he had continually oppressed; and equally dreaded and hated by his neighbours, whom he had constantly deceived: notwithstanding which he obtained the title of Most Christian from his holiness, which his successors have ever after retained.

Notwithstanding the dark character of this prince, it is undoubtedly to be allowed, that he laid the foundations of the future greatness of France. By his arts he deprived the common people of their liberty, depressed the power of the nobility, established a standing army, and even induced the states to render many taxes perpetual, which formerly were only temporary, in order to support the army which was to keep themselves in slavery. From this time the people were accustomed to submit entirely to the voice of their sovereign as their only legislator; and being always obedient in matters of the greatest consequence, they cheerfully contributed whatever sums were required to fulfil the king's pleasure.

Charles VIII., who succeeded his father Louis XI. in 1483, was only 14 years of age at the time of his father's death; but though he might, even at that age, have ascended the throne without any material violation of the laws of France, yet it was judged necessary to have a regent, on account of the king's delicacy of constitution and want of education. Three competitors appeared as candidates for this important trust, viz. John duke of Bourbon, a prince of the blood, and who had, till the age of 60, maintained the most unblemished character; Louis duke of Orleans, presumptive heir to the crown, but who from his being only 20 years old himself, seemed incapacitated on that account from undertaking such an important office; the third competitor was Anne, the eldest daughter of Louis, to whom the latter had, in the last moments of his life committed the charge of the kingdom, with the title of governess. The claim of this lady was supported by the assembly of the states general at Tours; and though she was only entered into the 22d year of her age, it appears that the office could not have been more properly bestowed. Being married to Peter of Bourbon, sire of Beaujeu, her present title was the Lady of Beaujeu; but she appears to have acted entirely independent of her husband, who was but of moderate capacity; and indeed had been recommended to her by Louis on account of his slender abilities, lest by any other match the house of Bourbon should be too much aggrandized. Her first step was to ingratiate herself with the people, by some popular acts; among which one was to punish the instruments of her father's cruelties. One of these, named Oliver le Dian, who, from the station of a barber, had raised himself to the confidence and favour of the king, and had distinguished himself by the invention of new modes of torture, was publicly hanged. Another, named Jean Doyac, who by continual acts of violence and rapacity had oppressed the people, was condemned, after being whipped in all the open places or squares of Paris, to have one of his ears cut off, and his tongue pierced with a hot iron; after which he was conveyed to his native city of Montferrand, where he was again whipped, and his other ear cut off; after which his estates, as well as those of Oliver, were confiscated. Jacques Costier, the physician of Louis, who had availed himself of the terror of death with which the king was strongly influenced, to extort great sums of money from him, was ordered to answer for the immense wealth he had acquired; but he averted the danger by paying a fine of 50,000 crowns.

Thus the lady de Beaujeu gained the affection of the people at large; and was equally successful in gaining over those who were averse to her government. The duke of Bourbon was made constable, an office which he had long desired; but the duke of Orleans behaved in such a manner as to exclude all hopes of favour. Incensed at the determination of a trifling dispute at tennis against him, by the lady Beaujeu, he exclaimed, that whoever had decided in that manner "was a liar if a man, or a strumpet if a woman." After this furious declaration he fled to the castle of Beaujeu, where, however, he was soon forced to surrender. He then applied to Henry VII. of England, who had newly ascended the throne of England; but that prince, naturally slow and cautious, did not pay much attention to his proposals; on which he next made his application to the court of Brittany. Here he was received Duke of Orleans with great marks of esteem, and began to entertain hopes of marrying the daughter of the duke; but being looked upon with a jealous eye by the nobility, they entered into secret negotiations with Anne, and even solicited her to invade the country. In these negotiations, however, they stipulated that only a certain number of troops should enter the province, and that no fortified place should remain in the hands of the French; which conditions were indeed agreed to by the regent, though she determined to keep them no longer than it answered her purpose. In pursuance of this resolution, Brittany was invaded at once by four armies, each of them superior to the stipulated number, who quickly made themselves masters of the most important places in the country; while the troops of the duke retired in disgust, leaving them to pursue their conquests as they pleased. Finding at last, however, that the entire subjection of their country was determined upon, the nobility began to exert themselves in defence of it; and, inflamed by the enthusiasm of liberty... ty, they raised an army of 60,000 men. By these the French were compelled to abandon the siege of Nantz; but this proved only a transient gleam of success. Anne persevered in her design of completing the conquest of the country, and the state of Europe at that time favoured the design. Of all the European states, England alone was then capable of affording any effectual assistance: and the slow caution of Henry prevented him from giving the assistance which for his own interest he ought to have done. Thus the Bretons were left to defend themselves the best way they could; and having ventured a battle, they were entirely defeated, and most of their leaders taken prisoners. A small body of English, under the command of Lord Woodville, who assisted them, were entirely cut in pieces. The duke soon after died by a fall from his horse, leaving his dominions to his daughter Anne, at that time only 13 years of age. A marriage was negotiated betwixt this princess and Maximilian king of the Romans, who had been married to Mary of Burgundy; but by reason of the poverty of that prince it was never completed. The lady Beaujeu, then finding that the absolute conquest of Brittany would still be a difficult matter, determined to conclude a marriage betwixt the young king of France and the duchess, though the former had already been married to Margaret of Austria, the daughter of Maximilian. This marriage indeed had not been consummated by reason of the tender age of the princess; but she had been sent to Paris for her education, and had for several years been treated as queen of France. In 1491, however, Margaret was sent back to her father: Anne of Brittany for a long time refused to violate the engagements into which she had entered; but at last, finding herself distressed on all sides, and incapable of resisting the numerous forces of France with which she was pressed, she reluctantly consented to the match, and the nuptials were celebrated the same year at Langeais in Touraine.

Maximilian, whose poverty had prevented him from giving any assistance to his bride, or even from coming to see her, enraged at the double disgrace he had suffered, began, when too late, to think of revenge. France was now threatened with an invasion from the united forces of Austria, Spain, and England. But this formidable confederacy was soon dissipated.—Henry, whose natural avarice had prevented him from giving the necessary assistance, was bought off with money: the immediate payment of 745,000 crowns, and the promise of 25,000 annually ever after, persuaded him to retire into his own country. Ferdinand king of Spain had the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne restored to him; while Maximilian was gratified by the cession of part of Artois, which had been acquired by Louis XI.

The young king of France agreed to these terms the more readily, that he was impatient to undertake an expedition into Italy, in order to conquer the kingdom of Naples, to which he claimed a right. Most of his counsellors were against the expedition; but the king was inflexible, even though Ferdinand king of Naples offered to do homage for his kingdom, and pay him a tribute of 50,000 crowns a-year. He appointed Peter duke of Bourbon regent in his absence; after which he set out on his expedition with very few troops and very little money. By the way he fell ill of the smallpox, but in a short time recovered, and entering Italy with only 6000 horse and 12,000 foot, he was attended with the most surprising success, traversing the whole country in six weeks, and becoming master of the kingdom of Naples in less than a fortnight. Such extraordinary good fortune seemed miraculous; and he was reckoned an instrument raised up by God to destroy the execrable tyrants with which Italy was at that time infested. Had Charles made use of this prepossession in his favour, and acted up to the character generally given him, he might have raised his name as high as any hero of antiquity. His behaviour, however, was of a very different nature. He amused himself with feasts and shows; and leaving his power in the hands of favourites, they abandoned it to whoever would purchase titles, places, or authority, at the rates they imposed; and the whole force he proposed to leave in his new conquered dominions amounted to no more than 4000 men.

But while Charles was thus losing his time, a league was concluded against him at Venice; into which entered the pope, the emperor Maximilian, the archduke Philip, Ludovic Sforza, and the Venetians. The confederates assembled an army of 40,000 men, commanded by Francis marquis of Mantua; and they waited for the king in the valley of Fornova, in the duchy of Parma, into which he descended with 9000 men. On the 6th of July 1495 he attacked the allies; and, notwithstanding their great superiority, defeated them, with the loss of only 80 of his own men. Thus he got safe to France; but his Italian dominions were lost almost as soon as he departed. Some schemes were proposed for recovering these conquests; but they were never put in execution, and the king died of an apoplexy in 1498.

The premature death of this monarch in the 28th year of his age, was supposed to have been owing to his irregular life, and particularly his attachment to women; which had for some time impaired his health, and brought on evident symptoms of his approaching dissolution. At last he relinquished his irregularities, and retired with the queen to the castle of Amboise. Here in passing through a low door he struck his head with violence against the top. No unfavourable symptom appeared at the time; but soon afterwards, as he conversed with his confessor, and avowed his design of observing the nuptial fidelity he owed to the queen, he suddenly fell backward in a fit of apoplexy. He recovered his voice three times, and uttered some expressions of devotion; but instantly relapsed, and in a short time expired, notwithstanding every assistance that could be given. He was greatly celebrated for his sweet temper and agreeable disposition, which procured him the surnames of the Affable and Courteous. Two of his domestics are said to have died of grief after his death, and his widow abandoned herself to the most pungent sorrow for two days.

By the death of Charles VIII. the throne of France passed from the direct line of the house of Valois, and Louis duke of Orleans succeeded to the throne. At the time of his accession he was in his 36th year, and had long been taught prudence in the school of adversity. During the administration of the lady Beaujeu, he had been, as we have already observed, constantly in disgrace; and after his connexions with the duke duke of Brittany, had spent a very considerable time in prison; and though afterwards set at liberty by Charles, he had never possessed any share of that monarch's confidence or favour. Towards the conclusion of that reign, he fell under the displeasure of the queen; and had afterwards continued at his castle of Blois till he was called from thence to the possession of the kingdom. He had been married in early life, and against his will, to Jane the youngest daughter of Louis XI., a princess of an amiable disposition, but deformed in her person, and supposed to be incapable of bearing children. Afterwards he entertained thoughts of having his marriage dissolved, and was supposed to possess the affection of the duchess of Brittany, before she became queen of France. After the death of her husband, that princess retired to Brittany, where she pretended to assume an independent sovereignty; but Louis having got his marriage with Jane dissolved by Pope Alexander VI. quickly after made proposals to the queen-dowager, which on her part were accepted without hesitation; though it was stipulated, that if she should have two sons, the younger should inherit the duchy of Brittany.

As Louis, while duke of Orleans, had some pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, he instantly set about realizing them by conquest. On his accession, he found matters in that country much more favourable to his designs than formerly. The pope, Alexander VI. was very much in his interests, from the hopes of getting his son Caesar Borgia provided for: he had conciliated the friendship of the Venetians by promising them a part of the Milanese; he concluded a truce with the archduke Philip; and renewed his alliances with the crowns of England, Scotland, and Denmark. He then entered Italy with an army of 20,000 men; and being assisted by the Venetians, quickly conquered one part of the duchy, while they conquered the other, the duke himself being obliged to fly with his family to Innspruck. He then attacked Ferdinand of Spain with three armies at once, two to act by land, and one by sea; but none of these performing any thing remarkable, he was obliged to evacuate the kingdom of Naples in 1504.

In 1506, the people of Genoa revolted; drove out the nobility; chose eight tribunes; and declared Paul Nuova, a silk dyer, their duke; after which they expelled the French governor, and reduced a great part of the Riviera. This occasioned Louis's return into Italy; where, in 1507, he obliged the Genoese to surrender at discretion: and, in 1508, entered into the league of Cambrai, with the other princes who at that time wanted to reduce the overgrown power of the Venetians. Pope Julius II. who had been the first contriver of this league, very soon repented of it; and declared, that if the Venetians would restore the cities of Faenza and Rimini, which had been unjustly taken from him, he would be contented. This was refused; and in 1509, the forces of the republic received such an entire defeat from Louis, that they agreed to restore not only the two cities demanded by Pope Julius, but whatever else the allies required.

The pope now, instead of executing his treaties with his allies, made war on the king of France without the least provocation. Louis called an assembly of his clergy; where it was determined, that in some cases it was lawful to make war upon the pope; upon which the king declared war against him, and committed the care of his army to the Marshal de Trivulce. He soon obliged the pope to retire into Ravenna; and in 1511, Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, gained a great victory at Ravenna, but was himself killed in the engagement. After his death the army was disbanded for want of pay; and the French affairs in Italy, and everywhere else, fell into great confusion. They recovered the duchy of Milan, and lost it again in a few weeks. Henry VIII. of England invaded France, and took Terrame and Tournay; and the Swiss invaded Burgundy with an army of 25,000 men. In this desperate situation of affairs the queen died, and Louis put an end to the opposition of his most dangerous enemies by negotiating marriages. To Ferdinand of Spain he offered his second daughter for either of his grandsons, Charles or Ferdinand; and to renounce, in favour of that marriage, his claims on Milan and Genoa. This proposal was accepted; and Louis himself married the princess Mary, sister to Henry VIII. of England. This marriage he did not long survive, but died on the 2d of January 1514; and was succeeded by Francis I., count of Angouleme, and duke of Bretagne and Valois.

The new king was no sooner seated on the throne, than he resolved on an expedition into Italy. In this invasion he was at first successful, defeating the Swiss at Marignan, and reducing the duchy of Milan. In 1518, the emperor Maximilian dying, Francis was very ambitious of being his successor, and thereby restoring to France such a splendid title, which had been so long lost. But Maximilian, before his death, had exerted himself so much in favour of Charles V. of Spain, that Francis found it impossible to succeed; and from that time an irreconcilable hatred took place between the two monarchs. In 1521, this ill will produced a war; which, however, might perhaps have been terminated, if Francis could have been prevailed upon to restore the town of Fontarabia, which had been taken by his admiral Bonivet; but this being refused, hostilities were renewed with greater vigour than ever; nor were they concluded till France was brought to the very brink of destruction. The war was continued with various success till the year 1524; when Francis having invaded Italy, and laid siege to Pavia, he was utterly defeated before that city, and taken prisoner on the 24th of February.

This disaster threw the whole kingdom into the utmost confusion. The Flemish troops made continual inroads; many thousand boors assembled in Alsace, in order to make an invasion from that quarter; Henry VIII. had assembled a great army, and threatened the kingdom on that side also; and a party was formed in the kingdom, in order to dispossess the duchess of the regency, and confer it upon the duke de Vendome. This prince, however, who, after the constable, was the head of the house of Bourbon, went on purpose to Lyons, where he assured the regent that he had no view but for her service, and that of his country; upon which he formed a council of the ablest men of the kingdom, and of this she made him president. The famous Andrew Doria sailed with the French galleys to take on board the remains of the French troops under the duke of Alva, whom he landed safely in France. Those who escaped out of the Milanes Milanese also made their way back again as well as they could. Henry VIII, under the influence of Cardinal Wolsey, resolved not to oppress the oppressed; he therefore assured the regent that she had nothing to fear from him; and at the same time advised her not to consent to any treaty by which France was to be dismembered. To the emperor, however, he used another language. He told him, that the time was now come when this puissant monarchy lay at their mercy; and therefore, that so favourable an opportunity should not be let slip: that, for his part, he should be content with Normandy, Guienne, and Gascony, and hoped the empire would make no scruple of owning him king of France: adding, that he expected the emperor would make a right use of his victory, by entering Guienne in person; in which case he was ready to bear half the expense of the war. He foresaw what fell out; the emperor was alarmed at these conditions, and did not care to have him for a neighbour; for which reason he agreed to a truce with the regent for six months. In Picardy the Flemings were repulsed; and the count de Guise, with the duke of Lorraine, had the good fortune, with a handful of troops, to defeat and cut to pieces the German peasants.

In the mean time, Francis was detained in captivity in Italy: but being wearied of his confinement in that country, and the princes of Italy beginning to cabal for his deliverance, he was carried to Madrid; where, on the 14th of January 1525, he signed a treaty, the principal articles of which were, That he should resign to the emperor the duchy of Burgundy in full sovereignty; that he should desist from the homage which the emperor owed him for Artois and Flanders; that he should renounce all claim to Naples, Milan, Asti, Tournay, Lisle, and Hesden, &c.; that he should persuade Henry d'Albert to resign the kingdom of Navarre to the emperor, or at least should give him no assistance; that within 40 days he should restore the duke of Bourbon and all his party to their estates; that he should pay the king of England 500,000 crowns which the emperor owed him; that when the emperor went to Italy to receive the Imperial crown, he should lend him 12 galleys, four large ships, and a land army, or instead of it 200,000 crowns.

All these articles the king of France promised on the word and honour of a prince to execute; or, in case of non-performance, to return prisoner into Spain. But notwithstanding these professions, Francis had already protested before certain notaries and witnesses in whom he could trust, that the treaty he was about to sign was against his will, and therefore null and void. On the 21st of February, the emperor thought fit to release him from his prison, in which he had been closely confined ever since his arrival in Spain; and after receiving the strongest assurances from his own mouth, that he would literally fulfil the terms of the treaty, sent him under a strong guard to the frontiers, where he was exchanged for his two eldest sons, who were to remain as hostages for his fidelity.

When the king returned to his dominions, his first care was to get himself absolved by the pope from the oaths he had taken; after which he entered into a league with the pontiff, the Venetians, the duke of Milan, and the king of England, for preserving the peace of Italy. In the month of June, he publicly received remonstrances from the states of Burgundy; in which they told him, without ceremony, that by the treaty of Madrid he had done what he had no right to do, in breach of the laws and his coronation oath; adding, that if he persisted in his resolution of throwing them under a foreign yoke, they must appeal to the general states of the kingdom. At these remonstrances the viceroy of Naples and the Spanish ministers were present. They perceived the end which the king aimed at, and therefore expostulated with him in pretty warm terms. At last the viceroy told him, that he had now nothing left but to keep his royal word in returning to the castle of Madrid, as his predecessor John had done in a like case. To this the king replied, that King John acted rightly; that he returned to a king who had treated him like a king; but that at Madrid he had received such usage as would have been unbecoming to a gentleman: that he had often declared to the emperor's ministers, that the terms they extorted from him were unjust and impracticable; but that he was still willing to do all that was fit and reasonable; and to ransom his sons at the rate of two millions of gold, in lieu of the duchy of Burgundy.

Hitherto the treaty for the tranquillity of Italy had been kept secret, in hopes that some mitigation of the treaty of Madrid would have been obtained; but now it was judged expedient to publish it, though the viceroy of Naples and the Spanish lords were still at the French court; and the emperor was to be admitted into it, provided he accepted the king's offer of two millions for the release of his children, and left the duke of Milan and other Italian princes in quiet possession of their dominions. It is the common misfortune of all leagues, that the powers who enter into them keep only their own particular interests in view, and thus defeat the general intention of the confederacy. This was the case here. The king's great point was to obtain his children upon the terms he had proposed; and he was desirous of knowing what hopes there were of that, before he acted against the monarch who had them in his power. Thus the duke of Milan and the pope were both sacrificed. The former was obliged to surrender to the duke of Bourbon, and the latter was surprised by the Colonna; both of which disasters would have been prevented if the French succours had entered Italy in time. See Italy.

According to an agreement which had been made between Francis and Henry, their ambassadors went into Spain, attended each of them by a herald, in order to summon the emperor to accept the terms which had been offered him; or, in case of refusal, to declare war. It seems the emperor's answer was foreseen in the court of France; and therefore the king had previously called together an assembly of the notables; that is, persons of the several ranks of his people in whom he could confide. To them he proposed the great question, Whether he was bound to perform the treaty of Madrid? or, Whether if he did not perform it, he was obliged in honour to return to Spain? To both these questions, the assembly answered in the negative: they said, that Burgundy was united to the crown of France, and that he could not separate it by his own authority; that his person also was the property of the public, of which therefore he could not dispose; but for the two millions, which they looked upon as a just equivalent, they undertook that it should be raised for his service. When the ambassadors delivered their propositions, Charles treated the English herald with respect, and the French one with contempt; which produced a challenge from Francis to the emperor. All differences, however, were at last adjusted; and a treaty was concluded at Cambrey, on the 5th of August 1528. By this treaty, instead of the possession, the emperor contented himself with reserving his right to the duchy of Burgundy, and the two millions of crowns already mentioned. Of these he was to receive 1,200,000 in ready money: the prince's lands in Flanders belonging to the house of Bourbon were to be delivered up; these were valued at 400,000 more: and the remaining 400,000 were to be paid by France in discharge of the emperor's debt to England. Francis was likewise to discharge the penalty of 500,000 crowns which the emperor had incurred, by not marrying his niece the princess Mary of England; and to release a rich fleur-de-lis which had been many years before pawned by the house of Burgundy for 50,000 crowns. The town and castle of Hesden were also yielded; together with the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and all the king's pretensions in Italy. As for the allies of France, they were abandoned to the emperor's mercy, without the least stipulation in their favour; and Francis himself protested against the validity of the treaty before he ratified it, as did also his attorney-general before he registered it in parliament; but both of them with the greatest secrecy imaginable.

Nothing farther of much consequence happened during the remainder of the reign of Francis I. The war was soon renewed with Charles, who made an invasion into France, but with very bad success; nor was peace fully established but by the death of Francis, which happened on the 3d of March, 1547. He was succeeded by his son Henry II. who ascended the throne that very day on which he was 29 years of age. In the beginning of his reign, an insurrection happened in Guienne, owing to the oppressive conduct of the officers who levied the salt tax. The king despatched against the insurgents two bodies of troops; one commanded by the duke of Aumale son to the duke of Guise, the other by the constable. The first behaved with the greatest moderation, and brought back the people to their duty without making many examples: the other behaved with the utmost haughtiness and cruelty; and though the king afterwards remitted many of his punishments, yet from that time the constable became odious to the people, while the family of Guise were highly respected.

In 1548, the king began to execute the edicts which had been made against the Protestants with the utmost severity; and, thinking even the clergy too mild in the prosecution of heresy, erected for that purpose a chamber composed of members of the parliament of Paris. At the queen's coronation, which happened this year, he caused a number of Protestants to be burned, and was himself present at the spectacle. He was, however, so much shocked, that he could never forget it; but complained, as long as he lived, that, at certain times, it appeared before his eyes, and troubled his understanding.

In 1549, a peace being concluded with England, the king purchased Boulogne from the latter, for the sum of 400,000 crowns; one half to be paid on the day of restitution, and the other a few months after. Scotland was included in the treaty, and the English restored some places they had taken there. This was the most advantageous peace that France had hitherto made with England; the vast arrears which were due to that crown being in effect remitted; and the pension, which looked so like tribute, not being mentioned, was in fact extinguished. The earl of Warwick himself, who had concluded the peace, was so sensible of the disgrace suffered by his nation, on this occasion, that he pretended to be sick, in order to avoid setting his hand to such a scandalous bargain.

This year, an edict was made to restrain the extravagant remittances which the clergy had been in use of making to the court of Rome, and for correcting some other abuses committed by the papal notaries. With this edict Pope Julius III. was highly displeased; and the following year (1550) war was declared by the king of France against the pope and the emperor. The pretence was, that Henry protected Octavio Farnese duke of Parma, whom the pope was desirous of depriving of his dominions. In this war the king was threatened with the censures of the church, more especially when it was known that he had entered into an alliance with the Turks, and a Turkish fleet entered the Mediterranean, where they threatened the isle of Gozo, and made descents upon Sicily. Henry, however, strongly denied any such connexion, and insisted that the emperor had given them sufficient provocation: but be that as it will, the emperor soon found himself in such danger from these new enemies, that he could not support the pope as he intended, who on Henry's account was obliged to sue for peace. After this the king continued the war against the emperor with success; reducing the cities of Toul, Verdun, and Metz. He then entered the country of Alsace, and reduced all the fortresses between Hagenau and Wissenburg. He failed, however, in his attempt on Strasburg; and was soon after obliged by the German princes and the Swiss to desist from farther conquests on that side. This war continued with very little interruption, and as little success on the part of the French, till the year 1557, when a peace was concluded; and soon after, the king was killed at a tournament by one Count de Montgomery, who was at a banquet; one of the strongest knights in France, and who had done all he could to avoid this encounter with the king.

