*MEXICO,**

A Province of the Spanish empire in America, once a celebrated kingdom, the most powerful and civilized in the new world; lying between the 14th and 21st degrees of north latitude, and between 91 and 103 degrees west longitude; being near 2000 miles in length, and in some places 600 miles in breadth.

The Toltecanes are the most ancient Mexican nation of which we know anything. They were expelled, as we are told, from their own country (supposed by Clavigero to have been Tollan, to the northward of Mexico) in the year 472; and for some time led a wandering life. In whatever place they determined to reside for any considerable time, they erected houses and cultivated the ground. Thus their migrations were extremely slow, and it was not till 104 years after they set out that they reached a place about 50 miles to the eastward of the city of Mexico, where they settled for 20 years, giving to their new place of residence the name of Tollanizinco. From thence they proceeded about 40 miles farther to the west, where they built a city called, from the name of their country, Tollan, or Tula.

After the final settlement of the Toltecans, the government was changed into a monarchy. Their first king began his reign in 667, and their monarchy lasted 384 years, during which time they reckon just eight princes. We are not, however, to imagine that each of their kings lived long enough to make up this space. It was a custom among them that the name of the king should be continued for 52 years, and no longer, from the time he ascended the throne. If he died within that period, the government was carried on in his name by a regency; if he survived, he was obliged to resign his authority. During the four centuries that the Toltec monarchy continued, they had increased very considerably in number, and had built many cities; but when in the height of prosperity, almost the whole... whole nation was destroyed by a famine occasioned by drought; and a pestilence, probably the consequence of the former. "According to Torquemada (says our author), at a certain festival-ball made by the Toltecans, the sad-looking devil appeared to them of a gigantic size, with immense arms, and in the midst of the entertainment he embraced and suffocated them; that then he appeared in the form of a child with a putrid head, and brought the plague; and, finally, at the persuasion of the same devil, they abandoned the country of Tula."

They were succeeded by the Chichemecas, a much more barbarous people, who came from an unknown country called Amaquemecan, where they had for a long time resided; but of which no traces of remembrance can be found among any of the American nations known to Europeans; so that Clavigero supposes it must have been very far to the northward.

The motive which the Chichemecas had for leaving their own country is not known. They were eighteen months on their journey, and took possession of the desolate country of the Toltecs about a hundred years after the former had left it. They were much more uncivilized than the Toltecs; but, however, had a regular form of monarchical government, and in other respects were less disgusting in their manners than some of the neighbouring nations. The last king who reigned in Amaquemecan before the departure of the Chichemecas, had left his dominions between his two sons Auchcauhltli and Xolotl, and the latter conducted the new colony. Having proceeded from the ruins of Tula towards Chempoalla and Tepepolio, Xolotl sent his son to survey the county. The prince crossed the borders of the lakes and the mountains which surround the vale of Mexico; then ascending to the top of a very high one, he viewed the whole country, and took possession of it in the name of his father, by shooting four arrows to the four winds.

Xolotl being informed by his son of the nature of the country, chose for the capital of his kingdom Tenayuca, about six miles to the northward of the city of Mexico, and distributed his people in the neighbouring territory; but as most of them went to the northward, that part obtained the name of the country of the Chichemecas, in distinction from the rest. Here a review of the people was taken, and their number, according to Torquemada, was more than a million.

Xolotl finding himself peacefully settled in his new dominion, sent one of his officers to explore the sources of some of the rivers of the country. While performing this task he came to the habitations of some Toltecs, who it seems had still kept together, and were likely once more to become a nation. As these people were not inclined to war, and greatly esteemed for their knowledge and skill in the arts, the Chichemecas entered into a strict alliance with them, and married a Toltec princess. The consequence of this alliance was the introduction of the arts and knowledge of the Toltecs among the Chichemecas. Till now the latter had subsisted entirely by hunting, and such fruits and roots as the earth spontaneously produced. They were clad in the skins of wild beasts, and, like these beasts, they are said to have sucked the blood of the animals they caught; but after their connection with the Toltecs they began to sow corn, to learn the art of digging and working metals, to cut stones, manufacture cotton, and, in every respect, to make great improvements.

When Xolotl had reigned about eight years in his new territories, an embassy of six persons arrived from a distant country not far from Amaquemecan, expressing a desire of coming with their people to reside in the country of the Chichemecas. The king gave them a gracious reception, and assigned them a district; and, in a few years after, three other princes, with a great army of Acolhuans, who were likewise neighbours of Amaquemecan, made their appearance. The king was at that time at Tezcuco, to which place he had removed his court; and here he was accosted by the princes, who, in a submissive and flattering manner, requested him to allow them a place in his happy country, where the people enjoyed such an excellent government. Xolotl not only gave them a favourable reception, but offered them his two daughters in marriage, expressing his concern that he had no more, that none might have been excluded from the royal alliance. On the third prince, however, he bestowed a noble virgin of Chalco, in whom the Toltec and Chichemecan blood were united. The nuptials were celebrated with extraordinary pomp; and the two nations, after the example of the sovereigns, continued to intermarry. As the Acolhuans were the more civilized nation of the two, the name of Chichemecas began to be appropriated to the more rude and barbarous part, who preferred hunting to agriculture, or chose a life of savage liberty in the mountains to the restraints of social laws. These barbarians associated with the Otomies, another savage nation who lived to the northward, occupying a tract of more than three hundred miles in extent; and by their descendants the Spaniards were harassed for many years after the conquest of Mexico.

As soon as the nuptial rejoicings were over, Xolotl divided his territories into three parts, assigning one the domain to each of the princes. Acolhuatzin, who had married his eldest daughter, had Azocopazalco, 18 miles to the westward of Tezcuco; Chiconquauhtli, who married the other, had a territory named Xaltocan; and Tzontecomatl, who married the lady of inferior rank, had one named Coatlichan. The country continued for some time to flourish, population increased greatly, and with it the civilization of the people; but as these advanced, the vices of luxury and ambition increased in proportion. Xolotl found himself obliged to treat his subjects with more severity than formerly, and even to put some of them to death. This produced a conspiracy against him, which, however, he had the good fortune to escape; but while he meditated a severe revenge on the conspirators, he was seized with the distemper of which he died, in the fortieth year of his reign, and in a very advanced age.

Xolotl was succeeded by his son Nopaltzin, who at the time of his accession is supposed to have been the second about sixty years of age. In his time, the tranquillity of the kingdom, which had begun to suffer disturbance under his father, underwent much more violent shocks, and civil wars took place. Acolhuatzin, the only one of the three princes who remained alive, thinking the territory he possessed too narrow, made war upon the lord of a neighbouring province named Tapotzlan. Among the Aztecas was a person of great authority, named Huiztilin, to whose opinion every one paid the utmost deference. He had conceived a design to persuade his countrymen to change their residence; and to effect this he fell upon the following stratagem. Having heard, while meditating on his scheme, a little bird singing on the branches of a tree, the notes of which resembled the word Tikari, which in the Azteca language signified "let us go," he took that opportunity to work upon the superstition of the people. With this view, he took along with him a respectable person, and made him attend to the note of the bird. "What can it mean (says he), but that we must leave this country, and find ourselves another? Without doubt it is the warning of some secret divinity who watches over our welfare: let us obey, therefore, his voice, and not draw his anger upon us by a refusal." Tecpaltzin, for that was the name of his friend, readily agreed to the interpretation; and both of them being persons of great influence, their united persuasions soon gained over to their project the bulk of the nation, and they accordingly set out.

The Aztecas, when they left their original habitations, were divided into six tribes; but at Culiacan the of the Mexicans were left with their god* by five of them, viz. the Xochimilcas, Tepanecas, Chalcece, Tlahuicas, and Tlascalans. The cause of this separation is not known, but it was probably occasioned by some disagreement among themselves; for the remaining tribe was divided into two violent factions, which persecuted one another: neither did they afterwards construct any more edifices. However, they always travelled together, in order to enjoy the company of their imaginary god. At every place where they stopped an altar was erected to him; and at their departure they left behind them all their sick, and probably also some others to take care of them, or such as were not willing to endure the fatigue of farther journeys. They stopped in Tula nine years, and eleven more in the neighbouring parts. At last, in 1216, they arrived at Zumpanco, a considerable city in the vale of Mexico, where they were received in a very hospitable manner by the lord of that district. He not only assigned them proper habitations, but became very much attached to them; and even demanded from among them a wife for his son Illucicatli. This request was complied with; and from this marriage all the Mexican kings descended.

The Mexicans continued to migrate from one place to another along the lake of Tezcuco. Xolotl, who was then on the throne of the Acolhuans or Chichemecas, allowed them to settle in whatever places of his dominions they thought proper; but some of them finding themselves harassed by a neighbouring lord, were obliged in 1245, to retire to Chapultepec, a mountain on the western borders of the lake, scarcely cut, two miles distant from the site of Mexico. This took place in the reign of Nopaltzin, when disturbances began to take place in the Acolhuan dominions. The Mexicans, however, did not find themselves any more secure in their new place of residence than formerly: they were persecuted by the neighbouring lords, and obliged to take refuge in a number of small islands, named Avocolco, at the southern extremity of the lake of Mexico. Here for 52 years they lived in the most miserable miserable manner, subsisting on fish, insects, roots, &c., and clothing themselves with the leaves of the amoxtli, which abounds in that lake.

In this miserable plight the Mexicans continued till the year 1314, when they were reduced to a state of the most absolute slavery. This was done by the king of a petty state named Colhuacan, who, it is said, being unwilling to allow the Mexicans to maintain themselves in his territories without paying tribute, made war upon them, subdued and enslaved them. Others affirm that, pretending compassion for their miserable situation, he offered them a more commodious place of residence. The Mexicans readily accepted the offer; but had scarcely set out to take possession of their new place of residence when they were attacked by the Colhuans, made prisoners, and carried off for slaves.

After some years a war broke out betwixt the Colhuans and Xochimilcas, in which the latter gained such advantages, that they were obliged to employ their slaves to assist them. They accordingly ordered them to prepare for war, but without furnishing them with arms necessary for a military enterprise; so that the Mexicans were obliged to content themselves with long staves, having their points hardened in the fire; they also made knives of the stone itztli, and shields of reeds woven together. They agreed not to waste their time in making prisoners, but to content themselves with cutting off one ear of their enemies, and then leaving them without farther injury. They adhered punctually to this resolution; and rushing furiously upon the Xochimilcas, cut off an ear from as many as they could, killing those who struggled to such a degree that they could not effect their purpose. In short, so well did the Mexicans acquit themselves in this engagement, that the Xochimilcas fled, and took refuge among the mountains. After the battle, the Colhuan soldiers presented themselves before their general with the prisoners they had taken, by the number of which alone they judged of their valour. The Mexicans had taken only four, and these they kept concealed for the abominable purpose of sacrificing them. The Colhuans, therefore, seeing no trophies of their valour, began to reproach them with cowardice; but the Mexicans, producing their baskets of ears, desired them to judge from these how many prisoners they might have taken, had they not been unwilling to retard their victory by taking up time in binding them.

Notwithstanding the valour displayed by the Mexicans in this engagement, it doth not appear that their haughty masters were in the least inclined to afford them easier terms than before. Having erected an altar to their god, they demanded of their lord something precious to offer in sacrifice to him; but he disdain sent them a dirty cloth, enclosing the filthy carcass of a vile bird. This was carried by Colhuan priests; and without any ceremony laid upon the altar. The Mexicans, with apparent unconcern, removed this filthy offering, and put in its place a knife made of itztli, and an odoriferous herb. On the day of consecration, the Colhuan prince attended with his nobility; not with a view to do honour to the festival, but to make a mockery of the Mexicans. Their derision, however, was soon changed into horror, when the Mexicans, after a solemn dance, brought forth the four Xochimilcan prisoners they had taken; and, after having made them dance a little, cut open their breasts with the knife which lay on the altar, and plucking out their hearts, offered them, while yet palpitating with life, to their diabolical idol. This had such an effect upon the spectators, that both king and subjects desired the Mexicans immediately to quit their territories and go where they pleased. This order was instantly obeyed: the whole nation took their route towards the north, until they came to a place named Acatzitzintlan, situated betwixt two lakes, and afterwards named Mexicalizinco; but for some reason or other, being discontented with this situation, as indeed they seem very often to have been, they proceeded to Ixtocatco, still nearer to the site of Mexico. Here they formed the image of a little mountain of paper, and danced round it a whole night, singing their victory over the Xochimilcas, and reuniting thanks to their god for having freed them from the yoke of the Colhuans. Clavigero is of opinion, that by this mountain they represented Colhuacan, as in their pictures it was always represented by a hunch-backed mountain; and this is the literal signification of the name.

The city of Mexico was founded in the year 1325, the city in the most incommodious situation we can imagine, Mexico viz. on a small island named Tenochtitlan, in the middle of a great lake, without ground to cultivate for their subsistence, or even room sufficient to build their habitations. Their life was therefore as miserable here for some time as it had been when they were on the islands at the end of the lake, and they were reduced to the same shift to maintain themselves. To enlarge the boundaries of their island, they drove palisades into those parts of the water which were most shallow, terracing them with stones and turf, and uniting to their principal island several other smaller ones which lay in the neighbourhood. To procure to themselves afterwards stones, wood, &c. for constructing their habitations, as well as clothing and other necessaries, they instituted a commerce with the people who dwelt on the borders of the lake, supplying them with fish, waterfowl, and other more minute inhabitants of the lake and marshes, which they contrived to render eatable; and in return for all this they received the necessaries above mentioned. The greatest effort of their industry, however, was the construction of floating gardens, by means of bushes and the mud of the lake; and these they brought to such perfection that they produced maize, pepper, chia, French beans, and gourds.

For thirteen years that the Mexicans had to struggle with extreme difficulty, they remained at peace; but no sooner did they begin to prosper and live comfortably, than the inveterate enmity betwixt the two factions broke out in all its fury. This produced a separation; and one of the parties took up their residence on a small island at a little distance to the northward, which, from a heap of sand found there, they at first named Xaltitlaco, but afterwards Tlatelolco, from a terrace constructed by themselves. This island was afterwards united to that of Tenochtitlan.

About this time the Mexicans divided their city into four parts, a division which still subsists; each quarter having now its tutelar saint, as it had formerly its tutelar god. In the midst of their city was the sanctuary of their great god Mexitli, whom they constantly preferred to all the rest. To him they daily performed acts acts of adoration; but instead of making any progress in humanity, they seem to have daily improved in the most horrible barbarities, at least in their religion. The dreadful sacrifices made of their prisoners, could only be exceeded by that which we are now about to relate. Being now on a more respectable footing than formerly, they sent an embassy to the petty king of Colhuacan, requesting him to send them one of his daughters, that she might be consecrated the mother of their protecting god. The unsuspecting prince readily complied with their desire.—The unfortunate princess was conducted in great triumph to Mexico; but no sooner was she arrived, than she was sacrificed in a shocking manner; and, to add to the horror of the deed, the body was flayed, and one of the bravest young men of the nation dressed in her skin. Her father, ignorant of this dreadful transaction, was invited by the Mexicans to be present at the apotheosis of his daughter, and went to see the solemnity, and to worship the new divinity. He was led into the sanctuary, where the young man stood clothed in the bloody skin of his daughter; but the darkness of the place prevented him from seeing what was before him. They gave him a censer in his hand, and some copal to begin his worship; but having discovered by the flame of the copal the horrible spectacle, he ran out in a distracted manner, calling upon his people to revenge the injury; but this they were not able to do at that time nor ever after.

In the year 1352 the Mexican government was changed from an aristocracy to a monarchy. At first they were governed by 20 lords, of whom one had an authority superior to the rest. This naturally suggested the idea of monarchy; and to this change they were also induced by the contemptible state in which their nation still continued, thinking that the royal dignity would confer upon it a degree of splendour which otherwise it could not enjoy; and that by having one leader, they would be better able to oppose their enemies. Proceeding, therefore, to elect a king, the choice fell upon Acamapitzin, a man of great estimation among them, and descended from Opochli, a noble Aztecan, and a princess of the royal family of Colhuacan. As he was yet a bachelor, they attempted to negotiate a marriage, first with the daughter of the lord of Tacuba, and then of the king of Azcapozalco; but these proposals being rejected with disdain, they applied to Acolmiztli lord of Coatlichan, and a descendant of one of the three Acolhua princes; who complied with their request, and the nuptials were celebrated with great rejoicings.

In the mean time, the Tlatelolcos, the natural rivals of the Mexicans, resolved not to be behind them in anything which had the least appearance of augmenting the glory of their state. They likewise, therefore, chose a king; but not thinking proper to choose him from among themselves, they applied to the king of the Tepanecas, who readily sent them his son; and he was crowned first king of Tlatelolco in 1353. In this the Tlatelolcos seem to have had a design of humbling their rivals, as well as rendering themselves more respectable; and therefore it is probable that they had represented the Mexicans as wanting in that respect due to the Tepanecan monarch, as having elected a king without his leave, though at the same time they were tributaries to him. The consequence of this was, that he took a resolution to double their tribute. Hitherto they had paid only a certain number of fish and waterfowl; but now they were ordered to bring also several thousands of fir and willow plants to be set in the roads and gardens of Azcapozalco, and to transport to the court a great floating garden, which produced vegetables of every kind known in Anahnae. This being accomplished with great difficulty, the king commanded them next year to bring him another garden, with a duck and swan in it both sitting upon eggs; but so, that on their arrival at Azcapozalco the brood might be ready to hatch. This was also done; and the prince had the satisfaction of seeing the young birds come out of the eggs. The third year they were ordered to bring a live stag along with a garden. This was more difficult than any of the former tasks; because they were obliged, in order to hunt the stag, to go to the mountains of the continent, where they were in danger of falling into the hands of their enemies; however, this also was accomplished, and the desire of the king gratified.

In this manner the Mexicans were oppressed for no less than 50 years. They freed themselves, however, from all their difficulties by vigorous exertions, absurdly ascribing to the protection of that malevolent being whom they worshipped the glory of every deliverance. Acamapitzin governed this city, which at that time comprehended the whole of his dominions, for 37 years in peace. His queen being barren, he married another wife, but without abandoning the first; and these two, instead of being rivals to one another, lived together in the utmost harmony; the first wife taking upon herself the charge of educating Huitzilihuatl, the son of the second. He had, besides, several children by other women, and one named Hizcoatl, who afterwards proved one of the best and most renowned kings who sat on the throne of Mexico. He is said also to have conquered four considerable cities; but Clavigero thinks he must in this only have been an auxiliary, it being very improbable, that while he could scarce maintain his own territories, he should think of foreign conquests.

Acamapitzin died in 1389, greatly lamented by the Mexicans, and his death was followed by an interregnum of four months. As the deceased monarch had formerly resigned his authority into the hands of his nobles, it was necessary that a new election should take place; and when this was done, the choice fell upon Huitzilihuatl, the son of Acamapitzin. As he was still unmarried, it was resolved, if possible, to procure him an honourable and advantageous match. With this view, a deputation of second nobility was sent to the king of Azcapozalco, requesting, in very humble terms, an alliance with one of his daughters. The expressions made use of by these ambassadors are said by our author to have been particularly elegant in the Mexican language; but it is difficult to understand how a speech made among a people ignorant of the art of writing could be particularly recorded at the interval of some hundreds of years after. They are as follow: "We beseech you, with the most profound respect, to take compassion on our master and your servant Huitzilihuatl, confined among the thick rushes of the lake.—He is without a wife, and we without a queen.—Vouchsafe, Sir, to part with one of your jewels or most..." This piece of oratory had such an effect upon the king, that he granted their request, and a Tepanecan princess was conducted in great triumph to Mexico, where the marriage was solemnized with the utmost joy. Though this princess brought him a son the first year of their marriage, the king, in order to strengthen himself by fresh alliances, married also the daughter of another prince, by whom he had Montezuma Ilhucamin, the most celebrated of all the Mexican kings.

As the Mexicans advanced in wealth and power, so did their rivals the inhabitants of Tlatelolco.—Their first king died in 1399, leaving his subjects greatly improved in civilization, and the city much enlarged and beautified. The rivalry which subsisted between the two cities had indeed greatly contributed to the aggrandizement of both. The Mexicans had formed so many alliances by marriage with the neighbouring nations, had so much improved their agriculture and floating gardens on the lake, and had built so many more vessels to supply their extended commerce and fishing, that they were enabled to celebrate their secular year, answering to A.D. 1402, with greater magnificence than they had ever done since they left their original country of Atztlan.

All this time Techotlala, the son of Quinatzin, continued to reign in Acolhuacan, and for 30 years enjoyed uninterrupted tranquillity; but being now very far advanced in years, and finding his end approach, he called to him his son Ixtlilxochitl, and recommended to him to beware of the ambitious disposition of the king of Azcapozalco, as he was apprehensive that he might attempt something against the peace of the empire. His suspicions were verified; for on the death of Techotlala, which happened in 1406, the king of Azcapozalco, without making the usual submissions to the new king, to whom he was a feudatory, set out for his own territories, with a view to stir up the other feudatory princes to rebellion. Having called to him the kings of Mexico and Tlatelolco, he told them, that Techotlala, who had long tyrannized over that country, being dead, he designed to procure freedom to the princes, so that each might rule his own territory entirely independent of the king of Acolhuacan; but for this purpose he needed their assistance, and trusted to their well known spirit to take part with him in the enterprise. He informed them likewise, that in order to ensure success, he would find means to unite other princes in the confederacy.

The new king of Acolhuacan, in the mean time, was employed in settling the affairs of his kingdom, and endeavouring to gain the good will of his subjects. The combination against him was soon discovered; but though Ixtlilxochitl was desirous of heading his army in person, he was dissuaded from so doing by his courtiers; so that the conduct of the war was committed to his generals. To weaken the enemy, they ravaged the territories of six revolted states; but, notwithstanding this, and the superior discipline of the royal army, the war was carried on by the rebels with great obstinacy, their armies being constantly recruited by fresh troops in proportion to their losses. At last, after three years of a ruinous war, the king of Azcapozalco, finding that his resources would at last fail him, sued for peace; but with a design of accomplishing by treachery what he had not yet been able to do by force. His adversary, equally reduced with himself, consented to a peace, though he knew very well that the Tepanecan prince intended to observe it no longer than suited his purpose.

