ad ever yet encountered, and the contention between the two nations was managed on both sides with the most determined resolution. But the fortune of Rome prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, aver- ring, that they were not able to withstand the fierce looks and the fire-darting eyes of the Romans. The other consul, however, was not at first so fortunate; for having unwarily led his army into a defile, he was in danger of being cut off, had not Decius, a tribune of the army, possessed himself of a hill which com- manded the enemy: So that the Samnites, being at- tacked on either side, were defeated with great slaugh- ter, no less than 30,000 of them being left dead upon the field of battle.

Some time after this victory, the soldiers who were stationed at Capua mutinying, forced Quintius, an old and eminent soldier, who was then residing in the coun- try, to be their leader; and, conducted by their rage more than their general, came within eight miles of the city. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates, not a little alarmed the senate; who immediately created Valerius Corvus dictator, and sent him forth with ano- ther army to oppose them. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, while fathers and sons be- held themselves preparing to engage in opposite causes; but Corvus knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of going forward to meet the mutineers in an hostile manner, went with the most cordial friendship to embrace and expostulate with his old acquaintances. His conduct had the desired effect. Quintius, as their speaker, only desired to have their defection from their duty forgiven; and as for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he had no reason to solicit pardon for his offences.

A war between the Romans and the Latins followed soon after; but as their habits, arms, and language, were the same, the most exact discipline was necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement. Orders, therefore, were issued by Manlius the consul, that no soldier should leave his ranks upon whatever provoca- tion; and that he should be certainly put to death who should offer to do otherwise. With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out in array, and ready to be- gin; when Metius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in the Roman army to single combat. For some time there was a general pause, no soldier offering to disobey his orders, till Titus Manlius the consul's own son, burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly sallied out against his ad- versary. The soldiers on both sides for a while suspend- ed the general engagement to be spectators of this fierce encounter. Manlius killed his adversary; and then despoiling him of his armour, returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he was preparing and giving orders relative to the engagement. Howsoever he might have been applauded by his fellow-soldiers, being as yet doubtful of the reception he should find from his father, he came, with hesitation, to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet, and with a modest air insinuated, that what he did was entirely from a spirit of hereditary vir- tue. But he was soon dreadfully made sensible of his error, when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth before the army, and there to have his head struck off on account of his disobeying orders. The whole army was struck with horror at this unnatural mandate: fear for a while kept them in suspense; but when they saw their young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execrations and their groans. His dead body was carried forth without the camp, and being adorned with the spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military distress.

In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual A bloody fury; and as the two armies had often fought under the same leaders, they combated with all the animo- sity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on their bodily strength; the Romans, on their invincible courage and conduct. Forces so nearly matched seemed only to require the protection of their deities to turn the scale of victory; and, in fact, the augurs had fore- told, that whatever part of the Roman army should be distressed, the commander of that part should devote himself for his country, and die as a sacrifice to the im- mortal gods. Manlius commanded the right wing, and Decius led on the left. Both sides fought for some time with doubtful success, as their courage was equal; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to

(a) The above accounts are exactly conformable to what is to be found in the best Latin histories; neverthe- less they are far from being reckoned universally authentic. Mr Hooke, in his annotations on the death of M. Manlius, has given very strong reasons against believing either that Camillus rescued the gold from the Gauls, or that Manlius was condemned. See Hooke's Roman History, vol. ii. p. 326, et seq. It was then that Decius, who commanded there, resolved to devote himself for his country, and to offer his own life as an atonement to save his army. Thus determined, he called out to Manlius with a loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and the form of the words he should use. By his directions, therefore, being clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted himself to the celestial and infernal gods for the safety of Rome. Then arming himself, and mounting on horseback, he drove furiously into the midst of the enemy, carrying terror and consternation wherever he came; till he fell covered with wounds. In the meantime, the Roman army considered his devoting himself in this manner as an assurance of success; nor was the superstition of the Latins less powerfully influenced by his resolution; a total rout began to ensue; the Romans pressed them on every side; and so great was the carnage, that scarce a fourth part of the enemy survived the defeat. This was the last battle of any consequence that the Latins had with the Romans; they were forced to beg a peace upon hard conditions; and two years after, their strongest city, Padua, being taken, they were brought under an entire submission to the Roman power.