The reign of his successor Francis II. was remarkable only for the persecution of the Protestants; which became so grievous, that they were obliged to take up arms in their own defence. This occasioned several civil wars, the first of which commenced in the reign of Charles IX., who succeeded to the throne in 1560. This civil war continued till the year 1562, when a peace was concluded, by which the Protestants were to have a free pardon and liberty of conscience. In 1565, the war broke out anew, and was continued with very little interruption till 1569, when peace was again concluded upon very advantageous terms for the Protestants. After this King Charles, who had now taken the government into his hands, caressed the Protestants in an extraordinary manner. He invited to court the admiral Coligni, who was the head of the Protestant party; and cajoled him so, that he was lulled into a perfect security, notwithstanding the many warnings given him by his friends, that the king's fair speeches were by no means to be trusted; but he had soon reason to repent his confidence. On the 22nd of August 1571, as he was walking from the court to his lodgings, he received a shot from a window, which carried away the second finger of his right hand, and wounded him grievously in the left arm. This he himself ascribed to the malice of the duke of Guise, the head of the Catholic party. After dinner, however, the king went to pay him a visit, and amongst others made him this compliment: "You have received the wound, but it is I who suffer:" desiring at the same time that he would order his friends to quarter about his house, and promising to hinder the Catholics from entering that quarter after it was dark. This satisfied the admiral of the king's sincerity; and hindered him from complying with the desires of his friends, who would have carried him away, and who were strong enough to have forced a passage out of Paris if they had attempted it.

In the evening, the queen mother, Catharine de Medicis, held a cabinet council to fix the execution of the massacre of the Protestants, which had been long meditated. The persons of which this council was composed were, Henry duke of Anjou, the king's brother; Gonzagua duke of Nevers; Henry of Angoulême grand prior of France, and bastard brother of the king; and marshal de Tavannes; and Albert de Gondi, count de Retz: the direction of the whole was given to the duke of Guise, to whom the administration had been entirely confided during the former reign. The guards were appointed to be in arms, and the city officers were to dispose the militia to execute the king's orders, of which the signal was the ringing of a bell near the Louvre. Some say, that when the hour approached, which was that of midnight, the king grew undetermined: that he expressed his horror at shedding so much blood, especially considering that the people whom he was going to destroy were his subjects, who had come to the capital at his command, and in confidence of his word; and particularly the admiral, whom he had detained so lately by his caresses. The queen mother, however, reproached him with his cowardice, and represented to him the great danger he was in from the Protestants; which at last induced him to consent. According to others, however, the king himself urged on the massacre; and when it was proposed to him to take off only a few of the heads, he cried out, "If any are to die, let there not be one left to reproach me with breach of faith."

As soon as the signal was given, a body of Swiss troops of the Catholic religion, headed by the duke of Guise, the chevalier d'Angoulême, accompanied by many persons of quality, attacked the admiral's house. Having forced open the doors, the foremost of the assassins rushed into the apartment; and one of them asked if he was Coligni? To this he answered that he was; adding, "Young man, respect these gray hairs:" to which the assassin replied by running him through the body with a sword. The duke of Guise and the chevalier growing impatient below stairs, cried out to know if the business was done; and being told that it was, commanded that the body should be thrown out at the window. As soon as it fell on the ground, the chevalier, or (as some say) the duke of Guise, wiping the blood off the face, kicked it with his foot. The body was then abandoned to the fury of the populace; who, after a series of indignities, dragged it to the common gallows, to which they chained it by the feet, the head being cut off and carried to the queen mother; who, it is said, caused it to be embalmed and sent to Rome. The king himself went to see the body hang upon the gibbet; where a fire being kindled under it, part was burnt, and the rest scorched. In the Louvre, the gentlemen belonging to the king of Navarre and the prince of Condé were murdered under the king's eye. Two of them, wounded and pursued by the assassins, fled into the bedchamber of the queen of Navarre and jumped upon her bed, beseeching her to save their lives; and as she went to ask this favour of the queen mother, two more, under the like circumstances rushed into the room, and threw themselves at her feet. The queen mother came to the window to enjoy these dreadful scenes; and the king, seeing the Protestants who lodged on the other side of the river, flying for their lives, called for his long gun, and fired upon them. In the space of three or four days, many thousands were destroyed in the city of Paris, by the most cruel deaths which malice itself could invent. Peter Ramus, professor of philosophy and mathematics, after being robbed of all he had, his belly being first ripped open, was thrown out of a window. This so much affected Denis Lambin, the king's professor, that, though a zealous Catholic, he died of terror. The first two days, the king denied it was done by his orders, and threw the whole blame on the house of Guise: but, on the 28th of August, he went to the parliament, avowed it, was complimented upon it, and directed a process against the admiral, by which he was stigmatized as a traitor. Two innocent gentlemen suffered as his accomplices in a pretended plot against the life of the king, in order to set the crown on the head of the prince of Condé. They were executed by torch light; and the king and the queen mother (with the king of Navarre and the prince of Condé by force) were spectators of this horrid deed; and they also assisted at the jubilee to thank God for the execution of such an infamous design.

The massacre was not confined to the city of Paris alone. On the eve of St Bartholomew, orders had been sent to the governors of provinces to fall upon the Protestants themselves, and to let loose the people upon them; and though an edict was published before the end of the week, assuring them of the king's protection, and that he by no means designed to exterminate them because of their religion, yet private orders were sent, of a nature directly contrary; in consequence of which, the massacre, or (as, in allusion to the Sicilian vespers†, it is now styled) the Motins of Paris,‡ were repeated in Meaux, Orleans, Troyes, Angers, Thoulouse, Rouen, and Lyons; so that in the space of two months 30,000 Protestants were butchered. The next year Rochelle, the only strong fortress which the Protestants held in France, was besieged, but was not taken without the loss of 24,000 of the Catholics who besieged it. After this a pacification ensued on terms favourable. This year the duke of Anjou was elected king of Poland, and soon after set out to take possession of his new kingdom. The king accompanied him to the frontiers of the kingdom; but during the journey was seized with a slow fever, which from the beginning had a very dangerous appearance. He lingered for some time under the most terrible agonies both of body and mind; and at last died on the 30th of May 1572, having lived 24 years, and reigned 13. It is said, that after the dreadful massacre above mentioned, this prince had a fierceness in his looks, and a colour in his cheeks, which he never had before. He slept little, and never sound. He waked frequently in agonies, and had soft music to compose him again to rest.

During the first years of the reign of Henry III., who succeeded his brother Charles, the war with the Protestants was carried on with indifferent success on the part of the Catholics. In 1575, a peace was concluded, called by way of eminence the Edict of Pacification. It consisted of no fewer than 63 articles; the substance of which was, that liberty of conscience, and the public exercise of religion, were granted to the reformed, without any other restriction than that they should not preach within two leagues of Paris or any other part where the court was; party chambers erected in every parliament, to consist of equal numbers of Catholics and Protestants, before whom all judgments were to be tried; the judgments against the admiral, and, in general, all who had fallen in the war or been executed, were reversed; and eight cautionary towns were given to the Protestants.

The edict gave occasion to the Guises to form an association, in defence, as was pretended, of the Catholic religion, afterwards known by the name of the Catholic League. In this league, though the king was mentioned with respect, he could not help seeing that it struck at the very root of his authority: for, as the Protestants had already their chiefs, so the Catholics were, for the future, to depend entirely upon the chief of the league; and were, by the very words of it, to execute whatever he commanded, for the good of the cause, against any, without exception of persons. The king, to avoid the bad effects of this, by the advice of his council declared himself head of the league; and of consequence recommenced the war against the Protestants, which was not extinguished as long as he lived.

The faction of the duke of Guise, in the mean time, took a resolution of supporting Charles cardinal of Bourbon, a weak old man, as presumptive heir of the crown. In 1584 they entered into a league with Spain, and took up arms against the king; and though peace was concluded the same year, yet in 1587 they again proceeded to such extremities, that the king was forced to fly from Paris. Another reconciliation was soon after effected; but it is generally believed that the king from this time resolved on the destruction of Guise. Accordingly, finding that this nobleman still behaved towards him with his usual insolence, the king caused him to be stabbed, as he was coming into his presence, by his guards, on the 23rd of December 1587. The king himself did not long survive him; being stabbed by one James Clement, a Jansenist monk, on the first of August 1588. His wound at first was not thought mortal; but his frequent swooning quickly discovered his danger; and he died next morning, in the 39th year of his age, and 16th of his reign.

Before the king's death, he nominated Henry Bourbon king of Navarre for his successor on the throne of France; but as he was a Protestant, or at least one who greatly favoured their cause, he was at first owned by very few except those of the Protestant party. He met with the most violent opposition from the members of the Catholic league; and was often reduced to such straits, that he went to people's houses under colour of visits, when in reality he had not a dinner in his own. By his activity and perseverance, however, he was at last acknowledged throughout the whole kingdom, to which his abjuration of the Protestant religion contributed not a little. As the king of Spain had laid claim to the crown of France, Henry no sooner found himself in a fair way of being firmly seated on the throne, than he formally declared war against that kingdom; in which he at last proved successful, and in 1597 entered upon the quiet possession of his kingdom.

The king's first care was to put an end to the religious disputes which had so long distracted the kingdom. For this purpose he granted the famous edict, dated at Nantes, April 13, 1598. It re-established, in a most solid and effectual manner, all the favours that had ever been granted to the reformed by other princes; adding some which had not been thought of before, particularly the allowing them a free admission to all employments of trust, profit, and honour; the establishing chambers in which the members of the two religions were equal; and the permitting their children to be educated without constraint in any of the universities. Soon after, he concluded peace with Spain upon very advantageous terms. This gave him an opportunity of restoring order and justice throughout his dominions; of repairing all the ravages occasioned by the civil war; and abolishing all those innovations which had been made, either to the prejudice of the prerogatives of the crown or the welfare of the people. His schemes of reformation, indeed, he intended to have carried beyond the boundaries of France. If we may believe the duke of Sully, he had in view no less a design than the new-modeling of all Europe. He imagined that even the European powers might be formed into a kind of Christian republic, by rendering them as nearly as possible of equal strength; and that this republic might be maintained in perpetual peace, by bringing all their differences to be decided before a senate of wise, disinterested, and able judges: and then he thought it would be no difficult matter to overturn the Ottoman empire. The number of these powers was to be 15; viz. the Papacy; the empire of Germany; France; Spain; Hungary; Great Britain; Bohemia; Lombardy; Poland; Sweden; Denmark; the republic of Venice; the States General; the Swiss Cantons; and the Italian commonwealth, which was to comprehend the states of Florence, Genoa, Lucca, Modena, Parma, Mantua, and Monaco. In order to render the states equal, the empire was to be given to the duke of Bavaria; the kingdom of Naples to the pope; that of Sicily Sicily to the Venetians; Milan to the duke of Savoy, who, by his acquisition, was to become king of Lombardy; the Austrian Low Countries were to be added to the Dutch republic; Franche Compte, Alsace, and the country of Trent, were to be given to the Swiss. With a view, it is now thought, of executing this grand project, but under pretence of reducing the exorbitant power of the house of Austria, Henry made immense preparations both by sea and land; but if he really had such a design, he was prevented by death from attempting to execute it. He was stabbed in his coach by one Ravillac, on the 12th of May 1628.

On the death of Henry IV., the queen mother assumed the regency. Ravillac was executed, after suffering horrid tortures. It is said that he made a confession, which was so written by the person who took it down, that not one word of it could ever be read, and thus his instigators and accomplices could never be discovered. The regency, during the minority of Louis XIII., was only remarkable for cabals and intrigues of the courtiers. In 1617, the king assumed the government himself, banished the queen mother to Blois, caused her favourite Marshal d'Ancre to be killed, and chose for his minister the famous Cardinal Richelieu. In 1620, a new war broke out between the Catholics and Protestants, which was carried on with the greatest fury on both sides; and we may judge of the spirit which actuated both parties by what happened at Négrepisse, a town in Quercy. This place was besieged by the king's troops, and it was resolved to make an example of the inhabitants. The latter, however, absolutely refused to surrender upon any terms. They defended themselves, therefore, most desperately; and the city being at last taken by storm, they were all massacred, without respect of rank, sex, or age, except ten men. When these were brought into the king's presence, he told them they did not deserve mercy: they answered, that they would not receive it; that the only favour they asked, was to be hanged on trees in their own gardens; which was granted, and the place reduced to ashes. Both parties soon became weary of such a destructive war; and a peace was concluded in 1621, by which the edict of Nantz was confirmed. This treaty, however, was of no long duration. A new war broke out which lasted till the year 1628, when the edict of Nantz was again confirmed; only the Protestants were deprived of all their cautionary towns, and consequently of the power of defending themselves in time to come. This put an end to the civil wars on account of religion in France. Historians say, that in these wars above a million of men lost their lives, that 150,000,000 livres were spent in carrying them on; and that 9 cities, 400 villages, 2000 churches, 2000 monasteries, and 10,000 houses, were burnt or otherwise destroyed during their continuance. The next year, the king was attacked with a slow fever which nothing could allay, an extreme depression of spirits, and prodigious swelling in his stomach and belly. The year after, however, he recovered, to the great disappointment of his mother, who had been in hopes of regaining her power. She was arrested; but found means to escape into Flanders, where she remained during the rest of his reign. Richelieu, by a masterly train of politics, though himself was next to an enthusiast for popery, supported the Protestants of Germany and Gustavus Adolphus against the house of Austria; and after quelling all the rebellions and conspiracies which had been formed against him in France, he died some months before Louis XIII. in 1643.

Louis XIV., surnamed le Grand, succeeded to the throne when he was only five years of age. During his minority, the kingdom was torn in pieces under the administration of his mother Anne of Austria, by the factions of the great, and the divisions between the court and parliament, for the most trifling causes and upon the most despicable principles. The prince of Condé flamed like a blazing star; sometimes a patriot, sometimes a courtier, and sometimes a rebel. He was opposed by the celebrated Turenne, who from a Protestant had turned Papist. The nation of France was involved at once in civil and domestic wars; but the queen mother having made choice of Cardinal Mazarine for her first minister, he found means to turn the arms even of Cromwell against the Spaniards, and to divide the domestic enemies of the court so effectually among themselves, that when Louis assumed the reins of government into his own hands, he found himself the most absolute monarch that had ever sat upon the throne of France. He had the good fortune, on the death of Mazarine, to put the domestic administration of his affairs into the hands of Colbert, who formed new systems for the glory, commerce, and manufactures of France, all which he carried to a surprising height. The king himself ignorant and vain, was blind to every patriotic duty of a king, promoting the interests of his subjects only that they might the better answer the purposes of his greatness; and by his ambition he embroiled himself with all his neighbours, and wantonly rendered Germany a dismal scene of devastation. By his impolitic and unjust revocation of the edict of Nantz in the year 1685, with the dragooning* the Protestants that followed it, he obliged them to take shelter in England, Holland, and different parts of Germany, where they established the silk manufactories, to the great prejudice of their own country. He was so blinded by flattery, that he arrogated to himself the divine honours paid to the Pagan emperors of Rome. He made and broke treaties for his convenience: and in the end he raised against himself a confederacy of almost all the other princes of Europe; at the head of which was King William III. of England. He was so well served, that he made head for some years against this alliance; and France seemed to have attained the highest pitch of military glory, under the conduct of those renowned generals Condé and Turenne. (See United Provinces). At length, having provoked the English by his repeated infidelities, their arms under the duke of Marlborough, and those of the Austrians under Prince Eugene, rendered the latter part of Louis's life as miserable as the beginning of it was splendid. His reign, from the year 1702 to 1711, was one continued series of defeats and calamities; and he had the mortification of seeing those places taken from him, which, in the former part of his reign, were acquired at the expense of many thousand lives. (See Britain, No. 342, &c.)—Just as he was reduced, old as he was, to the desperate resolution of collecting his people and dying at their head, he was saved by the English Tory ministry de- setting the cause, withdrawing from their allies, and concluding the peace of Utrecht in 1713. See BRITAIN, No. 371, &c.

The last years of Louis XIV. were also embittered by domestic calamities; which, added to those he had already endured of a public nature, impressed him with a deep melancholy. He had been for some time afflicted with a fistula; which, though successfully cut, ever afterwards affected his health. The year before the peace, his only son, the duke of Burgundy, died, together with the duchess and their eldest son; and the only remaining child was left at the point of death. The king himself survived till the month of September 1715; but on the 14th of that month expired, leaving the kingdom to his great grandson Louis, then a minor.

By the last will of Louis he had devolved the regency during the minority of the young king, upon a council, at the head of which was the duke of Orleans. That nobleman, however, disgusted with a disposition which gave him only a casting vote, appealed to the parliament of Paris, who set aside the will of the late king, and declared him sole regent. His first acts were extremely popular, and gave the most favourable ideas of his government and character. He restored to the parliament the right which had been taken from them of remonstrating against the edicts of the crown, and compelled those who had enriched themselves during the calamities of the former reign to restore their wealth. He also took every method to efface the calamities occasioned by the unsuccessful wars in which his predecessor had engaged; promoted commerce and agriculture; and, by a close alliance with Great Britain and the United Provinces, seemed to lay the foundation of a lasting tranquillity. This happy prospect, however, was soon overcast by the intrigues of Alberoni the Spanish minister, who had formed a design of recovering Sardinia from the emperor, Sicily from the duke of Savoy, and of establishing the Pretender on the throne of Britain. To accomplish these purposes, he negotiated with the Ottoman Porte, Peter the Great of Russia, and Charles XII. of Sweden; the Turks intending to resume the war against the emperor; the two latter to invade Great Britain. But as long as the duke of Orleans retained the administration of France, he found it impossible to bring his schemes to bear. To remove him, therefore, he fomented divisions in the kingdom. An insurrection took place in Brittany; and Alberoni sent small parties into the country in disguise, in order to support the insurgents, and even laid plots to seize the regent himself. All of a sudden, however, the Spanish minister found himself disappointed in every one of his schemes. His partizans in France were put to death; the king of Sweden was killed at Fredericksburg in Norway; the Czar, intent on making new regulations, could not be persuaded to make war upon Britain; and the Turks refused to engage in a war with the emperor, from whom they had lately suffered so much. The cardinal, nevertheless, continued his intrigues; which quickly produced a war betwixt Spain on the one part, and France and Britain on the other. The Spaniards, unable to resist the union of two such formidable powers, were soon reduced to the necessity of suing for peace; and the terms were dictated by the regent of France; and of these the dismission of Alberoni the Spanish minister was one. A double marriage was now set on foot: the duke of Orleans gave his own daughter, Mademoiselle Montpensier, to Don Lewis prince of Asturias, while the infant of Spain was betrothed to her cousin the king of France. From this time the house of Bourbon continued united; both princes being convinced, that it was their interest not to waste their strength in wars against each other.

The spirit of conquest having now in a great measure subsided, and that of commerce taken place throughout the world in general, France became the scene of a remarkable project in the commercial way as ever was known in any country. One John Law, a Scotsman, who had been obliged to leave his own country, laid the plan of a company which might, by its notes pay off the debt of the nation, and reimburse itself by the profits. Law had wandered through various parts of Europe, and had successively endeavoured to engross the attention of various courts. The proposal was made to Victor Amadeus king of Sicily; but he dismissed Law with a reply, that "he was not rich enough to ruin himself;" but in France it was looked upon in a more favourable light; the nation being at this time involved in a debt of 200 millions, and the regent, as well as the people in general, very fond of embarking in new schemes. The bank, thus established, proceeded at first with some degree of caution; but having by degrees extended their credit to more than 80 times their real stock, they soon became unable to answer the demands made upon them; so that the company was dissolved the very same year in which it had been instituted. The confusion into which the kingdom was thrown by this fatal scheme, required the utmost exertions of the regent to put a stop to it; and scarcely was this accomplished when the king, in 1723, took the government into his own hands. The duke then became minister; but did not take long enjoy this post. His irregularities had broken his constitution, and had brought on a number of maids, under which he in a short time sunk, and was succeeded in his administration by the duke of Bourbon Condé. The king, as we have already remarked, had been married, when very young, to the infant of Spain, though by reason of his tender years the marriage had never been completed. The princess, however, had been brought to Paris, and for some time treated as queen of France; but as Louis grew up, it was easy to see that he had contracted an inveterate hatred against the intended partner of his bed. The minister, therefore, at last consented that the princess should be sent back; an affront so much represented by the queen her mother, that it had almost produced a war betwixt the two nations.

The dissolution of the marriage of Louis was the last act of Condé's administration; and the procuring of a new match was the first act of his successor Cardinal Fleury. The princess pitched upon was the daughter of Stanislaus Leszczinski, king of Poland, who had been deposed by Charles XII. of Sweden. The princess was destitute of personal charms, but of an amiable disposition; and though it is probable that she never possessed the love of her husband, her excellent qualities could not but extort his esteem; and the land... birth of a prince soon after their marriage removed all the fears of the people concerning the succession.

Cardinal Fleury continued the pacific schemes pursued by his predecessors; though they were somewhat interrupted by the war which took place in the year 1733. Notwithstanding the connexion betwixt that monarch and the French nation, however, Fleury was so parsimonious in his assistance, that only 1500 soldiers were sent to relieve Dantzic, where Stanislaus himself resided, and who at that time was besieged by the Russians. This pitiful reinforcement was soon overwhelmed by a multitude of Russians; and Stanislaus was at last obliged to renounce all thoughts of the crown of Poland, though he was permitted to retain the title of king; and that this title might not be merely nominal, the king of France consented to bestow upon him the duchies of Bar and Lorraine; so that, after the death of Stanislaus, these territories were indissolubly united to the dominions of France. Fleury steadily pursued his pacific plans, and the disputes between Spain and England in 1737 very little affected the peace of France; and it must be remembered to his praise, that instead of fomenting the quarrels betwixt the neighbouring potentates, he laboured incessantly to keep them at peace. He reconciled the Genoese and Corsicans, who were at war; and his mediation was accepted by the Ottoman Porte; who at that time carried on a successful war with the emperor of Germany, but made peace with him at the intercession of the cardinal. All his endeavours to preserve the general peace, however, proved at last ineffectual. The death of the emperor Charles VI, in 1740, the last prince of the house of Austria, set all Europe in a flame. The emperor's eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, claimed the Austrian succession, which comprehended the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia, the duchy of Silesia, Austrian Suabia, Upper and Lower Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola; the four forest towns; Burgau; Brisgaw; the Low Countries; Friuli; Tyrol; the duchy of Milan; and the duchies of Parma and Placentia. Among the many competitors who pretended a right to share, or wholly to inherit, these extensive dominions, the king of France was one. But as he wished not to awaken the jealousy of the European princes by preferring directly his own pretensions, he chose rather to support those of Frederick III, who laid claim to the duchy of Silesia. This brought on the war of 1740; and of which an account is given under the articles Britain and Prussia. It was terminated in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; but to this Louis, who secretly meditated a severe vengeance against Britain, only consented, that he might have time to recruit his fleet, and put himself somewhat more upon an equality with this formidable power. But while he meditated great exploits of this kind, the internal tranquillity of the kingdom was disturbed by violent disputes betwixt the clergy and parliaments of France. In the reign of Louis XIV, there had been violent contests betwixt the Jansenists and Jesuits concerning free will and other obscure points of theology; and the opinions of the Jansenists had been declared heretical by the celebrated papal bull named Unigenitus; the reception of which was enforced by the king, in opposition to the parliaments, the archbishop of Paris, and the body of the people. The archbishop, with 15 other prelates, protested against it as an infringement of the rights of the Gallican church, of the laws of the realm, and an insult on the rights of the people themselves. The duke of Orleans favoured the bull by inducing the bishops to submit to it; but at the same time stopped a persecution which was going on against its opponents. Thus matters passed over till the conclusion of the peace; a short time after which, the jealousy of the clergy was awakened by an attempt of the minister of state to inquire into the wealth of individuals of their order. To prevent this, they revived the contest about the bull Unigenitus; and it was resolved, that confessional notes should be obtained of dying persons; that these notes should be signed by priests who maintained the authority of the bull; and that, without such notes, no person could obtain a viaticum, or extreme unction. On this occasion the new archbishop of Paris, and the parliament of that city, took opposite sides; the latter imprisoning such of the clergy as refused to administer the sacraments excepting in the circumstances above mentioned. Other parliaments followed the example of that of Paris; and a war was instantly kindled betwixt the civil and ecclesiastical departments of the state. In this dispute the king interfered, forbade the parliaments to take cognizance of ecclesiastical proceedings, and commanded them to suspend all prosecutions relative to the refusal of the sacraments: but instead of acquiescing, the parliaments presented new remonstrances, refused to attend any other business, and resolved that they could not obey this injunction without violating their duty as well as their oath. They cited the bishop of Orleans before their tribunal; and ordered all writings, in which its jurisdiction was disputed, to be burnt by the executioner. By the assistance of the military, they enforced the administration of the sacraments to the sick, and ceased to distribute that justice to the subject for which they had been originally instituted. The king, enraged at their obstinacy, arrested and imprisoned four of the members who had been most obstinate, and banished the remainder to Bourges, Poitiers, and Auvergne; while, to prevent any impediment from taking place in the administration of justice by their absence, he issued letters patent, by which a royal chamber for the prosecution of civil and criminal suits was instituted. The counsellors refused to plead before these new courts; and the king, finding at last that the whole nation was about to fall into a state of anarchy, thought proper to recall the parliament. The banished members entered Paris amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants; and the archbishop, who still continued to encourage the priests in refusing the sacraments, was banished to his seat at Conflans; the bishops of Orleans and Troyes were in like manner banished, and a calm for the present restored to the kingdom.