In the year 1409 died Huitzilhuitl king of Mexico, Chimalpoca third king of Mexico, who likewise left the right of electing a successor to the nobility. They made choice of his brother Chimalpocapoca; and from thence it became an established law to choose one of the brothers of the deceased king, or, if he had no brothers, to elect one of his grandsons. While the new prince was endeavouring to secure himself on the throne, the treacherous Tezozomoc used all means in his power to strengthen the party he had formed against the king of Acolhuacan. In this he was attended with such success, that the unfortunate prince found himself reduced to the necessity of wandering among the neighbouring mountains, at the head of a small army, accompanied by the lords of Huexotla and Coatlichan, who remained always faithful to him. The Tepanecans distressed him to such a degree, by intercepting his provisions, that he was forced to beg of them of his enemies. One of his grandsons was Distress sent to Otompan, a rebel state, to request them to and death supply their king with the provisions he stood in need of, and to exhort them to abandon the cause of the canrebels, which they had espoused. No task could be more dangerous; yet such was the magnanimity of the young prince's disposition, that he readily set out on the journey; nor was he deterred by the information he got that there were in the place certain Tepanecans who had come on purpose to publish a proclamation from Tezozomoc. He went boldly to the most public place of the town, and in presence of those who published the proclamation made known his request. This heroism, however, did not meet with the success it deserved. His propositions were derided from the moment they were made; but the people did not offer any farther insult, until one of the meaner sort threw a stone at him, exciting others of the same stamp to put him to death. The Tepanecans, who had hitherto continued silent, perceiving their opportunity, joined in the general cry to kill the prince, and began also to throw stones. The prince attempted first to defend himself, and afterwards to escape by flight; but, both being equally impossible, he fell under a shower of stones. The Tepanecans, exulted in this act of treachery, and soon after cut off Ixtlilxochitl himself, after having treacherously persuaded him to a conference with two of their captains. This perfidious act was committed in sight of the royal army, who were too weak to revenge it; the royal corpse was saved with difficulty; and Nezahualcoyotl, heir apparent to the crown, was obliged to shelter himself among the bushes from the fury of his enemies.

Tezozomoc having now in a great measure gained Acolhuacan point, proceeded to pour down his troops upon those cities and districts which had remained faithful to the late unfortunate monarch. The people made a most desperate defence, and killed vast numbers of their enemies; but at last being themselves reduced by the calamities of war, and in danger of total extermination, they were obliged to quit their habitations and fly fly to other countries. The tyrant, then, finding himself superior to all his adversaries, gave Tezcuco in fief to Chimalpopoca king of Mexico, Huexotla to Tlacacotl king of Tlatelolco; placing faithful governors in other places, and appointing Azcapozaleo, the capital of his own territory, the royal residence and capital of Acolhuacan.

Prince Nezahualcoyotl was present in disguise at this disposal of his dominions, along with several other persons of distinction who were enemies of the tyrant; and so much was he transported with passion, that it was with difficulty he could be restrained from killing Tezozomoc on the spot, though this would certainly have been done at the expense of his own life. All the rest of the Acolhuacan empire submitted; and Nezahualcoyotl saw himself for the present deprived of all hopes of obtaining the crown.

Tezozomoc had now attained the summit of his ambition: but instead of conciliating the minds of his new subjects, oppressed them with new taxes; and being conscious of the precarious situation in which he stood, and tormented with remorse on account of his crimes, fell into melancholy, and was constantly haunted with frightful dreams. He was now become so old, that his body no longer retained its natural heat. He was therefore obliged to be covered up with cotton in a great cradle, not being able to sit erect in a chair. In this miserable condition, however, he never forgot his tyranny or cruelty. From his cradle he issued oppressive laws relating to the Acolhuacans; and almost with his last breath renewed his commands with regard to Nezahualcoyotl. At last he expired in the year 1422, leaving the crown to his son Tajatzin.

Tezozomoc was no sooner dead than Maxtlaton, without paying the least regard to his father's will, began to exercise the functions of a sovereign. Though it was the right of Tajatzin to invite to his father's funeral whom he pleased, Maxtlaton took that upon himself. Nezahualcoyotl, though not invited, came among the rest; but though Teuctzintli, brother to Maxtlaton, insisted upon his being put to death, the latter opposed it, as it could not then be done privately, and he hoped to find another opportunity. No sooner were the funeral ceremonies over, however, than Maxtlaton behaved in such a manner to his brother Tajatzin, that the prince thought proper to retire to Chimalpopoca king of Mexico, to whom he had been particularly recommended by his father, in order to have his advice. This monarch, agreeable to the character of that age and people, advised him to invite his brother to an entertainment, and then murder him. Unluckily for them both, this discourse was overheard by a servant, who in expectation of a reward informed the tyrant of what he had heard: but instead of this, Maxtlaton, pretending to disbelieve his story, drove the informer from his presence with ignominy. Notwithstanding this pretence, the tyrant had not the least doubt of the truth of what was told him; and therefore determined to rid himself of his brother without delay. This he soon accomplished in the very same way that had been projected against himself. Tajatzin, along with the kings of Mexico, Tlatelolco, and some other feudatory princes, were invited by Maxtlaton to an entertainment. The king of Mexico prudently excused himself, but the unsuspecting Tajatzin fell into the snare. He came to the place of entertainment, and was instantly put to death. The company were greatly alarmed; but Maxtlaton, having explained to them his reasons for so doing, they not only excused him, but proclaimed him king; to which it is not to be doubted that their fears greatly contributed.

Though the king of Mexico escaped a sudden death by his absence at this time, it was only to perish in a more slow and ignominious manner. The vengeance of Maxtlaton first appeared by sending him a woman's dress in return to the present he sent him as a feudatory; which being a reflection upon his courage, was the highest affront that could be offered him. This insult, however, was quickly followed by one of a much higher nature. Having heard that one of the Mexican prince's wives was an extraordinary beauty, he enjoined some Tepanecan ladies who were accustomed to visit that princess, to invite her to spend some days with them at Azcapozaleo. This being complied with, the tyrant easily got an opportunity of ravishing her, and then sent her back to her husband. Chimalpopoca was so much affected by this misfortune, that he resolved to offer himself up a sacrifice to his god. Maxtlaton, however, was resolved that he should not have even this satisfaction. At the very time of the ceremony, therefore, he sent a body of troops; who entering Mexico without resistance, carried off the king alive, to the astonishment of the multitude; and who probably were so much confounded by this unexpected adventure, that they did not think of making any resistance.

Chimalpopoca being carried prisoner to Azcapozalco, was confined in a strong wooden cage, the common prison for criminals. Maxtlaton still was not satisfied: he wished to get into his hands Nezahualcoyotl; and with this view sent a message to him, pretending that he was willing to come to an agreement with him respecting the kingdom of Acolhuacan. Though the prince was well assured of the tyrant's treacherous intentions, he went boldly to his palace, presented himself before him, and told him that he had heard of the imprisonment of the king of Mexico; he had heard also that he wished to take away his own life; he desired him to do so, and to gratify his malice. Maxtlaton was so struck with this speech, that he assured the prince he had not formed any design against his life, and that he neither had put to death the king of Mexico, nor would do so. He then gave orders for his being properly entertained, and even allowed him to pay a visit to the king of Mexico in prison. The unfortunate Chimalpopoca, after reciting his misfortunes, requested the prince not to return to court, where they would certainly fall upon some project for taking away his life; and having pathetically recommended to him the care of his subjects, made him a present of a gold pendant and some other jewels he wore; after which they took a last farewell.

In the mean time, the Mexicans raised to the throne Itzcoatl, the son of Acamapitzin by a slave, and who was accounted the most prudent, just, and brave, of all the Mexican nation. His election was no less pleasing who assists to Nezahualcoyotl and his party, than it was offensive Nezahualcoyotl to Maxtlaton. An alliance was quickly concluded between... between the exiled prince and the king of Mexico; and this was soon followed by the commencement of hostilities on the part of the former. His first enterprise was against the city of Tezcuco, which he determined to take by assault, but was prevented by the submission of the inhabitants. He put to death, however, all the officers established by the tyrant; and all the Tepanecans he found there. The very same day another large city named Acolman was furiously attacked by a detachment of his army; great numbers put to the sword, and among the rest the governor, who was brother to Maxtlaton; and the same day also Coatlichan was taken by the Chalcece.

The Mexican monarch, hearing of the successes of his ally, sent an embassy to congratulate him upon them. His ambassador was a son of king Huitzilihuatl, named Montezuma, who for his invincible courage and great qualities was surnamed the man of great heart and the archer of heaven. The journey was extremely dangerous; but Montezuma undertook it without any fear, accompanied by another nobleman. They got in safety to the place where the prince was; but had the misfortune to be taken prisoners, and were carried to Chalco; the lord of which city, named Tototzin, was an inveterate enemy to the Mexicans. By him he was immediately put in close confinement, under the care of one Quateozin, who was inviolably attached to the Mexican interest.

Orders were given to the latter to provide no sustenance for the prisoners; but what was prescribed by his lord, until the mode of death which they were to suffer should be determined. Tototzin then sent his prisoners to them, that they might be sacrificed there if they thought proper. These people, however, rejected the proposal with disdain; on which Tototzin, thinking to regain the favour of Maxtlaton, informed him of the prisoners he had in his possession. But Maxtlaton called him a double-minded traitor, and commanded him instantly to set the prisoners at liberty. Before this answer arrived, however, Quateozin had instructed the prisoners how to make their escape, and directed them also not to return by land lest they should again be intercepted, but to embark at a certain place, and proceed by water to Mexico. They followed his advice exactly; and having got to the place to which they were directed, arrived safely at their city, to the great surprise and joy of the inhabitants.

Tototzin, enraged at the loss of his prisoners, put Quateozin to a cruel death, destroying also all his family excepting one son and a daughter; of whom the latter fled to Mexico, where she was highly honoured on her father's account. Maxtlaton, too, notwithstanding his generosity to the prisoners (which Clavigero derives from mere opposition to Tototzin), prepared to wage a formidable war with the Mexicans, who had agreed to unite their troops with those of the prince. The Mexican populace, terrified at engaging so powerful an enemy, demanded that their king should submit and beg for peace. So great was the tumult, that the king himself was obliged to consent; and it required the utmost exertions of Montezuma's eloquence to persuade the people to agree to a commencement of hostilities. This being done at last, the king next called together the chief nobility, and asked which of them would have the courage to carry an embassy to the king of the Tepanecans? This adventure appeared so hazardous, that all of them kept a deep silence, until Montezuma declared himself willing to undertake the arduous enterprise. He was ordered to propose peace to Maxtlaton, but to accept of no dishonourable conditions; to which he punctually adhered. Maxtlaton refused to give any immediate answer, but promised to give one next day, after he had consulted his nobility. Montezuma, dreading some treachery if he staid all night, promised to return next day; which he did, and was told that Maxtlaton had determined upon war. Montezuma then performed the ceremony of challenging him, by presenting him with certain defensive weapons, anointing his head, and fixing feathers upon it, as was customary to do with dead persons. Lastly, he protested, in the name of his master, that as Maxtlaton would not accept of the offered peace, he and all the Tepanecans would infallibly be ruined. Maxtlaton showed not the least sign of displeasure, but gave Montezuma arms in like manner to present to the king of Mexico; and directed him, for his personal security, to return in disguise through a small outlet from the palace. Montezuma followed his advice; but as soon as he found himself out of danger, began to insult the Tepanecan guards; and though they rushed violently upon him, he not only escaped from their attack, but killed one or two of them.

On his return to Mexico, the populace were again thrown into the utmost consternation by the news that war was inevitable, as the chiefs of the two nations had challenged one another. They now requested the king to allow them to retire from their city, of which they supposed the ruin to be certain. The king encouraged them with the hopes of victory. "But if we are conquered (replied they), what will become of us?" "If that happens (answered the king), we are that moment bound to deliver ourselves into your hands, to be made sacrifices at your pleasure." "Be it so (replied they); if we are conquered; but if we obtain the victory, we and our descendants are bound to be tributary to you; to cultivate your lands and those of your nobles; to build your houses; and to carry for you, when you go to war, your arms and baggage."

Matters being thus settled, intelligence was sent to Prince Nezahualcoyotl to repair with his army to Mexico, which he did without delay; and the day after his arrival a furious engagement took place. The Tepanecan army was commanded by a general named Mazatlan; Maxtlaton himself not judging it proper to quit his capital. The soldiers on both sides fought with the utmost bravery; but towards night the Mexicans, disheartened by seeing the army of their enemies continually increasing in number, began once more to lose their courage and talk of surrendering. The king, greatly concerned, asked Montezuma what should be done to dissipate the fears of the people? That brave prince replied, that they must fight till death; that if they died with their arms in their hands, it would be honourable; but to survive their defeat, would be eternal ignominy. Nothing could be more salutary than this advice at so critical a juncture: for the Mexicans were already begun to implore the mercy of their enemies, and to promise to sacrifice their chiefs, whose ambition had brought the whole nation into into such a dilemma. On hearing this, the whole body of nobility, with the king and Montezuma, at their head, assaulted the enemy so furiously, that they repulsed them from a ditch of which they had taken possession; after which, Montezuma, happening to encounter Mazatl the Tepanecan general, struck him such a blow on the head that he fell down lifeless. Thus the Mexicans were inspired with fresh courage, and their enemies proportionally dispirited: however, they retired for that night to the city, in some hopes of being able to retrieve their fortune next day. Maxtlaton encouraged them by every method in his power; but fortune proved still more unfavourable than the day before. The Tepanecans were now entirely defeated, and the city of Azcapozalco taken. Maxtlaton, who seems not to have had the courage to fight, had not now the presence of mind to fly. He attempted indeed to hide himself; but being quickly discovered, he was beaten to death with sticks and stones. The city was plundered, the inhabitants butchered, and the houses destroyed by the victors.

This victory proved decisive in favour of the confederates. Every other place of strength in the country was quickly reduced, until the Tepanecans, finding themselves on the verge of destruction, sent an humble embassy to the king of Mexico, requesting to be taken under his protection, and to become tributaries to him. Itzcoatl received them graciously; but threatened them with total extirpation if they violated the fidelity they had sworn to him.

Itzcoatl, after this extraordinary success, took care to have the above-mentioned contract ratified between the nobility and common people, by which the latter were bound to perpetual services. Those who had discouraged the soldiers in time of battle were banished for ever from the state of Mexico; while Montezuma and others who had distinguished themselves by their bravery, were rewarded with lands, as was usual with other conquerors.

Itzcoatl, now finding himself firmly seated on the throne of Mexico, set about performing his engagements to the Acolhuacan prince, by seating him on the throne of his ancestors. Having again joined their armies, they marched against Huaxota, a city which refused to submit, even though terms of pardon were offered them. Instead of this, they rashly ventured a battle, in which they were entirely defeated; and were then fain to send a deputation of their old men, pregnant women, &c. as was customary in cases of distress, to move the enemy to compassion. At last all obstacles being removed, Nezahualcoyotl was seated on the throne of Acolhuacan, the auxiliary troops were dismissed, and Itzcoatl left at liberty to pursue his conquests, in which he was still assisted by the king of Acolhuacan. The first expedition was against Cojolhuacan, and other two Tepanecan cities, who had not only refused submission themselves, but excited others to shake off the yoke also. The war against them proved bloody. Three battles were fought, in which Itzcoatl gained no other advantage than making the enemy retreat a little; but in the fourth, while the two armies were hotly engaged, Montezuma, with a body of chosen troops, which he had placed in ambuscade, attacked the rear-guard of the rebels with such vigour, that they were soon disordered; and obliged to fly to the city. The conquerors pursued them thither; and Montezuma perceiving that they intended to fortify themselves in the greater temple, frustrated their design by getting possession of it and burning the turret. By this disaster they were so much terrified, that they fled to the mountains south of Cojolhuacan; but even there the royal army overtook and pursued them more than 30 miles, till they came to another mountain, where, quite exhausted with fatigue, and seeing no means of escape, they were obliged to surrender at discretion.

Having thus happily accomplished the conquest of Cojolhuacan and the other rebellious cities, the two kings returned to Mexico. Itzcoatl gave great part of the Tepanecan country, with the title of king of Tacuba, to Totoguiahuitzin, a grandson of Tezozomoc, but who does not appear to have been any concerned in his projects against the Mexicans. An alliance was then formed among the three kings on the following terms: The king of Tacuba held his crown on condition of serving the king of Mexico with all his troops, at any time when required; for which he can, and was to have a fifth part of the spoils taken from the Tepaneca enemy. The king of Acolhuacan was likewise to assist the king of Mexico in war; and for this he was to have a third part of the plunder, after deducting the share of the king of Tabuca; and the remainder was to belong to the king of Mexico. The kings of Tacuba and Acolhuacan, were both declared honorary electors of the kings of Mexico; the real electors being four nobles: and the king of Mexico was likewise bound to assist in the wars of his allies whenever it was demanded.

After having thus settled matters among themselves, and rewarded their soldiers, Itzcoatl set out with Nezahualcoyotl for Tezcuco, where the Acolhuacan king was crowned with all possible ceremony. Here the new king took every method which prudence could suggest to establish his authority on a permanent basis; but while he was thus employed, the Xochimilcas, fearing lest the Mexicans might conquer their country as they had done that of the Tepanecans, held a council on what was to be done to prevent such a disgrace. In this council it was determined to commence hostilities against that rising state, before it should become more formidable by new conquests. Itzcoatl was no sooner informed of this determination, than he sent quests. Montezuma with a great army against them. The Xochimilcas met him with one still more numerous; but being worse disciplined, they were quickly defeated, and their city taken in a very short time after. This conquest was followed by the reduction of Cuitlahnae, situated on a small island in the lake of Chalco. Their insular situation gave them confidence to attack the formidable power of the Mexicans. The king was so sensible of the difficulty of this enterprise, that he proposed to attack them with the whole force of the alliance: Montezuma, however, with only a small number of men of his own training, whom he furnished with proper vessels, reduced them in seven days.

Itzcoatl died in the year 1436, at a very advanced age, in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by Montezuma I., the greatest monarch that ever sat on the Mexican throne. Before his coronation, in order to comply with the barbarous rites of his religion, gion, he made war upon the Chalce, in order to procure the prisoners who were to be sacrificed at his coronation; and scarce was this ceremony over, when a new war commenced, which terminated in the destruction of that city. This quarrel happened between the Chalce and the Tezucans. Two of the royal princes of Tezcuco having gone a-hunting on the mountains which overlook the plains of Chalco, while employed in the chase, and separated from their retinue, with only three Mexican lords, fell in with a troop of Chalce soldiers; who, to gratify the cruelty of their master, carried them all prisoners to Chalco. The cruel and inconsiderate tyrant who commanded there instantly put them all to death: after which he caused their bodies to be salted, dried, and placed in an hall of his palace, where they served as supporters to the pine torches burned there for lights every evening. The king of Tezcuco, overwhelmed with grief, and to the last degree exasperated at such an inhuman act, called for the assistance of the allied kings. The city was attacked at once by land and water. The inhabitants, knowing that they had no mercy to expect, fought like men in despair. Even the old tyrant who commanded them, though unable to walk, caused himself to be carried in a litter among the combatants; notwithstanding which they were totally defeated, and the most severe vengeance executed upon them.

Montezuma, on his return, found himself obliged to encounter an enemy more formidable on account of his vicinity, than more powerful ones at a distance. This was the king of Tlatelolco, who had formerly conspired against the life of Itzcoatl; and finding himself disappointed in this, had tried to reduce his power by entering into a confederacy with some of the neighbouring lords. At that time his designs proved abortive, but he resumed them in the time of Montezuma; the consequence of which was, that he was defeated and killed. One Moquihuix was chosen in his room; in whose election it is probable that Montezuma had a considerable share. This was followed by conquests of a much more important nature. The province of Cuitlaxcas, lying to the southward, was added to his dominions, comprehending a tract of country more than 150 miles in breadth; then, turning to the westward, he conquered another named Tzompahuacan. This success, however, was for a short time interrupted by a war with Atonaltzin, lord of a territory in the country of the Mixtacas. This prince, puffed up on account of the great wealth he possessed, took it into his head that he would allow no Mexican to travel through his country. Montezuma sent ambassadors to know the reason of such strange conduct; but Atonaltzin gave them no other answer than showing them some part of his wealth, making a present to the king, and desiring them from thence to observe how much the subjects of Atonaltzin loved him; and that he willingly accepted of war, which was to determine whether he should pay tribute to the Mexicans or the Mexicans to him. Montezuma having informed his allies of this insolent answer, sent a considerable army against Atonaltzin, but had the mortification to be informed of its defeat; in consequence of which the pride of Atonaltzin was increased to a great degree. Montezuma, greatly chagrined at this first check, determined to head his next army in person; but before he could call together another, Atonaltzin had drawn into a confederacy with him the Huexotzincaes and Tlascalans, who were glad of the opportunity, as they supposed, of reducing the power of the Mexicans. Their numbers, however, availed but little; Montezuma in the very first engagement totally defeated the confederate army. The allies of Atonaltzin were particularly unfortunate; for such of them as were not killed in the field of battle, were destroyed by their own party out of revenge for the unfortunate event of the dominions enlarged.

By this victory the Mexican monarch became master not only of the dominions of Atonaltzin, but of many other neighbouring princes, against whom he made war on account of their having put to death some Mexican merchants or couriers without any just cause. The conquest of Cuatlachitlan or Cotasia, however, which he attempted in 1457, proved a much more difficult task. This province lies on the coast of the Mexican gulf, and had been formerly inhabited by the Olmecans, whom the Tlascalans had driven out. The inhabitants were very numerous; but dreading the power of Montezuma, called in those of Tlascalan, together with the Huexotzincaes, to their assistance. Along with these the allies drew the Cholulans also into the confederacy; so that this seems to have been the most formidable combination that had yet been formed against the Mexican power. Montezuma collected an excellently equipped army; which, however, he did not on this occasion command in person. It contained a great number of persons of very high rank, among whom were three princes of royal blood, and Moquihuix king of Tlatelolco already mentioned. The combination of the three republics against Mexico was not known at court when the army set out; but Montezuma, being informed of it soon after, sent an order to his generals to return. This accorded so ill with the romantic notions of valour entertained by the Mexicans, that a consultation of the generals was held whether they should obey it or not. At last it was determined that the king's order should be obeyed; but no sooner was this agreed to than Moquihuix accused them all of cowardice, and threatened, with his own troops, unassisted, to go and conquer the enemy. His speech had such an effect upon them all, that they went to meet the confederates. The Cotastcse fought with great valour, but were unable to resist the royal forces; and their allies were almost totally destroyed. Six thousand two hundred of them were taken prisoners, and soon after sacrificed to the Mexican god of war in the barbarous manner already described. The victory was said to have been owing principally to the valour and good conduct of Moquihuix, insomuch that to this day a song made in his praise on that occasion is known in Mexico. Montezuma was so well pleased with the victory, that he not only forgave the disobedience of his orders, but bestowed upon Moquihuix a princess, one of his own cousins, to wife.