A signal disgrace which the Romans sustained about this time in their contest with the Samnites, made a pause in their usual good fortune, and turned the scale for a while in the enemy's favour. The senate having denied the Samnites peace, Pontius their general was resolved to gain by stratagem what he had frequently lost by force. Accordingly, leading his army into a defile called Claudium, and taking possession of all its outlets, he sent 10 of his soldiers, habited like shepherds, with directions to throw themselves in the way the Romans were to march. The Roman consul met them, and taking them for what they appeared, demanded the route the Samnite army had taken; they, with seeming indifference, replied, that they were going to Luceria, a town in Apulia, and were then actually besieging it. The Roman general, not suspecting the stratagem that was laid against him, marched directly by the shortest road, which lay through the defiles, to relieve the city; and was not undeceived till he saw his army surrounded, and blocked up on every side. Pontius thus having the Romans entirely in his power, first obliged the army to pass under the yoke, having been previously stripped of all but their garments; he then stipulated that they should wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, and that they should continue to live upon terms of former confederacy. The Romans were constrained to submit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Capua disarmed and half naked. When the army arrived at Rome, the whole city was most surprisingly afflicted at their shameful return; nothing but grief and resentment was to be seen, and the whole city was put into mourning.

But this was a transitory calamity; the war was carried on as usual for many years; the power of the Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans continually increased. Under the conduct of Pyrrhus Cursor, who was at different times consul and dictator, repeated triumphs were gained. Fabius Maximus also had his share in the glory of conquering them; and Decius, the son of that Decius whom we saw voting himself for his country about 40 years before, followed the example of his father, and rushed into the midst of the enemy, imagining that he could save the lives of his countrymen with the loss of his own.

The success of the Romans against the Samnites alarmed all Italy. The Tarentines in particular, who had long plotted underhand against the republic, now openly declared themselves; and invited into Italy Pyrrhus king of Epirus, in hopes of being able by his means to subdue the Romans. The offer was readily accepted by that ambitious monarch, who had nothing less in view than the conquest of all Italy. Their ambassadors carried magnificent presents for the king, with instructions to acquaint him, that they only wanted a general of fame and experience; and that, as for troops, they could themselves furnish a numerous army of 20,000 horse and 350,000 foot, made up of Lucanians, Messapians, Samnites, and Tarentines. As soon as the news of this deputation were brought to the Roman camp, Emilius, who had hitherto made war on the Tarentines but gently, in hopes of adjusting matters by way of negociation, took other measures, and began to commit all sorts of hostilities. He took cities, stormed castles, and laid the whole country waste, burning and destroying all before him. The Tarentines brought their army into the field; but Emilius soon obliged them to take refuge within their walls. However, to induce them to lay aside the design of receiving Pyrrhus, he used the prisoners he had taken with great moderation, and even sent them back without ransom. These highly extolled the generosity of the consul, insomuch that many of the inhabitants were brought over to the Roman party, and they all began to repent of their having rejected a peace and sent for Pyrrhus.

But, in the mean time, the Tarentine ambassadors arriving in Epirus, pursuant to the powers they had received, made an absolute treaty with the king; who immediately sent before him the famous Cynics, with 3000 men, to take possession of the citadel of Tarentum. This eloquent minister soon found means to depose Agis, whom the Tarentines had chosen to be their general and the governor of the city, though a sincere friend to the Romans. He likewise prevailed upon the Tarentines to deliver up the citadel into his hands; which he no sooner got possession of, than he dispatched messengers to Pyrrhus, soliciting him to hasten his departure for Italy. In the mean time, the consul Emilius, finding that he could not attempt anything with success against the Tarentines this campaign, resolved to put his troops into winter quarters in Apulia, which was not far from the territory of Tarentum, that was soon to become the seat of the war. As he was obliged to pass through certain defiles, with the sea on one side and high hills on the other, he was there attacked by the Tarentines and Epirots from great numbers of barks fraught with baliste (that is, engines for throwing stones of a vast weight), and from the hills, on which were posted a great many archers and slingers. Hereupon Emilius placed the Tarentine prisoners between him and the enemy; which the Tarentines perceiving, soon left off molesting the Romans, out of compassion to their own countrymen; so that the Romans arrived safe in Apulia, and there took up their winter quarters. The next year Emilius was continued in the command of his own troops, with the title of proconsul; and was ordered to make war upon the Salentines, who had declared for the Tarentines. The present exigence of affairs obliged the Romans to enlist the proletarii, who were the meanest of the people, and therefore by way of contempt called proletarii, as being thought incapable of doing the state any other service than that of peopling the city, and stocking the republic with subjects. Hitherto they had never been suffered to bear arms; but were now, to their great satisfaction, enrolled as well as others. In the mean time Pyrrhus arrived at Tarentum, having narrowly escaped shipwreck; and being conducted into the city by his faithful Cyneus, was received there with loud acclamations.