The tranquillity thus established was of no long duration. In the year 1756, the parliaments again fell into the displeasure of their king by their imprudent twist the persecution of those who adhered to the bull Unigenitus. They proceeded so far in this opposition as to refuse to register certain taxes absolutely necessary for the carrying on of the war. By this Louis was so provoked, that he suppressed the fourth and fifth chambers of inquests, the members of which had distin- France. gushed themselves by their opposition to his will. He commanded the bull Unigenitus to be respected, and prohibited the secular judges from ordering the administration of the sacraments. On this occasion counsellors of the great chamber resigned their offices, and 124 members of the different parliaments followed their example; and the most grievous discontents took place throughout the kingdom. An attempt was made by a fanatic, named Damien, to assassinate him; and the king was actually wounded, though slightly, between the ribs, in the presence of his son and in the midst of his guards. The assassin was put to the most exquisite tortures; in the midst of which he persisted, in the most obstinate manner, to declare that he had no intention to kill the king; but that his design was only to wound him, that God might touch his heart, and incline him to restore peace to his dominions, &c.

These expressions, which undoubtedly indicated insanity, had no effect on his merciless judges, who consigned him to one of the most horrid deaths the ingenuity or cruelty of man could invent. This attempt, however, seems to have had some effect upon the king; for he soon after banished the archbishop of Paris, who had been recalled, and once more accommodated matters with his parliament.

The unfortunate event of the war of 1755 had brought the nation to the brink of ruin, when Louis implored the assistance of Spain; and on this occasion the celebrated Family Compact was signed; by which, with the single exception of the American trade, the subjects of France and Spain are naturalized in both kingdoms, and the enemy of the one sovereign is invariably to be looked upon as the enemy of the other.

At that time, however, the assistance of Spain availed very little; both powers were reduced to the lowest ebb, and the arms of Britain were triumphant in every quarter of the globe. See the article BRITAIN.

The peace concluded at Paris in the year 1763, though it freed the nation from a most destructive and bloody war, did not restore its internal tranquillity. The parliament, eager to pursue the victory they had formerly gained over their religious enemies, now directed their efforts against the Jesuits, who had obtained and enforced the bull Unigenitus. That once powerful order, however, was now on the brink of destruction. A general detestation of its members had taken place throughout the whole world. A conspiracy formed by them against the king of Portugal, and from which he narrowly escaped, had roused the indignation of Europe, and this was still farther inflamed by some fraudulent practices of which they had been guilty in France. Le Valette, the chief of their missionaries at Martinico, had, ever since the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, carried on a very extensive commerce, insomuch that he even aspired at monopolizing the whole West India trade when the war with Britain commenced in 1755. Leonsay and Gouffre, merchants at Marseilles, in expectation of receiving merchandise to the value of two millions from him, had accepted of bills drawn by the Jesuits to the amount of a million and a half. Unhappily they were disappointed by the vast number of captures made by the British; in consequence of which they were obliged to apply to the Society of Jesuits at large: but they, either ignorant of their true interest, or too slow in giving assistance, suffered the merchants to stop payment; and thus France not only to bring ruin upon themselves, but to involve, as is usual in such cases, a great many others in the same calamity. Their creditors demanded indemnification from the Society at large; and on their refusal to satisfy them, brought their cause before the parliament of Paris. That body, eager to revenge themselves on such powerful adversaries, carried on the most violent persecutions everywhere against them. In the course of these, the volume containing the constitution and government of the order itself was appealed to, and produced in open court. It then appeared, that the order of Jesuits formed a distinct body in the state, submitting implicitly to their chief, who alone was absolute over their lives and fortunes. It was likewise discovered that they had, after a former expulsion, been admitted into the kingdom upon conditions which they had never fulfilled; and to which their chief had obstinately refused to subscribe; consequently that their existence at that time in the nation was merely the effect of toleration. The event was, that the writings of the Jesuits were pronounced to contain doctrines subversive of all civil government, and injurious to the security of the sacred persons of sovereigns: the attempt of Damien against the king was attributed to them, and every thing seemed to prognosticate their speedy dissolution. In this critical moment, however, the king interfered, and by his royal mandate suspended all proceedings against them for a year; a plan of accommodation was drawn up, and submitted to the pope and general of the order: but the latter, by his ill-timed haughtiness, entirely overthrew the hope of reconciliation. The king withdrew his protection, and the parliament redoubled their efforts against them. The bulls, briefs, constitutions, and other regulations of the Society, were determined to be encroachments on authority, and abuses of government; the Society itself was finally dissolved, and its members declared incapable of holding any clerical or municipal offices; their colleges were seized; their effects confiscated, and the order annihilated ever since.

The parliament having gained this victory, next contented an attempt to set bounds to the power of the betwixt king himself. They now refused to register an edict which Louis had issued for the continuance of some taxes which should have ended with the war, and likewise to conform to another by which the king was enabled to redeem his debts at an inadequate price. The court attempted to get the edicts registered by force, but the parliaments everywhere seemed inclined to resist to the last. In 1766, the parliament of Brittany refused the crown a gift of 700,000 livres; in consequence of which they were singled out to bear the weight of royal vengeance; but while matters were on the point of coming to extremities, the king thought proper to drop the process altogether, and to publish a general amnesty. The parliaments, however, now affected to despise the royal clemency; which exasperated the king to such a degree, that he ordered the counsellors of the parliament of Brittany (who had refused to resume the functions of which he deprived them) to be included in the list of those who were to be drafted for militia; and those upon whom the lot fell were immediately obliged to join their respective regiments; ments; the rest being employed in forming the city guard. The parliament of Paris remonstrated so freely upon this conduct of the king, that they also fell under his censure; and Louis in the most explicit manner declared, that he would suffer no earthly power to interfere with his will; and the parliaments were for the present intimidated into submission.

The interval of domestic tranquillity which now took place, was employed by the king in humbling the pride of the pope, who refused to recall a brief he had published against the duke of Parma. On this the French monarch reclaimed the territories of Avignon and Venaisin; and while the pontiff denounced his unavailing censures against him, the marquis de Rochechouart, with a single regiment of soldiers, drove out the troops of the pope, and took possession of the territories in question.

A more formidable opposition was made by the natives of the small island of Corsica; the sovereignty of which had been transferred to France by the Genoese, its former masters, on condition that Louis should reinstate them in the possession of the island of Caprata, which the Corsicans had lately reduced. These islanders defended themselves with the most desperate intrepidity; and it was not till after two campaigns, in which several thousands of the bravest troops of France were lost, that they could be brought under subjection.

The satisfaction which this unimportant conquest might afford to Louis, was clouded by the distress of the nation at large. The East India Company had totally failed, and most of the capital commercial houses in the kingdom were involved in the same calamity. The minister, the duc de Choiseul, by one desperate stroke, reduced the interest of the funds to one half, and at the same time took away the benefit of the survivorship in the tontines, by which the national credit was greatly affected; the altercation betwixt the king and his parliaments revived, and the dissensions became worse than ever. The duc de Choiseul attempted in vain to conciliate the differences; his efforts tended only to bring misfortunes upon himself, and in 1771 he was banished by the king, who suspected him of favouring the popular party too much; and this was soon after followed by the banishment of the whole parliament of Paris, and that by the banishment of a number of others; new parliaments being everywhere chosen in place of those who had been expelled. The people where by no means disposed to pay the same regard to these new parliaments that they had done to the old ones; but every appearance of opposition was at last silenced by the absolute authority of the king. In the midst of this plenitude of power, however, which he had so ardently desired, his health daily declined, and the end of his days was evidently at no great distance. As he had all along indulged himself in sensual pleasures to the greatest excess, so they now proved the immediate means of his destruction. His favourite mistress Madame de Pompadour, who for a long time governed him with an absolute sway, had long since been dead, and the king had for some time been equally enslaved by the charms of Madame du Barre. At last even her beauty proved insufficient to excite desire; and a succession of mistresses became necessary to rouse the languid appetites of the king. One of these, who was infected with the smallpox, communicated the disease to the king; who in a short time died of it, notwithstanding all the assistance that could be given him by the physicians.

The new king Louis XVI., grandson to the former, ascended the throne in the year 1774, in the 20th year of his age; and to secure himself against the disease which had proved fatal to his predecessor, submitted to inoculation, with several others of the royal family. Their quick and easy recovery contributed much to extend that practice throughout the kingdom, and to remove the prejudices which had been entertained against it.

The king had no sooner regained his health, than he applied himself diligently to extinguish the differences which had taken place betwixt his predecessor and the people. He removed those from their employments who had given cause of complaint by their arbitrary and oppressive conduct; and he conciliated the affection of his subjects by removing the new parliaments and recalling the old ones.

But though the prudence of Louis had suggested to him these compliances, he endeavoured still to preserve pure and entire the royal authority. He explained his intentions by a speech in the great chamber of parliament. "The step that he had taken to ensure the tranquillity and happiness of his subjects, ought not (he observed) to invalidate his own authority; and he hoped, from the zeal and attachment of the present assembly, an example of submission to the rest of his subjects. Their repeated resistance to the commands of his grandfather had compelled that monarch to maintain his prerogative by their banishment; and they were now recalled, in the expectation that they would quietly exercise their functions, and display their gratitude by their obedience." He concluded with declaring, "That it was his desire to bury in oblivion all past grievances; that he should ever behold with extreme disapprobation whatever might tend to create divisions and disturb the general tranquillity; and that his chancellor would read his ordinance to the assembly, from which they might be assured he would not suffer the smallest deviation to be made." That ordinance was conceived in the most explicit terms, and was immediately registered by the king's command. The articles of it limited within very narrow bounds the pretensions of the parliament of Paris: The members were forbidden to look upon themselves as one body with the other parliaments of the kingdom, or to take any step, or assume any title, that might tend towards or imply such an union: They were enjoined never to relinquish the administration of public justice, except in cases of absolute necessity, for which the first president was to be responsible to the king; and it was added, that on their disobedience the grand council might replace the parliament, without any new edict for the purpose. They were still, however, permitted to enjoy the right of remonstrating before the registering of any edicts or letters patent which they might conceive injurious to the welfare of the people, provided they preserved in their representations the respect due to the throne. But these remonstrances were not to be repeated; and the parliament, if they proved ineffectual, were to register the edict objected to within a month at farthest from the first day of its being being published. They were forbidden to issue any arrets which might excite trouble, or in any manner retard the execution of the king's ordinances; and they were assured by the king himself, at the conclusion of this code for their future conduct, that as long as they adhered to the bounds prescribed, they might depend upon his countenance and protection. In short, the terms on which Louis consented to re-establish the parliaments were such, that they were reduced to mere cyphers, and the word of the king still continued to be the only law in the kingdom. The archbishop of Paris, who had likewise presumed to raise some commotions with regard to the bull Unigenitus, was obliged to submit: and severely threatened if he should afterwards interfere in such a cause.

The final conquest of the Corsicans, who, provoked by the oppression of their governors, had once more attempted to regain their former liberty, was the first event of importance which took place after this restoration of tranquillity: but the kingdom was yet filled with disorder from other causes. A scarcity of corn happened to take place just at the time that some regulations had been made by M. Targot the new financier, the populace rose in great bodies, and committed such outrages, that a military force became absolutely necessary to quell them; and it was not till upwards of 500 of these miserable wretches were destroyed that they could be reduced. The king, however, by his prudent and vigorous conduct on this occasion, soon put a stop to all riots, and eminently displayed his clemency as well as prudence in the methods he took for the restoration of the public tranquillity.

The humanity of Louis was next shown in an edict which he caused to be registered in parliament, sentencing the deserters from his army in future to work as slaves on the public roads, instead of punishing them as formerly with death; and with equal attention to the general welfare of his subjects, he seized the moment of peace to fulfil those promises of economy which on his accession he had given to the people. Various regulations took place in consequence; particularly the suppression of the mousquetaires and some other corps, which being adapted more to the parade of guarding the royal person than any real military service, were supported at a great expense, without any adequate return of benefit to the state.

Particular attention was also paid to the state of the marine; and the appointment of M. de Sartine in 1776 to that department did honour to the penetration of the sovereign. That minister, fruitful in resources, and unrestrained in his application, was incessantly engaged in augmenting the naval strength of his country; and the various preparations that filled the ports and docks created no small uneasiness to the British court.

The next appointment made by the king was equally happy, and in one respect singular and unprecedented. M. Targot, though possessed of integrity and industry, had not been able to command the public confidence. On his retreat, M. Clugny, intendant general of Bordeaux, had been elevated to the vacant post: but he dying in a very short space, M. Taboureau des Reaux was appointed his successor; and the king soon after associated with him in the management of the finances M. Neckar, by birth a Swiss, and by religion a Protestant. That gentleman, in the preceding reign, had been chosen to adjust some differences between the East India Company and the crown; and had discharged his trust in a manner which gained the approbation of both parties. Possessed of distinguished abilities, his appointment would have excited no suspicion, had it not been contrary to the constant policy of France, which had carefully excluded the aliens of her country and faith from the control of her revenue. It now stood forward as a new instance of enlargement of mind and liberality of sentiment; and will to posterity mark the prominent features of the reign of Louis XVI.

Although the French monarch was of a pacific disposition, and not destitute of generosity of sentiment; yet his own and the public exultation had been openly and constantly proportioned to the success of the Americans in their contest with Britain: the princes of the blood and the chief nobility were eager to embark in the support of the cause of freedom; and the prudence of the king and his most confidential ministers alone restrained their ardour. The fatal events of the former war were still impressed on the mind of Louis; and he could not readily consent to expose his infant marine in a contest with a nation who had so frequently asserted the dominion of the seas, and so lately broken the united strength of the house of Bourbon. At the same time, he was sensible that the opportunity of humbling those haughty islanders, should not be entirely neglected, and that some advantages should be taken of the present commotions in America. Two agents from the United States, Silas Deane and Dr Benjamin Franklin, had successively arrived at Paris; and though all audience was denied them in a public capacity, still they were privately encouraged to hope that France only waited the proper opportunity to vindicate in arms the independence of America. In the mean while, the American cruisers were hospitably received into the French ports: artillery and all kinds of warlike stores were freely sold or liberally granted to the distress of the colonists; and French officers and engineers, with the connivance of government, entered into their service.

Some changes were about this time introduced into the different departments of state. The conduct of M. Neckar in the finances had been attended with universal approbation; and M. Taboureau des Reaux, his colleague, had resigned his situation, but still retained the dignity of counsellor of state. To afford full scope to the genius of M. Neckar, Louis determined no longer to clog him with an associate: but, with the title of Director General of the Finances, submitted to him the entire management of the funds and revenue of France. In the ensuing year, the count de St Germain, secretary at war, died; and the prince de Montbarey, who had already filled an inferior situation in that department, was now appointed to succeed him.

In the mean time, Louis's negotiations with foreign courts were not neglected. He concluded a new treaty of alliance with Switzerland; vigilantly observed the motions of the different princes of Germany on the death of the elector of Bavaria; and when closely questioned by the English ambassador, Lord Stormont, respecting the various warlike preparations which were diligently diligently continued through the kingdom, he replied, that at a time when the seas were covered with English fleets and American cruisers, and when such armies were sent to the New World as had never before appeared there; it became prudent for him also to arm for the security of the colonies and the protection of the commerce of France. The king was not ignorant at the same time, that the remonstrances of Great Britain, and the importunities of the agents of the United States, would soon compel him to adopt some decisive line of conduct. This was hastened by a new event disastrous to Britain; the failure of General Burgoyne's expedition, and the capture of his army. The news of that event was received at Paris with unbounded exultation. M. Sartine, the marine superintendent, was eager to measure the naval strength of France with that of Great Britain; the queen, who had long seconded the applications of the American agents, now espoused their cause with fresh ardour; and the pacific inclinations of Louis being overborne by the suggestions of his ministers and the influence of the queen, it was at length determined openly to acknowledge the independence of the United States.

Dr Franklin and Silas Deane, who had hitherto acted as private agents, were now acknowledged as public ambassadors from those states to the court of Versailles; and a treaty of amity and commerce was signed between the two powers in the month of February 1778. The duke of Noailles, ambassador to the court of London, was in the month of March instructed to acquaint that court with the above treaty. At the same time he declared, that the contracting parties had paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favour of France, and that the United States had reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatever on the same footing of equality and reciprocity. But this stipulation was treated by the British with contempt; and the recall of Lord Stormont, their ambassador at Versailles, was the signal for the commencement of hostilities.—The events produced by this war are related under the articles AMERICA, BRITAIN, and INDOSTAN. Here our chief business is with domestic transactions, the measures of the cabinet, and the internal economy of the state.

In the year 1780 new changes in the French ministry took place. M. Bertin had resigned the office of secretary of state; the prince de Montbarey had retired from the post of secretary at war, and was succeeded by the marquis de Segur. But the most important removal was that of M. Sartine, who had for several years presided over the marine department, and whose unwearied application and ability had raised the naval power of France to a height that astonished Europe; but his colleagues in the cabinet loudly arraigned a profusion, which would have diverted into one channel the whole resources of the kingdom; and his retreat opened a road to the ambition of the marquis de Castrics, who was appointed to supply his place.

This year, the king fixed on the anniversary of his birth day to render it memorable by a new instance of humanity: and he abolished for ever the inhuman custom of putting the question, as it was called, by torture; a custom which had been so established by the practice of ages, that it seemed to be an inseparable part of the constitution of the courts of justice in France. At the same time, to defray the charges of war, he continued to diminish his own expenditure; and sacrificing his magnificence to the ease of his subjects, dismissed at once above 400 officers belonging to his court.

Unhappily, however, the popular discontent was excited next year by the dismissal of their favourite minister, M. Neckar. He had conceived the arduous but popular project of supporting a war by loans without taxes; and the rigid economy which he had introduced into all the departments of the royal household, and the various resources that presented themselves to his fertile genius, had supported him amidst the difficulties that attended this system. But his austerity of temper had not rendered him equally acceptable to the sovereign and his subjects; and the repeated reforms he had recommended were represented as inconsistent with the dignity of the crown: he was therefore in 1781 dismissed from his office of comptroller-general; and M. Joli de Fleuri, counsellor of state, was appointed to that important department. The defeat of the count de Grasse happened next year, and impressed the kingdom with general grief and consternation. Immense preparations were, however, made for the operations of 1783; and in conjunction with the courts of Madrid and the Hague, Louis was determined this year to make the most powerful efforts to bring the war to a conclusion. But in the midst of these preparations, the voice of peace was again heard; and Louis was induced to listen to the proffered mediation of the two first potentates in Europe, the emperor of Germany and the empress of Russia. The count de Vergennes, who still occupied the post of secretary of foreign affairs, was appointed to treat with Mr Fitzherbert the British minister at Brussels, but who had lately proceeded to Paris to conduct this important negotiation. The way was already smoothed for the restoration of public tranquillity, by provisional articles signed at the conclusion of the last year between the states of America and Great Britain, and which were to constitute a treaty of peace finally to be concluded when that between France and Great Britain took place. Preliminary articles were accordingly agreed upon and signed at Versailles: these were soon after succeeded by a definitive treaty; and France, throughout her extensive dominions, beheld peace once more established. Though the late war had been attended by the most brilliant success, and the independence of America seemed to strike deep at the source of her rival's power, yet France herself had not been entirely free from inconvenience. The retreat of M. Neckar, had, as we have already observed, diminished the public confidence; three different persons who had since transiently occupied his post, increased the jealousies of the people; and the failure of the celebrated Caisse d'Escompte completed the universal consternation.

That bank had been established in the year 1776. The plan of it was formed by a company of private adventurers, and its capital was fixed at 500,000 sterling. The professed design of the Company was to discount bills at short dates, at the rate of four per cent. per annum: but as this interest could never be an equivalent for the capital sunk by the proprietors, they were intrusted with the additional power of issuing notes to the amount of their capital, which, as they were were capable at any time of being converted into specie, might be often voluntarily taken by their customers from mere convenience. The reputation of the bank soon caused its stock to sell above par; and its credit was still at the highest, when to the astonishment of the nation it suddenly stopped payment on the 2d of October 1783. The cause assigned was an uncommon scarcity of specie; but the public suspected that the failure arose from a loan secretly made to government; and what confirmed the suspicion was, that government about the same time stopped payment of the bills drawn upon them by their army in America.

Whatever was the cause of this event, the king was prevailed on to extend his protection to the Company. By four successive edicts the banks in Paris were ordered to receive the notes of the Caisse d'Escompte as currency; and a lottery with a stock of one million sterling, redeemable in eight years, being established, the tickets were made purchasable in notes of the Caisse d'Escompte. By these expedients the public confidence in that bank was revived, its business increased, and its stock rose to above double the original subscription; the bills from America were at the same time put in a train of payment, and public credit was restored throughout the kingdom. Some compensation also for the expences that had been incurred during the late war, was drawn from a treaty with the United States of America. These engaged to reimburse France in the sum of 18 millions of livres, which had been advanced in the hour of their distress; and Louis consented to receive the money, as more convenient to the States, in the space of 12 years, by 12 equal and annual payments.

The general peace was soon after followed by a particular treaty between France and Holland, which was effected with great address by the Count de Vergennes. It included all the principles which can serve to cement in the closest union distinct nations under distinct governments; and by which they may mutually participate, in peace or in war, of good or of evil; and in all cases administer the most perfect aid, counsel, and succour to each other. It also prescribed, if their united good offices for the preservation of peace should prove ineffectual, the assistance they were to afford each other by sea and land. France was to furnish Holland with 10,000 effective infantry, 2000 cavalry, with 12 ships of the line and 6 frigates. Their high Mightinesses, on the other side, in case of a marine war, or that France should be attacked by sea, were to contribute to her defence six ships of the line and three frigates; and in case of an attack on the territory of France, the States General were to have the option of furnishing their land contingent either in money or troops, at the estimate of 5000 infantry and 1000 cavalry. Further, if the stipulated succours should be insufficient for the defence of the party attacked, or for procuring a proper peace, they engaged to assist each other with all their forces, if necessary; it being however agreed that the contingent of troops to be furnished by the States General should not exceed 20,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry. It was further added, that neither of the contracting powers should disarm, or make or receive proposals of peace or truce, without the consent of the other: they promised also not to contract any future alliance or engagement whatever, directly or indirectly, contrary to the present treaty; and on any treaties or negotiations being proposed which might prove detrimental to their joint interest, they pledged their faith to give notice to each other of such proposals as soon as made.

Thus was Holland now converted into the firm ally of that power against whose encroaching spirit she had formerly armed the most powerful kingdoms of Europe; while France having asserted the independence of America against Great Britain, and having converted an ancient and formidable foe into an useful friend, seemed to have attained an influence over the nations of the earth that she had never before been possessed of.