During the reign of this great monarch a violent inundation happened in Mexico. The lake, swelled by the excessive rains which fell in the year 1446, poured its waters into the city with so much violence that many houses were destroyed, and the streets inundated to such a degree that boats were everywhere made use of. The inundation was soon followed by a famine. This was occasioned by the stinting of the crop of maize in 1448; the ears while young and tender being destroyed by frost. In 1450 the crop was totally lost for want of water; and in 1451, besides the unfavourable seasons, there was a scarcity of seed. Hence, in 1452, the necessities of the people became so great, that they were obliged to sell themselves for slaves in order to procure subsistence. Montezuma permitted them to go to other countries for support; but being informed that many sold themselves for a few days provision, he ordered, by proclamation, that no woman should sell herself for less than 400 ears of wheat, nor any man for less than 500. He opened also the public granaries for the relief of the lower classes; but nothing was able to stop the progress of the famine.

Montezuma was succeeded by Axayacatl, who like his predecessor instantly commenced a war, for no other reason than that he might have prisoners to sacrifice at his coronation. He pursued Montezuma's plan of conquest; in which, however, he was less successful, many of the provinces reduced by that monarch having revolted after his death, so that it was necessary to reconquer them. On his returning successful from one of these expeditions, he built a new temple, to which he gave the name of Coatlan; but the Tlatelolcos, whose ancient rivalry seems to have revived on the death of Montezuma, built another in opposition, which they called Coaxotolotl. Thus the former hatred between the two nations was renewed, and a discord took place which ended in the ruin of the Tlatelolcos.

The Mexicans sustained an irreparable loss in 1469 and 1470 by the death of their allies the kings of Tacuba and Acolhuacan.

The king of Tacuba was succeeded by his son Chimalpopoca, and the Acolhuacan monarch by his son Nezahualpilli. A short time after the accession of the latter, the war broke out between the Tlatelolcos and Mexicans, which ended in the destruction of the former. King Moquihuix had been married by Montezuma to a sister of Axayacatl, now on the throne of Mexico; but it appears that this princess never was greatly the object of his affection. On the contrary, he took all methods of expressing his dislike, either out of enmity to herself, or envy of the superior greatness of her brother. Not content with this, he entered into an alliance with a great number of the neighbouring states, in order to reduce the Mexican greatness. His wife, however, being informed of this scheme, communicated the particulars to her brother; and soon after, being impatient of the ill usage she received, came to Mexico with her four sons to claim the protection of her brother. This uncommon accident exasperated the Mexicans and Tlatelolcos against each other to such a degree, that wherever they met, they fought, abused, and murdered each other. The king of Tlatelolco prepared for war with many horrid ceremonies, of which the drinking of human blood was one. A day was appointed for attacking Mexico. Xiloman, lord of Colcuacan, was to begin the attack, afterwards to pretend flight, in order to induce the Mexicans to follow him; after which the Tlatelolcos were to fall upon their rear.

For some reason, however, with which we are not acquainted, the Tlatelolcos began the attack without waiting for Xiloman; the consequence of which was, that he retired in disgust, leaving them to finish their battle the best way they could. The engagement lasted till night, when the Tlatelolcos were obliged to retire. Axayacatl, during the night, disposed of his troops in all the roads which led to Tlatelolco, appointing them to meet in the market-place. The Tlatelolcos, finding themselves attacked on all sides, retired gradually before the Mexicans, until at last they were forced into the market-place, where they found themselves worse than ever on account of its narrowness, which did not allow them room to act. The king stood on the top of the great temple, encouraging his men to exert themselves against the enemy. His words, however, had now lost their usual influence. He not only was not obeyed, but was reproached with cowardice because he did not come down and fight among the rest. At last the Mexicans arrived at the temple, and ascended to the balcony where the king was. He made a desperate defence for a little; but by a violent push in the breast was thrown backwards upon the steps of the temple, and stunned or perhaps killed by the fall.

The Tlatelolcos being thus reduced, Axayacatl next set out on an expedition against the Matlazincas, a tribe in the vale of Toluca, who still refused to submit to the Mexican yoke. Having proved successful in this expedition, he undertook to subdue also the northern part of the valley, now called Valle de Ixtlahuacan, particularly Xiquipilco, a considerable city and state of the Otomies, whose chief was much renowned for strength and bravery. Axayacatl, who likewise valued himself on these qualities, encountered him in single combat. In this, however, he was overmatched, and received a violent wound in the thigh; after which he would have been taken prisoner, had not some young Mexicans made a desperate effort for his rescue. Notwithstanding this disaster, Axayacatl's army gained a complete victory, carrying off 11,060 prisoners among whom was the chief of the Otomies himself, and two of his officers who had attacked the king. These chiefs were put to death at an entertainment of the allied kings, the sight of their agonies not interrupting in the least the mirth of the feast; so much were they familiarized to the shedding of human blood.

He was succeeded by his elder brother Tizoc, who intended to have built a larger temple than any that had yet been seen in Mexico, though that originally built had been greatly enlarged by some of his predecessors. For this purpose he collected a great quantity of materials; but before he could bring his projects to bear, he was taken off by a conspiracy of his subjects. During the reign of Tizoc, the Acolhuacans made war upon the Huexotzincoas, ruined their city, and conquered their territory. Nezahualpilli also, the Acolhuacan monarch, though he had already several wives, had not made any of them queen, having wished to confer that honour upon one of the royal family of Mexico. Tizoc readily gave him one of his grand-daughters, who had a sister of singular beauty named Xocotzin. The friendship betwixt these two ladies was such, that the one could not think of being separated from the other; for which reason the new queen sought and obtained permission to take her sister along with her to Tezcuco. Xocotzin had not been long there before the king fell in love with her, and married her with the title of queen likewise. Soon after this second marriage, the first queen brought forth a son named Cacamatzin, who succeeded him in the throne, and was afterwards taken prisoner by the Spaniards.

Ahuitzotl, the brother of Tizoc, succeeded him in the kingdom of Mexico. His first object was to finish the great temple begun by his predecessor; and such was the number of workmen, that it was completed in four years. During the time that it was building, the king employed himself in making war with different nations, reserving all the prisoners he took for victims at the dedication of the temple. The number of prisoners sacrificed at this dedication is said by Torquemada to have been 72,324; by other historians 64,060. The miserable victims were ranged in two files, each a mile and a half in length, terminating at the temple. The same year another temple was built by a feudatory lord, in imitation of the great one built by the king; at the dedication of which a vast number of prisoners were also sacrificed. These temples were dedicated in 1486. In 1487 happened a violent earthquake; and Chimalpopoca king of Acollanacan died, who was succeeded by Totoquihuatzin II.

Ahuitzotl died in 1502, of a disorder produced by a contusion in his head. At the time of his death, the Mexican empire was brought to its utmost extent. His successor, Montezuma Xocoyotzin or Montezuma Junior, was a person of great bravery, besides which he was likewise a priest, and held in great estimation on account of his gravity and the dignity of his deportment. His election was unanimous; and the nobles congratulated themselves on the happiness the country was to enjoy under him, little thinking how short the duration of their happiness or of their empire was to be.

The first care of the new monarch, as usual, was to procure victims for the barbarous sacrifices to be made at his coronation. The people of Atlitico, who had again shaken off the Mexican yoke, were the sufferers on this occasion, being once more reduced, though not without great loss on the part of the Mexicans, some of whose bravest officers perished in the war. The ceremony of coronation was performed with such pomp as had never been seen before in Mexico; but no sooner was this ceremony over than Montezuma began to discover a pride which nobody had suspected before. All his predecessors had been accustomed to confer offices upon persons of merit, and those who appeared the most able to discharge them, without any partiality as to birth or wealth. Montezuma, however, disapproved of the conduct of his predecessors, under pretence that the plebeians should be employed according to their rank; for that in all their actions the baseness of their birth and the meanness of their education appeared: and in consequence of this maxim he deprived all the commoners of the offices they held about the court, declaring them incapable of holding any for the future. All the royal servants now were people of rank. Besides these who lived in the palace, 600 feudatory lords and nobles came to pay court to him. They passed the whole day in the antichamber, where none of their servants were permitted to enter; conversing in a low voice, and waiting the orders of their sovereign. The servants of these lords were so numerous that they occupied three small courts of the palace, and many waited in the streets.

In every respect Montezuma kept up, as far as was possible, an extravagant appearance of dignity. His dainty kitchen utensils were of the finest earthen ware, and played in his tablecloths and napkins of the finest cotton; but none of these ever served the emperor more than once, being immediately made a present of to some nobleman. The vessels in which his chocolate and other drinks from cocoa were prepared, were all of gold, or some beautiful sea-shell, or naturally-formed vessels, curiously varnished. He had also gold plate, but it was used only on particular occasions in the temple. The number and variety of his dishes astonished the Spaniards. He took great delight in the cleanliness of his own person, and of every thing about him. He bathed regularly every day, and had baths in all his palaces. Every day he wore four dresses, never using again those which he had put off, but reserving them as largesses for the nobility, or those who had distinguished themselves in war. The expense of all this rendered him very disagreeable to a great number of his subjects; though others were pleased with the readiness he showed to relieve the necessities of individuals, and his generosity in rewarding his generals and ministers who deserved it. Among other actions worthy of imitation, he appointed the city of Colhuacan as an hospital for all invalids, who after having faithfully served the crown either in the civil or military line, required a provision on account of their age and infirmities. In this place they were maintained and attended at the expense of the king.

The reign of Montezuma, even before the arrival of the Spaniards, was far from being so glorious with regard to his successes in war as those of his predecessors had been. He reduced indeed one rebellious province, and conquered another which had never before with Tlascalans been subjugated; but in his war with Tlascala he was cala by no means successful. This was but a small republic at no great distance from the capital, but the inhabitants were remarkable for their bravery and independent spirit. The neighbouring states, however, who had been reduced by the Mexicans, envious of their liberty and prosperity, exasperated the Mexicans against them, by representing that the Tlascalans were desirous of making themselves masters of the maritime provinces on the Mexican gulf, and that by their commerce with these provinces they were increasing their wealth and power, and gaining the hearts of the people with whom they were to traffic. In consequence of this representation, strong garrisons were placed on the frontiers of Tlascala, to obstruct the commerce of the inhabitants, and thus to deprive them of the means of obtaining some of the necessaries of life. The Tlascalans complained; but received no other answer than that the king of Mexico was lord of all the world, and that the Tlascalans must submit and pay tribute to him. The Tlascalans returned a spirited answer to this insolent speech, and began to fortify their frontier. They had already enclosed all the lands of the republic. During the remainder of Montezuma's reign the empire was disturbed by various rebellions, of which the accounts are not sufficiently interesting to merit a particular detail; but in the year 1588, Montezuma began to entertain apprehensions of that fatal event which at length overtook him. An expedition having been undertaken against a very distant region named Amatla, the army in marching over a lofty mountain were attacked by a furious north wind, accompanied with snow; which made great havoc in the army, many of them perishing with cold, and others being killed by the trees rooted up by the wind. The remains of the army continued their march to Amatla, where they were almost all killed in battle. By this and other calamities, together with the appearance of a comet, the Mexicans were thrown into the utmost consternation. Montezuma was so terrified by these omens, that having in vain consulted his astrologers, he applied to the king of Acolhuacan, who was reported to be very skilful in divination. Nezahualpilli having conferred with him upon the subject, told Montezuma that the comet presaged some calamity which was about to befall their kingdoms by the arrival of a new people: but this being unsatisfactory to the emperor, the king of Acolhuacan challenged him to a game at foot-ball, staking the truth of his prediction on the issue of the game. Montezuma lost the game, but did not yet acquiesce in the truth of his prediction. He therefore applied to a celebrated astrologer, whom it seems he had not yet consulted; but he confirmed the interpretation of Nezahualpilli: for which the emperor caused his house to be pulled down, and himself buried in the ruins.

Mexico itself was first discovered, though imperfectly, by a Spaniard named Nunez de Balboa; but in 1518 the conquest of it was undertaken by a celebrated adventurer named Ferdinando Cortes. On the 10th of February 1519, he set sail from the Havannah in Cuba; and soon landed on the island of Cozumel, on the coast of Yucatan, discovered the preceding year. Here he joined one of his officers named Pedro d'Alvaredo, who had arrived some days before, and collected some booty and taken a few prisoners. But the general severely censured his conduct; and the prisoners were dismissed, after they had been informed by an Indian interpreter named Melchor, that such injuries were entirely disagreeable to the intentions and wishes of Cortes. Here he mustered his army, and found that it amounted to 508 soldiers, 16 horsemen, and 109 mechanics, pilots, and mariners. Having encouraged his men by a proper speech, and released, by means of some Indian ambassadors, a Spaniard named Jeron de Aguilar, who had been detained a prisoner for eight years, he proceeded to the river Tabasco, where he hoped to be received in a friendly manner, as one Grijalva had been a short time before; but, from some unknown cause, he was violently attacked by them: however, the superiority of the Spanish arms soon decided the victory, and the inhabitants were obliged to own the king of Castile as their sovereign.

The Spaniards then continued their course westward, to the harbour of St Juan de Ullua; where they were met by two Mexican canoes, which carried two ambassadors from the emperor of that country, and showed the greatest signs of peace and amity. Their language was unknown to Aguilar; but one of the female prisoners above mentioned understood it, and translated it into the Yucatan tongue; after which Aguilar interpreted the meaning in Spanish. This slave was afterwards named Donna Marina, and proved very useful in their conferences with the natives.

At this time the Mexican empire, according to Dr Robertson, was arrived at a pitch of grandeur at which no society had ever attained in so short a period. Though it had subsisted only for 130 years, its dominion extended from the north to the south sea, over territories stretching about 500 leagues from east to west, and more than 200 from north to south; comprehending provinces not inferior in fertility, population, and opulence, to any in the torrid zone.—Though by nature Montezuma possessed a good deal of courage and resolution; yet from the first moment that the Spaniards appeared on his coast, he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment, and all his subjects were embarrassed as well as himself. The general dismay which took place on this occasion was partly owing to the strange figure the Spaniards made, and the prodigious power of their arms; but partly also to the following circumstance. An opinion prevailed almost universally among the Americans, that some dreadful calamity impended over their heads, from a race of formidable invaders who should come from regions towards the rising sun, to overrun and desolate their country.

By means of his two interpreters, Donna Marina and Aguilar, Cortes learned that the chiefs of the Mexican embassy were deputies from Pilpatoe and Teutile; the one governor of a province under the emperor, and the other the commander of all his forces in that province: the purport of their embassy was to inquire what his intentions were in visiting their coasts, and to offer him what assistance he might need in order to continue his voyage. Cortes, in his turn, also professed the greatest friendship; and informed the ambassadors, that he came to propose matters of the utmost consequence to the welfare of the prince and his kingdom; which he would more fully unfold in person to the governor and the general. Next morning, without waiting for any answer, he landed his troops, his horses, and his artillery; began to erect huts for his men, and to fortify his camp.

The next day the ambassadors had a formal audience; at which Cortes acquainted them, that he came from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, the greatest monarch of the east, and was intrusted with propositions of such moment that he would impart them to none but the emperor himself; and therefore required to be conducted immediately to the capital. This demand produced the greatest uneasiness; and the ambassadors did all in their power to dissuade Cortes from his design, endeavouring to conciliate his good will by the presents sent him by Montezuma. These they introduced with great parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments of gold and silver from going to a considerable value, the workmanship of which appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich.

But these presents served only to excite the avidity of the Spaniards, and to increase their desire for becoming masters of a country which abounded with so many precious commodities. Cortes indeed could scarcely restrain himself so far as to hear the arguments made use of by the ambassadors to dissuade him from going to the capital; and, in a haughty, determined tone, insisted on his former demand of being admitted to a personal interview with their sovereign.

During this conversation, some painters in the retinue of the Mexican chiefs had been diligently employed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, horses, artillery, soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes as singular.

While exerting their utmost efforts in representing all these wonderful things, messengers were immediately despatched to Montezuma with the pictures, and a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival of the Spaniards, together with some European curiosities to Montezuma; which Cortes believed would be acceptable on account of their novelty. The Mexican monarchs had couriers posted at proper stations along the principal roads; and as these were trained to agility by a regular education, they conveyed intelligence with surprising rapidity. Though the city in which Montezuma resided was above 180 miles from St Juan de Ulua, Cortes's presents were carried thither, and an answer returned to his demands, in a few days. As the answer was unfavourable, Montezuma had endeavoured to mollify the Spanish general by the richness of his presents. These consisted of the manufactures of the country; cotton stuffs so fine, and of such delicate texture, as to resemble silk; pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with feathers of different colours, disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly attracted their attention, were two large plates of a circular form; one of massive gold representing the sun, the other of silver representing the moon. These were accompanied with bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold; and that nothing might be wanting which could give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the country afforded, some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold unwrought, as they had been found in the mines or rivers, were sent along with the rest. Cortes received all with an appearance of the most profound respect for Montezuma; but when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, informed him, that their master, though he desired him to accept of what he had sent as a token of his regard for the prince whom he represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue longer in his dominions, Cortes declared in a manner more resolute and peremptory than formerly, that he must insist on his first demand; as he could not, without dishonour, return to his own sovereign until he was admitted into the presence of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in his name.

The pusillanimity of the Indian monarch afforded time to the Spaniards to take measures which would have been out of their power had they been vigorously attacked on their first refusal to obey his orders. Cortes used every method of securing the affections of the soldiers; which indeed was very necessary, as many of them began to exclaim against the rashness of his attempt in leading them against the whole force of the Mexican empire. In a short time Teutile arrived with another present from Montezuma, and Montezuma together with it delivered the ultimate orders of that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions; and when Cortes, instead of complying with his demands, to leave his renewed request of audience, the Mexican immediately left the camp with strong marks of surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives appeared; all friendly correspondence seemed to be at an end, and hostilities were expected to commence every moment. A sudden consternation ensued among the Spaniards, and a party was formed against him by the adherents of Vclasques; who took advantage of the occasion, and deputed one of their number, a principal officer, to remonstrate, as if in name of the whole army, against his rashness, and to urge the necessity of his returning to Cuba. Cortes received the message without any appearance of emotion; and as he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiery, with much complacency he pretended to comply with the request now made him, and issued orders that the army should be in readiness next day to embark for Cuba. Upon hearing this, the troops, as Cortes had expected, were quite outrageous; they positively refused to comply with these orders, and threatened immediately to choose another general if Cortes continued to insist on their departure.

Our adventurer was highly pleased with the disposition which now appeared among his troops; nevertheless, dissembling his sentiments, he declared, that his orders for embarking had proceeded from a persuasion that it was agreeable to his fellow-soldiers, to whose opinion he had sacrificed his own; but now he acknowledged his error, and was ready to resume his original plan of operation. This speech was highly applauded; and Cortes, without allowing his men time to cool, set about carrying his designs into execution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, he Villa Rica assembled the principal persons in his army, and by founded their suffrages elected a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. The persons chosen were most firmly attached to Cortes; and the new settlement had the name of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz; that is, the rich town of the true cross.

Before this court of his own making, Cortes did not hesitate at resigning all his authority, and was verment immediately re-elected chief-justice of the colony, of the new and captain-general of his army, with an ample commission, in the king's name, to continue in force till the royal pleasure should be farther known. The soldiers eagerly ratified their choice by loud acclamations; and Cortes, now considering himself as no longer accountable to any subject, began to assume a much greater degree of dignity, and to exercise more extensive powers than he had done before.

Cortes having thus strengthened himself as well as he could, resolved to advance into the country; and to this he was encouraged by the behaviour of the cacique or petty prince of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance. Here he was received in the most friendly manner imaginable, and had a respect paid towards him almost equivalent to adoration. The cacique informed him of many particulars relating to the character of Montezuma.—He told him that he was a tyrant, haughty, cruel, and suspicious; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered provinces by his extortions, and often tore their sons and daughters from them by violence; the former to be offered as victims to his gods, the latter to be reserved as concubines for himself and favourites. Cortes, in reply, artfully insinuated, that one great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country so remote from their own was, to redress grievances, and to relieve the oppressed; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, continued his march to Quiaibishan, the territory of another cacique, and where, by the friendly aid of the Indians, a Spanish colony was soon formed.

During the residence of Cortes in these parts, he so far wrought on the minds of the caciques of Zempoalla and Quiaibishan, that they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which they had been formerly accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of human victims, as an expiation of their guilt in presuming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave his dominions; instead of obeying his orders, they made them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and, as their superstition was no less barbarous than Montezuma's, they threatened to sacrifice them to their gods.

Though Cortes had now taken such measures as in a manner ensured his success; yet as he had thrown off all dependence on the governor of Cuba, who was his lawful superior, and apprehended his interest at court, he thought proper, before he set out on his intended expedition, to take the most effectual measures against the impending danger. With this view, he persuaded the magistrates of his colony to address a letter to the king, containing a pompous account of their own services, of the country they had discovered, &c., and of the motives which had induced them to throw off their allegiance to the governor of Cuba, and to settle a colony dependent on the crown alone, in which the supreme power, civil as well as military, had been vested in Cortes; humbly requesting their sovereign to ratify what had been done by his royal authority.

Some soldiers and sailors, secretly disaffected to Cortes, formed a design of seizing one of the brigantines, and making their escape to Cuba, in order to give such intelligence to the governor as might enable him to intercept the vessel which was to carry the treasure and despatches to Spain. This conspiracy was conducted with profound secrecy; but at the moment when every thing was ready for execution, the secret was discovered by one of the associates. The latent spirit of disaffection which Cortes was now too well convinced had not been extinguished amongst his troops, gave him very great uneasiness. The only method which he could think of to prevent such conspiracies for the future was to destroy his fleet, and thus deprive his soldiers of every resource except that of conquest: and with this proposal he persuaded his men to comply. With universal consent therefore the ships were drawn ashore, and, after being stripped of their sails, rigging, iron work, and whatever else might be of use, they were broke in pieces.

Cortes having thus rendered it necessary for his troops to follow wherever he chose to lead, began his march to Zempoalla with 500 infantry, 15 horse, and six field pieces. The rest of his troops being less fit for active service, he left them as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his interest. The cacique of Zempoalla supplied him with provisions; and with 200 of those Indians called Tamanes, whose office, in a country where tame animals were unknown, was to carry burdens, and perform all manner of servile labour. He offered likewise a considerable body of troops; but Cortes was satisfied with 400; taking care, however, to choose persons of such note, that they might serve as hostages for the fidelity of their master.