The Tarentines, who were entirely devoted to their pleasures, expected that he should take all the fatigues of the war on himself, and expose only his Epirots to danger. And indeed Pyrrhus for some days dissembled his design, and suffered the Tarentines to indulge without restraint in their usual diversions. But his ships, which had been dispersed all over the Ionian sea, arriving one after another, and with them the troops which he had put on board at Epirus, he began to reform the disorders that prevailed in the city. The theatre was the place to which the idle Tarentines resorted daily in great numbers, and where the incendiaries stirred up the people to sedition with their harangues; he therefore caused it to be shut up, as he did likewise the public gardens, porticos, and places of exercise, where the inhabitants used to entertain themselves with news, and speak with great freedom of their governors, censuring their conduct, and settling the government according to their different humours, which occasioned great divisions, and rent the city into various factions. As they were a very voluptuous and indolent people, they spent whole days and nights in feasts, masquerades, plays, &c. These, therefore, Pyrrhus absolutely prohibited, as no less dangerous than the assemblies of prating politicians. They were utter strangers to military exercises, and the art of handling arms; but Pyrrhus having caused an exact register to be made of all the young men who were fit for war, picked out the strongest amongst them, and incorporated them among his own troops, saying, that he would take it upon himself to give them courage. He exercised them daily for several hours; and on that occasion behaved with an inexorable severity, inflicting exemplary punishment on such as did not attend or failed in their duty. By these wise measures he prevented seditions among the citizens, and inured their youth to military discipline; and because many, who had not been accustomed to such severity and rigour, withdrew from their native country, Pyrrhus, by a public proclamation, declared all those capitally guilty who should attempt to abandon their country, or absent themselves from the common musters.

The Tarentines, being now sensible that Pyrrhus was determined to be their master, began loudly to complain of his conduct; but he, being informed of whatever passed among them by his spies, who insinuated themselves into all companies, privately dispatched the most factious, and sent those whom he suspected, under various pretences, to his son's court in Epirus.

In the mean time, P. Valerius Laevinus, the Roman consul, entering the country of the Lucanians, who were in alliance with the Tarentines, committed great ravages there; and having taken and fortified one of their castles, waited in that neighbourhood for Pyrrhus. The king, though he had not yet received any succours from the Samnites, Messapians, and other allies of the Tarentines, thought it highly dishonourable to continue shut up in a city, while the Romans were ravaging the country of his friends. He therefore took the field with the troops he had brought with him from Epirus, some recruits of Tarentum, and a small number of Italians. But before he began hostilities, he wrote a letter to Laevinus, commanding him to disband his army; and on his refusal, immediately marched towards those parts where Laevinus was waiting for him. The Romans were encamped on the hither side of the river Siris; and Pyrrhus appearing on the opposite bank, made it his first business to reconnoitre the enemy's camp in person, and see what appearance they made. With this view he crossed the river, attended by Megacles, one of his officers and chief favourites; and having observed the consul's intrenchments, the manner in which he had posted his advanced guards, and the good order of his camp, he was greatly surprised; and addressing Megacles, "These people (said he) are not such barbarians as we take them to be: let us try them before we condemn them." On his return, he changed his resolution of attacking them; and, shutting himself up in his intrenchments, waited for the arrival of the confederate troops. In the mean time, he posted strong guards along the river, to prevent the enemy from passing it, and continually sent out scouts to discover the designs, and watch the motions of the consul. Some of these being taken by the advanced guards of the Romans, the consul himself led them through his camp, and having shewed them his army, sent them back to the king, telling them, that he had many other troops to show them in due time.

Laevinus being determined to draw the enemy to a His first battle before Pyrrhus received the reinforcements he expected, having harangued his troops, to the banks of the Siris; and there drawing up his infantry in battalia, ordered the cavalry to file off, and march a great way about, in order to find a passage at some place not defended by the enemy. Accordingly, they passed the river without being observed; and falling upon the guards which Pyrrhus had posted on the banks over-against the consular army, gave the infantry an opportunity of crossing the river on bridges which Laevinus had prepared for that purpose. But before they got over, Pyrrhus, hastening from his camp, which was at some distance from the river, hoped to cut the Roman army in pieces while they were disordered with the difficulties of passing the river, and climbing up the steep banks; but the cavalry covering the infantry, and standing between them and the Epirots, gave them time to form themselves on the banks of the river. On the other hand, Pyrrhus drew up his men as fast as they came from the camp, and performed such deeds of valour, that the Romans thought him worthy of the great reputation he had acquired.