But however exalted her present situation might appear, the seeds of future commotion were already apparent to an attentive observer. The applause that had attended the parliament of Paris in their struggles with the late king might be considered as the first dawn of freedom; the language of that assembly had boldly inculcated to their countrymen their natural rights, and taught them to look with a less enraptured eye on the lustre that encompassed the throne. The war in America had contributed to enlarge the political ideas of the French: they had on that occasion stood forth as the champions of liberty, in opposition to regal interference; and the officers, who had acted on that conspicuous theatre, accustomed to think and speak without restraint, on their return imparted to the provinces of France the flame of freedom which had been kindled in the wilds of America. From that moment the French, instead of silently acquiescing under the edicts of their sovereign, canvassed each action with bold and rigid impartiality; while the attachment of the army, which has ever been considered as the sole foundation of despotism, gave way to the noble enthusiasm of liberty.

We have already noticed the public dissatisfaction that had attended the dismission of M. Neckar; his transient successor, M. de Fleury, had retired from the management of the finances in 1783, and the more transient administration of M. d'Ormesson had expired in the same year that gave it birth. On his retreat, M. de Calonne, who had successively filled with acknowledged reputation the office of intendant of Mentz, and afterwards of the provinces of Flanders and Artois, was nominated to the post of comptroller-general. This gentleman, flexible and insinuating, eloquent in conversation, and polished in his manners, fertile in resources and liberal in the disposal of the public money, soon rendered himself acceptable to the sovereign. But he did not enter upon this new and arduous station favoured by the breath of popularity: he was reported to be more able than consistent, and not to have tempered the ardour of his spirit by the severity of deep research; and the people, amidst repeated loans, regretted that severe simplicity which had characterized the administration of M. Neckar.

It was the bold and judicious measures of Calonne, however, that restored credit to the Caisse d'Escompte, which had stopped payment a few weeks before his accession. His next measure, in 1784, the establishment of the Caisse d'Amortissement, or sinking fund, was entitled to a still higher degree of applause. The plan of that fund was simple and moderate: It was to pay annually by government, into the hands of a board set apart for that purpose, the entire interest of the national debts, whether in stock or annuities, together with an additional sum of £20,000. The annuities that would be extinguished every year were estimated at £50,000; and in that proportion, the sum set apart for the redemption of the national debt would annually increase. The operation of this new fund was limited to the term of 25 years; and during that term the annual receipt of the Caisse d'Amortissement is declared unalterable, and incapable of being diverted to any other object.

The principal measure of the next year was the establishment of a new East India Company, (the constitutions of which have been already detailed: see COMPANY) — a measure not equally commendable with the preceding, and which did not fail to excite violent complaints. The time, however, was now approaching, when the necessities of the state would compel him to measures still more unpopular, and destined to undergo a severer scrutiny. Although peace had been re-established throughout Europe for three years, yet the finances of France seemed scarce affected by this interval of tranquillity, and it was found requisite to close every year with a loan. The public expenditure of 1785 might probably seem to sanction this measure. It had been thought proper to fortify Cherbourg upon a large and magnificent scale; the claim of the emperor to the navigation of the Scheldt had obliged the French to increase their land forces, either to form a respectable neutrality, or to assist effectually their Dutch allies; and the marquis de Castrics, fond of war, and profuse in his designs, had not suffered the navy, which M. Sartine had surrendered into his hands, to decline during the interval of peace. The treaty of commerce concluded in the year 1786 with Great Britain was a new source of discontent.—Though regarded by the English manufacturers as far from advantageous, it excited in France still louder murmurs. It was represented as likely to extinguish those infant establishments, which were yet unable to vie with the manufactures of England that had attained to maturity; and the market that it held out for the wines and oils of France was passed over in silence, while the distress of the artisan was painted in the most striking colours. But when the edict for registering the loan at the conclusion of the last year, and which amounted to the sum of three millions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds, was presented to the parliament of Paris, the murmurs of the people, through the remonstrances of that assembly, assumed a more legal and formidable aspect. The king, however, signified to the select deputation that were commissioned to convey to him their remonstrances, that he expected to be obeyed without further delay. The ceremony of the registering accordingly took place on the next day; but it was accompanied with a resolution, importing, "that public economy was the only genuine source of abundant revenue, the only means of providing for the necessities of the state, and restoring that credit which borrowing had reduced to the brink of ruin."

The king was no sooner informed of this step, than he commanded the attendance of the grand deputation of parliament; when he erased from their records the resolution that had been adopted; and observed, that though it was his pleasure that the parliament should communicate, by its respectful representations, whatever might concern the good of the public, yet he never would allow them so far to abuse his clemency as to erect themselves into the censors of his government. At the same time, more strongly to mark his displeasure at their expostulations, he superseded one of their officers, who had appeared most active in forwarding the obnoxious resolution.

M. de Calonne, however, though gratified by the approbation of his sovereign, could not but feel himself deeply mortified by the opposition of the parliament. His attempts to conciliate that assembly had proved ineffectual; and he experienced their inflexible aversion at the critical juncture when their acquiescence might have proved of the most essential service. An anxious inquiry into the state of the public finances had convinced him that the expenditure by far exceeded the revenue. In this situation, to impose new taxes was impracticable; to continue the method of borrowing was ruinous; to have recourse only to economical reforms, would be found wholly inadequate; and he hesitated not to declare, that it would be impossible to place the finances on a solid basis, but by the reformation of whatever was vicious in the constitution of the state.

To give weight to this reform, M. de Calonne was sensible that something more was necessary than the royal authority; he perceived that the parliament was neither a fit instrument for introducing a new order into public affairs, nor would submit to be a passive machine for sanctioning the plans of a minister, even if those plans were the emanations of perfect wisdom. Though originally a body of lawyers, indebted for their appointments to the king, there was not an attribute of genuine legislative assembly but what they seemed desirous to engross to themselves; and they had been supported in their pretensions by the plaudits of the people, who were sensible that there was no other body in the nation that could plead their cause against royal or ministerial oppression. To suppress, therefore, the only power of control that remained, and to render the government more arbitrary, was deemed too perilous a measure: yet to leave the parliament in the full possession of their influence, an influence that the minister was convinced would be exerted against him, was at once to render his whole system abortive.

In this dilemma, the only expedient that suggested itself was to have recourse to some other assembly, more dignified and solemn in its character, and which should in a greater degree consist of members from the various orders of the state and the different provinces of the kingdom. This promised to be a popular measure; it implied a deference to the people at large, and might be expected to prove highly acceptable. But the true and legitimate assembly of the nation, the States General, had not met since the year 1614; nor could the minister flatter himself with the hope of obtaining the royal assent to a meeting which a despotic sovereign could not but regard with secret jealousy.

Another assembly had occasionally been substituted in Assembly the room of the States General: this was distinguished by the title of the Notables; and consisted of a num- ber of persons from all parts of the kingdom, chiefly selected from the higher orders of the state, and nominated by the king himself. This assembly had been convened by Henry IV. again by Louis XIII., and was now once more summoned by the authority of Louis XVI.

The writs for calling them together were dated on the 29th of December 1786; and they were addressed to seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers of France, eight field marshals, twenty-two nobles, eight counsellors of state, four masters of requests, eleven archbishops, and bishops, thirty-seven of the heads of the law, twelve deputies of the pays d'état, the lieutenant civil, and twenty-five magistrates of the different towns of the kingdom. The number of members was 144; and the 29th of January 1787 was the period appointed for their meeting.

Upon the arrival of the notables at Paris, however, the minister found himself yet unprepared to submit his system to their inspection, and postponed the opening of the council to the 7th of February. A second delay to the 14th of the same month was occasioned by the indisposition of M. de Calonne himself, and that of the count de Vergennes president of the council of finance and first secretary of state; and a third procrastination was the necessary result of the death of the count on the day previous to that fixed for the opening of the meeting. He was succeeded in the department of foreign affairs by the count de Montmorin, a nobleman of unblemished character. But his loss at this critical juncture was severely felt by M. de Calonne; he alone, of all the ministers, having entered with warmth and sincerity into the plans of the comptroller general. The chevalier de Miramont, keeper of the seals, was avowedly the rival and enemy of that statesman. The maréchal de Castries, secretary for the marine department, was personally attached to M. Neckar; and the baron de Breteuil, secretary for the household, was the creature of the queen, and deeply engaged in what was called the Austrian system.

It was under these difficulties that M. de Calonne, on the 22d of February, first met the assembly of the notables, and opened his long-expected plan. He began by stating, that the public expenditure had for centuries past exceeded the revenue, and that a very considerable deficiency had of course existed; that the Mississippi scheme of 1720 had by no means, as might have been expected, restored the balance; and that under the economical administration of Cardinal Fleury the deficit still existed; that the progress of this derangement under the last reign had been extreme; the deficiency amounting to three millions sterling at the appointment of the Abbé Terray; who, however, reduced it to one million six hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds; it decreased a little under the short administrations that followed, but rose again in consequence of the war, under the administration of M. Neckar; and at his own accession to office, it was three millions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds.

In order to remedy this growing evil, M. Calonne recommended a territorial impost, in the nature of the English land tax, from which no rank or order of men were to be exempted; and an inquiry into the possessions of the clergy, which hitherto had been deemed sacred from their proportion of the public burdens; the various branches of internal taxation were also to undergo a strict examination; and a considerable resource was presented in mortgaging the demesne lands of the crown.

The very necessity for these reforms was combated with a degree of boldness and force of reasoning that could not fail of deeply impressing the assembly; and instead of meeting with a ready acquiescence, the comptroller general was now launched into the boundless ocean of political controversy. M. Neckar, previous to his retirement, had published his Compte rendu au Roy, in which France was represented as possessing a clear surplus of 425,000 pounds sterling; this performance had been read with avidity, and probably contributed to estrange from the author the royal countenance; but the credit of it was ably vindicated by M. de Brienne archbishop of Thoulouse.

M. de Calonne met with a still more formidable adversary in the count de Mirabeau. This extraordinary man, restless in his disposition, licentious in his morals, but bold, penetrating, and enterprising, had occasionally visited every court in Europe. He had been admitted at one time to the confidence of the minister; and had been directed, though in no ostensible character, to observe at Berlin, the disposition of the successor of the great Frederick. In this capacity he was frequently exposed to neglect and disappointment; his letters were often left unanswered; disgust succeeded to admiration; and he who had entered the Prussian court the intimate friend, returned to Paris the avowed enemy, of M. de Calonne: While the archbishop arraigned the understanding, the count impeached the integrity, of the comptroller general.

The eloquence of M. de Calonne, however, might have successfully vindicated his system and reputation against the calculations of Brienne, and the invectives of Mirabeau; but he could not support himself against the influence of the three great bodies of the nation. The ancient nobility and the clergy had ever been and by free from all public assessments; and had the evil perhaps gone no farther, it might have been still perhaps borne with patience; but through the shameful custom of selling patents of nobility, such crowds of new nobles started up, that every province in the kingdom was filled with them. The first object with those who had acquired fortunes rapidly, was to purchase a patent; which, besides gratifying their vanity, afforded an exemption to them and their posterity from contributing proportionally to the exigencies of the state; the magistracies likewise throughout the kingdom enjoyed their share of the exemptions; so that the whole weight of the taxes fell on those who were least able to bear them.

The minister's design, then, of equalizing the public burdens, and by rendering the taxes general diminishing the load borne by the lower and most useful classes of people, though undoubtedly great and patriotic, at once united against him the nobility, the clergy, and the magistracy; and the event was such as might be expected: the intrigues of those three bodies raised against him so loud a clamour, that finding it impossible to stem the torrent, he not only resigned his place place on the 12th of April, but soon after retired to England from the storm of persecution.

In the midst of these transactions at home, Louis's attention was also called to the state of affairs in the republic of Holland, his new and close ally. The prince of Orange had been stripped of all authority by the aristocratic party; and, retiring from the Hague, maintained the shadow of a court at Nimeguen. His brother-in-law, however, the new king of Prussia, exerted his endeavours to promote the interests of the stadtholder; and, having offered, in concert with France, to undertake the arduous task of composing the differences which distracted the republic, the proposal was received with apparent cordiality by the court of Versailles. At the same time it could scarce be expected that France would become the instrument of restoring the prince of Orange to that share of power which he had before occupied, and thus abandon one of the longest and most favourite objects of her policy, the establishing a supreme and permanent control in the affairs of Holland. In fact, the conditions which were framed by the Louvestein faction, as the basis of reconciliation, were such as plainly indicated their design to reduce the influence and authority of the stadtholder within very narrow limits. On his renouncing his right of filling up the occasional vacancies in the town senates, he was to be restored to the nominal office of captain general; but he was to be restrained from marching the troops into or out of any province, without leave from the respective provinces concerned; and he was also to subscribe to a resolution passed some time before by the senate of Amsterdam, that the command should at all times be revocable at the pleasure of the states. Had the prince acquiesced in these preliminaries, France would have completely attained the object of her long negotiations, and by means of the Louvestein faction have acquired the ascendency that she had repeatedly sought in the councils of Holland. But under the difficulties that surrounded him, the prince of Orange was admirably supported and assisted by the genius, the spirit, and the abilities of his consort: she firmly rejected every measure tending to abridge any rights that had been attached to the office of stadtholder; and M. de Rayneval, the French negotiator, having in vain endeavoured to overcome her resolution, broke off the correspondence between the Hague and Nimeguen, and returned to Paris about the middle of January 1787.

But the republican party were totally disappointed in their hopes from France. The court of Versailles had indeed long trusted to the natural strength of this party, and had been assiduous during the whole summer in endeavouring to second them by every species of succours that could be privately afforded. Crowds of French officers arrived daily in Holland; and either received commissions in the service of the states, or acted as volunteers in their troops. Several hundreds of tried and experienced soldiers were selected from different regiments; and being furnished with money for their journey, and assurances of future favour, were despatched in small parties to join the troops, and help to discipline the burghers and volunteers. A considerable corps of engineers were also directed to proceed silently and in disguise towards Amsterdam, and to assist in strengthening the works of that city. These aids, which might have proved effectual had the contest been confined to the states of Holland and the stadtholder, were overwhelmed in the rapid invasion of the Prussians; and the court of Berlin had taken its measures with so much celerity, and the situation of the republicans was already become so desperate, that it was doubtful whether their affairs could be restored by any assistance that France was capable of immediately administering. Yet on Great Britain fitting out a strong squadron of men of war at Portsmouth to give confidence to the operations of the king of Prussia, the court of Versailles also sent orders to equip 16 sail of the line at Brest, and recalled a small squadron which had been commissioned on a summer's cruise on the coast of Portugal. But in these preparations Louis seemed rather to regard his own dignity, than to be actuated by any hopes of effectually relieving his allies. All opposition in Holland might be already considered as extinguished. The states assembled at the Hague had officially notified to the court of Versailles, that the disputes between them and the stadtholder were now happily terminated; and as the circumstances which gave occasion for their application to that court no longer existed, so the succours which they had then requested would now be unnecessary.

Under these circumstances, France could only wish to extricate herself from her present difficulty with honour. She therefore readily listened to a memorial from the British minister at Paris: who proposed, in order to preserve the good understanding between the two crowns, that all warlike preparations should be discontinued, and that the navies of both kingdoms should be again reduced to the footing of a peace establishment. This was gladly acceded to by the court of Versailles; and that harmony which had been transiently interrupted between the two nations was restored.

Though the French king could not but sensibly feel the mortification of thus relinquishing the ascendency of which he had attained in the councils of Holland, the state of his own domestic concerns and the internal situation of his kingdom furnished matter for more serious reflection. The dismissal of M. de Calonne had left France without a minister, and almost without a system; and though the king bore the opposition of the notables with admirable temper, yet the disappointment that he had experienced sunk deep into his mind. Without obtaining any relief for his most urgent necessities, he perceived too late that he had opened a path to the restoration of the ancient constitution of France, which had been undermined by the crafty Louis XI. and had been nearly extinguished by the daring and sanguinary counsels of Richelieu under Louis XIII. The notables had indeed demeaned themselves with respect and moderation, but at the same time they had not been deficient in firmness. The appointment of the archbishop of Toulouse, the vigorous adversary of M. de Calonne, to the office of comptroller-general, probably contributed to preserve the appearance of good humour in that assembly; yet tables dis- the proposed territorial impost, or general land tax, which was an object so ardently coveted by the court, was rejected. Louis, therefore, deprived of any further hope of rendering the convention subservient to his embarrassments, determined to dissolve the assembly; which he accordingly did, with a very moderate and conciliatory speech to the members on their dismission.

Thus disappointed of the advantage which he had flattered himself he would have drawn from the acquiescence of the notables, the king was obliged now to recur to the usual mode of raising money by the royal edicts; among the measures proposed for which purpose were the doubling of the poll-tax, the re-establishment of the third twentieth, and a stamp duty. But the whole was strongly disapproved by the parliament of Paris; and that assembly, in the most positive terms, refused to register the edict. Louis was obliged to apply, as the last resort, to his absolute authority; and, by holding what is called a bed of justice, compelled them to enrol the impost.

The parliament, though defeated, were far from subdued; and on the day after the king had held his bed of justice, they entered a formal protest against the edict; declaring, "that it had been registered against their approbation and consent, by the king's express command; that it neither ought nor should have any force; and that the first person who should presume to attempt to carry it into execution, should be adjudged a traitor, and condemned to the galleys."

This spirited declaration left the king no other alternative, than either proceeding to extremities in support of his authority, or relinquishing for ever after the power of raising money upon any occasion without the consent of the parliament. Painful as every appearance of violence must have proved to the mild disposition of Louis, he could not consent to surrender, without a struggle, that authority which had been so long exercised by his predecessors. Since the commencement of the present discontents, the capital had been gradually filled with considerable bodies of troops; and about a week after the parliament had entered the protest, an officer of the French guards, with a party of soldiers, went at break of day to the house of each individual member, to signify to him the king's command, that he should immediately get into his carriage, and proceed to Troyes, a city of Champagne, about 70 miles from Paris, without writing or speaking to any person out of his own house before his departure. These orders were served at the same instant; and before the citizens of Paris were acquainted with the transaction, their magistrates were already on the road to their place of banishment.

Previous to their removal, however, they had presented a remonstrance on the late measures of government, and the alarming state of public affairs. In stating their opinions on taxes, they declared, that neither the parliaments, nor any other authority, excepting that of the three estates of the kingdom collectively assembled, could warrant the laying of any permanent tax upon the people; and they strongly enforced the renewal of those national assemblies, which had rendered the reign of Charlemagne so great and illustrious.

This requisition of the parliaments to re-establish the national council, or states general, was the more honourable, as the former assemblies must have sunk under the influence of the latter, and returned to their original condition of mere registers and courts of law. The confidence and attachment of the people of consequence rose in proportion to this instance of disinterestedness; their murmurs were openly expressed in the streets of the capital, and the general dissatisfaction was augmented by the stop that was put to public business by the exile of the parliament.

The cabinet at the same time was apparently weak, disunited, and fluctuating: and continual changes took place in every department of the state. Louis, averse to rigorous counsels, wished to allay the growing discontent by every concession that was consistent with his dignity; but it was generally believed, that the queen strongly dissuaded him from any step that might tend to the diminution of the royal authority. The influence of that princess in the cabinet was undoubtedly great; but the popularity which once had accompanied her was no more; and some imputations of private levity, which had been rumoured through the capital, were far from rendering her acceptable to the majority of the people; while the Count d'Artois, the king's brother, who had expressed himself in the most unguarded terms against the conduct of parliament, stood exposed to all the consequences of popular hatred.

Nor was it only in the capital that the flame of liberty once more burst forth; it blazed with equal strength in the provincial parliaments. Among various instances of this nature, the parliament of Grenoble passed a decree against lettres de cachet, the most odious engine of arbitrary power; and declared the execution of them within their jurisdiction, by any person, and under whatever authority, to be a capital crime.

The king had endeavoured to soothe the Parisians by new regulations of economy, and by continual retrenchments in his household: but these instances of attention, which once would have been received with the loudest acclamations, were now disregarded under their affliction for the absence of their parliament. His majesty, therefore, in order to regain the affections of his subjects, consented to restore that assembly; abandoning at the same time the stamp duty, and the territorial impost, which had been the sources of dispute. These measures were, however, insufficient to establish harmony between the court and the parliament. The necessities of the state still continued; nor could the deficiency of the revenue be supplied but by extraordinary resources, or a long course of rigid frugality. About the middle of November 1787, in a full meeting of the parliament, attended by all the princes of the blood and the peers of France, the king entered the assembly, and proposed two edicts for their approbation: one was for a new loan of 450 millions, near 19 millions sterling: the other was for the re-establishment of the Protestants in all their ancient civil rights; a measure which had long been warmly recommended by the parliament, and which was probably now introduced to procure a better reception to the loan. On this occasion, the king delivered himself in a speech of uncommon length, filled with professions of regard for the people, but at the same time strongly expressive of the obedience he expected to his edicts. Louis probably imagined, that the dread of that banishment from which the members had been so lately recalled would have ensured the acquiescence of the assembly; but no sooner was permission announced for every member to deliver his sentiments, than he was convinced that their spirits remained totally unsubdued.

An animated debate took place, and was continued for nine hours; when the king, wearied by perpetual opposition, and chagrined at some freedoms used in their debates, suddenly rose and commanded the edict to be registered without farther delay. This measure was most unexpectedly opposed by the duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood; who, considering it as an infringement of the rights of parliament, protested against the whole proceedings of the day as being thereby null and void. Though Louis could not conceal his astonishment and displeasure at this decisive step, he contented himself with repeating his orders; and immediately after, quitting the assembly, retired to Versailles. On the king's departure, the parliament confirmed the protest of the duke of Orleans; and declared, that as their deliberations had been interrupted, they considered the whole business of that day as of no effect.

It was not to be supposed that Louis would suffer so bold an attack on his power with impunity. Accordingly, a letter was next day delivered to the duke of Orleans, commanding him to retire to Villars Cotterel, one of his seats, about 15 leagues from Paris, and to receive no company there except his own family; at the same time, the Abbé Sabatier and M. Freteau, both members of the parliament, and who had distinguished themselves in the debate, were seized under the authority of lettres de cachet, and conveyed, the first to the castle of Mont St Michael in Normandy, the last to a prison in Picardy. This act of despotism did not fail immediately to rouse the feelings of the parliament. On the following day they waited on the king, and expressed their astonishment and concern that a prince of the blood royal had been exiled, and two of their members imprisoned, for having declared in his presence what their duty and consciences dictated, and at a time when his majesty had announced that he came to take the sense of the assembly by a plurality of voices. The answer of the king was reserved, forbidding, and unsatisfactory; and tended to increase the resentment of the parliament. At the same time, it did not prevent them from attending to the exigencies of the state; and convinced of the emergency, they consented to register the loan for 450 millions of livres, which had been the source of this unfortunate difference. This concession contributed to soften the mind of the king, and the sentence of the two magistrates was in consequence changed from imprisonment to exile; M. Freteau being sent to one of his country seats, and the Abbé Sabatier to a convent of Benedictines.

The parliament, however, was not to be soothed by that measure to give up the points against which they had originally remonstrated. In a petition conceived with freedom, and couched in the most animated language, they boldly reprobed the late acts of arbitrary violence, and demanded the entire liberation of the persons against whom they had been exerted. We have already noticed the fluctuating counsels of the court of Versailles; and that Louis, as often as he was left to pursue his own inclinations, adopted measures of reconciliation. On the present occasion, in Orleans, at the beginning of the year 1788, he recalled the called duke of Orleans to court, who soon after obtained leave to retire to England; and he permitted the return of the Abbé Sabatier and M. Freteau to the capital.