Nothing memorable happened till the Spaniards arrived on the confines of the republic of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province were warlike, fierce, and revengeful, and had made considerable progress in agriculture, and some other arts. They were implacable enemies to Montezuma; and therefore Cortes hoped that it would be an easy matter for him to procure their friendship. With this view, four Zempoallans of high rank were sent ambassadors to Tlascalca, dressed with all the badges of that office usual among the Indians. The senate were divided in their opinions with regard to the proposals of Cortes: but at last Magiscatzin, one of the oldest senators, and a person of great authority, mentioned the tradition of their ancestors, and the revelations of their priests; that a race of invincible men, of divine origin, who had power over the elements, should come from the east to subdue their country. He compared the resemblance which the strangers bore to the persons figured in the traditions of Mexico, their dominion over the elements of fire, air, and water; he reminded the senate of their prodigies, omens, and signals, which had lately terrified the Mexicans, and indicated some very important event; and then declared his opinion, that it would be rashness to oppose a force apparently assisted by heaven, and men who had already proved, to the sad experience of those who opposed them, that they were invincible. This orator was opposed by Xicotencal, who endeavoured to prove that the Spaniards were at best but powerful magicians: that they had rendered themselves obnoxious to the gods by pulling down their images and altars (which indeed Cortes had very imprudently done at Zempoalla); and of consequence, that they might easily be overcome, as the gods would not fail to resent such an outrage. He therefore voted for war, and advised the crushing of these invaders at one blow.

The advice of Xicotencal prevailed; and in consequence of it, the ambassadors were detained; which giving Cortes the alarm, he drew nearer the city of Tlascala. They suffered him with his army drawn up in good order, to pass a strong wall between two mountains, which might have been very advantageously defended against him. He had not advanced far beyond this pass, however, before a party of Tlascalans with plumes were discovered, which denoted that an army was in the field. These he drove before him by a detachment of six horse, obliged them to join another party, and then reinforcing the advanced detachment, charged the enemy with such vigour that they began to retire. Five thousand Tlascalans then rushed out of their hiding places, just as the infantry came up to assist their slender body of cavalry. The enemy attacked with the utmost fury; but were so much disconcerted by the first discharge of the fire-arms, that they retreated in confusion, furnishing the Spaniards with an opportunity of pursuing them with great slaughter. Cortes, however, supposing that this could not be their whole force, advanced with the utmost caution, in order of battle, to an eminence, from whence he had a view of the main body of the Tlascalan army commanded by Xicotencal, consisting of no fewer than 40,000 men. By these the small army of Cortes was entirely surrounded; which Xicotencal no sooner perceived, than he contracted the circle with incredible diligence, while the Spaniards were almost overwhelmed with showers of arrows, darts, and stones. It is impossible but in this case many of the Spaniards must have perished, had it not been for the insufficiency of the Indian weapons. This circumstance gave the Spaniards a prodigious advantage over them; and therefore the Tlascalans, notwithstanding their valour and superiority in number, could accomplish no more in the present instance, than to kill one horse and slightly wound nine soldiers.

The Tlascalans being taught by this, and some subsequent encounters, how much they were inferior to the Spaniards, began to conceive them to be really what Magiscatzin had said; a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not prevail. In this extremity they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the causes of such extraordinary events, and to declare what means they should take to repel such formidable invaders. The priests, after many sacrifices and incantations, delivered their response, That these strangers were the offspring of the sun, procreated by his animating energy in the regions of the east: that, by day, while cherished with the influence of his parental beams, they were invincible; but by night, when his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour declined and faded like herbs in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans acted in contradiction to one of their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy in the night time, hoping to destroy them when enfeebled and surprised. But the Spanish centinels having observed some extraordinary movements among the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. Immediately the troops were under arms, and sallying out, defeated their antagonists with great slaughter, without allowing them to approach the camp. By this disaster the Tlascalans were heartily disposed to peace; but they were at a loss to form an adequate idea of the enemies they had to deal with. They could not ascertain the nature of these surprising beings, or whether they were really of a benevolent or malignant disposition. There were circumstances in their behaviour which seemed to favour each opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of peace after every victory; this lenity amazed people accustomed to the exterminating system of war known in America, and who sacrificed and devoured without mercy all the captives taken in battle; and disposed them to entertain sentiments favourable to their humanity. But, on the other hand, as Cortes had seized 50 of their countrymen who brought provisions to their camp, and cut off their heads; this bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful ideas of their ferocity. Accordingly they addressed them in the following manner: "If (said they) you are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, here is meat, bread and fruit, to nourish you." After this address, the peace was soon concluded, to the great satisfaction of both parties. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in all his operations; while he took the republic under his protection, and promised to defend their persons and possessions from injury and violence.

Cortes left no method untried to gain the favour and confidence of the Tlascalans; which, however, he had almost entirely lost, by his untimely zeal in destroying their idols as he had done those of Zempoalla. But he was deterred from this rash action by his chaplain Father Bartholomew de Olmedo; and left the Tlascalans in the undisturbed exercise of their superstition, requiring only that they should desist from their horrid practice of offering human victims. As soon as his troops were fit for service, he resolved to continue his march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Tlascalans, who looked upon his destruction as unavoidable if he put himself into the power of such a faithless prince as Montezuma. But the emperor, probably intimidated with the fame of his exploits, had resolved to admit his visit; and informed Cortes that he had given orders for his friendly reception at Cholula, the next place of any consequence on the road to Mexico. Cortes was received with much seeming cordiality, but 6000 Tlascalan troops who accompanied him were obliged to remain without the town, as the Cholulans the Cholulans refused to admit their ancient enemies within their precincts. Yet two of these, by disguising themselves, got into the city, and acquainted Cortes that they observed the women and children belonging to the principal citizens retiring every night in a great hurry, and that six children had been sacrificed in the great temple; a sign that some warlike enterprise was at hand. At the same time Donna Marina, the interpreter, received information from an Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained; that the destruction of the Spaniards was concerted; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near the town; that some of the streets were barricaded, in others deep pits or trenches were dug, dug, and slightly covered over, as traps into which the horse might fall; that stones and missile weapons were collected on the tops of the temples, with which to overwhelm the infantry; that the fatal hour was already at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. Cortes, alarmed at this news, secretly arrested three of the chief priests, from whom he extorted a confession that confirmed the intelligence he had already received. As not a moment was to be lost, he instantly resolved to prevent his enemies, and to inflict on them such dreadful vengeance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror.

On a signal given, the troops rushed out, and fell upon the multitude, destitute of leaders, and so much astonished, that the weapons dropped from their hands, and they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. While the Spaniards attacked them in front, the Tlacalans did the same in the rear; the streets were filled with slaughter; the temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests and some leading men, were set on fire, and they perished in the flames. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of 6000 Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortes then released the magistrates; and reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offence; but required them to recall the inhabitants who had fled, and re-establish order in the town.

From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico; and throughout the whole of his journey was entertained with accounts of the oppressions and cruelty of Montezuma. This gave him the greatest hope of accomplishing his design; as he now perceived that the empire was entirely divided, and no sort of unanimity prevailed among them. No enemy appeared to check his progress. Montezuma was quite irresolute; and Cortes was almost at the gates of the capital before the emperor had determined whether to receive him as a friend or oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuations of Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march to Mexico, with great circumspection and the strictest discipline, though without seeming to suspect the prince whom they were about to visit.

When they drew near the city, about 1000 persons who appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the mode deemed most respectful and submissive in their country. They announced the approach of Montezuma himself, and soon after his harbingers came in sight. There appeared first 200 persons in an uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in deep silence, barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank, in their most showy apparel: in the midst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold and feathers of various colours. Four of his principal favourites carried him on their shoulders, others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head. Before him marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at certain intervals; and at that signal all the people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great a monarch.

When he drew near, Cortes dismounting, advanced towards him with officious haste, and in a respectful posture. At the same time Montezuma alighted from his chair, and leaning on the arms of two of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately pace, his attendants covering the streets with cotton cloths, that he might not touch the ground. Cortes accosted him with profound reverence, after the European fashion. He returned the salutation, according to the mode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kissing it. This ceremony appeared such amazing condescension in a proud monarch, who scarcely deigned to consider the rest of mankind as of the same species with himself, that all his subjects firmly believed those persons, before whom he humbled himself in this manner, to be something more than human. Accordingly, as they marched through the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, and with much satisfaction, heard themselves denominated teules, or divinities. Nothing material passed in this first interview. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had prepared for his reception; and immediately took leave of him with a politeness not unworthy of a court more refined: "You are now (says he), with your brothers, in your own house; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The place allotted to the Spaniards for their lodging was a house built by the father of Montezuma. It was surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at proper distances, which served for defence as well as for ornament; and its apartments and courts were so large as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The first care of Cortes was to take precautions for his security, by planting the artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it, by appointing a large division of his troops to be always on guard, and by posting sentinels at proper stations, with injunctions to observe the same vigilant discipline as if they were within sight of an enemy's camp.

In the evening Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same pomp as in their first interview; and brought presents of such value, not only to Cortes and to his officers, but even to the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of his kingdom. A long conference ensued, in which Cortes learned what was the opinion of Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It was an established tradition, he told him, among the Mexicans, that their ancestors came originally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces now subject to his dominion; that after they were settled there, the great captain who conducted this colony returned to his own country, promising that at some future period his descendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform their constitutions and laws: that, from what he had heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he was convinced that they were the very persons whose appearance their prophecies taught them to expect; that accordingly he had received them, not as strangers, but as relations of the same blood and parentage, and desired that they might consider themselves as masters in his dominions; for both himself and his subjects should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their wishes. Cortes made a re- ply in his usual style with respect to the dignity and power of his sovereign, and his intention in sending him into that country; artfully endeavouring so to frame his discourse, that it might coincide as much as possible with the idea which Montezuma had formed concerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some of his principal attendants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city; the appearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and yet so little resembling the structure of an European city, filled them with surprise and admiration.

Mexico is situated in a large plain, environed by mountains of such height, that though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends from the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largest of which, of about 90 miles in circuit, communicate with each other. The waters of the one are fresh, those of the other brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets, formed of stones and earth, about 30 feet in breadth. As the waters of the lake, during the rainy season, overflowed the flat country, these causeways were of considerable length. That of Tacuba on the west a mile and a half; that of Tezcuco on the north-west three miles; that of Cuoyacan towards the south six miles. On the east there was no causeway, and the city could be approached only by canoes. In each of these causeways were openings at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed; and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, the causeway or street had everywhere an uniform appearance. As the approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses belonging to the monarch, and to persons of distinction, were of such dimensions, that in comparison with any other buildings which had been discovered in America, they might be termed magnificent. The habitations of the common people were mean, resembling the huts of other Indians. But they were all placed in a regular manner, on the banks of the canals which passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the streets which intersected it in other quarters. In several places were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to have been so spacious that 40,000 or 50,000 persons carried on traffic there. In this city, the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and art of man, while unacquainted with the use of iron, the Spaniards, who are most moderate in their computations, reckon that there were at least 60,000 inhabitants.

But how much soever the novelty of those objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. From a concurrence of circumstances, no less unexpected than favourable to their progress, they had been allowed to penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom, and were now lodged in its capital, without having once met with open opposition from its monarch. The Tlascalans, however, had earnestly dissuaded them from placing such confidence in Montezuma as to enter a city of such a peculiar situation as Mexico, where that prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were in a snare, from which it was impossible to escape. They assured them that the Mexican priests had, in the name of the gods, counselled their sovereign to admit the strangers into the capital, that he might cut them off there at one blow with perfect security. The Spaniards now perceived, too plainly, that the apprehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation; that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, or by destroying part of the causeways themselves, their retreat would be rendered impracticable, and they must remain cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies.

Before he set out from Cholula, Cortes had received some hostile advice from Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, one of the cities between the Mexican generals on the frontiers, having assembled between the Spaniards' army in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke, Escalante had marched out with part of the garrison to support his allies; that an engagement had ensued, in which, though the Spaniards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been surrounded by the enemy and taken alive; that the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to convince the people that their invaders were not immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico he became sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in the superior valour and discipline of his troops, as well as from the disadvantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown country but the defective intelligence which he received from people with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed forward into a situation, where it was difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the certain consequence of attempting the latter. The success of his enterprise depended upon supporting the high opinion which the people of New Spain had formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptom of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would let loose upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, he knew that the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories; and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could screen his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these considerations, it was necessary to maintain his station, and to extricate himself out of the difficulties in which one bold step had involved him, by venturing upon another still bolder. The situation was trying, but his mind was equal to it; and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a plan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to seize Montezuma in his palace, and carry him a prisoner to his palace. the Spanish quarters. From the superstitious veneration of the Mexicans for the person of their monarch, as well as their implicit submission to his will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his power, to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs; or at least, with such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their violence.

This he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid startled at a measure so audacious, and raised objections. The more intelligent and resolute, conscious that it was the only resource in which there appeared any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their companions so cordially to the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Davila, five of his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but sauntering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity; small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets leading from the Spanish quarters to the court; and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan allies, were under arms, ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants were admitted without suspicion; the Mexicans retiring, as usual out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very different from that which he had employed in former conferences; reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanding public reparation for the loss which he had sustained by the death of some of his companions, as well as for the insult offered to the great prince whose servants they were. Montezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, and changing colour either from the consciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which he was treated, asserted his own innocence with great earnestness; and, as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Qualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with seeming complaisance, that a declaration so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own mind; but that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions against them, unless, as an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he removed from his own palace and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of motion. At length he haughtily answered, "That persons of his rank were not accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners; and were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be offered to their sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured alternately to soothe and intimidate him. The altercation became warm; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impatient and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, "Why waste more time in vain? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw both; and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request.

His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters.

They at first pretended to treat Montezuma with great respect; but soon took care to let him know that he was entirely in their power. Cortes wished that the shedding the blood of a Spaniard should appear the most infamous crime that could be committed; and therefore not only took a most exemplary vengeance on those who had been concerned in the affair of Villa Rica, but even put the emperor himself in chains till the execution of the Mexican general was over. By these, and other insults, he at last gained Cortes entirely the ascendant over this unhappy monarch; and he took care to improve his opportunity to the utmost. He sent his emissaries into different parts of the kingdom, accompanied with Mexicans of distinction, who might serve both to guide and to protect them. They visited most of the provinces, viewed their soil and productions, surveyed with particular care the districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched upon several places as proper for future colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people for submitting to the Spanish yoke: and while they were thus employed, Cortes, in the name and by the authority of Montezuma, degraded some of the principal officers in the empire, whose abilities or independent spirit excited his jealousy; and substituted in their place persons who he imagined would be more obsequious. One thing, however, was still wanting to complete his security. He wished to have such a command of the lake as might ensure a retreat, if, either from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms against him, and break down the bridges or causeways, in order to enclose him in the city. In order to obtain this without giving disgust to the emperor or his court, Cortes artfully inflamed the curiosity of the Indians with accounts of the Spanish shipping, and those floating palaces that moved with such velocity on the water; and when he found that the monarch himself was extremely desirous of seeing such a novelty, he gave him to understand, that nothing was wanting to his gratification besides a few necessaries from Vera Cruz, for that he had workmen in his army capable of building such vessels. The bait took with Montezuma; and he gave immediate orders that all his people should assist Cortes in whatever he should direct concerning the shipping. By this means, in a few days, two brigantines were got ready, full rigged and equipped; and Montezuma was invited on board, to make the first trial of their sailing, of which he could form no idea. Accordingly he embarked for this purpose, and gave orders for a great hunting upon the water, in order that all his people might be diverted with the novelty presented by the Spaniards. On the day appointed, the royal equipage was ready early in the morning; and the lake was covered with a multitude of boats and canoes loaded with people. The Mexicans had augmented the the number of their rowers on board the royal barges, which they regarded as clumsy, unwieldy, and heavy. But they were soon undeceived; a fresh gale started up, the brigantines hoisted sail, to the utter astonishment of all the spectators, and soon left all the canoes behind; while the monarch exulted in the victory of the Spaniards, without once considering that now he had effectually rivetted his own chains.

Cortes having obtained this important point, resolved to put the condescension of the emperor to a trial still more severe. He urged Montezuma to acknowledge himself a vassal to the crown of Castile; to hold his crown of him as superior, and to subject his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With this requisition, humiliating as it was, Montezuma complied. He called together the chief men of his empire, and, in a solemn harangue, reminded them of the traditions and prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people sprung from the same stock with themselves, in order to take possession of the supreme power; he declared his belief that the Spaniards were this promised race; and that therefore he recognised the right of their monarch to govern the Mexican empire, would lay his crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. While uttering these words, Montezuma discovered how deeply he was affected in making such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted his discourse. The first mention of such a resolution struck the assembly dumb with astonishment. This was followed by a sullen murmur of sorrow mingled with indignation; which indicated some violent eruption of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes foresaw, and seasonably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had no intention to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any innovation upon the constitution and laws of the Mexican empire. This assurance, added to their dread of the Spanish arms, and the authority of their monarch's example, extorted the consent of the assembly; and the act of submission and homage was executed with all the formalities which the Spaniards pleased to prescribe.

Montezuma, at the request of Cortes, accompanied this profession of fealty and homage with a magnificent present to his new sovereign; and, after his example, his subjects brought in very liberal contributions. The Spaniards then collected all the treasure which had been either voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his people under various pretences; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of these amounted to 600,000 pesos. The soldiers were impatient to have it divided; and Cortes complied with their desire. A fifth of the whole was set apart as the tax due to the king. Another fifth was allowed to Cortes as commander. The sums advanced by the governor of Cuba, who had originally fitted out the expedition, were then deducted. The remainder was then divided among the army, including the garrison of Vera Cruz, in proportion to their different ranks; and after so many deductions, the share of a private man did not exceed 100 pesos. This sum fell so far below their sanguine expectations, that it required all the address, and no small exertions of the liberality of Cortes, to prevent an open mutiny. However, he at last restored tranquillity; but had no sooner escaped this danger, than he involved himself by his imprudent zeal for religion, in one much worse. Montezuma, though often importuned, had obstinately refused to change his religion, or abolish the superstitious rites which had been for such a long time practised throughout his dominions. This at last transported Cortes; he led out his soldiers in order to throw down the idols in the great temple by force. But the priests, taking arms in defence of their altars, and the people crowding with great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence overruled his zeal, and induced him to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mary.

From this moment the Mexicans began to meditate the expulsion or the destruction of the Spaniards. The duces and leading men held frequent meetings with Montezuma for this purpose. But as any violent attempt might have proved fatal to the captive monarch, it was thought proper first to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With this requirement they complied, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. This unexpected requisition, as well as the manner in which it was delivered, alarmed Cortes. However, he supposed that more might be gained by a feigned compliance than by open resistance; and therefore replied with great composure, that he had already begun to prepare for his return; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable; and a number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work.

Cortes flattered himself, that, during this interval, he might either find means to avert the threatened danger or receive such reinforcements as would enable him to defend himself. Nine months had now elapsed since Portocarrero and Montejo had sailed with his despatches to Spain; and he daily expected a return, with a confirmation of his authority from the king, without which all that he had done served only to mark him out as an object of punishment. While he remained in great anxiety on this account, news were brought that some ships had appeared on the coast. These were imagined by Cortes to be a reinforcement sent him from Spain; but his joy was of short continuance, for a courier very soon arrived from Vera Cruz, with certain information that the armament was fitted out by Velasquez, the governor of Cuba; and instead of bringing succours, threatened them with immediate destruction.

Velasquez had been excited to this hostile measure chiefly through the indiscretion, or rather treachery, of the messengers of Cortes; who, contrary to his express injunctions, had landed on the island of Cuba, and given intelligence of all that had passed: and Velasquez, transported with rage at hearing of the proceedings of Cortes, had now sent against him this armament; consisting of 18 ships, which carried 80 horsemen, men, 800 infantry, of which 80 were musketeers, and 120 cross bowmen, commanded by a brave officer named Pamphilo de Narvaez; whose instructions were, to seize Cortes and his principal officers, to send them prisoners to him, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. This proved a most afflicting piece of news to Cortes.

Having now no resource but in war, he left 150 men under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of great bravery, and much respected by the Mexicans, to guard the capital and the captive emperor; while he himself marched with the remainder, to meet his formidable opponent, who had taken possession of Zempoalla. Even after being reinforced by Sandoval his governor of Vera Cruz, the force of Cortes did not exceed 250 men. He hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his motions and the possibility of surprising his enemies; and as he chiefly dreaded their cavalry, he armed his soldiers with long spears, accustomed them to that deep and compact arrangement which the use of this formidable weapon enabled them to assume. As he advanced, however, he repeated his proposals of accommodation; but these being constantly rejected, and a price set upon his head, he at last attacked Narvaez in the night-time, entirely defeated and took him prisoner, obliging all his troops to own allegiance to himself.

Nothing could be more seasonable than this victory, by which Cortes found his army very considerably increased; for most of the soldiers of Narvaez chose rather to follow Cortes than to return to Cuba, whether the conqueror had offered to send them if they chose. His affairs at Mexico, in the mean time, were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined; and had this decisive victory been delayed but a few days longer, he must have come too late to save his companions. A short time after the defeat of Narvaez, a courier arrived from Mexico with the disagreeable intelligence that the Mexicans had taken arms; and having seized and destroyed the two brigantines which he had built in order to secure the command of the lake, had attacked the Spaniards in their quarters, killed some, and wounded many more, burnt their magazine of provisions, and, in short, carried on hostilities with such fury, that though Alvarado and his men defended themselves with undaunted resolution, they must either be cut off by famine, or sink under the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still more alarming. On the departure of Cortes for Zempoalla, the Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long-expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and driving out the Spaniards, was arrived; and consultations were accordingly held for bringing about both these events. The Spaniards in Mexico, conscious of their own weakness, suspected and dreaded these machinations; but Alvarado, who had neither the prudence nor the address of Cortes, took the worst method imaginable to overcome them. Instead of attempting to soothe or cajole the Mexicans, he waited the return of one of their solemn festivals, when the principal persons in the empire were dancing, according to custom, in the court of the great temple; he seized all the avenues which led to it; and, allured partly by the rich ornaments which they wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the facility of cutting off at once the authors of that conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsuspicous of danger, and massacred a great number; none escaping; but such as made their way over the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and treacherous filled not only the city, but the whole empire, with indignation and rage; and the Mexicans immediately proceeded in the manner above mentioned.