As the cavalry alone had hitherto engaged, Pyrrhus, who confided most in his infantry, hastened back to the camp, in order to bring them to the charge; but took two precautions before he began the attack: the first was, to ride through the ranks, and show himself to the whole army; for his horse having been killed under him in the first onset, a report had been spread that he was slain. slain: the second was, to change his habit and helmet with Megacles; for having been known in the engagement of the horse by the richness of his attire and armour, many of the Romans had aimed at him in particular, so that he was with the utmost difficulty taken and saved, after his horse had been killed under him. Thus disguised, he led his phalanx against the Roman legions, and attacked them with incredible fury. Laevinus sustained the shock with great resolution, so that the victory was for many hours warmly disputed. The Romans gave several times way to the Epirots, and the Epirots to the Romans; but both parties rallied again and were brought back to the charge by their commanders. Megacles, in the attire and helmet of Pyrrhus, was in all places, and well supported the character he had assumed. But his disguise at last proved fatal to him: for a Roman knight, by name Dexter, taking him for the king, followed him wherever he went; and having found an opportunity of discharging a blow at him, struck him dead on the spot, stripped him of his helmet and armour, and carried them in triumph to the consul, who by showing to the Epirots the spoils of their king, so terrified them, that they began to give ground. But Pyrrhus, appearing bare-headed in the first files of his phalanx, and riding through all the lines undeceived his men, and inspired them with new courage.

The advantage seemed to be pretty equal on both sides, when Laevinus ordered his cavalry to advance; which Pyrrhus observing, drew up 20 elephants in the front of his army, with towers on their backs full of bowmen. The very sight of those dreadful animals chilled the bravery of the Romans, who had never before seen any. However, they still advanced, till their horses, not being able to bear the smell of them, and frightened at the strange noise they made, either threw their riders, or carried them on full speed in spite of their utmost efforts. In the mean time, the archers, discharging showers of darts from the towers, wounded several of the Romans in that confusion, while others were trod to death by the elephants. Notwithstanding the disorder of the cavalry, the legionaries still kept their ranks, and could not be broken, till Pyrrhus attacked them in person at the head of the Thessalian horse. The onset was so furious, that they were forced to yield, and retire in disorder. The king of Epirus restrained the ardour of his troops, and would not suffer them to pursue the enemy: an elephant, which had been wounded by a Roman soldier named Minucius, having caused a great disorder in his army, this accident favoured the retreat of the Romans, and gave them time to repass the river, and take refuge in Apulia. The Epirot remained master of the field, and had the pleasure to see the Romans fly before him: but the victory cost him dear, a great number of his best officers and soldiers having been slain in the battle; whence he was heard to say after the action, that he was both conqueror and conquered, and that if he gained such another victory, he should be obliged to return to Epirus alone.

His first care after the action was to bury the dead, with which the plain was covered; and herein he made no distinction between the Romans and his own Epirots. In viewing the bodies of the former, he observed, that none of them had received dishonourable wounds; that they had all fallen in the posts assigned them, still held their swords in their hands, and showed, even after death, a certain martial air and fierceness in their faces; and on this occasion it was that he uttered those famous words: "O that Pyrrhus had the Romans for his soldiers, or the Romans Pyrrhus for their leader! together, we should subdue the whole world."

The king of Epirus understood the art of war too well not to reap what advantage he could from his victory. He broke into the countries in alliance with the Romans, plundered the lands of the republic, and made incursions even into the neighbourhood of Rome. Many cities opened their gates to him, and in a short time he made himself master of the greatest part of Campania. While he was in that fruitful province, subsisting his troops at the expense of the Romans, he was joined by the Samnites, Lucanians, and Messapians, whom he had so long expected. After having reproached them for their delay, he gave them a good share of the spoils he had taken from the enemy; and having by this means gained their affections, he marched without loss of time to lay siege to Capua: but Laevinus, having already received a reinforcement of two legions, threw some troops into the city; which obliged Pyrrhus to drop his design, and, leaving Capua, to march straight to Naples. Laevinus followed him, harassing his troops on their march; and at length, by keeping his army in the neighbourhood, forced him to give over all thoughts of making himself master of that important city. The king then, all on a sudden, took his route towards Rome by the Latin way, surprised Fregellae, and, marching through the country of the Hernici, sat down before Preneste. There, from the top of a hill, he had the pleasure of seeing Rome; and is said to have advanced so near the walls, that he drove a cloud of dust into the city. But he was soon forced to retire by the other consul T. Coruncanius, who, having reduced Hetururia, was just then returned with his victorious army to Rome. The king of Epirus, therefore, having no hopes of bringing the Heturians into his interest, and seeing two consular armies ready to fall upon him, raised the siege of Preneste, and hastened back into Campania; where, to his great surprise, he found Laevinus with a more numerous army than that which he had defeated on the banks of the Siris. The consul went to meet him, with a design to try the fate of another battle; which Pyrrhus being unwilling to decline, drew up his army, and, to strike terror into the Roman legions, ordered his men to beat their bucklers with their lances, and the leaders of the elephants to force them to make a hideous noise. But the noise was returned with such an universal shout by the Romans, that Pyrrhus, thinking so much alacrity on the part of the vanquished too sure a prognostic of victory, altered his mind; and, pretending that the auguries were not favourable, retired to Tarentum, and put an end to the campaign.