The parliament, however, had not confined their demands to the liberation of those gentlemen; but had also echoed the remonstrances of the parliament of Grenoble, and had loudly inveighed against the execution of lettres de cachet. These repeated remonstrances, mingled with personal reflections, seconded most probably the suggestions of the queen, and Louis was once more instigated to measures of severity. Messrs. d'Espremenil and Monsambert, whose bold and pointed harangues had pressed most closely on the royal dignity, were doomed to experience its immediate resentment. While a body of armed troops surrounded the hotel in which the parliament were convened, Colonel Degout entered the assembly; and secured the persons of the obnoxious members, who were instantly conducted to different prisons. This new instance of arbitrary violence occasioned a remonstrance from parliament, which in boldness far exceeded all the former representations of that assembly. They declared they were now more strongly confirmed, by every proceeding, of the entire innovation which was aimed at in the constitution. "But, Sire," added they, "the French nation will never adopt the despotic measures to which you are advised, and whose effects alarm the most faithful of your magistrates; we shall not repeat all the unfortunate circumstances which afflict us; we shall only represent to you with respectful firmness, that the fundamental laws of the kingdom must not be trampled upon, and that your authority can only be esteemed so long as it is tempered with justice."

Language so pointed and decisive, and which asserted the controlling power of the laws above the regal authority, could not fail of seriously alarming the king; and with a view to diminish the influence of parliament, it was determined again to convene the nobles. Accordingly, about the beginning of May, Louis appeared in that assembly; and after complaining of the excesses in which the parliament of Paris had indulged themselves, and which had drawn down his reluctant indignation on a few of the members, he declared his resolution, instead of annihilating them as a body, to recall them to their duty and obedience by a salutary reform. M. de la Moignon, as keeper of the seals, then explained his majesty's pleasure to establish a cour plénier or supreme assembly, to be composed of princes of the blood, peers of the realm, great officers of the crown, the clergy, marshals of France, governors of provinces, knights of different orders, a deputation of one member from every parliament, and two members from the chambers of council, and to be summoned as often often as the public emergency, in the royal opinion, should render it requisite.

If the assembly of the notables listened in silent deference to the project of their sovereign, the parliament of Paris received it with every symptom of aversion. That body strongly protested against the establishment of any other tribunal; and declared their final resolution not to assist at any deliberations in the supreme assembly which his majesty prepared to institute. A more unexpected mortification occurred to the king in the opposition of several peers of the realm; these expressed their regret at beholding the fundamental principles of the constitution violated; and while they were lavish in the professions of attachment to the person of their sovereign, concluded with apologizing for not entering on those functions assigned them in the plenary court, as being inconsistent with the true interests of his majesty, which were inseparable from those of the nation.

The flame quickly spread throughout the more distant provinces; at Rennes in Brittany, and Grenoble in Dauphiné, the people broke out into acts of the most daring outrage. In the latter city several hundred of the inhabitants perished in a conflict with the military; they yet maintained their ground against the regulars; and the commanding officer, at the entreaties of the first president, readily withdrew his troops from a contest into which he had entered with reluctance. The different parliaments of the kingdom at the same time expressed their feelings in the most glowing language; and strongly urged the necessity of calling together the states general, the lawful council of the kingdom, as the only means of restoring the public tranquillity.

Louis now plainly saw, that a compliance with the public wishes for the re-establishment of the states general was absolutely necessary, in order to avoid the calamities of a civil war, which impended upon his refusal. In that event he must have expected to have encountered the majority of the people, animated by the exhortations and example of their magistrates; the peers of the realm had expressed the strongest disapprobation of his measures; nor could he even depend any longer on the support of the princes of his blood: but what afforded most serious matter of alarm was the spirit lately displayed among the military, who, during the disturbances in the provinces, had reluctantly been brought to draw their swords against their countrymen, and many of whose officers so recently engaged in establishing the freedom of America, publicly declared their abhorrence of despotism.

It was, not, however, till after many a painful struggle that Louis could resolve to restore an assembly, whose influence must naturally overshadow that of the crown, and whose jurisdiction would confine within narrow limits the boundless power he had inherited from his predecessor. In the two preceding reigns the states general had been wholly discontinued; and though the queen regent, during the troubles which attended the minority of Louis XIV, frequently expressed her intention of calling them together, she was constantly dissuaded by the representations of Mazarin. It is probable that the present monarch still flattered himself with the hope of being able to allure the members of that assembly to the side of the court; and having employed them to establish some degree of regularity in the finances, and to curb the spirit of the parliament, that he would again have dismissed them to obscurity.

Under these impressions an arrêt was issued in August, fixing the meeting of the states general to the first of May in the ensuing year; and every step was taken to secure the favourable opinion of the public during the interval. New arrangements took place in the administration; and M. Neckar, whom the confidence of the people had long followed, was again introduced into the management of the finances; the torture, which by a former edict had been restricted in part, was now entirely abolished; every person accused was allowed the assistance of counsel, and permitted to avail himself of any point of law; and it was decreed, that in future sentence of death should not be passed on any person, unless the party accused should be pronounced guilty by a majority at least of three judges.

The time appointed for the convention of the states general was now approaching; and the means of assembling them formed a matter of difficult deliberation in the cabinet. The last meeting, in 1614, had been convened by application to the bailiwicks. But this mode was liable to several strong objections; the bailiwicks had been increased in number and jurisdiction, several provinces having since that period been united to France; and the numbers and quality of the members were no less an object of serious attention; it was not till the close of the year, therefore, that the proposal of M. Neckar was adopted, which fixed the number of deputies at 1000 and upwards, and ordained that the representatives of the third estate or commons should equal in number those of the nobility and clergy united.

The eyes of all Europe were now turned on the states general; but the moment of that assembly's meeting was far from auspicious: The minds of the French had long been agitated by various rumours; the unanimity that had been expected from the different orders of the states was extinguished by the jarring pretensions of each; and their mutual jealousies were attributed by the suspicions of the people to the intrigues of the court, who were supposed already to repent of the hasty assent which had been extorted. A dearth that pervaded the kingdom increased the general discontent; and the people, pressed by hunger, and inflamed by resentment, were ripe to revolt. The sovereign also, equally impatient of the obstacles he continually encountered, could not conceal his chagrin; while the influence of the queen in the cabinet was again established, and was attended by the immediate removal of M. Neckar. The dismissal of that minister, so long the favourite of the public, was the signal of open insurrection; the Parisians assembled in myriads; the guards refused to oppose and stain their arms with the blood of their fellow citizens; the Count d'Artois and the most obnoxious of the nobility thought themselves happy in eluding by flight the fury of the insurgents; and in a moment a revolution was accomplished, the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history.

But before we proceed in our narration, and detail the transactions which have marked the progress of this singular and terrible revolution, it may be worth while to take a short view of the internal situation of France previous to this period, and the more obvious political causes, the operation of which seems to have contributed to the production of this great event.

The moral history of man is always more important than the mere recital of any physical occurrences that may take place in his lot. It is not the fall of a mighty monarch and the dispersion of his family; it is not the convulsions of empires, and the oceans of human blood which have been shed, that render the French revolution peculiarly interesting. Such events, however deplorable, are far from being without example in the history of mankind. In the populous regions of the east, where superstition and slavery have always prevailed, they are regarded as forming a part of the ordinary course of human affairs; because an intrepid and skilful usurper finds it easy to intimidate or ensnare millions of weak and credulous men. In Europe the case is very different; no adventurer can advance far without encountering thousands as artful and as daring as himself. Events are not the result either of blind hazard or of individual skill; conspiracies or plots produce little effect. Like other arts, the art of government has been brought to much perfection; and an established constitution can only be shaken by the strong convulsion produced by national passions and efforts. The wonderful spectacle which we are now to contemplate, is that of a mild and polished people becoming in an instant sanguinary and fierce; a well-established government, celebrated for its dexterity and skill, overturned almost without a struggle; a whole nation apparently uniting to destroy every institution which antiquity had hallowed or education taught them to respect; a superstitious people treating the religion of their fathers with contempt; a long-enslaved people, whose very chains had become dear to them, occupied in their public councils in the discussion of refined and even visionary schemes of freedom: in short, 25,000,000 of persons suddenly treading under foot every sentiment and every prejudice that they themselves had once regarded as sacred and venerable.

Like the other nations of Europe, France was anciently governed by a barbarous aristocracy, whose different members were feebly united by the authority of a succession of kings destitute of power or influence. The nobles, within their own territories, enjoyed privileges entirely royal: they made peace and war; they coined money; they were judges in the last resort; their vassals were their slaves, whom they bought and sold along with the lands; the inhabitants of cities, although freemen, were depressed and poor, depending for protection upon some tyrannical baron in their neighbourhood. At length, however, by the progress of the arts, the cities rose into considerable importance, and their inhabitants, along with such freemen of low rank as resided in the country, were considered as entitled to a representation in the states-general of the kingdom, under the appellation of tiers etat, or third estate; the clergy and the nobles forming the two first estates. But the sovereign having speedily become despotic, the meetings of the states-general were laid aside. This absolute authority, on the part of the crown, was not acquired, as it was in England by the house of Tudor, by abolishing the pernicious privileges of the nobles and elevating the commons; but by skilful encroachments, by daring exertions of prerogative, and the use of a powerful military force. In France, therefore, the monarch was absolute, yet the nobles retained all their feudal privileges, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy did the same. The following was, in a few words, the state of that country during these two last centuries.

The kingdom of France, previous to the revolution, was never reduced to one homogeneous mass. It consisted of a variety of separate provinces acquired by different means; some by marriage, some by legacy, and others by conquest. Each province retained its ancient laws and privileges, whether political or civil, as expressed in their capitularies or conditions by which they were originally acquired. In one part of his dominions the French monarch was a count, in another he was a duke, and in others he was a king; the only bond which united his vast empire being the strong military force by which it was overawed. Each province had its barriers; and the intercourse betwixt one province and another was often more restrained by local usages than the intercourse of either with a foreign country. Some of the provinces, such as Bretagne and Dauphiné, even retained the right of assembling periodically their provincial states; but these formed no barrier against the power of the court.

The clergy formed the first estate of the kingdom in point of precedence. They amounted to 130,000. The higher orders of them enjoyed immense revenues; but the curés or great body of acting clergy seldom possessed more than about 28l. sterling a-year, and their vicaires about half that sum. A few of their dignified clergy were men of great piety, who resided constantly in their dioceses, and attended to the duties of their office; but by far the greater number of them passed their lives at Paris and Versailles, immersed in all the intrigues and dissipation of a gay and corrupted court and capital. They were almost exclusively selected from among the younger branches of the families of the most powerful nobility, and accounted it a kind of dishonour to the order of bishops for any persons of low rank to be admitted into it. The lower clergy, on the contrary, were persons of mean birth, and had little chance of preferment. At the same time, we find several respectable exceptions to this last rule. The clergy, as a body, independent of the titles, possessed a revenue arising from their property in land, amounting to four or five millions sterling annually; at the same time they were exempt from taxation. The crown had of late years attempted to break through this privilege. To avoid the danger, the clergy presented to the court a free gift of a sum of money somewhat short of a million sterling every five years.

The nobility was nominally the second order of the state, but it was in reality the first. The nobles amounted to no less than 200,000 in number. The title and rank descended to all the children of the family, but the property to the eldest alone: hence vast multitudes of them were dependent on the bounty of the court. They regarded the useful and commercial arts as dishonourable, and even the liberal professions of the law and physic as in a great measure beneath their dignity, disdaining... daining to intermarry with the families of their professors. The feudal system in its purity was extremely favourable to the production of respectable qualities in the minds of those who belonged to the order of the nobles; but the introduction of commerce has rendered its decline equally unfavourable to that class of men. Instead of the ancient patriarchal attachment between the feudal chieftain and his vassals, the nobility had become greedy landlords in the provinces, that they might appear in splendour at court and in the capital. There, lost in intrigue, sensuality, and vanity, their characters became frivolous and contemptible. Such of the French noblesse, however, as remained in the provinces, regarded with indignation this degradation of their order, and still retained a proud sense of honour and of courage, which has always rendered them respectable.

The order of the nobles was exempted from the payment of taxes, although the property of some of them was immense. The estates of the prince of Condé, for example, were worth 200,000l. a-year, and those of the duke of Orleans nearly twice as much. The crown had indeed imposed some trifling taxes upon the noblesse, which, however, they in a great measure contrived to elude.

Next to the nobles, and as a privileged order possessing a secondary kind of nobility of their own, we may mention the parliaments. These were large bodies of men, in different provinces, appointed as courts of law for the administration of justice. In consequence of the corruption of the officers of state, the members purchased their places, which they held for life; but the son was usually preferred when he offered to purchase his father's place. In consequence of this last circumstance, the practising lawyers had little chance of ever becoming judges. Courts thus constituted, consisted of a motley mixture of old and young, learned and ignorant men. Justice was ill administered. The judges allowed their votes in depending causes to be openly solicited by the parties or their friends. No wise man ever entered into a litigation against a member of one of these parliaments; no lawyer would undertake to plead his cause; it never came to a successful issue, and usually never came to any issue at all. After the states-general had fallen into disuse, the parliaments acquired a certain degree of political consequence, and formed the only check upon the absolute power of the crown. The laws, or royal edicts, before being put in force, were always sent to be registered in the books of the parliaments. Taking advantage of this, in favourable times and circumstances, they often delayed or refused to register the royal edicts, and presented remonstrances against them. This was done under a kind of legal fiction: for they pretended that the obnoxious edict being injurious to the public happiness, could not be the will of the king, but must either be a forgery or an imposition by the ministers. These objections were got the better of, either by a positive order from the king, or by his coming in person and ordering the edict to be registered. The parliaments, however, often carried their opposition very far, even to the ruin of themselves and their families as individuals. This rendered them extremely popular with the nation, and enabled them to embarrass a weak administration. After all, however, the opposition of the parliaments was so feeble, that it was never thought worth while to abolish them entirely till towards the end of the reign of Louis XV.; but they were restored as a popular measure, at the beginning of the reign of Louis XVI.

The tiers état, or commons, formed the lowest order of the state in France, and they were depressed and miserable in the extreme. To form a conception of their lowest situation, it is necessary to observe that they bore the whole pecuniary burdens of the state: They alone were liable to taxation. An expensive and ambitious court; an army of 200,000 men in time of peace, and of twice that number in war; a considerable marine establishment, public roads and works, were all supported exclusively by the lowest of the people. To add to the evil, the revenues were ill collected. They were let out to farmers-general at a certain sum, over and above which they not only acquired immense fortunes to themselves, but were enabled to advance enormous presents to those favourites or mistresses of the king or the minister, by means of whom they procured their places. To raise all this money from the people, they were guilty of the cruellest oppression, having it in their power to obtain whatever revenue laws they pleased, and executing them in the severest manner. For this last purpose they kept in pay an army of clerks, subalterns, scouts, and spies, amounting to 80,000 men. These men were indeed detested by the king, whom they deceived and kept in poverty; by the people, whom they oppressed; and by the ancient nobility, as purse-proud upstarts. But the court of France could never contrive to manage without them. The peasants could be called out by the intendants of the provinces, in what they called corvées, to work upon the high roads for a certain number of days in the year, which was a source of severe oppression, as the intendant had the choice of the time and place of their employment, and was not bound to accept of any commutation in money. They were moreover subject to the nobles in a thousand ways. The nobles retained all their ancient manorial or patrimonial jurisdictions. The common people being anciently slaves, had obtained their freedom upon different conditions. In many places they and their posterity remained bound to pay a perpetual tribute to their feudal lords. Such tributes formed a considerable part of the revenue of many of the provincial nobles. No man could be an officer of the army, by a late regulation, who did not produce proofs of nobility for four generations. The parliaments, although originally of the tiers état, attempted also to introduce a rule that none but the noblesse should be admitted into their order. In such a situation, it will not be accounted surprising that the common people of France were extremely superstitious and ignorant. They were, however, passionately devoted to their monarch, and whatever concerned him. In 1754, when Louis XV. was taken ill at Metz, the whole nation was truly in a kind of despair. The courier and his horse that brought the news of his recovery to Paris were both almost suffocated by the embraces of the people.

We have said that the French monarch was despotic. His power was supported by his army, and by a powerful watchful police, having in pay an infinite host of spies and other servants. In France no man was safe. The secrets of private families were searched into. Nothing was unknown to the jealous inquisition of the police. Men were seized by lettres de cachet when they least expected it, and their families had no means of discovering their fate. The sentence of a court of law against a nobleman was usually reversed by the minister. No book was published without the license of a censor-general appointed by the court, and the minister was accountable to none but the king. No account was given of the expenditure of the public money. Enormous gratifications and pensions were given as the reward of the most infamous services. The supreme power of the state was usually lodged with a favourite mistress, and she was sometimes a woman taken from public prostitution. This was not indeed the case under Louis XVI., but it was nevertheless one of the misfortunes of his life that he was far from being absolute in his own family. Still, however, with all its faults, the French court was the most splendid and polished in Europe. It was more the resort of men of talents and literature of every kind, and there they met with more ample protection, than anywhere else. The court was often jealous of their productions, but they met with the most distinguished attention from men of fortune and rank; insomuch that for a century past the French have given the law to Europe in all questions of taste, of literature, and of every polite accomplishment. The gay elegance that prevailed at court diffused itself through the nation; and amidst much internal misery, gave it to a foreigner the appearance of happiness, or at least of levity and vanity.

Such as it was, this government had stood for ages, and might have continued, had not a concurrence of causes contributed to its overthrow. The inferior orders of clergy, excluded from all chance of preferment, regarded their superiors with jealousy and envy, and were ready to join the laity of their own rank in any popular commotion. The inferior provincial noblesse beheld with contempt and indignation the vices and the power of the courtiers, and the higher nobility wished to diminish the power of the crown. The practising lawyers, almost entirely excluded from the chance of becoming judges, wished eagerly for a change of affairs, not doubting that their talents and professional skill would render them necessary amidst any alterations that could occur. Accordingly, they were the first instruments in producing the revolution, and have been its most active supporters. The moneyed interest wished eagerly for the downfall of the ancient nobility. As for the great mass of the common people, they were too ignorant, too superstitiously attached to old establishments, and too much depressed, to have any conception of the nature of political liberty, or any hope of obtaining it. We have already stated the leading circumstances which led to the French revolution (see No. 184, &c.); but there were other circumstances which contributed in an equal degree both to its commencement and its progress.

For 40 years the principles of liberty had been disseminated with eagerness in France by some men of great talents, as Rousseau, Helvetius, and Raynal, to whom the celebrated Montesquieu had led the way. Besides these, there was in France a vast multitude of what were called men of letters, or persons who gave this account of the manner in which they spent their time. All these were deeply engaged on the side of some kind of political reform. The men of letters in Paris alone are said to have amounted to 20,000. One of the last acts of the administration of the archbishop of Toulouse was, on the 5th July 1788, to publish a resolution of the king in council, inviting all his subjects to give him their advice with regard to the state of affairs. This was considered as a concession of an unlimited liberty of the press; and it is scarcely possible to form an idea of the infinite variety of political publications which from that period diffused among the people a dissatisfaction with the order of things in which they had hitherto lived.

The established religion of France had for some time past been gradually undermined. It had been solemnly assaulted by philosophers in various elaborate performances; and men of wit, among whom Voltaire took the lead, had attacked it with the dangerous weapon of ridicule. The Roman Catholic religion is much exposed in this respect, in consequence of the multitude of false miracles and legendary tales with which its history abounds. Without discriminating betwixt the respectable principles on which it rests, and the superstitious follies by which they had been defaced, the French nation learned to laugh at the whole, and rejected instead of reforming the religion of their fathers. Thus the first order in the state had already begun to be regarded as useless, and the minds of men were prepared for important changes.

The immense population of the city of Paris, amounting to upwards of 800,000 souls, rendered it an important engine in the hands of the conductors of the revolution. An overgrown capital has always proved dangerous to a government that is or attempts to be despotic, as appears from the history of ancient Babylon and Rome, as well as of modern Constantinople, of London under Charles I., and Paris under several of its kings.

We cannot here avoid mentioning a physical event, which assisted not a little in producing many of the convulsions attending the revolution, a general scarcity of grain, which occurred about that period. On Sunday the 13th of July 1788, about nine in the morning, without any eclipse, a dreadful darkness suddenly overspread several parts of France. It was the prelude of such a tempest as is unexampled in the temperate climates of Europe. Wind, rain, hail, and thunder, seemed to contend in impetuosity; but the hail was the great instrument of ruin. Instead of the rich prospects of an early autumn, the face of nature in the space of an hour presented the dreary aspect of universal winter. The soil was converted into a morass, the standing corn beaten into the quagmire, the vines broken to pieces, the fruit trees demolished, and unmelted hail lying in heaps like rocks of solid ice. Even the robust forest trees were unable to withstand the fury of the tempest. The hail was composed of enormous, solid, and angular pieces of ice, some of them weighing from eight to ten ounces. The country people, beaten down in the fields on their way to church, amidst this concussion of the elements, concluded that the last day was arrived; and scarcely attempting to extricate themselves, France themselves, lay despairing and half suffocated amidst the water and the mud, expecting the immediate dissolution of all things. The storm was irregular in its devastations. While several rich districts were laid entirely waste, some intermediate portions of country were comparatively little injured. One of 60 square leagues had not a single ear of corn or fruit of any kind left. Of the 66 parishes in the district of Pontoise, 43 were entirely desolated, and of the remaining 23 some lost two-thirds and others half their harvest. The Isle of France, being the district in which Paris is situated, and the Orleanais, appear to have suffered chiefly. The damage there, upon a moderate estimate, amounted to 80,000,000 of livres, or between three and four millions sterling. Such a calamity must at any period have been severely felt; but occurring on the eve of a great political revolution, and amidst a general scarcity throughout Europe, it was peculiarly unfortunate, and gave more embarrassment to the government than perhaps any other event whatever. Numbers of families found it necessary to contract their mode of living for a time, and to dismiss their servants, who were thus left destitute of bread. Added to the public discontent and political dissensions, it produced such an effect upon the people in general, that the nation seemed to have changed its character; and instead of that levity by which it had ever been distinguished, a settled gloom now seemed fixed on every countenance.

The spring of the year 1789 was a period of much political anxiety in France. The superior orders wished to reduce the power of the crown, but were jealous of their own privileges, and determined to retain them; while the popular philosophers and others were endeavouring to render them odious, and to rouse the people to a love of freedom. Still, however, the great body of the common people remained careless spectators of the struggle, and unconscious of the approaching commotion. Such was their indifference, that few of them took the trouble even to attend and vote at the elections of the deputies to the states-general. In many places, where a thousand voters were expected, not fifty came forward; but such of them as did appear showed that a seed was sown which might one day rise into important fruits. In the instructions which they gave to their deputies, the British constitution was in general the model of what they wished their government to be. They demanded equal taxation, the abolition of lettres de cachet or arbitrary imprisonment, the responsibility of ministers, and the extinction of the feudal privileges of the nobles; but they wished that the whole three orders of the state should sit and vote in one house, well knowing that their nobility were not prepared to act the moderate part of a British house of lords. The nobles, on the contrary, although willing to renounce some of their pecuniary privileges, and to sacrifice the power of the crown, were most decisively resolved neither to surrender their feudal prerogatives nor the right of sitting in three separate assemblies; by means of which each of the orders could easily resist the encroachments of the other two. M. Neckar has been improperly censured for not deciding this last important question previous to the meeting of the states-general; but it must be observed, that the very purpose of calling that assembly was to overturn the unjust privileges of the higher orders through its medium, and without any direct interposition on the part of the ministers. Had the king positively decided in favour of three chambers, the nobles and the clergy would have retained all those ancient abuses established in their own favour, of which it was his wish to deprive them, and the crown and its prerogatives would have been the only objects of sacrifice. It was therefore thought safer to leave the tiers état to fight its own battle; nor was it yet imagined that the commons of France, depressed and poor, and dispersed by situation over a multitude of provinces, could ever unite in enterprises dangerous to the sovereign.

The states had been summoned to meet at Versailles on the 27th of April, and most of the deputies moved to arrive at that time; but the elections for the city of Paris not being concluded, the king deferred the commencement of their sessions till the 4th of May. During this period, the members, left in idleness, began to find out and form acquaintance with each other. Among others, a few members from Brittany (Bretagne) formed themselves into a club, into which they gradually admitted many other deputies that were found to be zealous for the popular cause, and also many persons who were not deputies. This society, thus originally established at Versailles, was called the Comité Breton; and was one day destined, under the appellation of the Jacobin Club, to give laws to France, and to diffuse terror and alarm throughout Europe. On the other side, the aristocratic party established conferences at the house of Madame Polignac, for the purpose, it is said, of uniting the nobles and the clergy.