Cortes advanced with the utmost celerity to the relief of his distressed companions; but as he passed along, had the mortification to find that the Spaniards were generally held in abhorrence. The principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he passed; no person of note appeared to meet him with the usual respect; nor were provisions brought to his camp as usual. Notwithstanding these signs of aversion and horror, however, the Mexicans were so lowed to ignorant of the military art, that they again permitted him to enter the capital without opposition; though it was in their power to have easily prevented him, by breaking down the bridges and causeways which led to it.

Cortes was received by his companions with the utmost joy; and this extraordinary success so far intoxicated the general himself, that he not only neglected to visit Montezuma, but expressed himself very contemptuously concerning him. These expressions but is being reported among the Mexicans, they all at once roused to arms, and made such a violent and sudden attack, that all the valour and skill of Cortes were scarce sufficient to repel them. This produced great uneasiness among the soldiers of Narvaez, who had imagined there was nothing to do but to gather the spoils of a conquered country. Discontent and murmurings, however, were now of no avail; they were enclosed in a hostile city, and, without some extraordinary exertions, were inevitably undone. Cortes, therefore, made a desperate sally; but, after exerting his utmost efforts for a whole day, was obliged to retire with the loss of 12 killed, and upwards of 60 wounded. Another sally was attempted with the like bad success, and in it Cortes himself was wounded in the hand.

The Spanish general was now thoroughly convinced of his error; and therefore betook himself to the only resource which was left; namely, to try what effect the interposition of Montezuma would have to soothe or overawe his subjects. When the Mexicans approached the next morning to renew the assault, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the Spaniards, and reduced to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace, and of the slavery of his people, advanced to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At the sight of their sovereign, whom they had been long accustomed to reverence almost as a god, the Mexicans instantly forebore their hostilities, and many prostrated themselves on the ground; but when he addressed them in favour of the Spaniards, and made use of all the arguments he could think of to mitigate their rage, they testified their resentment with loud murmurings; and at length broke forth forth with such fury, that before the soldiers, appointed to guard Montezuma, had time to cover him with their shields, he was wounded with two arrows, and a blow on his temple with a stone struck him to the ground. On seeing him fall, the Mexicans instantly fled with the utmost precipitation: but the unhappy monarch, now convinced that he was become an object of contempt even to his own subjects, obstinately refused all nourishment; and thus in a short time ended his days.

On the death of Montezuma, Cortes having lost all hope of bringing the Mexicans to any terms of peace, prepared for retreat. But his antagonists, having taken possession of a high tower in the great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, and placing there a garrison of their principal warriors, the Spaniards were so much exposed to their missile weapons, that none could stir without danger of being killed or wounded. From this post, therefore, it was necessary to dislodge them at any rate; and Juan de Escobar, with a large detachment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But Escobar, though a valiant officer, and though he exerted his utmost efforts, was thrice repulsed. Cortes, however, sensible that not only his reputation, but the safety of his army, depended on the success of this assault, caused a buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his wounded hand, and rushed with his drawn sword amongst the thickest of the combatants. Encouraged by the presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the charge with such vigour, that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and drove the Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. There a dreadful carnage began; when two young Mexicans of high rank, observing Cortes, as he animated his soldiers, resolved to sacrifice their own lives in order to cut off the author of so many calamities which desolated their country. They approached him in a suppliant posture, as if they intended to lay down their arms; and seizing him in a moment, hurled him towards the battlements, over which they threw themselves headlong, in hopes of dragging him along with them. But Cortes, by his strength and agility, disengaged himself from their grasp; so that the two Mexicans perished alone.

As soon as the Spaniards became masters of the tower, they set fire to it, and without further molestation continued the preparations for their retreat. This became the more necessary, as their enemies, astonished at this last effort of their valour, had now entirely changed their system of hostility; and, instead of incessant attacks, endeavoured, by barricading the streets, and breaking down the causeways, to cut off the communication of the Spaniards with the continent, and thus to starve an enemy whom they could not subdue. The first point to be determined, was whether they should march out openly in the face of day, when they could discern every danger, or whether they should endeavour to retire secretly in the night. The latter was preferred, partly from hopes that the superstition of the Mexicans would prevent them from attacking them in the night, and partly from their own superstition in giving credit to the predictions of a private soldier, who pretended to astrology, and assured them of success if they retreated in this manner.

Towards midnight, therefore, they began their march, in three divisions. Sandoval led the van; Pedro Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon had the conduct of the rear; and Cortes commanded in the centre, where he placed the prisoners, among whom were a son and two daughters of Montezuma, together with several Mexicans of distinction, the artillery, baggage, and a portable bridge of timber intended to be laid over the breaches in the causeway. They marched in profound silence along the causeway which led to Tacuba, because it was shorter than any of the rest, and, lying more remote from the road towards Tlascala and the sea coast, had been left most entire by the Mexicans.

They reached the first breach in the causeway without molestation, hoping that their retreat was undiscovered. But the Mexicans had not only watched all their motions, but made preparations for a most formidable attack. While the Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridges in the breach, and occupied in conducting their horses and artillery along it, they were suddenly alarmed with the sound of warlike instruments, and found themselves assaulted on all sides by an innumerable multitude of enemies. Unfortunately the wooden bridge was wedged so fast in the mud by the weight of the artillery, that it was impossible to remove it. Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipitation to the second breach. The Mexicans hemmed them in on every side; and though they defended themselves with their usual courage, yet crowded as they were in a narrow causeway, their discipline and military skill were of little avail; nor did the obscurity of the night allow them to derive much advantage from their fire-arms or the superiority of their other weapons. At last the Spaniards, overcome with the numbers of their enemies, began to give way, and in a moment the confusion was universal. Cortes, with about 100 foot soldiers, and a few horse, forced his way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, the bodies of the dead serving to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with such as were yet capable of service, to assist his friends in their retreat. He met with part of his soldiers who had forced their way through the enemy, but found many more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or perishing in the lake; and heard the grievous lamentations of others whom the Mexicans were carrying off in triumph to be sacrificed to the god of war.

In this fatal retreat more than one half of Cortes's army perished, together with many officers of distinction. All the artillery, ammunition, and baggage, were lost; the greater part of the horses and above 2000 Tlascalans were killed, and only a very small part of their treasure saved. The first care of the Spanish general was to find some shelter for his wearied troops; for, as the Mexicans infested them on every side, and the people of Tacuba began to take arms, he could not continue in his present station. At last he discovered a temple seated on an eminence, in which he found not only the shelter he wanted, but some provisions; and though the enemy did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, they were without much difficulty prevented from making any impression. For six days after, they continued their march through a barren, ill cultivated, and thinly peopled country, where they were often obliged to feed on berries, roots, and the stalks of green maize; at the same time they were harassed without intermission by large parties of Mexicans, who attacked them on all sides. On the sixth day they reach Otumba, not far from the road between Mexico and Tlascala. Early next morning they began to advance towards it, flying parties of the enemy still hanging on their rear; and amidst the insults with which they accompanied their hostilities, Donna Marina remarked, that they often exclaimed with exultation, "Go on, robbers; go to the place where you shall quickly meet the vengeance due to your crimes."

The meaning of this threat the Spaniards did not comprehend, until they reached the summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, covered with a vast army as far as the eye could reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of their troops they harassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled their principal force on the other side of the lake; and marching along the road which led directly to Tlascala, posted it in the plain of Otumba, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight of this incredible multitude, which they could survey at once from the rising ground, the Spaniards were astonished, and even the boldest began to despair. But Cortes, without allowing their fears time to operate, after warning them briefly that no alternative remained but to conquer or die, led them instantly to the charge.

The Mexicans waited their approach with unusual fortitude: yet such was the superiority of the Spanish discipline and arms, that the impression of this small body was irresistible; and whichever way its force was directed, it penetrated and dispersed the most numerous battalions. But while these gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another; and the Spaniards, though successful in every attack, were ready to sink under these repeated efforts, without seeing any end to their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire, which was carried before the Mexican general, advancing; and fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, he assembled a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still capable of service, and placing himself at their head, pushed towards the standard with such impetuosity that he bore down everything before him. A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, with a stroke of his lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him to the ground. One of his followers alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards which all directed their eyes, disappeared, an universal panic struck the Mexicans; and, as if the bond which held them together had been dissolved, every ensign was lowered, each soldier threw away his weapons, and fled with precipitation to the mountains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue them far, returned to collect the spoils of the field; and these were so valuable as to be some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico; for in the enemy's army were most of their principal warriors dressed out in their richest ornaments, as if they had been marching to assured victory.

The day after this important action (being July 8, 1520), the Spaniards entered the Tlascalan territories, where they were received with the most cordial friendship. Cortes endeavoured to avail himself of this disposition as much as possible; for which purpose he distributed among them the rich spoils taken at Otumba with such a liberal hand, that he made himself sure of obtaining from the republic whatever he should desire. He drew a small supply of ammunition, and two or three field-pieces, from his stores at Vera Cruz. He despatched an officer of confidence with four ships of Narvaez's fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military stores. And as he knew that it would be in vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unless he could secure the command of the lake, he gave orders to prepare, in the mountains of Tlascala, materials for building 12 brigantines, so that they might be carried thither in pieces, ready to be put together, and launched when he stood in need of their service. But, in the mean time, his soldiers, alarmed at the thoughts of being exposed to such calamities a second time, presented a remonstrance to their general; in which they represented the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered forces, and formally required him to return back to Cuba. All the eloquence of Cortes could now only prevail with them to delay their departure for some time, when he promised to dismiss such as should desire it. However, this was only a pretence; for Cortes, in fact, had the conquest of Mexico as much at heart as ever. Without giving his soldiers an opportunity of caballing, therefore, he daily employed them against the people of the neighbouring provinces, who had cut off some detachments of Spaniards during his misfortunes at Mexico; and by which, as he was constantly attended with success, his men soon resumed their wonted sense of superiority.

But all the efforts of Cortes could have been of little avail, had he not unexpectedly obtained a reinforcement of Spanish soldiers. These belonged to an armament fitted out by Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, who had long aimed at dividing with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing the empire of Mexico to the crown of Castile. They had, however, unadvisedly made their attempt on the northern provinces, where the country was poor and the inhabitants fierce and warlike; so that, after a succession of disasters, they were now obliged to venture into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their countrymen; and here they also were soon persadied to throw off their allegiance to their master, and to enlist with Cortes. About the same time a ship arrived from Spain, freighted by some private adventurers, with military stores; and the cargo was eagerly purchased by Cortes, while the crew, following the example of the rest, joined him at Tlascala.

From these various quarters, the army of Cortes was augmented with 180 men and 20 horses; by which means he was enabled to dismiss such of the soldiers of Narvaez as were most troublesome and discontented; after the departure of whom he still mustered 550 infantry, of whom 80 were armed with muskets or cross- cross bows, 40 horsemen, and nine pieces of artillery. At the head of these, with 10,000 Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, he began his march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his fatal retreat from that city.

As soon as Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he discovered various preparations to obstruct his progress. But his troops forced their way with little difficulty; and took possession of Tezcuco, the second city of the empire, situated on the banks of the lake, about 20 miles from Mexico. Here he determined to establish his headquarters, as the most proper station for launching his brigantines, as well as for making his approaches to the capital. In order to render his residence there more secure, he deposed the cacique or chief, who was at the head of that community, under pretence of some defect in his title, and substituted in his place a person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the right heir of that dignity. Attached to him by this benefit, the new cacique and his adherents served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity.

As the construction of the brigantines advanced slowly under the unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortes was obliged to employ in assisting three or four carpenters who happened fortunately to be in his service, and as he had not yet received the reinforcement which he expected from Hispaniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms directly against the capital. To have attacked a city so populous, so well prepared for defence, and in a situation of such peculiar strength, must have exposed his troops to inevitable destruction. Three months elapsed before the materials for constructing the brigantines were finished, and before he heard anything with respect to the success of his negociation in Hispaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to Cortes. He attacked successively several of the towns situated around the lake; and though all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his operations, he either compelled them to submit to the Spanish crown, or reduced them to ruins. Other towns he endeavoured to conciliate by more gentle means; and though he could not hold any intercourse with the inhabitants but by the intervention of interpreters, yet, under all the disadvantages of that tedious and imperfect mode of communication, he had acquired such a thorough knowledge of the state of the country, as well as of the dispositions of the people, that he conducted his negociations and intrigues with astonishing dexterity and success. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small independent states; and some of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with impatience the rigorous yoke of their new masters. Cortes having early observed symptoms of their disaffection, availed himself of this knowledge to gain their confidence and friendship. By offering with confidence to deliver them from the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by liberal promises of more indulgent treatment if they would unite with him against their oppressors, he prevailed on the people of several considerable districts, not only to acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign, but to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army with auxiliary troops.

Guatimozin, on the first appearance of defection among his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or to punish their revolt; but, in spite of his efforts, the spirit continued to spread. The Spaniards gradually acquired new allies; and with deep concern he beheld Cortes arming against his empire those very hands which ought to have been active in his defence, and ready to advance against the capital at the head of a numerous body of his own subjects.

While, by these various methods, Cortes was gradually circumscribing the Mexican power within such narrow limits that his prospect of overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh defeated by a conspiracy against his own person, and which was discovered only a short time before it was to have been executed. Though many were concerned, Cortes did not think proper to punish any more than the principal ringleader, whom he caused immediately to be hanged; and then, without allowing them leisure to ruminate on what had happened, and as the most effectual means of preventing the return of a mutinous spirit, he determined to call forth his troops immediately to action. Fortunately a proper occasion for this occurred, without his seeming to court it. He received intelligence, that the materials for building the brigantines were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezcuco. The command of this convoy, consisting of 200 foot soldiers, 15 horsemen, and two field-pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who by the vigilance, activity, and courage, which he manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The Tlascalans furnished 8000 Tamenes, an inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed 15,000 warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval made the disposition for their progress with great propriety, placing the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, but to accustom them to regularity and subordination. Parties of Mexicans frequently appeared hovering around them on the high grounds; but perceiving no prospect of success in attacking an enemy continually on his guard, and prepared to receive them, they did not venture to molest him; and Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezcuco a convoy on which all the future operations of his countrymen depended.

Cortes determined to attack the city from three different quarters; from Tezcuco on the east side of the sieged lake, from Tacuba on the west, and from Chayocan towards the south. Those towns were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and intended for their defence. He appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Christoval de Olid in the third; allotting to each a numerous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, who, by the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted now to 86 horsemen, and 818 foot soldiers; of whom 118 were armed with muskets or cross-bows. Their train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and 15 field-pieces. pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with 25 Spaniards.

As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them, they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had erected for conveying water into the capital, and, by the distress to which this reduced the inhabitants, gave a beginning to the calamities which they were destined to suffer. Alvarado and Olid found the towns, of which they were ordered to take possession, deserted by their inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his empire, as there alone he could hope to make a successful stand against the formidable enemies who were approaching to assault him.

The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of brigantines, the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and dreaded. Though the brigantines, after all the labour and merit of Cortes in constructing them, were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely constructed, and manned chiefly with landmen, hardly possessed of skill enough to conduct them, they must have been objects of terror to a people unacquainted with any navigation but that of their lake, and possessed of no vessel larger than a canoc. Necessity, however, urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack; and hoping to supply by numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on boldly to the charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a breeze suddenly sprung up; in a moment the sails were spread, and the brigantines with irresistible impetuosity broke their feeble opponents, overset many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced the Mexicans, that the progress of the Europeans in knowledge and arts rendered their superiority greater on this new element than they had hitherto found it by land.

From that time Cortes remained master of the lake; and the brigantines not only preserved a communication between the Spaniards in their different stations, though at a considerable distance from each other; but were employed to cover the causeways on each side, and keep off the canoes, when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the city. He formed the brigantines in three divisions, allotting one to each station, with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against the city with equal vigour; but in a manner so very different from that by which sieges are conducted in regular war, as might appear no less improper than singular to persons unacquainted with his situation. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining some decisive advantage, which might force the enemy to surrender, and terminate the war at once; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, in some measure, continually renewed, the Mexicans repairing in the night what the Spaniards had destroyed through the day, and recovering the posts from which they had driven them. But necessity prescribed this slow and untoward mode of operation. The number of his troops was so small, that Cortes durst not, with a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgement in a city where he might be surrounded and annoyed by such a multitude of enemies. The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the ill-judged confidence with which he had ventured into such a dangerous situation, was still fresh in his mind. The Spaniards, exhausted with fatigue, were unable to guard the various posts which they daily gained; and though their camp was filled with Indian auxiliaries, they durst not devolve this charge upon them, because they were so little accustomed to discipline, that no confidence could be placed in their vigilance. Besides this, Cortes was extremely solicitous to preserve the city as much as possible from being destroyed, both as he destined it to be the capital of his conquests, and wished that it might remain as a monument of his glory. From all these considerations, he adhered obstinately, for a month after the siege was opened, to the system which he had adopted. The Mexicans, in their own defence, displayed valour which was hardly inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night and by day, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the injuries of the season, the periodical rains being now set in with their usual violence.

Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of the siege, Cortes determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto followed, and had recourse to any other mode of attack. With this view he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance with their divisions to a general assault, and took the command in person of that posted on the causeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his presence, and the expectations of some decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over the ditches and canals, and having entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget that he might still find it necessary to retreat; and in order to secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as the main body advanced. That officer deeming it inglorious to be thus employed, while his companions were in the heat of action and the career of victory, neglected the important charge committed to him, and hurried on inconsiderately to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their monarch.

Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequences of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, while he despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great breach in the causeway, which had been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests in the great temple struck the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to inspire them with contempt of death and with enthusiastic ardour, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good countenance; but as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became so general, that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their little canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops; fear rendered them regardless of his entreaties or commands. Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water; but while thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, six Mexican captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and though two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their own lives, he received several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above 60 Spaniards perished in the rout; and what rendered the disaster more afflicting, 40 of these fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive.

The approach of night, though it delivered the dejected Spaniards from the attacks of the enemy, ushered in, what was hardly less grievous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated; the great temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the priests busy in hastening the preparations for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom they fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of their skins, as they were stripped naked and compelled to dance before the image of the god to whom they were to be offered. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the well known sound of his voice. Imagination added to what they really saw or heard, and augmented its horror. The most unfeeling melted into tears of compassion, and the stoutest heart trembled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld.

Cortes, who, besides all that he felt in common with his soldiers, was oppressed with the additional load of anxious reflections natural to a general on such an unexpected calamity, could not like them relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity in order to revive the spirits and hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. The Mexicans elated with their victory, sallied out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone: they sent the fury of the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrificed to the leading men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days time those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity re-established in the empire.

A prediction, uttered with such confidence, and in terms so void of ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. The zeal of the provinces which had already declared against the Spaniards augmented, and several which had hitherto remained inactive took arms with enthusiastic ardour to execute the decrees of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries who had joined Cortes, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of men devoted to certain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. Cortes, finding that he attempted in vain to dispel the superstitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advantage, from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give them a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all military operations during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which kept the enemy at a distance, his troops lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster.

His allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their station. Other tribes, judging that the gods, who had now deceived the Mexicans, had decreed finally to withdraw their protection from them, joined his standard; and such was the levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impression, that, in a short time after such a general defection of his confederates, Cortes saw himself, if we may believe his own account, at the head of 150,000 Indians. Even with such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more wary system of operation. Instead of renewing his attempts to become master of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous efforts of valour as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every possible precaution against exposing his men to any calamity similar to that which they still bewailed. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the Indians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they got possession of any part of the town, the houses were instantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies gained ground, were hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to defend his capital with obstinate resolution, and disputed every inch of ground. But the Spaniards, having not only varied their mode of attack, but, by order of Cortes, having changed the weapons with which they fought, were again armed with the long Chinantlan spears, which they had employed with such success against Narvaez; and, by the firm array in which this enabled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans; incredible numbers of whom fell in the conflicts, which they renewed every day. While war wasted without, famine began to consume them within the city. The Spanish brigantines, having the entire command of the lake, rendered it impossible to receive any supply of provisions by water. The vast number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues to the city by land. The stores which Guatimozin had laid up were exhausted by the multitudes which crowded into the capital to defend their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but persons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of want. What they suffered brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity that visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes.

But, under the pressure of so many and such various evils, the spirit of Guatimozin remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected with scorn every overture of peace from Cortes; and, disdaining the idea of submitting to the oppressors of his country, determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards continued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there. Three-fourths of the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants who attacked it from their new station with superior advantage, and more assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Cortes with overtures of submission, that, while his attention was employed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Guatimozin might escape unperceived. But they made this attempt upon a leader of greater sagacity and discernment than to be deceived by their arts. Cortes suspecting their intention, and aware of what moment it was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whose vigilance he could most perfectly rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing along the lake with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Gracia Holguin, who commanded the fleetest brigantine, soon overtook them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the rowers dropt their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize; and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the sullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor with the dejection of a suppliant. "I have done," said he, addressing himself to the Spanish general, "what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger," laying his hand on which Cortes wore, "plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use."

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, Mexico the resistance of the Mexicans ceased; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed. Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued 75 days, hardly one of which passed without some extraordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence of a city, on the fate of which both knew that the fortune of the empire depended. As the struggle here was more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhabitants of the Old and New Worlds. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the superiority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must have relinquished the enterprise, if they had trusted for success to themselves alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By their effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to accomplish what, without such support, he would hardly have ventured to attempt. How much soever this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, from the marvellous relations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that to simple and obvious causes which they attribute to the romantic valour of their countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendant over unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carrying his scheme into execution.

The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this arduous enterprise, was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped by the cruel disappointment of those sanguine hopes which had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected from becoming masters of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, their rapaciousness could collect only an inconsiderable booty amidst ruins and desolation (A). Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered what remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors to be thrown into the lake. The Indian auxiliaries, while the Spaniards were engaged in con-

(A) The gold and silver, according to Cortes, amounted only to 120,000 pesos, (Relat. 28o, A.) a sum far inferior to that which the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. History, sict with the enemy, had carried off the most valuable part of the spoil. The sum to be divided among the conquerors was so small, that many of them disdained to accept of the pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured and exclaimed: some against Cortes and his confidants, whom they suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large portion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock; others against Guatimozin, whom they accused of obstinacy, in refusing to discover the place where he had hidden his treasure.