While Pyrrhus continued quiet at Tarentum, he had time to reflect on the valour and conduct of the Romans; which made him conclude, that the war in which he was engaged must end in his ruin and disgrace, if not terminated by an advantageous peace. He was therefore overjoyed when he heard that the senate had determined to send an honourable embassy to him, not doubting but their errand was to propose terms terms of peace. The ambassadors were three men of distinguished merit; to wit, Cornelius Dolabella, who was famous for the signal victory he had gained over the Senones, Fabricius, and Æmilius Pappus, who had been his colleague in the consulate two years before. When they were admitted to an audience, the only thing they demanded was a surrender of the prisoners, either by the way of exchange, or at such a ransom as should be agreed on; for Pyrrhus, in the late battle, had made 1800 prisoners, most of them Roman knights and men of distinction in the republic. They had fought with great bravery, till their horses, frightened with the roaring of the king's elephants, had either thrown them, or obliged them to dismount; by which unforeseen accident, they had fallen into the enemy's hands. The senate, therefore, pitying the condition of those brave men, had determined, contrary to their custom, to redeem them. Pyrrhus was greatly surprised and disappointed when he found that they had no other proposals to make; but, concealing his thoughts, he only answered, that he would consider of it, and let them know his resolution. Accordingly, he assembled his council: but his chief favourites were divided in their opinions. Milo, who commanded in the citadel of Tarentum, was for coming to no composition with the Romans; but Cynæas, who knew his master's inclination, proposed not only sending back the prisoners without ransom, but dispatching an embassy to Rome to treat with the senate of a lasting peace. His advice was approved, and he himself appointed to go on that embassy. After these resolutions, the king acquainted the ambassadors, that he intended to release the prisoners without ransom, since he had already riches enough, and desired nothing of the republic but her friendship. Afterwards he had several conferences with Fabricius, whose virtue he had tried with mighty offers of riches and grandeur; but finding him proof against all temptations, he resolved to try whether his intrepidity and courage were equal to his virtue. With this view, he caused an elephant to be placed behind a curtain in the hall where he received the Roman ambassador. As Fabricius had never seen one of those beasts, the king, taking a turn or two in the hall with him, brought him within the elephant's reach, and then caused the curtain to be drawn all on a sudden, and that monstrous animal to make his usual noise, and even lay his trunk on Fabricius's head. But the intrepid Roman, without betraying the least fear or concern, "Does the great king (said he, with surprising calmness), who could not stagger me with his offers, think to frighten me with the braying of a beast?" Pyrrhus, astonished at his immovable constancy, invited him to dine with him; and on this occasion it was, that the conversation turning upon the Epicurean philosophy, Fabricius made that celebrated exclamation, "O that Pyrrhus, both for Rome's sake and his own, had placed his happiness in the boasted indolence of Epicurus."

Every thing Pyrrhus heard or saw of the Romans increased his earnestness for peace. He sent for the three ambassadors, released 200 of the prisoners without ransom, and suffered the rest, on their parole, to return to Rome to celebrate the Saturnalia, or feasts of Saturn, in their own families. Having by this obliging behaviour gained the good will of the Roman ambassadors, he sent Cynæas to Rome, almost at the same time that they left Tarentum. The instructions he gave this faithful minister, were, to bring the Romans to grant these three articles: 1. That the Tarentines should be included in the treaty made with the king of Epirus. 2. That the Greek cities in Italy should be suffered to enjoy their laws and liberties. 3. That the republic should restore to the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians, all the places she had taken from them. Upon these conditions, Pyrrhus declared himself ready to forbear all further hostilities, and conclude a lasting peace. With these instructions Cynæas set out for Rome; where, partly by his eloquence, partly by rich presents to the senators and their wives, he soon gained a good number of voices. When he was admitted into the senate, he made a harangue worthy of a disciple of the great Demosthenes; after which, he read the conditions Pyrrhus proposed, and, with a great deal of eloquence, endeavouring to show the reasonableness and moderation of his master's demands, asked leave for Pyrrhus to come to Rome to conclude and sign the treaty. The senators were generally inclined to agree to Pyrrhus's terms; but nevertheless, as several senators were absent, the determination of the affair was postponed to the next day: when Appius Claudius, the greatest orator and most learned civilian in Rome, old and blind as he was, caused himself to be carried to the senate, where he had not appeared for many years; and there, partly by his eloquence, partly by his authority, so prepossessed the minds of the senators against the king of Epirus, and the conditions he offered, that, when he had done speaking, the conscript fathers unanimously passed a decree, the substance of which was, That the war with Pyrrhus should be continued; that his ambassador should be sent back that very day; that the king of Epirus should not be permitted to come to Rome; and that they should acquaint his ambassador, that Rome would enter into no treaty of peace with his master till he had left Italy.