An event occurred at this time which all parties ascribed to some malicious motive. In the populous suburb of St Antoine, a M. Reveillon carried on a great paper manufactory. A false report was spread that he intended to lower the wages of his workmen, and that he had declared bread was too good for them, and that they might subsist very well on potato-flour. A commotion was raised, he was burnt in effigy, and his house was thereafter burnt and pillaged by the mob, who were not dispersed till the military had been called in, and much carnage ensued. The popular party asserted that the commotion had been artfully excited by the party of the queen and the Count D'Artois, to afford a pretence for bringing great bodies of the military to the neighbourhood to overawe the states-general, or induce the king more decisively to resolve on assembling that body at Versailles, in preference to Paris, where they and the popular minister M. Neckar wished it to be held.

On the 4th of May the states general assembled at Versailles. They commenced business by going in a solemn procession, preceded by the clergy, and followed by the king, according to ancient custom, to perform an act of devotion. The nobles were arrayed in a splendid robe, and they and the higher clergy glittered in gold and jewels. The commons appeared in black, the dress belonging to the law. The assembly was thereafter opened by a short short speech from the throne, in which the king congratulated himself on thus meeting his people assembled; alluded to the national debt, and the taxes, which were severely felt because unequally levied; he took notice of the general discontent and spirit of innovation which prevailed, but declared his confidence in the wisdom of the assembly for remedying every evil. "May an happy union (added he) reign in this assembly; and may this epocha become ever memorable for the happiness and prosperity of the country. It is the wish of my heart; it is the most ardent desire of my prayers; it is, in short, the price which I expect from the sincerity of my intentions and my love for my people."

M. Barretin, the keeper of the seals, next addressed the assembly in a congratulatory and uninteresting speech. He was followed by the popular minister M. Neckar, who spoke for three hours. Though much applauded on account of the clear financial details which his speech contained, he encountered a certain degree of censure from all parties, on account of the cautious ambiguity which he observed with regard to the future proceedings of the states-general.

Next day the three orders assembled separately. The deputies of the tiers état amounted to 600 in number, and those of the nobles and clergy to 300 each. During their first sittings much time was spent in unimportant debates about trifling points of form; but the first important question, that necessarily became the subject of their discussion, was the verification of their powers, or production of the commissions of the members, and investigation of their authenticity. The commons (tiers état) laid hold of this as a pretext for opening the grand controversy, whether the states-general should sit in one or in three separate chambers? They sent a deputation inviting the nobles and the clergy to meet along with them in the common hall for the purpose of verifying their powers in one common assembly. In the chamber of the clergy 114 members voted for the performance of this ceremony in the general assembly; and 133 against it. But in the more haughty order of the nobles, the resolution for the verification in their own assembly was carried by a majority of 188 against 37. The commons paid no regard to this. They were conducted by bold and skilful leaders, who discerned the importance of the point in contest, and resolved not to abandon it. Aware of the exigencies of the state, they knew that the crown was nearly verging upon bankruptcy; and that such were the deficiencies of the revenue, that only a short delay was necessary to accomplish the absolute dissolution of the government. They suffered five weeks to pass away therefore in total inactivity. During this period proposals were made on the part of the ministry for a pacification between the three orders, and conferences were opened by commissioners from each. But no art could seduce the commons from their original purpose, or prevail with them to enter upon the business of the state.

The nation had expected much from the assembling of the states-general, and learnt the news of their inaction with no small degree of concern. The tiers état was naturally popular, and the public censure could not readily devolve upon that favourite order.

Moreover, from the first period of their assembling, the commons made every effort to augment their own natural popularity. They admitted all persons promiscuously into the galleries, and even into the body of their hall. No restraint was attempted to be laid upon the most vehement marks of popular applause or censure. Lists of the voters names were publicly taken and sent to Paris upon every remarkable occasion; and the members suddenly found themselves become, according to their political sentiments, the objects of general execration or applause. The new and bold notions of liberty that were daily advanced by the leaders of the tiers état were received with acclamation by their hearers. The capital became interested in the issue of every debate; and the political fervor was eagerly imbibed by the nation with that vivacity which is so peculiar to the French. The commons accused the nobles of obstinately impeding the business of the state, by refusing to verify their powers in one common assembly. The accusation was swallowed by the multitude, who saw not, or were unwilling to see, that the attack was made by their own favourite order. In the mean time the nobles became rapidly more and more unpopular. Their persons were insulted, new publications daily came forth, and were greedily bought up, which reviled their whole order, and represented them as an useless or pernicious body of men, whose existence ought not to be tolerated in a free state. Whoever adhered to them was branded with the odious appellation of Aristocrat. The clergy, from the influence of the parish curés or parsons, seemed ready to desert their cause. They were even opposed by a minority of their own body, which derived lustre from having at its head the duke of Orleans the first prince of the blood. Still, however, the majority of the nobles remained firm; well aware, that if they once consented to sit in the same assembly, and to vote promiscuously, with the ambitious and more numerous body of the commons, their whole order, and all its splendid privileges must speedily be overthrown.

The leaders of the commons saw the change that was taking place in the minds of men; and they at vantage length regarded the period as arrived when they ought this popularity, they project of seizing the legislative authority in their legislative country. They declared that the representatives of authority; the nobles and the clergy were only the deputies of particular incorporations whom they would allow to sit and vote along with themselves; but who had no title in a collective capacity to act as the legislators of France. For conducting business with more facility, they appointed 20 committees. In consequence of a proposal by the Abbe Sieyès, a final message was sent to the privileged orders, requiring their attendance as individuals, and intimating that the commons, as the deputies of 96 out of every hundred of their countrymen, were about to assume the exclusive power of legislation. None of the nobles obeyed this summons; but three curés, Messrs Cerve, Ballard, and Jallot, presented their commissions, and were received with loud acclamations. They were next day followed by five more, among whom were Messrs Gregoire, Dillon, and Bodineau. After some debate concerning the appellation which they ought to assume, the commons, with such of the clergy as had joined them, solemnly voted themselves the sovereign legislators of their country, under the name of the National Assembly. The result of the vote was no sooner declared, than the hall resounded with shouts from the immense concourse of spectators, of "Vive le roi et vive l'assemblée nationale," Long live the king and the national assembly. M. Bailly was chosen president for four days only, Messrs Camus and Pison de Galand secretaries, and the assembly proceeded to business.

Its first acts were decisively expressive of its own sovereignty. All taxes imposed without the consent of the representatives of the people were declared to be null and void; but a temporary sanction was given to the present taxes, although illegal, till the dissolution of the assembly, and no longer. It was added, that "as soon as, in concert with his majesty, the assembly should be able to fix the principles of national regeneration, it would take into consideration the national debt, placing, from the present moment, the creditors of the state under the safeguard and honour of the French nation."

The popular cause now gained ground so fast, that on the 19th of June a majority of the clergy voted for the verification of their powers in common with the national assembly, and they resolved to unite with them on the following day.

Affairs were now come to a crisis, and the nobles perceived that they must instantly make a decisive stand, or yield up their cause as finally lost. Such was their alarm, that M. d'Espremenil proposed, at one of the sittings of their order, to address the king, intreating him to dissolve the states-general. Hitherto that prince had gone along with M. Neckar in favouring the popular cause in opposition to the aristocracy. But every art was now used to alarm his mind upon the subject of the late assumptions of power on the part of the commons, and these arts were at length successful. Repeated councils were held; M. Neckar was absent attending a dying sister, and the king was prevailed upon to act agreeably to the advice of the leaders of the nobles. But the first measure which they adopted was so ill conducted as to afford little prospect of final success to their cause. On the 20th of June, when the president and members were about to enter as usual into their own hall, they found it unexpectedly surrounded by a detachment of the guards, who refused them admission, while the heralds at the same time proclaimed a royal session. Alarmed by this unforeseen event, the meaning of which they knew not, but apprehending that an immediate dissolution of the assembly was designed, they instantly retired to a neighbouring tennis court, where, in the vehemence of their enthusiasm, they took a solemn oath "never to separate till the constitution of their country should be completed."

On the 22d a new proclamation intimated that the royal session was deferred till the following day. It was now found that the assembly had been excluded from their hall merely because the workmen were occupied in preparing it for the intended solemnity. This information was ill calculated to excite favourable expectations of the measures about to be adopted at a royal session, ushered in by such circumstances of marked disrespect for the representatives of the people. The assembly, after wandering about in search of a place of meeting, at length entered the church of St Louis, and were immediately joined by the majority of the clergy, with their president, the archbishop of Vienne, at their head. Two nobles of Dauphiné, the marquis de Blagon and the count d'Agoult, presented their commissions at the same time. Encouraged by these events, and by the applause of surrounding multitudes, the assembly now expected with firmness the measures about to be adopted.

The royal session was held in the most splendid form, but altogether in the style of the ancient despotism, of the soldiers surrounded the hall. The two superior orders were seated, while the representatives of the people, left standing a full hour in the rain, were in no humour, when at last admitted, to receive with much complacency the commands of their sovereign. The king read a discourse, in which he declared null and void the resolutions of the 17th, but at the same time presented the plan of a constitution for France. It contained many good and patriotic principles, but preserved the distinction of orders, and the exercise of letters de cachet; it said nothing about any active share in the legislative power to be possessed by the states-general, and was silent both about the responsibility of ministers and the liberty of the press. The king concluded by commanding the deputies immediately to retire, and to assemble again on the following day. He then withdrew, and was followed by all the nobles and a part of the clergy. The commons remained in gloomy silence on their seats. It was interrupted by the grand master of the ceremonies, who reminded the president of the intentions of the king. Instantly the vehement count de Mirabeau, starting from his seat, exclaimed with indignation, "The commons of France have determined to debate. We have heard the intentions that have been suggested to the king; and you, who cannot be his agent with the states-general, you who have here neither seat nor voice, nor a right to speak, are not the person to remind us of his speech. Go tell your master that we are here by the power of the people, and that nothing shall expel us but the bayonet." The applause of the assembly seconded the enthusiasm of the orator, and the master of the ceremonies withdrew in silence.

M. Camus then rose; and in a violent speech indignantly stigmatized the royal session by the obnoxious term the appellation of a bed of justice; he concluded by moving that the assembly should declare their unqualified adherence to their former decrees. This motion was followed by another, pronouncing the persons of the deputies inviolable. Both were supported by Messrs Peition, Barnave, Glaizen, the Abbé Grégoire, Sieyes, and many others, and were unanimously decreed. The assembly, therefore, continued their sittings in the usual form. On the following day the majority of the clergy attended as members; and on the 25th the duke of Orleans, along with 49 of the deputies belonging to the order of nobles, joined them also. The remaining nobles, as well as the small minority of the clergy, now found themselves awkwardly situated. Whether on this account, or because their leaders had by this time formed a plan for carrying their point not by peaceable means but by the aid of a military force, the king, on the 27th, invited by a pressing letter both orders to join the commons. This request was immediately complied with, although many of the nobility disapproved of the measure.

The situation of France was now become truly alarming. When the king retired from the assembly after the royal session, he was followed by more than 6000 citizens, from whom loud clamours and every mark of disapprobation broke forth. All Versailles was speedily in an uproar. M. Neckar had repeatedly solicited his dismissal, and the report of this had increased the popular clamour. The court was in consternation. The king probably discovered, with no great satisfaction, that his minister was more popular than himself. At six o'clock in the evening the queen sent for M. Neckar. When he returned from the palace, he assured the crowd that waited for him that he would not abandon them; upon which they retired satisfied. At the same time the news of the royal session had thrown the city of Paris into violent agitation. The peace of that capital was at this time endangered by a variety of causes. A dreadful famine raged through the land, which in a great city is usually most severely felt. This prepared the minds of men for receiving unfavourable impressions of their political state. Every effort was moreover made to disorganize the government, and produce a dislike to the ancient order of things. The press poured forth innumerable publications, filled with new and seducing, though generally impracticable, theories of liberty. These were distributed gratis among the bulk of the people of Paris, and dispersed in the same manner through the provinces. Philip duke of Orleans (presumptive heir to the crown, failing the children and brothers of the king) is with good reason believed to have supplied this expense out of his more than royal revenues. In the gardens of the Palais Royal at Paris, which belonged to him, an immense multitude was daily assembled, listening from morning to night to orators who declaimed upon the most violent subjects of popular politics. Many of these orators were suspected to be in his pay. It was even believed that his money found its way into the pockets of some of the most distinguished leaders in the national assembly.

But the government was, if possible, still more dangerously assaulted by the methods now generally used to seduce the military. Every officer of the French army belonged to the order of the nobles; and from that quarter, therefore, it might have been imagined that there was little danger. But this very circumstance became the means of disorganizing that great engine of despotism. As the soldiers could not avoid imbibing some of the new opinions, their own officers became the first objects of their jealousy; especially in consequence of that impolitic edict of Louis XVI., which required every officer to produce proofs of four degrees of nobility; and thus insulted, by avowedly excluding the private men from promotion. Perhaps with a view to what might happen, the instructions to the deputies of the tiers état had recommended an increase of the pay of the soldiers. And now at Paris every art was used to gain them to the popular cause. They were conducted to the Palais Royal, and were there caressed and flattered by the populace, while they listened to the popular harangues. These arts were successful. On the 23d of June they first refused to fire on the mob in a riot. Some of them were on the 30th reported to be in confinement for this offence; a crowd instantly collected, and rescued them, the dragoons that were brought to suppress the tumult grounding their arms. A deputation of the citizens solicited of the assembly the pardon of the prisoners. The assembly applied to the king, who pardoned them accordingly.

All these events, together with the tumultuous state of the capital, which was daily increasing, made it necessary for the king to call out the military force to restore, if possible, the public peace. That his intentions were pure, the then state of affairs will permit no man but a democrat to doubt; but the aristocracy, with the Count d'Artois at their head, were bringing forward other measures, which ultimately contributed to the ruin of themselves, the king, and the kingdom. Crowds of soldiers were collected from all parts of the kingdom around Paris and Versailles. It was observed that these consisted chiefly of foreign mercenaries. Camps were traced out. Marshal Broglie, a tried veteran, was sent for and placed at the head of the army. The king was supposed to have entirely yielded to new counsels, and every thing bore the appearance of a desperate effort to restore the energy of the ancient government. This is the most important period of the French revolution; yet the specific designs of the leading actors have never been clearly understood. It was rumoured at the time, that Paris was to be subdued by a siege and bombardment; that the assembly was to be dissolved, and its leaders put to death. These are incredible exaggerations; but the crisis of French liberty was universally regarded as at hand, and also the existence of the national assembly as an independent body; or at least upon any other footing than that proposed by the king on the 23d of June.

An able and eloquent address to the king against the assemblage of foreign troops in their neighbourhood by Mirabeau, and voted by the king to the assembly. The king properly replied, that the state of the capital was the cause of assembling the troops, and which is offered to transfer the states-general to Noyons or Soissons. "We will neither remove (exclaimed Mirabeau) to Noyons or to Soissons; we will not place ourselves between two hostile armies, that which is besieging Paris, and that which may fall upon us through Flanders or Alsace; we have not asked permission to run away from the troops; we have desired that the troops should be removed from the capital."

Thirty-five thousand men were now stationed in the neighbourhood of Paris and Versailles. The posts were occupied which commanded the city, and camps were marked out for a greater force. The Count d'Artois and his party regarded their plans as ripe for execution; and M. Neckar received a letter from the king, requiring him to quit the kingdom in 24 hours. That popular minister took the route of Brussels on the following day, when his departure was made public. In his dismissal the popular, or, as it was now called, the democratic party, thought they saw the resolution adopted to accomplish their ruin. The assembly again addressed the throne; they requested anew the removal of the troops, offering to be responsible for the public peace, and to proceed in a body to Paris to encounter... ter personally every danger that might occur. But they were coolly told, that the king was the best judge of the mode of employing the troops, and that the presence of the assembly was necessary at Versailles. From a sovereign who doubtless recollected the proceedings of the long parliament of England, a different reply could not in reason be expected. On receiving it, however, it was instantly decreed, on the motion of the marquis de la Fayette, that the late ministry had carried with them the confidence of the assembly; that the troops ought to be removed; that the ministry are and shall be responsible to the people for their conduct; that the assembly persisted in all its former decrees; and that as it had taken the public debt under the protection of the nation, no power in France was entitled to pronounce the infamous word bankruptcy.

The city of Paris was thrown into deep consternation by the news of M. Neckar's retreat. His bust and that of the duke d'Orleans were dressed in mourning, and carried through the streets. The royal Allemand, a German regiment, broke in pieces the busts, and dispersed the populace. The prince de Lambescq, grand ecuyer of France, was ordered to advance with his regiment of cavalry, and take post at the Tuileries. Being a man of a violent temper, and enraged by the appearances of disapprobation which were visible around him, he furiously cut down with his sword a poor old man who was walking peaceably in the gardens. The consequences of this act of inhumanity were such as might have been expected; a shout of execration instantly arose; the cry to arms was heard; the military were assaulted on all sides; the French guards joined their countrymen, and compelled the Germans, overpowered by numbers, and unsupported by the rest of the army, to retire.

All order was now at an end, and as night approached an universal terror diffused itself through the city. Bands of robbers were collecting; and from them or from the foreign soldiery a general pillage was expected. The night passed away in consternation and tumult. It was found in the morning that the hospital of St. Lazare was already plundered. The alarm bells were rung; the citizens assembled at the Hotel de Ville, and adopted a proposal that was there made, of enrolling themselves as a militia for general defence, under the appellation of the national guard. This day and the succeeding night were spent in tolerable quietness, without any attempt on the part of the army. On the morning of the memorable 14th of July, it was discovered that the troops encamped in the Champs Elysées had moved off, and an immediate assault was expected. The national guard now amounted to 150,000 men; but they were in general destitute of arms. They had assumed a green cockade; but on recollecting that this was the livery of the Count d'Artois, they adopted one of red, blue, and white. M. de la Salle was named commander in chief, officers were chosen, and detachments sent round in quest of arms. In the Hotel des Invalides upwards of 30,000 stand of arms were found, along with 25 pieces of cannon; a variety of weapons was also procured from the garde meuble de la couronne, and from the shops of armourers, cutlers, &c.

The celebrated fortress of the Bastile was an object of much jealousy to the Parisians. At 11 o'clock in the morning, M. de la Rosiere, at the head of a numerous deputation, waited upon M. de Launay the governor, who promised, along with the officers of his garrison, that they would not fire upon the city unless they should be attacked. But a report was soon spread through Paris, that M. de Launay had, in a short time thereafter, admitted into the fortress a multitude of persons, and then treacherously massacred them. The cause of this piece of perfidy has never been explained. The fact itself has been denied; but it was attested at the time by the duke of Dorset, the British ambassador at the court of France. The effect of the report was, that a sudden resolution was adopted of assaulting the Bastile; an immense and furious multitude rushed into its outer, and soon forced their way into its inner courts, where they received and returned a severe fire for the space of an hour. The French guards, who were now embodied into the national guard, conducted the attack with skill and coolness; they dragged three wagons loaded with straw to the foot of the walls, and there set them on fire; the smoke of these broke the aim of the garrison, while it gave no disturbance to the more distant assailants. The besieging multitude pressed the attack with incredible obstinacy and vigour; for the space of four hours; the garrison was in confusion; the officers served the cannon in person, and fired their muskets in the ranks; the governor, in despair, thrice attempted to blow up the fortress. A capitulation, when at last sought, was refused to the garrison, and an unconditional surrender took place. The governor, and M. de Losme Salbrai his major, a gentleman of distinguished humanity and honour, became victims of popular fury in spite of every effort that could be made for their protection; but the French guards succeeded in procuring the safety of the garrison. Only seven prisoners were found in the Bastile. A guard was placed in it, and the keys were sent to the celebrated M. Brissot de Warville, who a few years before had inhabited one of its caverns.

The remaining part of this eventful day was spent at Paris in a mixture of triumph and alarm. In the pocket of the governor of the Bastile a letter was found, encouraging him to resistance by the promise of speedy succours, written by M. de Flesselles, the prevot des marchands, or chief city magistrate, who had pretended to be a most zealous patriot. This piece of treachery was punished by instant death; and his bloody head was carried through the city on a pole, along with that of M. de Launay. At the approach of night a body of troops advanced towards the city, at the Barriere d'Enfer. The new national guard hurried thither, preceded by a train of artillery, and the troops withdrew upon the first fire; barricadoes were everywhere formed, the alarm-bells were rung, and a general illumination continued during the whole of this night of confusion.

In the mean time, it was obvious that the new ministry were entering upon a difficult scene of action, where one false step might lead to ruin, and where pointed out their own plan of conduct ought to be maturely digested. Marshal Broglie was made minister of war; the baron de Breteuil president of finance, M. de la Galiere comptroller-general, M. de la Porte intendant of the war department, and M. Foulon intendant of the navy; But the person of the monarch was still beloved.—Early next morning the king went to the assembly, but with none of the usual solemnities. He "regretted the commotions of the capital, disavowed any knowledge of an intention against the persons of the deputies, and intimated that he had commanded the removal of the troops." A deep and expressive silence prevailed for a few moments; this was succeeded by vehement and universal shouts of applause. The king rose to depart, and instantly the whole assembly crowded around, and attended him to his palace. The queen appeared at a balcony with the dauphin in her arms; the music played the pathetic air of Où peut-on être mieux qu'au sein de sa famille. The enthusiasm of loyalty communicated itself to the surrounding multitudes, and nothing was heard but acclamations of joy.

On the following day, the king declared his resolution to visit the city of Paris in person. Accordingly, the city visits the king, who never wanted personal courage, however deficient he might be in political steadfastness, set out, attended by some members of the assembly and by the militia of Versailles. He was met by the celebrated M. de la Fayette, at the head of a body of the national guard, of which he had now been chosen commander in chief. M. Bailly, in whose person the ancient office of mayor of Paris had been revived, received the king at the gates, and delivered to him the keys. All this while no shout was heard from the crowd of innumerable spectators but that of Vive la nation. The king advanced to the Hotel de Ville, where the new cockade was presented to him, which he put on, and presented himself with it at the window. At the sight of this badge of patriotism an universal shout of Vive le Roi burst forth from every quarter; and he returned to Versailles amidst general triumph and applause.

Much confusion still prevailed in the capital; but in which there was more appearance of regularity than could have been expected at the conclusion of such important events. This arose from a casual concurrence of circumstances. To conduct with ease the elections to the states general, Paris had been divided into 60 districts, each of which had a separate place of meeting. The people did not elect the members to the states-general; but they chose delegates, who under the name of electors, voted for the members. At the commencement of the disturbances, the electors, at the request of their fellow-citizens, assumed a temporary authority; of which however they were soon weary, and as soon as possible procured the public election of 120 persons as municipal officers for the government of the city. The citizens having got the habit of assembling in their districts, grew fond of it: they assembled frequently, made rules for their own government, and sent commissioners to communicate with other districts. The tumultuous nature of these meetings, and the vehemence of debate which prevailed in them, will best be conceived from the ludicrous contrivance of one of their presidents, who stationed a drummer at the back of his chair, and when the confusion and noise became altogether unanswerable, gave the signal for beating the drum, which speedily overpowered every other noise. These meetings, however, gradually ripened into clubs, in which much dexterity and intrigue were exerted.

The whole of the late ministry escaped excepting M. Foulon. Foulon. His character, it may well be imagined, was extremely unpopular; for he is said to have asserted, that he would "make the people of Paris eat hay." He had retired to the country, but was seized by his own vassals, and brought to Paris with a bundle of hay tied on his back. In spite of every effort made by M. M. Bailly and Fayette to procure him a fair trial at least, he was carried to the Place de Grève, and hanged at a lamp-iron by the enraged multitude. His son-in-law, M. Berthier, attempting to defend himself against a similar fate, fell, covered with wounds. Their heads were carried round on poles; and thus the populace became habituated to the sight of blood and murder: they were even taught by popular songs to glory in such actions, and particularly by the well known song Caïra.