Arguments, entreaties, and promises, were employed in order to soothe them; but with so little effect, that Cortes, from solicitude to check this growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed which stained the glory of all his great actions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, he subjected the unhappy monarch, together with his chief favourite, to torture, in order to force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever the refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict, with the invincible fortitude of an American warrior. His fellow-sufferer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, turned a dejected eye towards his master, which seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the high-spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, checked his weakness, by asking, "Am I now reposing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the reproach, he persevered in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and sufferings.

The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provinces submitted one after another to the conquerors. Small detachments of Spaniards marching through them without interruption, penetrated, in different quarters, to the great Southern ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short as well as easy passage to the East Indies, and secure to the crown of Castile all the envied wealth of those fertile regions; and the active mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for attempting this important discovery. In his after-schemes, however, he was disappointed; but Mexico hath ever since remained in the hands of the Spaniards.

Till Humboldt's work appeared, the internal situation of Mexico was very imperfectly known. This celebrated traveller, who spent a considerable time in visiting the most remarkable objects, and had access to the best sources of information, has furnished us with a very interesting account of the colony.

One of the most remarkable peculiarities of New Spain is the great elevation of the soil. Three fifths of the viceroyalty consist of table land, elevated from 6000 to 8000 feet above the sea. It presents a continuous and hardly broken plain between 18° and 40° of north latitude. The slight ridges that interrupt it seldom rise more than 600 or 800 feet above the valleys they separate. Some of the mountains, however, are of colossal magnitude. The tops of four only are covered with perpetual snow, the highest of which has an altitude of 17,700 feet. The table land gradually declines towards the north. The more elevated plains are arid, destitute of trees, and covered with a saline efflorescence. But the greater part of it is extremely fertile, and the whole exceedingly healthy. It enjoys a dry and light atmosphere, and a mild and temperate climate. The medium temperature of winter is from 55° to 57° of Fahrenheit's thermometer, and in the greatest heat of summer it never rises above 75°. On the coast, however, the air is moist, hot, and unwholesome, and the medium temperature of the whole year is about 75° or 79°. The settlers divide the cultivated part into three zones. 1. The tierras calientes, or warm grounds, which never rising 1000 feet above the sea, have a heat of about 80°, and yield abundantly sugar, indigo, cotton, plantains, or bananas. 2. The tierras templadas, or temperate grounds, which lying on the declivity of the great ridge, at an altitude from 4000 to 5000 feet, enjoy a mild vernal temperature of 68° or 70°, that seldom varies 10° through the whole year. 3. The tierras frías, or cold grounds, having an elevation of 8000 feet, and comprehending the high plains or table land, of which the temperature is generally under 63°, and never exceeds 75°.

The great chain of mountains called the Andes is continued through the isthmus of Panama and through all Mexico, until they are lost in the unknown mountains of the north. The most considerable of that chain is known in Mexico by the name of Sierra Madre.

Mexico, like Old Spain, suffers from the want of water and navigable rivers. The Río Bravo del Norte, and the Río Colorado are the most considerable, the former having a course of 512 leagues, and the latter of 250. Those rivers, however, are situated in the most uncultivated part of the country. In the southern part of Mexico there are only small rivers, the Alvarado, Guasacualco, Mortezuma, and Zacatula; but the Santiago which flows westward, and falls into the Pacific ocean in latitude 21°, is a large river.

There are likewise in this country several lakes of very considerable magnitude; but those of Nicaragua, Chapalla, and Pazquaro, which are of the greatest extent, did not belong to the ancient Mexican empire. The most remarkable were those in the vale of Mexico, upon which the capital of the empire was founded. Of these, the fresh water one, called the lake of Chalco, extended in length from east to west 12 miles, as far as the city of Xochimilco; from thence, taking a northerly direction, it incorporated itself by means of a canal with the lake of Tezcuco; but its breadth did not exceed six miles. The other, named the lake of Texcoco, extended 15, or rather 17 miles from cast to west, and something more from south to north; but its extent is now much less, by reason of the Spaniards having diverted the course of many of the streams which run into it. This lake is salt, which Clavigero supposes to arise from the nature of the soil which forms its bed.

Besides these, there are a number of smaller lakes, some of which are very delightful. There is a vast variety of mineral waters, of the nitrous, sulphureous, and alumious kinds, some of them so hot that meat may be boiled in them. At Tetihuacan is a kind of petrifying water, as well as in several other parts of One of them forms a kind of smooth white stones, not displeasing to the taste; the scrapings of which taken in broth are celebrated as a diaphoretic, probably without any good reason. The dose for a person not difficult to be sweated is one dram of the scrapings. Many of the rivers of Mexico afford surprising and beautiful cascades; particularly the river Guadalaxara, at a place called Tempisque, 15 miles to the southward of that city. Along a deep river called Atoyaque is a natural bridge, consisting of a vast mound of earth, along which carriages pass conveniently. Clavigero supposes it to have been the fragment of a mountain thrown down by an earthquake, and then penetrated by the river.

The agriculture of Mexico, with all other branches of industry, have been much improved within the last 30 or 40 years; and so far from the mines operating against it, the cultivation of the soil is generally carried on with the greatest spirit in the mining districts. The plantain or banana tree, which is cultivated over an extent of country containing a million and a half of inhabitants, yields so great a produce, that an arpent of ground covered with it will maintain 50 persons, though if sown with wheat it would not support two. The fruit is farinaceous, and contains much saccharine matter. The tree does not thrive where the medium temperature is below 75° F. The cassava root, which grows also in the warm region, at a height from 2000 to 2700 feet, affords a flour, called manioc, which has the inestimable advantage, that when dried and toasted it is secure from the depredations of worms and other insects. But maize is the chief food of the inhabitants. It is cultivated from the coast to the height of 9000 feet above the sea. On very fertile lands, and in good years, it yields 800 for 1; but the average return for the intratropical part of the country is not more than 150 for 1, and in New California 70 or 80. The crop is very uncertain, and as it is seldom equally good in every part of the country, the transport of maize comes to be the principal branch of internal commerce. A general failure is followed by scarcity, or even famine. Its price varies from 2½ to 2½ livres the fanega (equal to 1½ English bushels). The annual produce of New Spain in maize is estimated at 17 millions of fanegas. The Mexican wheat is of excellent quality, and the medium return is from 22 to 25 for 1. Much wheat is exported to Cuba. Barley and rye thrive well; oats are very little cultivated. The potato is raised abundantly in the high and cold parts of the country. Rice is but little attended to, though well adapted for the marshy lands on the coast. The cerealia are not cultivated in the intratropical part of Mexico, at a lower elevation than about 2700 feet above the sea, and in very small quantity at a less height than 4000. Neither wheat nor rye come to maturity at a greater height than 1200 feet.

The sugar cane has been successfully introduced into some of the interior provinces of the continent. Sugar plantations are spreading rapidly in the plain of Mexico, and supply not only the home consumption, but afford an export of half a million of arobas (equal to about 25 lbs. avoirdupois each); The sugar cane is not cultivated by slaves.

The Spanish government has always discouraged the cultivation of the vine, the olive, the mulberry-tree, and the plants producing hemp and flax. When Humboldt was in the country, an order came from Madrid to grub up all the vines in the northern parts of the kingdom, where they had been cultivated with so much success as to give alarm to the merchants of Cadiz, by the diminished consumption of wine from the mother country. There is but one olive plantation in the country, which belongs to the archbishop of Mexico. Since 1764, when the royal monopoly was established, no tobacco can be planted, except in particular districts, and none can be sold except to the king's officers. Parties of soldiers are employed to go about the country in search of tobacco fields; and where they find one on forbidden ground, they impose a fine on the owner, and direct the plantation to be destroyed. This monopoly produces a revenue of more than 20 millions of livres annually.

From maize the Indians obtain several kinds of beer or cider by fermentation. A spirituous liquor named pulque is also procured from this plant. But the intoxicating liquor most in use, and which is also called pulque, is made from the agave Americana. A vigorous plant will afford four gallons of sap per day during four or five months; and this when fermented three or four days forms pulque. It tastes like cider, but has an offensive smell of meat in a state of putrefaction. The ardent spirit from it is strictly prohibited by law, lest it should interfere with the sale of Spanish brandy; but great quantities of it are made clandestinely.

Cotton, indigo, coffee, and cacao, are not cultivated to a great extent in New Spain. But the whole of the vanilla consumed in Europe comes from the provinces of Oaxaca and Vera Cruz, amounting to 900,000 pods, the value of which, at Vera Cruz, is about 30,000 or 40,000 piastres or dollars. The province of Oaxaca also furnishes 32,000 arobas of cochineal, valued at 2,400,000 dollars.

The whole annual produce of the agriculture of New Spain is valued by Humboldt at 29 millions of dollars; and as this amount is founded on accurate returns of the amount of the tithes, and was revised and corrected by well informed persons, it may be considered as a near approximation to the truth.

The wages of labour in New Spain are 2½ reals de plata a-day on the coast, and 2 reals de plata, or ¼ dollar, on the table land. The average price of maize on the table land is estimated by Humboldt at 5 livres the fanega; and consequently a labourer on the table land, earns about 1½ pecks of Indian corn a-day. Wheat is dearer in the city of Mexico than in Paris, chiefly in consequence of the cost of transportation.

The tree producing liquid amber, the liquid storax of the Mexicans, is of a large size, the leaves similar to those of the maple, indented, white in one part and dark in the other, disposed in threes; the fruit is thorny and round, but polygonous, with the surface and the angles yellow; the bark of the tree partly green and partly tawney. By incisions in the trunk they extract that valuable substance named liquid amber, and the oil of the same name, which is still more valuable. Liquid amber is likewise obtained from a decoction of the branches, but it is inferior to that obtained from the trunk.

The name copalli in Mexico is generic, and com- mon to all the resins; but especially signifies those made use of for incense. There are ten species of these trees yielding resins of this kind; the principal of which is that from which the Copal is got, so well known in medicine and varnishes. A great quantity of this was made use of by the ancient Mexicans, and is still used for similar purposes by the Spaniards.

The teocalli or tepecopalli is a resin similar to the incense of Arabia; which distills from a tree of moderate size that grows in the mountains, having a fruit like an acorn, and containing the nut enveloped in a mucilage, within which there is a small kernel useful in medicine.

The mitzquitl, or mezquite, is a species of true acacia, and the gum distilled from it is said to be the true gum arabic. It is a thorny shrub, with branches irregularly disposed, the leaves small, thin, and pinnated; the flowers being like those of the birch-tree. Of the elastic gum, which is found in plenty in Mexico, the natives were in use to make foot-balls, which, though heavy, have a better spring than those filled with air. With this they varnish their hats, cloaks, boots, and great coats, in a manner similar to what is done in Europe with wax; and by which means they are rendered all water proof.

The quadrupeds found in Mexico at the arrival of the Spaniards, were lions, tygers, wild cats, bears, wolves, foxes, the common stags, white stags, bucks, wild goats, badgers, polecats, weasels, martins, squirrels, polatucas, rabbits, hares, otters, and rats. All these animals are supposed to be common to both continents. The white stag, whether it be the same species of the other or not, is undoubtedly common to both, and was known to the Greeks and Romans. The Mexicans call it the king of the stags. M. Buffon imagines the white colour of this creature to be the effect of captivity; but Clavigero says, that it is found wild, and of the same white colour, on the mountains of New Spain. In many other points, he also contradicts the opinions of this celebrated naturalist, who will not allow the lion, tyger, or rabbit, to be natives of America.

Clavigero enumerates the quadrupeds common to New Spain with the rest of the continent of America. Among these he will not allow a place to the Peruvian sheep, the huanaoqo, and sloth; all of which are peculiar to South America. Hernandez indeed makes mention of the Peruvian sheep, and gives a drawing of it; but this was only on account of a few individuals brought thence from Peru, which the Mexicans called by that name, in the same manner as he describes several animals of the Philippine isles; not that they had ever been bred in Mexico, or found in any country of North America, unless it was some individual carried there, as they are carried as a curiosity from Europe. The animals which he allows to be common to both countries, are, the Mexican hog, the moufete, the opossum, the armadillo, the techichi, a small animal resembling a dog; which being perfectly dumb, gave occasion to a report that the Mexican dogs could not bark. The flesh of this animal was eaten by them, and was esteemed agreeable and nourishing food. After the conquest of Mexico, the Spaniards having neither large cattle nor sheep, provided their markets with this quadruped; by which means, the species soon came to be extinct, though it had been very numerous. The land-squirrel is very numerous in the kingdom of Michuacan, has great elegance of form, and is extremely graceful in its movements; but it cannot be tamed, and bites most furiously every person who approaches it.

Besides these, there are sea lions, ratoons, and that voracious animal named the tapir. Oviedo informs us, that he has seen it at one bite tear off two or three hand-breadths of skin from a hound, and at another a whole leg and thigh. The flesh is eatable, and its skin is valued on account of its being sufficiently strong to resist musket-balls. There are likewise great numbers of monkeys of many different kinds; some of which have heads resembling those of dogs. Some of them are strong and fierce, equalling a man in stature when they stand upright.

Among the animals peculiar to Mexico, is one named coyoto, which appears to have been inaccurately described by natural historians; some making it one species and some another. It is about the size of a mastiff, but more slender. The eyes are yellow and sparkling, ears small, pointed, and erect; the snout blackish, strong limbs, and the feet armed with large crooked nails. The tail is thick and hairy, the skin a mixture of black, brown, and white; and the voice is compounded of the howl of the wolf and the bark of the dog. It pursues the deer, and will sometimes even attack men. Its usual pace is a trot, but so quick that a horse at the gallop can scarcely overtake it. The tlalecojotl or tlalecoyo is about the size of a middling dog, and the largest animal that lives under the earth. Its head has some resemblance to that of a cat; but in colour and length of hair it resembles the lion.—It has a long thick tail, and feeds upon poultry and small animals, which it catches in the night-time. The tepeizquintli, or mountain-dog, though it is but of the size of a small dog, is so bold that it attacks deer, and sometimes kills them. Its hair and tail are long, the body black, but the head, neck, and breast, white. M. Buffon reckons this animal the same with the glutton, but Clavigero denies it. Another animal, larger than the two foregoing, is called the xolotzcuintli. Some of these are no less than four feet in length. It has a face like the dog, but tusks like the wolf, with erect ears, the neck gross, and the tail long.—It is entirely destitute of hair, excepting only the snout, where there are some thick crooked bristles. The whole body is covered with a smooth, soft ash-coloured skin, spotted partly with black and tawney. This species of animals, as well as the two former, are almost totally extinct. A Lyncean academician named Giovanni Febriz, has endeavoured to prove that the xolotzcuintli is the same with the wolf of Mexico; but this is denied by Clavigero.

A curious animal of the mole kind is called tozan or tuza. It is about the size of a European mole, but very different otherwise. The body is about seven or eight inches long, and well made; the snout like that of a mouse, the ears small and round, with the tail short. The mouth is armed with very strong teeth, and its paws are furnished with strong crooked nails, with which it digs its habitation in the earth. It is extremely destructive to the corn fields by the quantity of grain it steals, and to the highways by the number The birds are so numerous, and of such various appearances and qualities, that Mexico has been called the country of birds, as Africa is of quadrupeds. Hernandez describes above 200 peculiar to the country. He allows to the eagles and hawks of Mexico a superiority over those of Europe; and the falcons of this country were formerly esteemed so excellent, that, by the desire of Philip II., a hundred of them were sent every year over to Spain. The largest, the most beautiful, and the most valuable kind of eagles, is called by the Mexicans *itzquauhtli*, and will pursue not only the larger kinds of birds, but quadrupeds, and even men.

The ravens of Mexico, do not, like those of other countries, feed upon carrion, but subsist entirely by stealing corn. The carrion is devoured by the birds called in South America *gallinazzi*, in Mexico *zopilots* and *aure*. By Hernandez they are said to be a species of ravens; but, according to Clavigero, they are very different, not only in their size, but in the shape of their head, their flight, and their voice.

The aquatic birds are very numerous, and of great variety.—There are at least 20 species of ducks, a vast number of geese, with several kinds of herons, great numbers of swans, quails, water rails, divers, king's fishers, pelicans, &c. The multitude of ducks is sometimes so great, that they cover the fields, and appear at a distance like flocks of sheep. Some of the herons and egrets are perfectly white, some ash-coloured; others have the plumage of the body white, while the neck, with the tops and upper part of the wings, and part of the tail, are enlivened with a bright scarlet, or beautiful blue.

Numbers of the other classes of birds are valuable for their flesh, plumage, or song, while some are remarkable for their extraordinary instinct or other properties. Clavigero enumerates more than 70 species of those which afford an agreeable and wholesome food. Besides the common fowls which were brought from the Canaries to the Antilles, and from these to Mexico, there were, and still are, fowls peculiar to the country itself. These partly resemble the common fowl and partly the peacock, whence they had the name of *gallipavos* from the Spaniards. From Mexico they were imported into Europe, where they have multiplied very fast, especially in Italy, though the common fowls have multiplied much more in Mexico.

There are great numbers of birds valuable on account of their plumage, which was made use of by the Mexicans in their excellent mosaic works; an art which seems now to be totally lost. Peacocks have been carried from the old continent to Mexico; but, not being attended to, have propagated very slowly. The birds remarkable for their song are likewise very numerous; among which that called the *centzonitl*, by Europeans the *mocking-bird*, is the most remarkable, on account of its counterfeiting naturally the notes of all others it hears. There are great numbers of beautiful parrots; and there is a bird which counterfeits the human voice, but in a kind of burlesque tone, and will follow travellers a great way. The *txacua* is remarkable for its instinct. Birds of this kind live in society, every tree being a village or city to them, having great numbers of nests in the neighbourhood of each other, all hanging from the boughs. One of them, whose office it is to be the head or guard of the village, resides in the middle of the tree; from which it flies about from one nest to another, visiting them all, and after singing a little, returns to its place, while the rest continue perfectly silent. If any bird of a different species approaches the tree, he flies to it, and with his bill and wings endeavours to drive it off; but if a man or any large animal comes near, he flies screaming to another tree; and if at that time any of his fellows happen to be returning to their nests, he meets them, and, changing his note, obliges them to retire again: as soon as he perceives the danger over, he returns to his wonted round of visiting the nests.

Mexico, like all other American countries, abounds with reptiles, many of them of enormous size. The crocodiles are not less to be dreaded than those of Africa or Asia, and there are likewise some of those monstrous serpents met with in the East Indies and in South America: though happily the species of those terrible creatures seems to be nearly extinct, as they are seldom to be found but in some solitary wood, or other remote place. There are great numbers of lizards, some of which the people suppose to be poisonous; but Clavigero thinks this opinion ill-founded. There are several kinds of poisonous serpents, of which the rattlesnake is one.

The aquatic animals are innumerable. Clavigero mentions a species of frogs so large that a single one will weigh a pound, and which are excellent food.—Of fish proper for food, he says that he has counted upwards of 100 species, without taking in the turtle, crab, lobster, or any other crustaceous animal. The sharks are well known for their voracity. A whole sheep's skin, and even a large butcher's knife, has been found in the belly of one of them. They are accustomed to follow vessels, to devour any filth that is thrown overboard; and, according to Oviedo, they have been known to keep up with ships sailing before a fair wind for no less than 500 miles. The bottetto is a fish about eight inches in length, but excessively thick. While this fish lies alive upon the beach, it swells whenever it is touched to an enormous size, and boys often take pleasure in making it burst with a kick. The liver is so poisonous as to kill with strong convulsions in half an hour after it is eaten.

Of flying and other minute insects, the number is prodigiously great. There are a variety of beetles: some of a green colour make a great noise in flying; on which account children are fond of them. There are great numbers of shining beetles, which make a delightful appearance at night, as well as the luminous flies which abound in the country. There are six kinds of bees and four kinds of wasps; of which last, one collects wax and honey of a very sweet taste; another is called the *wandering wasp* from its frequent change of abode; and in consequence of these changes, it is constantly employed in collecting materials for its habitations. The lake of Mexico abounds with a kind Animals of fly, the eggs of which are deposited upon the flags and rushes in such quantities as to form large masses. These are collected by the fishermen, and carried to market for sale. They are eaten by both Mexicans and Spaniards, and have much the same taste as the caviare of fish. There are abundance of gnats in the moist places and lakes; but the capital, though situated upon a lake, is entirely free from them. The butterflies are in vast numbers, and their wings glow with colours far superior to those of Europe; the figures of some of them are given by Hernandez. But notwithstanding its beauties and advantages, Mexico is subject to the dreadful devastations of locusts, which sometimes occasion the most destructive famines.

There are some of the worms of Mexico made use of by the inhabitants as food; others are poisonous. There are great numbers of scolopendrae and scorpions, some of the former growing to an immense size. Hernandez says, that he has seen some of them two feet long and two inches thick. The scorpions are very numerous; and in the hot parts of the country their poison is so strong as to kill children, and give terrible pain to adults. Their sting is most dangerous during those hours of the day in which the sun is hottest. There is a mischievous kind of tick, which in the hot countries abounds among the grass. From thence it easily gets among the clothes, and from them upon the skin. There it fixes with such force, from the particular figure of its feet, that it can scarcely be got off. At first it seems nothing but a small black speck, but in a short time enlarges to such a degree, from the blood which it sucks, that it equals the size of a bean, and then assumes a leaden colour. If it is not speedily removed, a wound is made similar to that which the nigera or chegoc makes.

Mexico produces silk-worms: and the manufacture of silk might be carried on to great advantage, were it not prohibited for some political reasons. Besides the common silk, there is another found in the woods, very white, soft, and strong. It grows on the trees in several maritime places, particularly in dry seasons. Unless by poor people, however, this silk is not turned to any use, partly from inattention to their interests, but "chiefly (says our author) from the obstructions which would be thrown in the way of any one who should attempt a trade of that kind. We know from Cortes's letters to Charles V. that silk used to be sold in the Mexican markets; and some pictures are still preserved, done by the ancient Mexicans upon a paper made of silk."