Cynæas, surprised at the answer given him, left Rome the same day, and returned to Tarentum, to acquaint the king with the final resolution of the senate. Pyrrhus would have willingly concluded a peace with them upon honourable terms; but, as the conditions they offered were not by any means consistent with the reputation of his arms, he began without loss of time, to make all due preparations for the next campaign. On the other hand, the Romans having raised to the consulate P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Decius Mus, dispatched them both into Apulia, where they found Pyrrhus encamped near a little town called Asculum. There the consuls, joining their armies, fortified themselves at the foot of the Apennines, having between them and the enemy a large deep stream which divided the plain. Both armies continued a great while on the opposite banks, before either ventured to pass over to attack the other. The Epirots allowed the Romans to cross the stream, and draw up on the plain. On the other hand, Pyrrhus placed his men likewise in order of battle in the same plain; and all the ancients do him the justice to say, that no commander ever understood better the art of drawing up an army and directing its motions. In another the right wing he placed his Epirots and the Samnites; battle in his left the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Sannites; and his phalanx in the centre. The centre of the Roman army consisted of four legions, which were to engage gave the enemy's phalanx; on their wings were posted the light-armed auxiliaries and the Roman horse. The consuls, in order to guard their troops against the fury of the elephants, had prepared chariots, armed with long points of iron in the shape of forks, and filled with soldiers carrying firebrands, which they were di- rected to throw at the elephants, and by that means frighten them, and set their wooden towers on fire. These chariots were posted over against the king's elephants, and ordered not to stir till they entered up- on action. To this precaution the Roman generals add- ed another, which was, to direct a body of Apulians to attack Pyrrhus's camp in the heat of the engagement, in order to force it, or at least to draw off part of the enemy's troops to defend it. At length the attack be- gan, both parties being pretty equal in number; for each of them consisted of about 40,000 men. The pha- lanx sustained, for a long time, the furious onset of the legions with incredible bravery: but at length being forced to give way, Pyrrhus commanded his elephants to advance, but not on the side where the Romans had posted their chariots; they marched round, and, falling upon the Roman horse, soon put them into confusion. Then the phalanx, returning with fresh courage to the charge, made the Roman legions in their turn give ground. On this occasion Decius was killed, so that one consul only was left to command the two Roman armies. But while all things seemed to favour Pyrrhus, the body of Apulians which we have mentioned above, falling unexpectedly on the camp of the Epirots, obli- ged the king to dispatch a strong detachment to defend his intrenchments. Upon the departure of these troops, some of the Epirots, imagining that the camp was ta- ken, began to lose courage, and retire; those who were next to them followed their example, and in a short time the whole army gave way. Pyrrhus having at- tempted several times in vain to rally his forces, return- ed to the charge with a small number of his friends and the most courageous of his officers. With these he su- tained the fury of the victorious legions, and covered the retreat of his own men. But being, after a most gallant behaviour, dangerously wounded, he retired at last with his small band in good order, leaving the Ro- mans masters of the field. As the sun was near setting, the Romans, being extremely fatigued, and a great number of them wounded, the consul Sulpicius, not thinking it advisable to pursue the enemy, sounded a re- treat, repassed the stream, and brought his troops back to the camp. Sulpicius appeared in the field of battle the next day, with a design to bring the Epirots to a second engagement; but finding they had withdrawn in the night to Tarentum, he likewise retired, and put his troops into winter-quarters in Apulia.

Both armies continued quiet in their quarters during winter; but early in the spring took the field anew.— The Romans were commanded this year by two men of great fame, whom they had raised to the consulate the second time; these were the celebrated C. Fabricius and Q. Emilius Pappus; who no sooner arrived in Apulia, than they led their troops into the territory of Tara- tum. Pyrrhus, who had received considerable rein- forcements from Epirus, met them near the frontiers, and encamped at a small distance from the Roman army. While the consuls were waiting here for a favourable opportunity to give battle, a messenger from Nicia, the king's physician, delivered a letter to Fabricius; where- in the traitor offered to take off his master by poison, provided the consul would promise him a reward propor- tionable to the greatness of the service. The virtuous physician Roman, being filled with horror at the bare proposal of offers such a crime, immediately communicated the affair to his colleague; who readily joined with him in writing a letter to Pyrrhus, wherein they warned him, without the Re- discovering the criminal, to take care of himself, and man- be upon his guard against the treacherous designs of those about him. Pyrrhus, cut off a deep sense of gra- titude for so great a benefit, released immediately, with- out ransom, all the prisoners he had taken. But the Romans, disdaining to accept either a favour from an enemy, or a recompense for not committing the blackest treachery, declared, that they would not receive their prisoners but by way of exchange; and accordingly sent to Pyrrhus an equal number of Samnite and Ta- rentine prisoners.