In consequence of an invitation from the king, M. Neckar returned to France. He was received by the assembly with great applause, and in Paris with infinite solemnity and triumph. He here, however, committed a political error that made some noise. In deploring the late excesses and murders, and taking notice of the arrest of M. Bezenval, an officer of the Swiss guards, he requested of the electors at the Hotel de Ville, in a solemn harangue, that the past should be forgotten; that proscriptions should cease, and a general amnesty be proclaimed. In a moment of enthusiasm this was agreed to, and the electors decreed what unquestionably exceeded their powers. The districts of Paris were instantly in commotion; the electors alarmed, declared that they only meant that "henceforth the people would punish no man but according to law;" and at the same time, to prove that they themselves were free from ambition, they formally renounced all their own powers. The assembly took up the question. Lally Tolendal, Mounier, Clermont Tonnerre, Garat junior, and others, declared that no person ought to be arrested without a formal accusation; while Mirabeau, Robespierre, Barnave, and Gleizen, alleged, on the contrary, that the people were entitled to lay hold of any man who had publicly appeared at the head of their enemies. The debate ended, by admitting the explanation of the electors, and by a declaration that it was the duty of the assembly to see justice executed in all cases.

The commotions and enthusiasm of the capital were speedily communicated to the provinces. In every quarter the people seized upon all the arms that could be found, and the military uniformly refused to act against them. Many acts of outrage were committed in Brittany, at Strasbourg, in the Lyonnais, and elsewhere, in which the nobility were the sufferers. The mischiefs that occurred were usually magnified at a distance; but that very circumstance was an additional evil. For example: It was stated in the National Assembly that M. de Mesmay, lord of Quincey, invited a number of patriots, among whom were the officers of a neighbouring garrison, to a splendid entertainment at his house, to celebrate the happy union of the three orders: That in the midst of the feast the master of the house contrived to withdraw unnoticed, and to set fire to a train previously laid, which communicated with a quantity of gunpowder in the cellars, in consequence of which, the whole company, by a sudden explosion, were blown into the air. It was found on inquiry, that there was not one word of truth in the whole story.

But before this inquiry could be made, all France had resounded with accounts of the pretended bloody tragedy; and the whole nobility of the kingdom suffered in a less or greater degree, from the prejudices excited by this unhappy report, the origin of which has never been well explained. It would be vain to state all the idle rumours to which at this time the blind credulity of the multitude gave currency. At one time, the aristocrats were cutting down the green corn; at another time they were burying flour in common sewers, or casting loaves into the Seine. One report was no sooner proved to be false than another arose, and the whole nation was agitated by suspicion and alarm. The National Assembly were engaged in framing their celebrated declaration of the rights of man, which was to form the basis of the new constitution, when the alarming accounts received from all quarters, of the state of anarchy into which the kingdom was falling, obliged them suddenly to turn their attention to objects of practical necessity. The privileged orders found themselves become the objects of universal jealousy and hatred; and that something must instantly be done to save their families and property, which were menaced on every side with persecution and pillage. Regarding the popular torrent as now become irresistible, to save something they resolved to sacrifice a part.

On the afternoon sitting of the 4th of August, the Viscount de Noailles, seconded by the Duke d'Aiguillon, opened one of the most important scenes in the French Revolution, or in the history of any country. These noblemen stated, that the true cause of the commotions which convulsed the kingdom existed in the misery of the people, who groaned under the double oppression of public contributions and of feudal services. "For three months (said M. de Noailles) the people have beheld us engaged in verbal disputes, while their own attention and their wishes are directed only to things. What is the consequence? They are armed to reclaim their rights, and they see no prospect of obtaining them but by force." He therefore proposed to do justice, as the shortest way of restoring tranquillity, and for that purpose to decree, that henceforth every tax should be imposed in proportion to the wealth of the contributors, and that no order of the state should be exempted from the payment of public burdens; that feudal claims should be redeemed at a fair valuation; but that such claims as consisted of personal services on the part of the vassal should be abolished without compensation, as contrary to the imprescriptible rights of man. The extensive possessions of the noblemen who made these proposals added much lustre to the disinterested sacrifice which they afforded. Their speeches were received with the most enthusiastic applauses by the Assembly and the galleries, and their proposals were decreed by acclamation without a vote. No nation is so much led by the influence of sudden emotions as the French. The patriotic contagion now spread fast through every breast, and a contest of generosity ensued. The hereditary jurisdictions possessed by the nobles within their own territories were next sacrificed. All places and pensions granted by the court were suppressed, unless granted as the reward of merit or of actual services. The game laws, which condemned the husbandman, under severe penalties, to leave his proper abode, ty a prey to infinite multitudes of animals reserved for pastime, had always been numbered among the severe grievances of the French peasantry. These were therefore renounced, along with the exclusive rights of rabbit warrens, fisheries, and dovecotes. The sale of offices was abolished, and the fees exacted from the poor, together with the privilege of holding a plurality of livings, were relinquished by the clergy. The deputies of the Pays d'Etat, or privileged provinces, with the deputies of Dauphine at their head, next came forward, and offered a surrender of their ancient privileges, requesting that the kingdom might no longer remain parcelled out among Dauphinois, Bretons, Provençaux, &c., but that they should all form one great mass of French citizens. They were followed by the representatives of Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, Bourdeaux, Strasbourg, &c., who requested leave to renounce all their separate privileges as incorporations, for the sake of placing every man and every village in the nation upon a footing of equality. Thus the assembly proceeded, till every member had exhausted his imagination upon the subject of reform. To close the whole, the Duke de Liancourt proposed that a solemn Te Deum should be performed, that a medal should be struck in commemoration of the events of that night; and that the title of Restorer of Gallic Liberty should be bestowed upon the reigning monarch. A deputation was accordingly appointed to wait upon the king, respectfully to inform him of the decrees.

Several succeeding days were necessary to form into laws the decrees of the 4th August, and committees were appointed to make out reports for that purpose. One of these reports having included the tithes and revenues of the clergy among the abuses that were to be done away, and having proposed in lieu of them to grant a certain stipend to the different ministers of religion to be payable by the nation, the clergy attempted to make a stand in defence of their property, and violent debates ensued. In these they were ably supported by the Abbe Sieyes: but as the clergy had formerly deserted the nobles, so they were now in their turn abandoned to their fate by the hereditary aristocracy. The popular party had long regarded the wealth of the church as an easy resource for supplying the wants of the state.—Never was there a more complete proof of the influence of opinion over the affairs of men. The Catholic clergy of France, though possessed of more property than they enjoyed at the time when princes took up arms or laid them down at their command, now found so few defenders, that they were terrified into a voluntary surrender of all that they and their predecessors had possessed for ages. In their overthrow, they scarcely enjoyed even the barren honour of having fallen the last of those privileged orders that so long had ruled over this ancient kingdom. They and the nobles, and the king, still possessed their former titles and nominal dignity; but all of them were now subdued, and at the mercy of the commons of France, who speedily dismissed them at their pleasure.

As a short season of tranquillity in the Court and the National Assembly succeeded these great popular sacrifices, the king laid hold of it as a fit opportunity for the appointment of a new ministry. They consisted of the archbishop of Vienne, the archbishop of Bourdeaux, M. Neckar, the Count de St Priest, Count de Montmorin, the Count de la Luzerne, and the Count de la Tour du Pin Paulin. M. Neckar, as minister of finance, having stated the distressed situation of the revenue, presented the plan of a loan of thirty millions of livres. But M. Mirabeau, from a spirit of rivalry, as it would seem, to M. Neckar, prevailed with the assembly to alter and to narrow the conditions of it in raising money to such a degree that very few subscribers were found, and consequently the loan could not be filled up. This failure involved the assembly in a considerable degree of unpopularity: in consequence of which they allowed M. Neckar to prescribe his own terms for the purpose of obtaining a loan of eighty millions. But the happy instant of public confidence had been allowed to pass away, and this loan was never more than half filled up. Recourse was next had to patriotic contributions; and great numbers of gold rings, silver buckles, and pieces of plate, were presented to the assembly. The royal family themselves sent their plate to the mint, either to give countenance to these donations, or, as M. Neckar has since asserted, through absolute necessity, for the purpose of supporting themselves and their family. The confusion into which the nation had been thrown by the late events had produced a suspension of the payment of all taxes. There existed, in fact, no efficient government; and if society escaped entire dissolution, it was merely in consequence of those habits of order which are produced by a state of long continued civilization. The business of government could not be transacted without money, and many vain efforts were made by the ministry to procure it. At length M. Neckar was driven to the desperate resource of proposing a compulsory loan, or that every individual possessed of property should advance to the state a sum equal to one-fourth of his annual income. This bold proposition was supported by Mirabeau, and adopted by the assembly; but it does not appear to have ever been effectually executed.

In the mean time, the assembly was busily occupied in framing the celebrated declaration of the Rights of Man, which was afterwards prefixed to the new constitution. This was followed by the discussion of a point of much delicacy and difficulty; viz. What share of legislative authority the king ought to possess under the new constitution: whether an absolute negative or veto, and the suspensive veto, or no veto at all? This question operated like a touchstone for trying the sentiments of every person; and the assembly, consisting of 1200 men, was now seen to arrange itself into two violent contending factions. The debates were vehement and tumultuous, and continued for many days. As the assembly sat in public, and as multitudes of people of all descriptions were admitted into the galleries, and even into the body of the hall among the members, many indecent scenes took place in consequence of the interference of the spectators to applaud or censure the sentiments which were delivered. Thus the public at large became speedily interested in the discussion; the city of Paris took a side in opposition to the veto, and the whole empire was thrown into agitation by new and speculative questions. The distinguished place which France holds among the nations of Europe rendered these singular events and discussions the object of universal attention. The contagious love of novelty spread rapidly abroad, and gave rise to that well-founded jealousy on the part of the monarchs of Europe, which was... France was speedily to burst forth in a bloody tempest.—In the present case, the people of Paris became most eagerly interested. Rumours of plots were spread through the country, and a new storm was obviously gathering, when the question was thus got quit of. M. Mounier remarked, that the executive power could possess no negative against the decrees of the present assembly, which had been nominated by the nation with supreme powers for the express purpose of framing a constitution, which was to remain binding over all orders of men in the state; and with regard to future legislatures, the king declared by a message, that he wished to possess no more than a suspensive veto. It is remarkable that the popular Mirabeau concluded a speech in favour of the absolute veto of the crown with these words, "That it would be better to live in Constantinople, than in France, if laws could be made without the royal sanction." This political adventurer is, however, accused of having taken care to circulate in Paris a report that he had opposed the veto with all his influence; and to give credit to the story, he is said to have quitted the assembly just before the division, that his vote might not appear on record against it.

The month of August was spent in the debates about the veto; and in the beginning of September a new constitutional question was presented to the assembly by one of its numerous committees. This was, Whether the legislative body, ought to consist of one or of two chambers? Mounier, Lally Tollendal, Clermont Tonnerre, and others, who were zealous lovers of freedom upon what were then accounted moderate principles, supported eagerly the idea of establishing two independent chambers in imitation of the British constitution; but they were deserted both by the democratic and aristocratic parties. The first of these regarded an upper house or senate as a refuge for the old aristocracy, or as the cradle of a new one; while the higher nobles and clergy feared lest such an arrangement might prevent the future re-establishment of the ancient division into three orders. Of 1000 members who voted, only 89 supported the proposal for dividing the legislature into two chambers.

Soon after this the king gave his sanction to the important decrees of the 4th of August, but not without some hesitation, and expressing doubts of the wisdom of some of them in a letter to the assembly. At the same time the inviolability of the person of the monarch was decreed, the indivisibility of the throne, and its hereditary descent from male to male in the reigning family. But we shall not here attempt to enter into a detail of the various articles of the new constitution as connected with the circumstances under which they became the subject of debate. We shall only state those more remarkable circumstances which tend to ascertain the peculiar changes which the sentiments of the nation underwent in the progress of a revolution the most remarkable that occurs in human history.

In consequence of the debates upon the questions of the veto and the two chambers, the minds of parties had become much irritated. Paris wore the same threatening aspect that it had done in the months of June and of July preceding; and every thing seemed tending towards an important crisis. The aristocratic party accused their antagonists of a design to excite new insurrections; and the charge was retorted, by circulating a report that a plot for conveying the king to Metz was already ripe for execution.

From the period of the defection of the French guards, who were now in the pay of the capital, the protection of the royal family had been entrusted to the militia or national guard of Versailles, together with the regiment of the gardes du corps, which was composed entirely of gentlemen. Upon the circulation of the report of the intended flight of the king, the French guards began to wish to be restored to their ancient employment of attending his person, for the purpose of preventing any attempt of this nature. This idea was eagerly cherished by the capital; and, in spite of every effort used by M. de la Fayette, the obvious appearance of approaching disturbances could not be prevented. The popular party saw the advantages which they would derive from placing the assembly and the king in the midst of that turbulent metropolis which had given birth to the revolution, and upon the attachment of which they could most securely depend. Every encouragement was therefore given by the most active leaders of what was now called the Democratic party to the project of establishing the court at Paris. The ministry were under no small degree of alarm; and the count d' Estaing, who commanded the national guard of Versailles, requested the aid of an additional regiment. The regiment of Flanders was accordingly sent for: its arrival caused no small degree of anxiety; and every effort was instantly made to gain over both officers and soldiers to the popular cause.

On the first of October the gardes du corps, probably for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the newly arrived regiment, and perhaps to attach them more steadily to the royal cause, invited the officers of the regiment of Flanders to a public entertainment. Several officers of the national guard, and others of the military were invited. The entertainment was given in the opera house adjoining to the palace; several loyal toasts were drank: but it is asserted, that when the favourite popular toast The Nation was given, it was rejected by the gardes du corps. In ordinary cases, such a trifling circumstance as this, or even any other of the transactions of a night of festivity, would justly be regarded as unworthy of notice in recording the more remarkable events in the history of a great nation; but such was now the singular state of affairs, that the most trivial occurrences were instrumental, by their combination, in the production of important consequences. The queen, having seen from a window of the palace the gaiety which prevailed among the military, prevailed with the king, who was just returned from hunting, to visit them along with herself and the dauphin. Their sudden appearance in the saloon kindled in an instant the ancient enthusiasm of French loyalty. The grenadiers of the regiment of Flanders along with the Swiss chasseurs, had been admitted to the dessert; and they, as well as their officers, drank the health of the King, Queen, and Dauphin, with their swords drawn. The royal family having bowed with politeness to the company, retired. Of all nations, the French are most liable to the influence of sudden impressions: the music played the favourite air, O, Record! O mon Roi! l'univers t'abandonne; "O Richard! O my king! the world abandons thee!" In the eagerness of loyalty loyalty, the national cockade, which had been adopted by some of the gardes du corps, was thrown aside, and white cockades were supplied as quickly as they could be made by the ladies of the court.

When these events were next day reported at Paris, accompanied by a multitude of exaggerations, they gave rise to the most violent alarm. The capital was at that time suffering all the horrors of famine; and in such a situation, the news of a feast which others have enjoyed, seldom gives much pleasure to hungry men. To the former report of an intended flight on the part of the royal family, it was now added, that a counter revolution was speedily to be attempted by force of arms; and that the present scarcity was artificially created by the court for the purpose of reducing the people to submission. Their aristocratic antagonists have since asserted, that the famine was indeed artificial; but that it was created by a portion of the violent party in the national assembly, which was then denominated the Cabal, whose object was to excite commotions as the means of procuring an opportunity of setting the duke of Orleans at the head of the state, either as regent, or in some other form. To this last party Mirabeau is said to have belonged.

For four days no notice was taken in the assembly of what had passed at the entertainment given by the gardes du corps. On the 5th of October M. Pétion mentioned it for the first time, and a violent debate ensued; during which Mirabeau rose and exclaimed, "Declare that the king's person alone is sacred, and I myself will bring forward an impeachment;" thereby alluding to the conduct of the queen. While this debate was proceeding at Versailles, the city of Paris was in commotion. A vast multitude of women of the lowest rank, with some men in women's clothes, had assembled at the Hôtel de Ville, and were calling aloud for arms and bread. They resolved to proceed instantly to Versailles to demand bread from the king and from the national assembly. La Fayette opposed them in vain; for his own soldiers refused to turn their bayonets against the women. Upon this one Stanislaus Maillard, who had distinguished himself at the taking of the Bastile, offered himself as a leader to the insurgents. He had the address to prevail with them to lay aside such arms as they had procured; and he set out for Versailles about noon with as much order among his followers as could well be expected from such an assemblage. Either because the passion for going to Versailles had suddenly become too infectious to be resisted, or because the multitude already gone thither was now accounted dangerous, the mayor and municipality of Paris thought fit to give orders to La Fayette instantly to set out for that place at the head of the national guard.

In the mean time, Maillard approached Versailles with his tumultuous troop; he arranged them in three divisions, and persuaded them to behave with tolerable decency. The king was hunting in the woods of Mendon when he was informed of the arrival of a most formidable band of women calling aloud for bread. "Alas!" (replied he) if I had it, I should not wait to be asked." Maillard entered the assembly accompanied by a deputation of his followers to state the object of their journey. The assembly, to pacify them, sent a deputation of their own number along with them to lay their complaints before the king. His majesty received the whole with great politeness, and readily agreed to go into any measures for the supply of the capital that could be suggested. The report of this behaviour had such an effect upon the multitude collected around the palace, that they began to disperse; but they were speedily succeeded by another crowd not less numerous. A sudden resolution of flight seems now to have been proposed by the court; for the king's carriages were brought to the gate of the palace which communicates with the orangery; but the national guard of Versailles refused to allow them to pass, and the king himself refused to remove, or to allow any blood to be shed in his cause.

La Fayette with his army at length arrived about 10 o'clock at night, and found the assembly in a very unpleasant situation. Their hall and galleries were crowded by the Parisian fish-women and others of the Versailles mob, who, at every instant, interrupted the debates. La Fayette waited upon the king, and informed him of the proceedings of the day, planted guards in every quarter; and after a scanty banquet had been procured for the multitude, he prevailed with the assembly to close their sitting for the night. In this last part of his conduct M. la Fayette has been much censured, and probably not without reason; for it could scarcely be expected that such a night would be spent in peace by the immense assemblage of turbulent characters that were now brought together. All was quiet, however, till about six in the morning of the 6th, when a great number of women and desperate persons rushed forward to the palace, and attempted to force their way into it. Two of the gardes du corps were killed; the crowd ascended the stair leading to the queen's apartment, but were bravely resisted by M. Miendre a sentinel, who gave the alarm, and defended his post till he fell covered with wounds, of which, however, he afterwards fortunately recovered. The ruffians, reeking with his blood, rushed into the chamber of the queen, and pierced with bayonets and poniards the bed whence this persecuted woman had but just time to fly almost naked, and, through ways unknown to the murderers, had escaped to seek refuge at the feet of the king, who was already alarmed, and had gone to seek her.

The tumult became more violent every moment, and the royal sudden death seemed to threaten the royal family; but family La Fayette was by this time at the head of his troops, whom he beseeched earnestly to save the gardes du corps from massacre. In this he was successful; some that had been taken prisoners were surrounded by the grenadiers of the French guards, who protected them, and the retreat of the whole corps was easily secured. The crowd was speedily driven from the different quarters of the palace, which they were already beginning to pillage; and the royal family ventured to show themselves at a balcony. A few voices now exclaimed, "Le Roi à Paris," "the King to Paris." The shout became general; and the king, after consulting with La Fayette, declared that he had no objection to take up his residence at Paris, provided he was accompanied by the queen and his children. When the proposal was reported to the assembly, the popular leaders expressed much satisfaction. They ordered a deputation of 100 members to attend the king thither; they voted the national assembly inseparable from the king. His majesty set out at two o'clock a prisoner in the custody of the mob. Two gentlemen were selected from his body guard, and, with all the parade of an execution, beheaded in the court of his palace. Their heads were stuck upon spears, and led the procession; whilst the royal captives who followed in the train, and beheld this spectacle, were conducted so slowly, that a short journey of twelve miles was protracted to six hours. The king, the queen, and their children, were lodged in the old palace of the Louvre, while Monsieur went to reside at the Luxembourg. The city was illuminated, and the evening spent in triumph by the Parisians.

The removal of the king to Paris was regarded as a triumph by the popular party. The higher order of nobles considered it as completely ruinous to their hopes; and even many men of talents, such as Mounier and Lally Tollendal, whom we cannot avoid regarding as friends to the popular cause in its outset, now regarded every prospect of attaining a happy constitutional freedom as at an end, as the national representatives must be forever exposed to the insults, and overawed by the influence of a turbulent capital. Many members of the assembly took refuge in foreign countries, and used every effort to excite the other nations of Europe to hostility against France. As the duke of Orleans had been regarded as a chief agent in promoting the late disturbances, the marquis de la Fayette waited upon him, and insisted upon his leaving the kingdom for a time. The duke was overawed, and, on pretence of public business, went to England, where he remained for several months.

On the 19th of October, the National Assembly held its first session in Paris. The king was closely guarded in his own palace; and no apparent opposition now stood in the way to prevent the popular party from giving to their country such a constitution as they might judge expedient. Much, however, was yet to be done, and many difficulties remained, resulting from the habits of men educated under a very different order of things. Two days after the assembly came to Paris, a baker was publicly executed by the mob, upon a false accusation of having concealed a quantity of bread. While the assembly was at a distance, events of this nature had been little attended to, and the leading party avoided attempting to check these ebullitions of popular violence, from which they had derived so much advantage; but that party was now all powerful, and so flagrant an offence committed against the law was regarded as an insult upon the sovereignty of the National Assembly. Two leaders of the mob were therefore tried and publicly executed, and a severe law was passed, of the nature of the British riot act, authorising the magistrates to act by military force against any multitude of persons that should refuse to disperse. Thus the peace of the capital was secured for several months; but in the country at large no small degree of anxiety and trouble still subsisted. The same suspicious temper which had prevailed at Paris agitated the provinces with the dread of plots and monopolies of grain. Add to this, that the noblesse in the country were by no means satisfied with the liberality with which their representatives had on the 4th of August voted away their privileges and their property. This produced violent jealousies between the peasants and their lords, and gradually conveyed to every corner of the kingdom the political ferment which had commenced at Paris.

The National Assembly being now, however, in tolerable security, proceeded in the arduous attempt of forming a free constitution for the great empire of France. The Abbé Sieyes presented a plan for dividing the kingdom into 83 departments, of about 324 square leagues, and each department into several districts, and each district was subdivided into cantons of four square leagues in extent. Thus the whole of the ancient divisions of the kingdom into governments, generalities, and bailiwicks, was in an instant obliterated. An attempt was also made to simplify in an equal degree the relative situation of individuals in civil life, by a decree which put an end to all distinction of orders and immunities, so far as any privileges whatever was concerned. At the same time, a bold and most important measure was adopted, which has since proved the organ of those terrible efforts which France has been enabled to make against the rest of Europe. This was the confiscation of the whole of the lands belonging to the church, for the purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state. In this transaction, all regard to justice was thrown aside. The lands of the church were as certainly the property of the then possessors of them as any entailed estate among us is the property of him who occupies it. The state may have had a right to appropriate to itself the church lands upon the death of the incumbents; but it might with equal justice, and perhaps greater propriety, have seized the enormous revenues of the duke of Orleans, as have confiscated a single acre belonging to the most useless abbot without his own consent. This nefarious measure was proposed by the bishop of Autun, M. Talleyrand Perigord, a man of no religion, who had been promoted to the bench in a most irregular manner to serve this very purpose. The mode in which this property was to be expended was by issuing assignments (assignats) upon it; which assignments were to be received by the state for the payment of taxes, or for the purchase of church lands when set up to sale. A provision was at the same time made for the national clergy, who were for the future to be paid by the state. On the day following that on which this important measure was adopted, a decree was passed, suspending the parliaments of the kingdom from the exercise of their functions.