The mines of Mexico have greatly increased in productiveness within the last forty years. They are chiefly of silver; and the ore is remarkable for its poverty; but, to balance this disadvantage, it occurs in great abundance. The whole number of persons employed under ground does not exceed 30,000, and all these are free labourers, who have high wages; the mita tanda, or forced labour of the Indians, having been abolished more than forty years ago. The subjoined table gives the average annual coinages of Mexico during successive periods; and, as very little bullion is exported from Mexico, the amount of the coinage expresses very nearly the produce of the mines.

| Silver Dollars | Gold Dollars | Total Dollars | |---------------|-------------|--------------| | From 1733 to 1742, ten years, | 8,998,209 | 434,050 | 9,432,259 | | 1743—1752, — | 11,566,030 | 455,109 | 12,021,139 | | 1753—1762, — | 11,971,835 | 462,773 | 12,434,603 | | 1763—1771, nine years, | 11,777,909 | 761,553 | 12,539,462 | | 1772—1782, eleven years, | 17,551,906 | 835,386 | 18,387,492 | | 1783—1792, ten years, | 19,491,309 | 644,040 | 20,135,349 | | In 1793, — | 23,428,680 | 884,262 | 24,312,942 | | From 1795 to 1804, ten years, | 21,084,787 |

More than three-fourths of the silver obtained from America is extracted from the ore by means of quicksilver; and such is the abundance of the ore in Mexico, that the only limit to the quantity of silver obtained, is the want of mercury for amalgamation. The sale of mercury is a royal monopoly: The quantity consumed annually is 16,000 quintals.

The chief manufactures of New Spain are woollens, cottons, gold and silver-lace, hats, leather, soap, and earthen-ware; but the total value of the goods they produced, when Mr Humboldt was in the country, did not exceed seven or eight millions of dollars annually. Some manufactures of silk have since been introduced; and, in general, all the manufactures, the finer sorts especially, had increased considerably, in consequence of the interruption of foreign commerce by the war.

Tobacco and gunpowder are royal manufactures and monopolies; and the former brings in to the crown a clear revenue of four millions of dollars annually. The Mexican tradesmen are remarkably skilful in works of plate and jewellery; and, like some of the eastern nations, they have a singular turn for imitation. Very good carriages are made in Mexico, though the best coaches come from England.

The commerce of New Spain has increased greatly since 1765, and especially since 1778. From the first of these periods to 1789, various new edicts were issued, all tending to break down the monopoly which a few opulent merchants of Cadiz and Mexico had previously enjoyed. The average exportation from Vera Cruz, before the year 1778, when the old system subsisted, was about 617,000 piastres annually; but from Commerce, 1787 to 1792, under the new system, it amounted to Revenue, 2,840,000 piastres annually. The commerce of Mexico with the mother country, is almost entirely carried on through Vera Cruz. In time of peace, Mr Humboldt estimates the annual value of the exports in that commerce at 22,000,000 piastres, and the imports at 15,000,000. Of the former, about 17,000,000 consists of gold and silver, in coin, bullion, and plate; the other articles are cochineal, sugar, flour, indigo, salted provisions, tanned hides, sarsaparilla, vanilla, jalap, &c. Of the imports, 9,000,000 consists of bale goods, including woollens, cottons, linen, and silk. The other articles are, paper, brandy, cacao, quicksilver, iron, steel, wine, and bees-wax. This estimate does not include the imports in the contraband trade, which, in time of peace, are supposed to be about a fourth of the whole. The temptations to engage in this trade are very great, as the value of commodities imported in Spanish vessels is increased 35 or 40 per cent. by the duties. Mexico also carries on a considerable trade with Cuba, Porto-Rico, Florida, and Manilla. The whole exports are estimated at 31,500,000 piastres, including specie, and the imports at 22,000,000. The demand for foreign merchandise in New Spain and Guatemala, amounts nearly to seven millions sterling.

The revenue of New Spain has augmented with the progress of industry. In 1712 the gross revenue amounted to 3,668,400 piastres; in 1765 to 6,141,981; in 1780 to 15,010,974; and in 1802 to 20,200,000. It is derived chiefly from the following sources. From the produce of the mines, consisting of duties, profits on coinage, and on the sale of mercury, about 5,500,000 piastres. From the manufacture of tobacco, 4,000,000 to 4,500,000. From the alcavala, or duty on every sale of goods, nearly 3,000,000. From the Indian capitulation, 1,300,000. From the duty on pulque, 800,000. From the net produce of the duty on imports and exports, 500,000. From the sale of papal indulgences, 270,000. From the post, net produce 250,000. From the sale of powder, 150,000. From clerical benefices, 100,000. From the sale of cards, 120,000. Stamp duties, 82,000. From the farm of cock-fighting, 45,000. From the farm of snow, 30,000. The expense of collection is estimated by Humboldt, on an average, at 16 or 18 per cent. of the gross receipts. Of this revenue of 20,000,000 piastres, 10,500,000 are consumed by the internal expenses of the government; 3,500,000 are remitted to other colonies to supply deficiencies in their revenues; and the remainder consisting of about 6,000,000, is the clear revenue derived by the mother country from the colony. The value of the specie circulating in Mexico is estimated at fifty-five or sixty millions of piastres, which is nearly ten piastres a head for the whole population. The national wealth of Mexico is supposed to be equal to two fifths of the whole Spanish continental colonies.

The military force of the colony in 1804 consisted of 9,919 regular troops, and 22,277 militia, one half of both being cavalry. The military spirit in the militia service is partly kept up by the vanity of some families, who aspire to the titles of colonels and brigadiers. And the distribution of these titles has become a source of revenue to those individuals who have influence with the ministry. Here, as in the United States, merchants in provincial towns are transformed into colonels and majors. The petty warfare continually carried on with the wandering Indians, in the provincias externas, and the maintenance of the presidios or military posts, require a considerable expense. The state of the eastern coast, and the nature of the country, facilitate its defense against any attempt by a maritime power.

In the year 1776, the old provincial divisions were laid aside, and the country was divided anew into twelve intendancies, to which must be added three districts, very remote from the capital, which have preserved the simple denomination of provinces. The whole of New Spain, in 1803, contained 118,478 square leagues, and 5,837,100 inhabitants. The population of the twelve intendancies was as follows:

| Province | Population | |-------------------|------------| | Mexico | 1,511,000 | | Puebla | 813,300 | | Vera Cruz | 156,000 | | Oaxaca | 534,800 | | Merida | 463,800 | | Valladolid | 467,400 | | Guadalajara | 632,500 | | Zacatecas | 153,300 | | Guanajuato | 517,300 | | San Luis Potosi | 230,000 | | Old California | 9,000 | | New California | 15,600 |

Add the population of the Provincias Internas,

This population is distinguished into different classes:

- Whites, of whom 70,000 are European Spaniards, - Indians, - Mestizos, or mixed race, - Negroes,

Of all the circumstances in the state of Spanish America, this division of its inhabitants into casts, marked by nature with differences of colour, and distinguished in law or opinion by differences of rank or privilege, is the most adverse to its happiness and prosperity. The first class is divided within itself. Though the Gachepines, or European Spaniards, and the Creoles, or American Spaniards, have in law equal title to preferment, the former enjoy almost all places of trust or emolument. One cause of this partiality is, that the needy court of Madrid, which has been in the practice of raising money by the sale of colonial offices, fills up even the most inferior situations. A keen spirit of jealousy is thus kept up between the parties, and the government, by showing favour to the one, has made enemies of the other.

The Mestizos, or descendants of Spaniards and Indians, form the class next in rank after the whites. In colour they hardly differ from the Creoles; but the scantiness of their beards, the smallness of their hands and feet, and a particular cast of their eyes, betray their Indian original. Some consider them as a superior race of men to the Creoles both in bodily constitution and mental endowments. In rank they follow the condition of their fathers. The Creoles and Mestizos... Mestizoes form by their union, their numbers, and their property, the principal force, and the most respectable part of the Spanish colonists. As they have the same interests to maintain, and the same grievances to redress, it is probable that in the event of any civil dissensions, they would act together, whether against Indians or Europeans.

The fate of the Indians living under the Spanish government, is a striking proof of the inefficacy of law to afford protection, where those who are the objects of its care have no control over the persons charged with its execution. The Indians are fenced by the strictest provisions against the tyranny and injustice of their rulers, and yet no people have suffered more from rapacity and oppression. They are born free, and exempt from all sorts of personal service; they are admissible into all incorporated trades, in the same manner as Spaniards; and their caciques have the privileges of Spanish nobles. Those who live in separate villages are governed by alcaldes and regidores of their own nation, and no Spaniards or mixed races are permitted to settle among them, or encroach on their lands. To prevent their facility from being abused by the fraudulent and designing, they cannot dispose of their real property without the intervention of a magistrate, nor enter into contracts, nor conclude bargains for a greater sum than three dollars. They are exempt from the alcavala, and pay only a moderate tribute,—not exceeding two dollars for every person from 10 to 50 years of age. These anxious provisions for their protection have undoubtedly operated against their progress in civilization. Their living in separate communities deprives them of the means of instruction. The state of pupilage in which they are kept destroys the energy of their characters, and detains them in perpetual childhood. The multiplicity of laws in their favour, enables the priest or magistrate to interfere when he pleases in their concerns, and, on pretext of serving them, to become their worst oppressor. The produce of the common lands of their villages, which they are bound to cultivate, is withheld from the beneficial purposes to which it is applicable by law, and openly diverted to other uses in which they have no interest or concern. The privileges of their caciques are almost illusory.

Climate has little effect on the complexion of the Indians. Those who live on the Rio Negro are darker than those who inhabit the banks of the Lower Orinoco, though they enjoy a much cooler temperature. Their children, contrary to the testimony of some authors, have a copper colour at birth. The Indians are a long lived race, when their days are not shortened by intoxication. Pulque, a fermented liquor from the juice of the agave americana, which is their native liquor, is less prejudicial to their health than rum or brandy, the use of which they have learned from Europeans. They have little sensibility of body, and suffer less from wounds and injuries than other races, and they are also less subject to personal deformities. A crooked spine is never seen among them, and very few of them are squint-eyed or lame. In the provinces afflicted with the goitre, the Indians are totally exempt, and even the Mestizoes rarely suffer from that malady. Of all the races in the old world they have the greatest resemblance to the Moguls, but they have a smaller facial angle, though greater than the negro. Their skull is thicker than that of the European, the frontal bone more depressed, the occiput less protuberant, and the brain smaller. The Mexican Indian is grave, melancholy, and silent, unless when under the influence of spirituous liquors. He affects an air of mystery in the most unimportant transactions, and no expression is to be seen in his countenance of the most violent passions that agitate him. He is obstinately attached to ancient customs, manners, and opinions. He seems to be destitute of imagination, and to have little feeling; but when properly educated, has a clear head, an acute and logical understanding. The Indians are generally excessively poor, but some of them under an appearance of wretchedness conceal considerable wealth. In every village there are eight or ten individuals who live in idleness at the expense of the others, on pretence of the nobility of their birth.

The Toltecas, who first inhabited Mexico, were counted much more polished than those who came after them, insomuch that in after ages it was customary to distinguish people of ingenuity and learning by the name of Toltecas. They always lived in society, collected into cities, under the government of kings, and had regular laws. They were more addicted to the arts of peace than of war; and it was to them that the succeeding nations owed themselves indebted for their knowledge of the culture of grain, cotton, pepper, &c. They understood the art of casting gold and silver, and melting them in whatever forms they pleased, acquiring also great reputation from their skill in cutting gems of all kinds; and they were besides well versed in the sciences of astronomy and chronology.

According to the ancient histories of these people, they observed, about a hundred years before the Christian era, how far the solar year exceeded the civil one; supplying the defect, as we do, by the addition of a day once in four years. In the year 660, while their monarchy continued in Tula, a celebrated astronomer named Hueamatzin, assembled with the king's consent all the wise men of the nation; and with their assistance painted a famous book named Teocanoxtli, or "divine book," in which were represented, in very plain figures, the origin of the Indians, their dispersion after the confusion of tongues at Babel, their journey in Asia, their first settlements in America, the founding of the kingdom of Tula, and their progress till that time: but these, and other accounts of their great knowledge and accuracy, savour too much of exaggeration, or perhaps invention, from both which it is impossible to clear the Spaniards when speaking of American affairs.

The Chichimecas derived their knowledge of agriculture from the Toltecas, and of consequence the Mexicans in aieans also. Being destitute of ploughs or animals of agriculture, sufficient strength to assist them in their labour, they made use of an instrument of hard copper, which they called coatl or coa, but differing in shape either from a spade or mattock. They used copper axes to cut trees, the figure of which was the same with ours; only that they put the axe into the eye of the handle, instead of putting the handle into the eye of the axe as we do. They had several other instruments of agriculture, but the forms of them are not mentioned by historians. They watered their fields by means of the rivers. rivers and small torrents which came from the mountains; raising dams to collect them, and forming canals to conduct them properly to the places which required moisture. They used enclosures of stone, as well as hedges for the fields, using for their hedges the aloe plant, which is well calculated for the purpose; and what reparations were necessary they gave in December. They dibbled their maize: a method of sowing more slow indeed than the ordinary one, but which certainly repays the trouble by a vastly larger crop, as well as by saving a very considerable quantity of seed. Close to the newly sown fields they commonly erected a small tower of wood, where a man kept watch, in order to drive away the birds that came to feed upon the grain; a custom still preserved among the Spaniards.

In the cultivation of their gardens, the Mexicans were extremely skilful and magnificent; planting in them not only kitchen herbs, but fruit trees, medicinal herbs, and flowers, with great taste and regularity. Some of the royal gardens excited the admiration of the Spaniards so much, that Cortes, in a letter to Charles V. informed him that the garden at Huaxtepec was the most extensive, the most beautiful, and most delightful, that had ever been beheld. It was for many years preserved by the Spaniards.—The plants most cultivated, next to maize, were cotton, cocoa, and aloe; which last served a great many useful purposes. See ALOE.

Though they had not the advantage of the larger quadrupeds, as horses, oxen, or sheep, they bred up an immense number of quadrupeds unknown in Europe. Private persons brought up the small quadrupeds already mentioned, resembling little dogs; as well as turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and other kinds of fowl. In the houses of the great men were bred fish, deer, rabbits, and a variety of birds; and in the royal palaces, almost all the species of quadrupeds and winged animals to be found in these kingdoms were kept, as well as a great number of aquatic animals and reptiles. According to Clavigero, Montezuma II. surpassed all the kings in the world in this kind of magnificence; and there never was a nation equal to the Mexicans in the care they took in taming animals.

Painting was an art in great request among the Mexicans, and one of very great use; as it was only by means of paintings that they recorded their histories. This art they derived, like others, from the Toltecas. Some of these paintings were mere images of their gods, kings, heroes, or terrestrial objects. Others were historical, containing an account of particular events; others mythological, of which a volume is preserved in the great library of the order of Bologna: others were codes of law, civil and religious; while some were chronological, astronomical, or astrological; in which were represented their calendar, the position of the stars, changes of the moon, eclipses, and prognostications and variations of the weather. Great numbers of these were burned by the superstitious Spaniards, who imagined that they contained some emblems of heathen worship. They had likewise geographical paintings, which served not only to show the extent and boundaries of their possessions, but likewise the situation of places, the direction of the coasts, and the course of the rivers. In his first letter to Charles V. Cortes says, that having made inquiries if there was any secure harbour for vessels on the Mexican coast, Montezuma presented him with a painting of the whole coast, from the port of Vera Cruz, at that time called Chalchihuacan, to the river Coatzacualco. Another author informs us also, that Cortes, in a long and difficult voyage which he made to the bay of Honduras, made use of a chart presented to him by the lords of Coatzacualco, in which all the places and rivers were marked from the coast of Coatzacualco to Huejacallan.

The cloth on which paintings were done was made of the thread of the aloe or a kind of palm; or they painted on sheep's skins or upon paper. This last was made of the leaves of a certain kind of aloe, steeped like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed. They used also the bark of other trees, prepared with gum: but we are ignorant of the method they used in the manufacture. This paper is similar in thickness to the European pasteboard, but softer, smoother, and more easy for writing. In general it was made up in very long sheets, which they preserved in rolls, or folded like bed-screens. The volume of Mexican paintings, preserved in the library of Bologna, is a thick skin, ill dressed, composed of different pieces painted all over, and folded up in that manner. The beautiful colours which they employed both in their paintings and in their dyes, were obtained from wood, leaves, and the flowers of different plants, as well as from various animal substances. Their white was made from a kind of stone which burns into a fine plaster; or from a mineral, which after being made into a paste worked like clay, and formed into small balls, turns white in the fire like Spanish white. Their black was got from another mineral, which has a disagreeable smell, or from the soot of a kind of pine collected in small earthen vessels. They obtain blue and azure colours from indigo; but their mode of obtaining these was very different from that used by the moderns. They put the branches of the plant into hot, or rather lukewarm, water; and after having stirred them about for a sufficient time with a stick or ladle, they passed the water, when impregnated with the dye, into certain pots or cups, in which they let it remain until the solid part of the dye was deposited; after which they poured off the water. This sediment was first dried in the sun, and afterwards put between two plates before a fire until it grew hard. They had another plant which likewise afforded a blue colour, but inferior to the indigo. Red was obtained from the seeds of the achiot or rocou, and purple from cochineal. Their yellows were ochre, and a colour extracted from the beautiful flower of a plant resembling artemisia. With nitre these flowers afforded a fine orange colour; and by means of alum they extracted other colours.

The Mexican painters were by no means arrived at much perfection in the knowledge of light and shade, or of design; nevertheless, in some of the ancient paintings, particularly in the portraits of their kings, the proportions were exactly observed. Besides paintings, they did however, the Mexicans are said to have employed hieroglyphics and characters; but this is absolutely denied by Clavigero; who tells us, that "they represented or characterized things by their proper figures;" but, in order to save labour, paper, and colours, they contented themselves with representing part of an object, which was sufficient to make it understood. But as we cannot understand the writings of others till we have learned to read them; in like manner those American authors, who say that the Mexicans made use of characters, required to have been first instructed in the Mexican manner of representing objects, in order to have been able to understand the paintings which served them in place of writing. When they would represent any person, they painted a man or human head, and over it a figure expressing the meaning of his name, as appears in the figures of the Mexican kings. To express a city or village, they painted in like manner a figure which signified the same thing with its name. To form their histories or annals, they painted on the margin of the cloth or paper the figures of the years in so many squares, and at the side of each square the event or events which happened that year; and if, on account of the number of years, the history of which they meant to relate, they could not all be contained in one canvas, they were continued on another. With respect to the order of representing the years and events, it was at the liberty of the historian to begin at whichever angle of the piece he pleased; but at the same time constantly observing, that if the painting began at the upper angle of the right-hand, he proceeded towards the left; but if it began, as it most commonly did, at the upper angle of the left hand, he proceeded straight downwards. If he painted the first year at the lower angle of the left, he continued towards the right; but if he began at the lower angle of the right, he painted straight upwards; so that on the upper part of his canvas he never painted from left to right, nor ever on the lower part from right to left; never advanced upwards from the left, nor downwards from the right. When this method of the Mexicans is understood, it is easy to discover at first sight which is the beginning and which the ending of any historical painting. Their paintings, however, ought not to be considered as a regular full history, but only as monuments and aids of tradition. We cannot express too strongly the care which parents and masters took to instruct their children and pupils in the history of the nation. They made them learn speeches and discourses which they could not express by the pencil; they put the events of their ancestors into verse, and taught them to sing them. This tradition dispelled the doubts and undid the ambiguity which paintings alone might have occasioned; and, by the assistance of those monuments, perpetuated the memory of their heroes and of virtuous examples, their mythology, rites, laws, and customs.

Nor did that people only make use of tradition, paintings, and songs, to preserve the memory of events, but also of threads of different colours and differently knotted. This curious method of the representation of things, however much used in Peru, does not appear to have been employed in the province of Anahuac, if not in the most early ages; for no traces of such monuments are new to be found. Boturini says, that after the most diligent search, he with difficulty found one in a place in Tlascala, the threads of which were already wasted and consumed by time. If those who peopled South America ever passed the country of Anahuac, they possibly might have left there this art, which was afterwards abandoned for that of painting, introduced by the Toltecanas or some other nations still more ancient."

The Mexicans arrived at greater perfection in sculpture, casting of metals, and mosaic works, than in painting. Sculpture was likewise one of the arts exercised by the ancient Toltecanas; but the Mexicans had sculptors among them when they left their native country of Atztlan. Several of the Toltecana statues, however, were preserved till the time of the conquest, particularly that of the idol Tlaloc, placed upon the mountain of the same name, and some gigantic statues in one of their temples. Stone and wood were the usual materials of their statues: the former was worked with a chisel made of flint; and, in spite of the unfitness of the instrument, such was the phlegmatic nature of the people, that they surmounted every difficulty arising from the tediousness of the work. In their statues they learned to express all the attitudes and postures of which the human body is capable. They observed the proportions exactly, and could, when necessary execute the most delicate strokes with the chisel. They not only made entire statues, but cut out in wood and in stone figures in basso relievo; of which kind are those of Montezuma II. and one of his sons, recorded with praises by Acosta. They also made statues of clay and wood, employing for these a chisel of copper. The number of their statues was in proportion to that of their idols; but so active were the Spanish priests in destroying these, that there is now scarce any vestige of them remaining. The foundation of the first church in Mexico was laid with idols; on which occasion many thousand statues of their gods were necessarily broke in pieces. In casting of metals, however, the Mexicans greatly excelled their works either of painting or sculpture. The miracles they produced of this kind (says Clavigero), would not the art of be credible, it, besides the testimony of those who saw them, a great number of curiosities of this kind had not been sent from Mexico to Europe. The works of gold and silver sent in presents from the conqueror Cortes to Charles V. filled the goldsmiths of Europe with astonishment; who, as several authors of that period attest, declared that they were altogether inimitable. The Mexican founders made both of gold and silver the most perfect images of natural bodies. They made a fish in this manner, which had its scales alternately one of silver and the other of gold; a parrot with a moveable head, tongue, and wings; and an ape with a moveable head and feet, having a spindle in its hand in the attitude of spinning. They set gems in gold and silver, and made most curious jewellery of great value. In short, these sorts of works were so admirably finished, that even the Spanish soldiers, all stung with the same wretched thirst for gold, valued the workmanship above the materials. This wonderful art, formerly practised by the Toltecanas, the invention of which they ascribed to one of their gods, has been entirely lost by the debasement of the Indians, and the indolent neglect of the Spaniards. We are doubtful if there are any remains of these curious works; at least we apprehend that it would be more easy to find them in some of the cabinets of Europe than in all New Spain. Covetousness to profit by the materials must unquestionably have conquered all desire to preserve them as curiosities." The works of the Mexicans in gold and silver, executed executed with the hammer, were much inferior to those of the Europeans.