As the king of Epirus grew every day more weary of a war which he feared would end in his disgrace, he sent Cynæas a second time to Rome, to try whether he could, with his artful harangues, prevail upon the con- script fathers to hearken to an accommodation, upon such terms as were consistent with his honour. But the ambassador found the senators steady in their for- mer resolution, and determined not to enter into a trea- ty with his master till he had left Italy, and withdrawn from thence all his forces. This gave the king great uneasiness; for he had already lost most of his veteran troops and best officers, and was sensible that he should lose the rest if he ventured another engagement. While Pyrrhus he was revolving these melancholy thoughts in his mind, goes into ambassadors arrived at his camp from the Syracusans, Sicily, Agrigentines, and Leontines, imploring the assistance of his arms to drive out the Carthaginians, and put an end to the troubles which threatened their respective states with utter destruction. Pyrrhus, who wanted only some honourable pretence to leave Italy, laid hold of this; and appointing Milo governor of Tarentum, with a strong garrison to keep the inhabitants in awe during his absence, he set sail for Sicily with 30,000 foot and 2500 horse, on board a fleet of 200 ships. Here he was at first attended with great success; but the Sicili- ans, disgusted at the resolution he had taken of passing over into Africa, and much more at the enormous ex- actions and extortions of his ministers and courtiers, had submitted partly to the Carthaginians and partly to the Mamertines. When Carthage heard of this change, new troops were raised all over Africa, and a numerous army sent into Sicily to recover the cities which Pyrrhus had taken. As the Sicilians daily deserted from him in crowds, he was no way in a condition, with his Epirots alone, to withstand so powerful an enemy; and there- fore, when deputies came to him from the Tarentines, Samnites, Bruttians, and Lucanians, representing to him the losses they had sustained since his departure, and recommending, that, without his assistance, they must fall a sacrifice to the Romans, he laid hold of that op- portunity to abandon the island, and return to Italy. His fleet was attacked by that of Carthage; and his army, after their landing, by the Mamertines. But Pyr- rhus having, by his heroic bravery, escaped all danger, marched along the sea-shore, in order to reach Tara- tum that way. As he passed through the country of the Etrurians, who had not long before massacred the troops he had left there, he not only exercised all sorts of cruelty on the inhabitants, but plundered the temple of Prosperpine to supply the wants of his army. The immense riches which he found there, were, by his order, sent to Tarentum by sea; but the ships that carried them being dashed against the rocks by a tempest, and the mariners all lost, this proud prince was convinced, says Livy, that the gods were not imaginary beings, and caused all the treasure, which the sea had thrown upon the shore, to be carefully gathered up, and replaced in the temple: nay, to appease the wrath of the angry goddess, he put all those to death who had advised him to plunder her temple. However, superstition made the ancients ascribe to this act of impiety all the misfortunes which afterwards befell that unhappy prince.

Pyrrhus at length arrived at Tarentum; but of the army he had carried into Sicily, he brought back into Italy only 2000 horse, and not quite 20,000 foot. He therefore reinforced them with the best troops he could raise in the countries of the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians; and hearing that the two new consuls, Curius Dentatus and Cornelius Lentulus, had divided their forces, the one invading Lucania and the other Samnium, he likewise divided his army into two bodies, marching with the choice of his Epirots against Dentatus, in hopes of surprising him in his camp near Beneventum. But the consul having notice of his approach, went out of his intrenchments with a strong detachment of legionaries to meet him; repulsed his vanguard, put many of the Epirots to the sword, and took some of their elephants. Curius encouraged with this success, marched his army into the Taurasian fields, and drew it up in a plain which was wide enough for his troops, but too narrow for the Epirot phalanx, the phalangites being so crowded that they could not handle their arms without difficulty. But the king's eagerness to try his strength and skill with so renowned a commander, made him engage at that great disadvantage. Upon the first signal the action began; and one of the king's wings giving way, the victory seemed to incline to the Romans. But that wing where the king fought in person repulsed the enemy, and drove them back quite to their intrenchments. This advantage was in great part owing to the elephants; which Curius perceiving, commanded a corps de reserve, which he had posted near the camp, to advance and fall upon the elephants. These carrying burning torches in one hand, and their swords in the other, threw the former at the elephants, and with the latter defended themselves against their guides; by which means they were both forced to give way. The elephants being put to flight broke into the phalanx, close as it was, and there caused a general disorder; which was increased by a remarkable accident: for it is said, that a young elephant being wounded, and therupon making a dreadful noise, the mother quitting her rank, and hastening to the assistance of her young one, put those who still kept their ranks into the utmost confusion. But, however that be, it is certain that the Romans obtained at last a complete victory. Orosius and Eutropius tell us that Pyrrhus's army consisted of 80,000 foot and 6000 horse, including his Epirots and allies; whereas the consular army was scarcely 20,000 strong. Those who exaggerate the king's loss say, that the number of the slain on his side amounted to 30,000 men; but others reduce it to 20,000. All writers agree, that Curius took 1200 prisoners and eight elephants. This victory, which was the most decisive Rome had ever gained, brought all Italy under subjection, and paved the way for those vast conquests which afterwards made the Romans masters of the whole known world.