Decrees, in which the interests of so vast a multitude of individuals were involved, could not be carried into effect without much murmuring and opposition. The parliaments, in particular, began to exert themselves with vigour, and, by protests and other publications, attempted to invalidate the decrees of the assembly as illegal; but these privileged bodies, who had often been accustomed to contend with some success against the despotic administration of their country, and on that account had been for ages the objects of public applause, now found themselves utterly forsaken, and unable to resist the mandate of a popular assembly. After a few fruitless struggles, they were all of them under the necessity of submitting to their fate.

Nothing remarkable now occurred for some time. The assembly proceeded to organize the kingdom by the establishment of municipalities, and by reforming the jurisprudence of the country. It is to be observed, however, that when the parliament of Paris was abolished, lished, the Chatelet, being the second court in that city, was retained for the purpose of trying those persons who had become most obnoxious by their attachment to the royal cause. This court had the spirit to acquit the Baron de Bezenval, Marshal Broglie, and the Prince de Lambesc. But having incurred much popular odium on this account, they were guilty of the unworthy meanness of condemning to death the Marquis de Favres, for a pretended conspiracy (of which no tolerable proof was ever brought) to massacre La Fayette, Bailly, and Neckar, and to convey the king to Peronne.

During the whole of this winter the king had been very strictly watched by numerous guards placed round his palace, insomuch that the other nations of Europe considered him as in a state of captivity. To do away this impression, if possible, and to make their king appear a voluntary agent in the measures that had lately been adopted, was now regarded as a matter of some importance. Every effort was therefore made to prevail with him to come to the assembly suddenly, and, as it were, of his own voluntary motion, there to declare his adherence to the measures which had lately been adopted. For some time he resisted this proposal; but at length, on the 4th of February, he did suddenly appear in the national assembly, where he complained of the attempts that had been made to shake the new constitution. He declared his wish "that it should be universally known that the monarch and the representatives of the nation were united, and their wishes were the same; that he would defend the constitutional liberty of the state; that, in conjunction with the queen, he would early form the sentiments of his son for that new order of things which the circumstances of the empire had introduced." This declaration dispirited the aristocratic party in no small degree, and increased that unhappy tendency of looking for aid from foreign countries which they had always been too apt to indulge.

On the 13th of February, monastic establishments were suppressed, and their lands confiscated; but the present friars and nuns were allowed pensions for their subsistence, and to continue the observance of their monastic vows, if they thought fit. We may observe here, that, in consequence of the evacuation of the monasteries, it is probable that about this time the Breton committee began to assume the appellation of the Jacobin Club, from the hall belonging to the Jacobin friars at Paris, in which their meetings were now held.

An event occurred at this time which tended in no small degree to increase the odium under which the old government already laboured. This was the publication of the Red Book, or list of pensions and donations granted by the crown. In consequence of the most pressing instances, it had been communicated by M. Neckar to a committee of the assembly, after many entreaties, and the most solemn promises of secrecy. It afforded, however, too striking an advantage to the popular party not to be made use of; and in a few days M. Neckar, to his no small surprise, saw this register publicly sold by every bookseller in Paris. He ought not, indeed, to have been surprised; and the giving up of this list is one of the many proofs which the transactions of that period afford of his great unfitness for the office which he held. With much indignation, however, he demanded why the committee had published it without the permission of the assembly or the king? But he was told by the committee, that "as to the assembly, they were sure of its approbation; and as to the king, they were not his representatives." To give an idea of the effect of this publication, it is only necessary to remark, that, under the short administration of M. Calonne, the two brothers of the king had received from the public treasury, independent of their legitimate income, nearly two millions sterling, and that 600,000l. had been granted to an individual, because he was the husband of Madame de Polignac. M. Neckar's opposition to this publication tended in no small degree to injure his popularity, and the rest of the ministry began to lose the confidence of the public. Indeed, at this time, fertile causes of alarm prevailed on all sides, sources of alarm. The clergy were attempting to revive in the provinces the ancient animosities between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants, ascribing the late decrees of the assembly to the latter. The German princes who possessed property in the north of France were complaining loudly of the violation of their rights by the abolition of the feudal system, although the national assembly had voted to them a compensation. The most melancholy intelligence was received from their colonies in the West Indies. In regulating these, the assembly had not recognized the right of the free negroes to enjoy the same privileges with other citizens; at the same time, they did not go the length of denying these privileges. This uncertain conduct produced infinite calamities. The whites contended with those commonly called people of colour. These again sometimes stood in opposition to the free negroes, or to the slaves; and hence it sometimes happened that no less than three hostile assemblies were held at the same time in the same colony, which made war upon each other with the most inveterate fury. Each party found protectors in the national assembly of the parent state. Those who favoured or opposed the existence of distinctions at home, in general followed out the same principle with regard to the colonies.

On the 14th of May, M. de Montmorency communicated to the national assembly the preparations for the royal war in which England and Spain were engaged. This power to bring forward the constitutional question, "Who declare ought to possess the power of declaring peace and war?" peace and war, The Count Clermont Tonnerre, Messrs de Serent, Viereau, and Dupont, supported the royal prerogative; while on the other side, the exclusive right of the legislative body to exercise this important prerogative was supported by Messrs d'Aiguillon, Garat, jun. Fretreau, Jellot, Charles Lambeth, Sillery, Petion, Robespierre, &c. M. Petion proposed a decree "that the French nation renounced for ever all idea of conquest, and confined itself entirely to defensive war;" which was passed with universal acclamation. The Count de Mirabeau at length successfully proposed that peace and war should be declared by the king and the legislative body in conjunction; and the decree that was passed on the subject is a strange farrago of contradictions and absurdities. It enjoined the king to "guard the state from external attacks." But how could this be done without repelling any attack that might be made upon it? This, however, he could not do, without previously informing the national assembly; and if that body chanced not to be sitting at the time, he was bound to let the enemy advance without opposition, till he had convened his orators, dispersed over 20,000 square leagues, and listened to their metaphysical quibbles in Paris.

On the 16th June, a very singular farce was acted in the assembly. A Prussian refugee, who called himself Anarchasie Clouts, and who was struggling hard to bring himself into public notice, on an evening sitting (which, it is to be observed, was generally ill attended by the persons of the highest rank), introduced to the assembly a number of persons dressed in the different habits of all the different countries that could be thought of. In a formal harangue, he told the assembly that he was come, as the orator of the human race, at the head of the representatives of all nations, to congratulate them upon the formation of their new constitution. He was answered by the president with abundance of solemnity, and retired with his motley group. This fantastical piece of folly, which in any other country than France would scarcely, perhaps, have excited a smile, was treated by the assembly in a serious light.

Alexander Lambeth proposed, that the figures of different nations exhibited in chains at the feet of Louis XIV. should be destroyed as an insult upon mankind. M. Lambel, a lawyer, at this moment proposed the abolition of all hereditary titles. He was supported by La Fayette, St Fargeau, and the Viscount de Noailles. The decree was passed, along with another suppressing all armorial bearings. It is our intention at present rather to state facts than to hazard any political opinion concerning the wisdom or folly of the transactions which we record. It may here, however, be remarked, that no part of the proceedings of the French national assembly was received by persons of rank upon the continent of Europe with so much indignation as this.

The feudal system had been overturned, and the property of the church wrested from it, with little comparative notice; but when those nominal distinctions were attacked which antiquity had sanctioned, and personal vanity rendered dear, the surrounding nations were instantly alarmed, and beheld with terror the levelling precedent. We may likewise add, that no part of their proceedings was more inimical to rational and practical freedom. To preserve a perfect equality of ranks is impossible. In a commercial nation, industry will procure wealth, and wealth will everywhere procure dependents. Now nothing more contributes to keep within some tolerable bounds the insolence of newly acquired wealth, than the rank attached to birth and nobility, which time and prejudice have conspired to make respectable. It is not a little remarkable, that of all the king's ministers, Neckar alone, a plebeian, a republican, born and bred in a democracy, advised his majesty to refuse his assent to this foolish decree, as a violent but useless encroachment upon the prejudices of a powerful order of the state.

In the mean time, the capital was entirely engrossed by hurry and bustle. M. Bailly had proposed a plan for commemorating the anniversary of the taking of the Bastile. It was adopted, because it flattered the vanity of the people, by presenting them with a splendid spectacle in commemoration of their own exertions.

The army had been much disorganized; and it was resolved to attempt to unite all its branches, as well as the whole departments of the state, in one common attachment to the new order of things, by collecting into one place deputations, for the purpose of swearing fidelity to the new constitution. In the middle of the Champ de Mars an altar was erected, at which the civic oath, as it was called, was to be taken. Around the altar an amphitheatre was thrown up capable of containing 400,000 spectators; 2000 workmen were employed in this operation; and the people of Paris fearing lest the plan might not be completed, assisted in the labour. All ranks of persons, the nobles, clergy, and even ladies, with the eagerness for novelty so peculiar to that people, united their efforts. Crowds of foreigners as well as natives hurried to the capital to be present at this solemnity, which was called the Confederation. The long-expected 14th of July at length arrived. At six o'clock in the morning the procession was arranged on the Boulevards, and consisted of the electors of the city of Paris, the representatives of the commons, the administrators of the municipality, a battalion of children, with a standard, inscribed "The hopes of the nation;" deputies from the troops of France wherever quartered, and of every order, along with deputies from all the departments; to these were added immense detachments of the military, and of the national guards, along with an almost infinite multitude of drums, trumpets, and musical instruments. The procession was extremely splendid, as every district had its peculiar decorations. The national assembly passed through a grand triumphal arch, and the king and queen, attended by the foreign ministers, were placed in a superb box. After a solemn invocation to God, the king approached the altar, and, amidst the deepest silence, took the following oath: "I the king of the French do swear to the nation, that I will employ the whole power delegated to me by the constitutional law of the state, to maintain the constitution, and enforce the execution of the law." The president of the national assembly then went up to the altar, and took the civic oath, "I swear to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the king; and to maintain with all my powers the constitution decreed by the national assembly, and accepted by the king." Every member of the assembly standing up, said, "That I swear." La Fayette then advancing, took the oath for himself; the other deputies of the national guards pronouncing after him, "That I swear;" and these words were solemnly pronounced by every individual of this immense assembly. Te Deum was then sung. The performance was sublime beyond the powers of description. Never perhaps before was there such an orchestra, or such an audience: their numbers baffled the eye to reckon, and their shouts in full chorus rent the skies. It is impossible to enumerate all the means which were employed to add splendor to this day. It ended with a general illumination, and no accident disturbed the public tranquillity.

The assembly now proceeded in the formation of the constitution with considerable tranquillity; which, however, was disturbed by an unhappy event at Nancy. Most of the officers of the army were unfriendly to the late revolution, and every means had been employed by them to disgust the soldiers with it. At Nancy, in particular, necessaries had been denied them, and their pay was kept back, under pretence that this was the will of the national assembly. Driven to despair, the regiments in garrison threw off their allegiance, and demanded manded loudly the regimental accounts. They seized at the same time the military chest, and sent a deputation to state their case at Paris to the national assembly. But the officers were before-hand, and prepossessed the minister of war against them; upon whose representation a decree was passed, authorising the commander in chief of the province, M. Bouillé, to reduce the insurgents by force. This was no sooner known, than the national guard of Nancy assembled, and sent a deputation to give a fair statement of facts. But Bouillé, without waiting the result of an explanation, hastened to Nancy at the head of all the troops he could suddenly collect; and having fallen upon the regiments of Chateauvieux and Mestre de Camp, after putting an immense multitude to the sword, he took 400 prisoners.

The king's regiment was prevented from acting against Bouillé by the irresponsibility of a young officer of the name of Dessilles, who, however, died of the wounds which he received on the occasion. The news of these events filled Paris with indignation. The assembly afterwards reversed its own decrees against the insurgents at Nancy. Public honours were decreed to the memory of Dessilles; but Bouillé could not be punished, because he had only acted in obedience to authority.

M. Neckar's popularity had been gradually declining, as he was unwilling to go all the lengths that the ruling party wished. He gave in his resignation on the 4th of September, and speedily thereafter left the kingdom. He was regretted by no party. He was regarded, on the one side, as having conducted the kingdom to its ruin, by the concessions which he originally advised the king to make in favour of the tiers état; while he was despised by the opposite party as a lukewarm politician, of narrow views, and a feeble mind. He departed, however, with the unblemished reputation of strict integrity. M. Neckar does not seem to have penetrated deeply into the characters of men, or to have had any conception of the effects of that terrible and restless energy which is called forth in a nation which attempts to make important changes in its ancient manners and government. Having no conception of the important era which was about to open upon that country of which he was the minister, he was far from being qualified to direct or control it amidst the convulsions which it was destined to encounter. Unable to brook the loss of his popularity, he peevishly retired to Switzerland, where he published a work, which shews to the conviction of every unprejudiced reader the integrity of the French king, and the wicked projects of the leading democrats, whom he himself had armed with power.

The remaining part of this year was occupied in attempts to introduce some degree of subordination into the navy of France, which had been much disorganized, and in farther regulating the affairs of the clergy. It was now declared, that such clergymen as should not take the following oath, which had been prescribed some months before, should be considered as ejected from their benefices: "To watch carefully over the faithful in the parish or diocese which was entrusted to his care; to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the king; and to maintain to the utmost of his power the new constitution of France, and particularly the decrees relative to the civil constitution of the clergy." This decree rendered the situation of conscientious men extremely perplexing; especially as the pope testified in marked terms his disapprobation of the oath. The people were reduced to the dilemma of choosing between the new political and their old religious prejudices, ad the result was extremely unfavourable to the interest of religion.

The assembly commenced the new year with a decree announcing the termination of its session, which was to take place as soon as it should have finished the discussion of a list of constitutional articles. In the meantime, on the side of Germany, Spain, Italy, and Savoy, hostile appearances began to be exhibited, and bodies of troops advanced around the French frontier. The emperor Leopold was, however, too cautious to announce his intentions; and the king soon communicated a letter from him, containing protestations of amicable dispositions, but adding, that "the innovations occasioned by the decrees of the 4th of August ought to be done away." The king treated this merely as an official measure on the part of the emperor, that he might not appear to renounce the claims of certain German princes connected with Lorraine and Alsace. But the assembly expressed some alarm, and voted an augmentation of the national force. About this period several new efforts were made by the disaffected clergy in various parts of the kingdom to excite disturbances, which it is unnecessary to mention in detail. On the 26th of February the public attention was roused by a circumstance that in any other state of affairs would have been accounted unimportant. The king announced to the assembly, that his aunts, the daughters of Louis XV., had that morning left Paris; but as he did not apprehend that the existing laws laid them under any restraint in this respect, he had not opposed their departure. After some debate, the assembly agreed that the king had judged well; and these princesses were left to pursue their journey to Rome, which they reached after some delays occasioned by the jealousy of certain municipalities through which they passed. Thus the kingdom was gradually deserted by every branch of the royal family, excepting the king and his eldest brother Monsieur. The assembly, however, continued its labours with considerable quietness. In the end of the month of March died the celebrated M. de Mirabeau, at the age of 42 years; a man whose integrity has for many good reasons been much suspected, but whose political address and intrepidity, and whose splendid powers of eloquence, have been seldom equalled. He received from his countrymen at his death marks of respect unparalleled in modern history. During his short illness, his door was besieged by anxious citizens. A mourning of eight days was decreed by the assembly, and also a grand procession, which was attended by all the public functionaries. He was the first who was interred in the new magnificent Pantheon, consecrated to the reception of the remains of illustrious men. But his ashes were afterwards removed, in consequence of very clear proofs that he had not been incorruptible by money.

During the whole of this spring, much fear was entertained that some attempts at a counter revolution grant army were about to be made. The emigrant army assembled on the borders of Alsace was reviewed by the prince of Condé. Their uniform was black, faced with yellow. with a death's head, surrounded by a laurel wreath, on one cuff, and a sword on another; with the motto, "Conquer or die." The king was also surrounded by crowds of nourishing priests and other afflicted persons. Thus, that popular jealousy which in every period of the revolution has strikingly marked the French character, was kept on the alarm. On the 18th of April, therefore, when the royal family was preparing to go to St Cloud to pass some days, a report was instantly spread that the king was about to fly from the country. The carriages were immediately surrounded by people. La Fayette drew out the national guard, but they refused to act. "We know (exclaimed they) that we are violating the laws, but the safety of our country is the first law." The king instantly went to the assembly, and with much spirit complained of the insult. He was answered respectfully by the president, and continued his journey. As the royal family had enjoyed a considerable degree of freedom for some time past, which was demonstrated by the unsuccessful opposition made to this journey—the present opportunity was embraced for intimating to foreign courts his acceptance of the constitution; and all obnoxious persons were dismissed from about his person. The breach of discipline on the part of the national guard on this occasion was so much resented by La Fayette, that he resigned his command. Paris was thrown into consternation; and it was not till after the most universal solicitation that he was prevailed upon to resume his office.

About this time M. de Bouillé, to whom the protection of the frontiers was entrusted, was employing, as it is now said, every means in his power to render the country defenceless. The garrisons were left unprovided; disunion was spread among the national troops; they were removed from the frontiers, and their place was occupied by foreigners, wherever it could be done. The emigrants abroad, and their friends at home, were lying in wait for an opportunity of revolt;—when suddenly, on the 21st of June, it was announced from the Tuileries, that the king, the queen, the dauphin, with monsieur and madame, had quitted the palace and the capital, without leaving any information of their intention or their route. The emotion excited by this news among the multitude was a mixture of consternation and rage. The national assembly, however, acted with much coolness. They instantly took upon themselves the government, and decreed their sittings permanent. They sent messengers, at the same time, in all directions, to attempt to lay hold of the fugitives. These had taken different routes. Monsieur and madame arrived safely at Brussels on the 23d. The king, queen, and their children, when they came to a considerable distance from the capital, were furnished by Bouillé with a guard of dragoons, under pretence of protecting treasure for the pay of the troops. At the distance of 156 miles, and when only a few leagues from the frontiers, they were arrested at St Menehould by the postmaster, M. Drouet, formerly a dragoon in the regiment of Condé. At half past seven o'clock in the evening the carriages stopt to change horses at his house; he thought he recollected the queen, and imagined that the king's face resembled the impressions stamped upon assignats. The escort of dragoons increased the suspicion. He suffered them to depart at 11 o'clock without notice; but taking a companion with him, he went by a shorter road to Varennes. With the assistance of the postmaster there he gave the alarm, and overturned a carriage on the bridge, which detained the royal travellers till the national guard of the place had assembled, and the arrest was effected without bloodshed. They were brought back to Varenne by a deputation from the assembly. At his departure, the king had imprudently left beyond him a memoir, in which he declared, that he never had thought an sacrifice too great for the restoration of order; but that the destruction of the kingdom, and the triumph of anarchy, being the only reward of all his efforts, he thought it necessary to depart from it. He then takes a review of the faults of the new constitution, the grievances he has suffered; and protests against every thing that he had been compelled to do during his captivity.

Different parties were very differently affected by this ill-conducted and unfortunate flight of the king. A small republican party had already begun to appear, and during the king's absence, attempts were made to induce the public at large to consider the royal authority as no necessary part of a free constitution. But the minds of men were by no means prepared for the reception of this new doctrine. The idea, however, having been thus publicly proposed, left some impressions, which in time contributed to give rise to important events. By far the greater number of leading men, however, were at present convinced, that it was impossible to conduct a great empire like France, well and prosperously, without the assistance of an hereditary chief. They therefore determined to pass over the affair with as much silence as possible, and to hasten the period when their new constitution should be complete. But there is reason to believe, that this journey was at the long-run highly instrumental in producing very fatal effects to the personal safety of the monarch.

His flight seemed a signal for emigration. Many of the aristocratic party sent in resignations of their seats in the national assembly. Troops were levied on the frontiers in the king's name; who took care, however, to disavow any connection with such a procedure. Bouillé emigrated, and afterwards sent to the assembly a furious threatening letter: "You shall answer (says he) for the lives of the king and of the queen to all the monarchs of the universe. Touch but a single hair of their heads, and not one stone shall be left upon another in Paris. I know the roads. I will conduct the foreign armies. This letter is but the forerunner of the manifesto of the sovereigns of Europe."

A considerable calm throughout France followed these events, and it might be regarded as in a state of tranquillity. It contained, indeed, parties entertaining much animosity against each other, and many citizens had withdrawn to foreign countries; but the peace was not broken, and moderate men hoped that much prosperity would follow from the late agitations. But this calm was delusive; and in the midst of it those projects were formed which were afterwards to prove so fatal to the peace of France and of Europe. Towards the close of this summer, a convention took place at Pillitz in Saxony between the emperor Leopold and the king of Prussia. Its object was not known at the time, but it gradually came into view, and is now by many understood. stood to have been intended for the purpose of concluding a league for the invasion of France, the new-modeling of its government, and the partition of some of its fairest provinces. The following paper has been repeatedly published as the copy of a treaty concluded and signed at Pavia, and is generally understood to have been identical with, and therefore known by, the name of the Treaty of Pilnitz. We are far from vouching for its authenticity. It may have been fabricated by the French assembly, to unite all parties in the nation against the foreign powers which threatened to invade them. But in stating the events of this revolution, it is perhaps still more necessary, for the purpose of rendering the actions of men comprehensible, to give an account of what was at the time believed to have occurred, than it now is to ascertain what was actually true.

Partition Treaty between the Courts in Concert, concluded and signed at Pavia, in the month of July 1791.

His majesty the emperor will take all that Louis XIV. conquered in the Austrian Netherlands, will give them to his serene highness the elector Palatine; so that these new possessions, added to the Palatinate, may hereafter have the name of Austrasia.

His majesty will preserve for ever the property and possession of Bavaria, to make in future an indivisible mass with the domains and hereditary possessions of the house of Austria.

Her serene highness the archduchess Maria Christina shall be, conjointly with his serene highness her nephew the archduke Charles, put into hereditary possession of the duchy of Lorraine.

Alsace shall be restored to the empire; and the bishop of Strasbourg, as well as the chapter, shall recover their ancient privileges, and the ecclesiastical sovereigns of Germany shall do the same.

If the Swiss Cantons consent to accede to the coalition, it may be proposed to them to annex to the Helvetic league the bishopric of Porrentrui, the defiles of Franche Comté, and even those of Tyrol, with the neighbouring bailiwicks, as well as the territory of Versoy, which intersects the Pays de Vaud.

Should his majesty the king of Sardinia subscribe to the coalition, La Bresse, Le Bugey, and the Pays de Gex, usurped by France from Savoy, shall be restored to him.

In case his Sardinian majesty can make a grand diversion, he shall be suffered to take Dauphiné, to belong to him for ever as the nearest descendant of the ancient dauphins.

His majesty the king of Spain shall have Roussillon and Bearn, with the island of Corsica; and he shall have the French part of the island of St Domingo.

Her majesty the empress of all the Russias shall take upon herself the invasion of Poland, and at the same time retain Kaminietch, with that part of Podolia which borders on Moldavia.

His majesty the emperor shall oblige the Porte to give up Chocsim, as well as the small forts of Servia, and those on the river Lurna.

His majesty the king of Prussia, by means of the above-mentioned invasion of the empress of all the Russias into Poland, shall make an acquisition of Thorn and Dantzig, and there unite the Palatinate on the east to the confines of Silesia.

His majesty the king of Prussia shall besides acquire Lusace; and his serene highness the elector of Saxony shall in exchange receive the rest of Poland and occupy the throne as hereditary sovereign.

His majesty the present king of Poland shall abdicate the throne on receiving a suitable annuity.

His royal highness the elector of Saxony shall give his daughter in marriage to his serene highness the youngest son of his royal highness the grand duke of all the Russias, who will be the father of the race of the hereditary kings of Poland and Lithuania. (Signed) LEOPOLD, PRINCE NASSAU, COUNT FLORIDA BLANCA, BISCHOFFSWERDER.

In the mean time, the national assembly was hastening fast to the completion of the new constitution. It was finished on the 3rd of September, and presented to the king. It begins with the following declaration of the rights of a man and a citizen: and thereafter follows the different branches; the chief of which are here translated.

I. All men are born, and remain, free and equal in rights: social distinctions cannot be founded but on common utility.

II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man: these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance against oppression.