But of all the works executed by the ancient Mexicans, those of mosaic were the most curious, as well as most highly valued by themselves. These were made of the feathers of birds; and for procuring them they reared a great number of those birds of fine plumage, with which the country abounded, not only in the royal palaces, but also in private houses; and at certain seasons they carried off the feathers for these purposes, or to sell them at market. They valued particularly the feathers of the humming birds, on account of their smallness, fineness, and various colours; and in these, as well as other birds of fine plumage, nature supplied them not only with all the colours producible by art, but likewise with many which art cannot imitate. Their mosaic works, as well as indeed all others of the Mexicans, required infinite patience. At the undertaking of every work of this kind several artists assembled; and having agreed upon a design, and fixed their measure and proportions, each artist charged himself with the execution of a certain part of the image, and exerted himself so diligently in it, that he frequently spent a whole day in adjusting a feather; first trying one and then another, viewing it sometimes one way, then another, until he found one which gave his part that ideal perfection proposed to be attained. When the part which each artist undertook was done, they assembled again to form the entire image from them. If any part happened to be in the least deranged, it was wrought again until it was perfectly finished. They laid hold of the feathers with small pincers, that they might not do them the least injury, and pasted them on the cloth with some glutinous matter; then they united all the parts upon a little table or a plate of copper, and flattened them softly until they left the surface of the image so equal and smooth, that it appeared to be the work of a pencil. These works were prodigiously admired by the Spaniards.

The Mexicans were skilled in architecture even before they left their native country; and many edifices still remain which were constructed by them during their frequent journeys from one place to another. At their first arrival on the lake, they had no other materials to build their houses with but reeds and mud, until the success of their commerce allowed them to purchase better materials. When the city came to its perfection, the houses of the principal people were constructed of stone and lime: they consisted of two floors, having halls, large court-yards, and chambers fitly disposed: the roofs were flat and terraced; the walls so well whitened, polished, and shining, that they appeared to the Spaniards when at a distance to have been constructed of silver. The floor was paved with plaster, perfectly level, plain, and smooth. Many of their houses were crowned with battlements and turrets; and their gardens had fish ponds, and the walks of them symmetrically laid out. The large houses had in general two entrances, the principal one to the street, the other to the canal: they had no wooden doors to their houses, but covered the entrance with small reeds, from whence they suspended a string of cocoa shells, or some other materials which would make a noise, so as to awake the attention of the family when any person fitted up the reeds to enter the house.

The houses of the poorer sort were constructed of reeds, unburnt bricks, stone, or mud; and the roofs made of a kind of a long hay which grows plentifully in the fields, particularly in the warm parts of the country. For this purpose they used also the leaves of the aloe placed in the manner of tiles, to which they bear some resemblance both in thickness and shape. One of the columns or supports of these houses was generally a tree in the vigour of its growth; by which means, besides the pleasure derived from its foliage and shade, they saved themselves some labour and expense. These houses had one or more apartments according to the circumstances of the family.

The ancient Mexicans understood the method of constructing arches or vaults, as appears from some remains of their buildings as well as from their paintings. They had likewise cornices and other ornaments of architecture. They had also square or cylindrical columns; but it is not known whether they had any capitals or not. They frequently adorned them with figures in basso rilievo; but their great ambition was to have them all made out of one stone. The foundations of the large houses in the capital were laid upon beams of cedar driven into the ground, on account of its want of solidity; and the same method is still practised by the Spaniards. The roofs of these were made of cedar, fir, cypress, pine, &c. In the royal palaces the columns were of marble or even of alabaster, which the Spaniards mistook for jasper. In the reign of Ahuizotl a new kind of stone, named tetzontli, was discovered in the Mexican lake, which was ever afterwards made use of for building. It is hard, light, and porous like a sponge; by which means the lime adheres very firmly to it. It is valued likewise on account of its colour, which is a blood red. Some of the pavements were chequered with marble and other valuable stones.

The most remarkable pieces of Mexican architecture were their aqueducts. There were two which conveyed the water to the capital from the distance of two ducts miles. These were constructed of stone and cement, five feet high, and two paces broad, upon a road for that purpose upon the lake; by which the water was brought to the entrance of the city, from whence it was sent forth in smaller channels to supply the different fountains. The famous aqueduct of Chempaullan, which was done in the 16th century, is worthy of being ranked among the greatest in Europe. The conductor of this work was a Franciscan missionary named Tomboque; and it was executed with great skill by the Chempaullenses. The water was brought from a great distance, and the country through which it must pass was mountainous and rocky; but every difficulty was overcome by the industry of the Mexicans. The aqueduct, including all the turnings and windings, exceeded 30 miles in length. The principal difficulty consisted in crossing three great precipices, over which they were obliged to construct three bridges, the first of 47, the second of 13, and the third of 67 arches. The largest arch was 100 feet high, and 61 broad; so that a large vessel could have passed under it. It must, however, be observed, that, in executing this undertaking, the Mexicans were undoubtedly assisted by European European tools, and the directions of European workmen; so that we cannot with strict propriety call it one of their works.

They were expert jewellers, and understood the art of cutting and polishing the stones, as well as of setting them. The gems most common in their country were the emeralds, amethysts, carnelians, turquoises, and some others. Emeralds were so common, that no lord or noble wanted them; and none of them died without having one fixed to his lip, that it might serve him, as they imagined, in the other world, instead of a heart. When Cortes returned the first time to Spain, he brought with him five emeralds, valued, by the jewellers there, at 100,000 ducats. The first was in the form of a rose; the second of a horn; the third of a little fish with eyes of gold; the fourth in the form of a bell, with a fine pearl for a clapper. The fifth was a small cup with a foot of gold, and four little golden chains which united in a pearl in the form of a button. For this alone the Genoese merchants offered 40,000 ducats, in order to sell it again to the grand signor. Besides these, he had two emerald vases valued at 300,000 ducats; but these last were lost by shipwreck in the unfortunate expedition of Charles V. against Algiers. There are no such gems wrought at present, nor is it even known where the emerald mines are situated; though it is said there are still some large pieces of this precious stone in some of the churches; but the priests take care to secure them with iron chains, lest they should be carried off.

In other more common manufactures the Mexicans were by no means deficient. The earthen ware of Cholula was much praised by the Spaniards; and they had the art of ornamenting this kind of ware with various colours, though they did not understand the making of glass. Their carpenters wrought with instruments of copper; and there are still remains of their labours which display a tolerable skill. Almost every one was acquainted with the method of making cloth. Being destitute of wool, common silk, lint, or hemp, they were obliged to supply the deficiency by other materials. For wool they substituted cotton, for silk they used feathers, the wool of the hare or rabbit; and instead of lint and hemp, they used the fibrous part of the leaves of the aloe. From these last they obtained a thread as fine as from lint; and from some species they had a coarser sort resembling hemp. To obtain this thread they soaked the leaves in water, cleaned them, exposed them to the sun, and then beat them till they were fit to be spun. Sometimes they interwove with their cotton the finest down on the belly of the rabbits or hares, after having spun it into thread; and of these they made most beautiful cloths, which were particularly used for winter waistcoats for the lords. Their cotton manufactures were equal to any produced in Europe; they wove them with different figures and colours, representing different animals and flowers. Of feathers interwoven with cotton they made mantles and bed-curtains, carpets, gowns, &c. These were exceedingly beautiful; but this kind of manufacture is now lost, though there are still some of these garments in the possession of the principal lords, who wear them upon solemn occasions.

All these advances towards civilization, however, in the ancient Mexicans, were much more than counter-balanced by the horrible barbarities they committed in their religious ceremonies, and in which they exceeded every nation on earth. Human sacrifices were indeed in use among all the ancient heathens; but such prodigious massacres at the dedication of their temples are unheard of in history. Whether they used these barbarous sacrifices in their own country, or whether the practice began with that of the four Xochimilca prisoners, is not known; but as they only used their prisoners or slaves whom they bought in this way, it is impossible that, during the infancy of their state, the number of human victims could have been very great. Most of those unhappy creatures perished by having their breasts opened, and their hearts pulled out; some were drowned, others starved to death with hunger; and sometimes they were burnt. Prisoners of high rank were allowed to die by what Clavigero calls the gladiatorian sacrifice, which was performed in the following manner: Near to the greater temple of large cities, in an open space of ground sufficient to contain an immense number of people, was a round terrace eight feet high, upon which was placed a large round stone resembling a millstone in shape, but much larger, almost three feet high, well polished, and having figures cut upon it. On this stone, which was called tematcatl, the prisoner was placed, armed with a shield and short sword, and tied by one foot. Here he was encountered by a Mexican officer or soldier better armed than himself. If the prisoner was vanquished, he was carried, dead or alive, to the temple, where his heart was taken out and offered in the usual manner; but if he conquered six combatants, he gained his life and liberty. An instance, however, is given in which this custom was infringed; for the Huetzotzinca having taken the principal lord of Cholula, a man of singular bravery, he overcame seven combatants; notwithstanding which he was put to death; but on this account the Huetzotzinca were rendered for ever infamous among these nations.

Historians differ concerning the number of victims who perished annually in these sacrifices: Clavigero, human vicar, inclines to think it was 20,000, but others make it much more. Zumarraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says in a letter of the 12th of June 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that capital alone there were above 20,000 victims annually sacrificed. Some authors, quoted by Gomara, say that 50,000 were annually sacrificed in the various parts of the empire. Acosta says, that there was a certain day of the year on which they sacrificed 5000 victims, and another on which 20,000 were sacrificed. According to others they sacrificed, on the mountain Tepeyacac only, 20,000 annually to one of their female deities. On the other hand, Bartholomew de las Casas reduces the number of human victims to 50 or at most to 100. "We are strongly of opinion (says Clavigero), that all these authors have erred in the number; Las Casas by diminution, and the rest by exaggerating the truth."

Besides the cruelties which they practised upon themselves, the Mexicans were accustomed to treat serious matters with the most inhuman austerities, thinking that the diabolical rage of their deities would be appeased by human blood. "It makes one shudder (says Clavigero), to read the austerities which they practised upon themselves, either in atonement for..." for their transgressions, or in preparation of their festivals. They mangled their flesh as if it had been insensible, and let their blood run in such profusion as if it had been a superfluous fluid in the body. The effusion of blood was frequent and daily with some of their priests. They pierced themselves with the sharpest spines of the aloe, and bored several parts of their bodies, particularly their ears, lips, tongue, and the fat of their arms and legs. Through the holes which they made with these spines they introduced pieces of cane, the first of which were small; but every time this penitential suffering was renewed, a thicker piece was made use of. The blood which flowed from them was carefully collected in the leaves of the plant acsajatl. They fixed the bloody spines in little balls of hay, which they exposed upon the battlements of the walls of the temple, to testify the penance which they did for the people. Those who exercised such severities upon themselves within the enclosure of the greater temple of Mexico, bathed in a pond that was formed there, and which, from being always tinged with blood, was called ezapan."

The dress of the Mexicans was very simple; that of the men consisted only of a large belt or girdle, the two ends of which hung down before and behind; the women wore a square mantle, about four feet long; the two ends were tied upon the breast or upon one shoulder. The Mexican gown was also a piece of square cloth, in which the women wrapped themselves from the waist down to the middle of the leg. They wore also a small under vest or waistcoat without sleeves, named huepilli.

The dress of the poorer sort was made of the thread of the mountain palm, or of coarse cotton: but those of better station wore the finest cotton, embellished with various colours, and figures of animals or flowers; or woven with feathers, or the fine hair of the rabbit, &c. The men wore two or three mantles, and the women three or four vests, and as many gowns, putting the longest undermost, so that a part of each of them might be seen. Their shoes were only soles of leather, or coarse cloth of the mountain palm tied with strings; but those of the great people were adorned with ribbands of gold and jewels. They all wore long hair, and thought themselves dishonoured by being shaved, or having their hair clipped, except the consecrated virgins in the temple. The women wore it loose; but the men tied it up in different forms, and adorned their heads with fine feathers, both when they danced and went to war. With this simplicity, however, they mixed no small quantity of extravagance. Besides feathers and jewels, with which they used to adorn their heads, they wore ear-rings, pendants at their upper lip, as well as many at their noses, necklaces, bracelets for the hands and arms, as well as certain rings like collars which they wore about their legs. The ear-rings of the poor were shells, pieces of crystal, amber, &c.; but the rich wore pearls, emeralds, amethysts, or other gems set in gold.

Instead of soap the Mexicans used a kind of fruit called copalxocotl; the pulp of which is white, viscous, and very bitter, makes water white, raises a froth, and will clean linen like soap. They used also a kind of root named amolli, which is not unlike the saponaria of the old continent. It is now more used for washing the body, especially the head than for clothes. Clavigero says, that there is a kind of this root which dyes the hair of a golden colour, and that he has been witness to this effect on the hair of an old man.

It is generally believed, that the first conquerors mas-Mexicans sacred the Indians out of wantonness, and that even the cruelly priests incited them to these acts of ferocity. Undoubtedly these inhuman soldiers frequently shed blood without even an apparent motive; and certainly their fanatic missionaries did not oppose these barbarities as they ought to have done. The cruelties exercised upon them, however, at length raised up a protector for them in the person of Bartholomew de las Casas.

This man, so famous in the annals of the new world, had accompanied his father in the first voyage made by Columbus. The mildness and simplicity of the Indians affected him so strongly, that he made himself an ecclesiastic, in order to devote his labours to their conversion. But this soon became the least of his attention. As he was more a man than a priest, he felt more for the cruelties exercised against them than for their superstitions. He was continually hurrying from one hemisphere to the other, in order to comfort the people for whom he had conceived an attachment, or to soften their tyrants. This conduct, which made him be idolized by the one and dreaded by the other, had not the success he expected. The hope of striking awe, by a character revered among the Spaniards, determined him to accept the bishoprick of Chiapa in Mexico. When he was convinced that this dignity was an insufficient barrier against that avarice and cruelty which he endeavoured to check, he abdicated it. It was then that this courageous, firm, disinterested man, accused his country before the tribunal of the whole universe. In his account of the tyranny of the Spaniards in America, he accuses them of having destroyed 15,000,000 of Indians. They ventured to find fault with the acrimony of his style; but no one convicted him of exaggeration. His writings, which indicate the amiable turn of his disposition, and the sublimity of his sentiments, have stamped a disgrace upon his barbarous countrymen, which time hath not, and never will, efface.

The court of Madrid, awakened by the representations of the virtuous Las Casas, and by the indignation rendition of the whole world, became sensible at last, that the tyranny it permitted was repugnant to religion, to humanity, and to policy; and resolved to break the chains of the Mexicans. Their liberty was now only constrained by the sole condition, that they should not quit the territory where they were settled. This precaution owed its origin to the fear that was entertained of their going to join the wandering savages to the north and south of the empire.

The city of Mexico is situated in a valley of the same name, which is of an oval form, about 67 leagues in circumference, and bounded by mountains. The lakes, five in number, occupy about one tenth of the surface of the valley. The city is now about a mile distant from the west side of the lake Tezcuco, which surrounded it in the time of Cortes. The soil on which it stands is about 7200 feet above the sea, a height exceeding... ceeding that of the pass of St Gothard. Mexico is one of the finest cities ever built by Europeans in either hemisphere. The ground is very level, the streets broad and regular, the style of the architecture is generally pure, and some of the buildings truly beautiful. The streets have foot pavements, and are kept clean and well lighted by an excellent police. Among the objects worthy of notice are the cathedral, the treasury, the convent of St Francis, the hospital, the school of mines with its fine collections in physics, mechanics, and mineralogy, the botanic garden, the university, and academy of fine arts, the equestrian statue of Charles IV, of great beauty and colossal size, weighing 450 quintals, and made by a native artist. The most considerable monuments of ancient Mexican art remaining are two pyramids on the north-east side of the lake Tezcuco, the larger of which has at present a base of 682 feet in length, with an elevation of 180. The faces of these pyramids correspond with considerable exactness to the cardinal points of the compass. The population of the city in 1803 was about 137,000, of which 2500 were Europeans, 65,000 white Creoles, 33,000 Indians, 26,500 Mestizos, and 10,000 Mulattoes. The convents contain about 1200 men, and 2100 women. The clergy of the city exceed 2000, exclusive of lay brothers and novices. The whole intendancy of Mexico contains 5927 square leagues. The only considerable towns in it beside the capital, are Queretaro containing 35,000 inhabitants, and the port of Acapulco, on the South sea, containing 9000.

The most considerable cities in the other parts of New Spain are, La Puebla, containing 67,000 inhabitants; Guanajuato, which contains, including the rich mines in its neighbourhood, 70,000 inhabitants; Zacatecas, also situated in a rich mining district, contains 33,000; Oaxaca, 24,000; Vera Cruz, the principal port in the colony, but unhealthy in its situation, has only a population of 16,000.

The population of New Spain is in a state of rapid increase, as appears from the registers of births and burials, which are kept in many places with great accuracy. The proportion of births to deaths throughout the kingdom, is as 170 to 100. In some part of the table land the proportion is as high as 253 to 100; but at Panuco on the coast of the North sea, it was as low as 123 to 100.

A very great inequality of fortune prevails in Mexico. The count of Valenciana enjoys an income of about 100,000l. sterling per annum, of which three fourths are derived from his mine. The marquis of Fagoaga drew 83,000l. sterling, from a single mine in six months. The count of Regla built two first-rate men of war, at his own expense, and made a present of them to his sovereign. Close to this wealth is to be seen the most wretched poverty. In the city of Mexico alone, there are from 20,000 to 32,000 Sarugates and Guachinangoes, who can be compared only to the Lazaroni of Naples. Quiet, sober, and indolent, they give occasion to no alarm, though they are half naked, and pass the night in the street, under the canopy of heaven. This inequality of condition exists equally among the clergy. The archbishop of Mexico has a revenue of 130,000 dollars; there are four bishops whose revenues are from 80,000 to 110,000 each, while many of the parish clergy have not above Volcanes 100 dollars a year. The whole Mexican clergy, including lay brothers and sisters, does not exceed 13,000 or 14,000. The revenues arise chiefly from tithes, the church lands being inconsiderable.

There are five burning volcanoes in New Spain, Orizaba, Popocatepetl, Tustla, Jorullo, and Colima. The second of these is 17,700 feet in height, which is 2000 feet higher than Mount Blanc. It is situated at the south-east extremity of the valley of Mexico, and is visible from the capital. The Pic d'Orizaba has nearly the same elevation. The mountain Jorullo, which rises 1690 feet above the surrounding plains, was thrown up by a volcanic eruption in 1759. Several of these mountains, and some others that seem to be extinguished volcanies, ascend beyond the inferior limit of perpetual snow, which has here an elevation of 8260 feet. The snow is carried to Mexico and other cities, where it is sold, and pays duty as an article of luxury. Vera Cruz is supplied from the volcano of Orizaba, at the distance of 28 leagues, over which space the snow is carried on the backs of mules.

The extraordinary events in Old Spain, which produced revolutions in some of the other American colonies, also led to an insurrection in Mexico. An extensive conspiracy was formed, at the head of which were some ecclesiastics and military officers; but the secret was betrayed, and the conspirators were prematurely driven to take up arms in September 1810. They were under the command of Hidalgo a priest; and having been joined by some parties of cavalry and infantry, they got possession of Guanajuato, a large town. Great numbers declared for them in all parts of the country. After defeating some divisions of military, Hidalgo advanced to the neighbourhood of the capital; but discouraged by the means of defence which the new viceroy had collected, and hearing of the defeat of some of his adherents in other quarters, he retired. He was followed by a considerable military force, routed in several engagements, great part of his troops, who consisted chiefly of Indians without firelocks, were dispersed, and himself taken and shot in July 1811. His partizans, however, under Morelos continued the war, and gained occasional successes. Zitacuaro, a city containing 10,000 inhabitants, in which they had established themselves, was taken by the royalists, and utterly razed in the beginning of 1812. In the same year the insurgents were joined by Toledo, who had been a member of the cortes for Spanish America, and brought with him a few troops from the United States; but he was soon compelled to seek safety in flight. In 1814 the insurgents called a congress, which issued a democratic constitution in October. In 1815 Morelos when marching to the coast to join Toledo and General Humbert, who had brought a supply of arms, was surprised, taken prisoner, and shortly after executed. His death broke the strength of the insurgents, though guerilla parties still traversed the country. In 1816 a new attempt was made by Colonel Mina, who had distinguished himself in the wars in the peninsula. He landed at Matagorda, and appears to have made some progress at first; but was finally surrounded and taken by the royal troops in November 1817. The new viceroy Apodaca, by following

New, so called because it was discovered later than Old Mexico, a country of North America, lying on the eastern side of the northern Andes, or Stony mountains, and extending from the 31st to the 38th degree of latitude. Its length from north to south is 175 leagues, and its breadth from east to west from 30 to 50. Its surface covers 5700 square leagues, and it contained in 1803, 40,200 inhabitants according to Humboldt. It is fertile, but is believed to be destitute of metallic wealth. It is watered through its whole extent by the Rio del Norte, the banks of which are picturesque, and are adorned with beautiful poplars, and other trees peculiar to the temperate zone.

Though under the same latitude with Syria and central Persia, this country has a remarkably cold climate. Near Santa Fe, and a little further north, the Rio del Norte is sometimes covered for a succession of several years with ice thick enough to admit the passage of horses and carriages. The mountains which bound the valley of the Rio del Norte, lose their snow towards the beginning of the month of June.

The Rio del Norte has a periodical swell like the Mississippi. Its waters, which are always muddy, begin to rise in April, are at their height in May, and fall towards the end of June. The inhabitants can only ford the river on horses of an extraordinary size, during the drought of summer. Humboldt informs us that in 1752, the whole bed of this river, for more than 30 leagues above and 20 leagues below Passo del Norte, became dry of a sudden, the water having precipitated itself into a newly formed chasm, and only made its re-appearance near the Presidio de San Eleazar; at length, after the lapse of several weeks, the water resumed its ancient course, no doubt because the chasm and the subterraneous conductors had been filled up. In the northern part of New Mexico, rivers take their rise which run into the Mississippi.

The colonists of this province, known for their great energy of character, live in a state of perpetual warfare with the neighbouring Indians. It is on account of this insecurity of the country life, that we find the towns more populous than we should expect in so desert a country. Some commercial intercourse exists however, between the whites and the Indians, and it is carried on in a singular manner. The savages plant upon the road from Chihuahua to Santa Fe, small crosses, to which they suspend a leathern pocket, with a piece of stag's flesh; and below a buffalo's hide is stretched. The Indian indicates by these signs that he wishes to exchange hides for provisions with the men who adore the cross. The soldiers of the Presidios, who understand these signs, take away the buffalo hide and leave some salted flesh at the foot of the cross. This system of commerce indicates at once an extraordinary mixture of good faith and distrust.