Pyrrhus being no way in a condition, after the great losses he had sustained, to keep the field, retired to Tarentum, attended only by a small body of horse, leaving the Romans in full possession of his camp; which they so much admired, that they made it ever after a model to form theirs by. And now the king of Epirus resolved to leave Italy as soon as possible; but concealed his design, and endeavoured to keep up the drooping spirits of his allies, by giving them hopes of speedy succours from Greece. Accordingly he dispatched ambassadors into Aetolia, Illyricum, and Macedon, demanding supplies of men and money. But the answers from those courts not proving favourable, he forged such as might please those whom he was willing to deceive; and by this means supported the courage of his friends, and kept his enemy in play. When he could conceal his departure no longer, he pretended to be on a sudden in a great passion at the dilatoriness of his friends in sending him succours; and acquainted the Tarentines, that he must go and bring them over himself. However, he left behind him a strong garrison in the citadel of Tarentum, under the command of the same Milo who had kept it for him during his stay in Sicily. In order to keep this governor in his duty, he is said to have made him a very strange present, viz. a chair covered with the skin of Nicias, the treacherous physician, who had offered Fabricius to poison his master. After all these disguises and precautions, Pyrrhus at last set sail for Epirus, and arrived safe at Acroceramium with 8000 foot and 500 horse; after having spent, to no purpose six years in Italy and Sicily.

Though, from the manner in which Pyrrhus took his leave, his Italian allies had little reason to expect any further assistance from him, yet they continued to amuse themselves with vain hopes, till certain accounts arrived of his being killed at the siege of Argos, as has been related under the article Epirus. This threw the Samnites into despair: so that they put all to the issue of a general battle; in which they were defeated with such dreadful slaughter, that the nation is said to have been almost exterminated. This overthrow was soon followed by the submission of the Lucanians, Brutians, Tarentines, Sarcinates, Picentes, and Salentines; so that Rome now became mistress of all the nations from the remotest parts of Heterruria to the Ionian sea, and from the Tyrrhenian sea to the Adriatic. All these nations, however, did not enjoy the same privileges. Some were entirely subject to the republic, and had no laws but what they received from thence; others retained their old laws and customs, but in subjection to the republic: some were tributary; and others allies, who were obliged to furnish troops at their own expense when the Romans required. Some had the privilege of Roman citizenship, their soldiers being incorporated in the legions; while others had a right of suffrage in the elections made by the centuries. These different degrees of honour, privileges, and liberty, were founded on the different terms granted to the conquered nations. nations when they surrendered, and were afterwards increased according to their fidelity and the services they did the republic.

The Romans now became respected by foreign nations, and received ambassadors from Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt, and from Apollonia a city of Macedon. Sensible of their own importance, they now granted protection to whatever nation requested it of them; but this not with a view of serving one party, but that they might have an opportunity of subjecting both. In this manner they assisted the Mamertines against Hiero king of Syracuse, which brought on the wars with the Carthaginians, which terminated in the total destruction of that ancient republic, as has been related under the article Carthage. The interval between the first and second Punic wars was by the Romans employed in reducing the Boii and Iguirians, who had revolted. These were Gaulish nations, who had always been very formidable to the Romans, and now gave one of their consuls a notable defeat. However, he soon after sufficiently revenged himself, and defeated the enemy with great slaughter; though it was not till some time after, and with a good deal of difficulty, that they were totally subdued. During this interval also, the Romans seized on the islands of Sardinia, Corsica, and Malta; and in the year 219 B.C. the two former were reduced to the form of a province. Papirius, who had subdued Corsica, demanded a triumph; but not having interest enough to obtain it, he took a method entirely new to do himself justice. He put himself at the head of his victorious army, and marched to the temple of Jupiter Latialis, on the hill of Alba, with all the pomp that attended triumphant victors at Rome. He made no other alteration in the ceremony, but that of wearing a crown of myrtle instead of a crown of laurel, and this on account of his having defeated the Corsicans in a place where there was a grove of myrtles. The example of Papirius was afterwards followed by a great many generals to whom the senate refused triumphs.

The next year, when M. Æmilius Barbula and M. Junius Pera were consuls, a new war sprung up in a kingdom out of Italy. Illyricum, properly so called, which bordered upon Macedon and Epirus, was at this time governed by a woman named Teuta, the widow of King Agron, and guardian to her son Pinneus, who was under age. The success of her late husband against the Aetolians had flushed her to such a degree, that instead of settling the affairs of her ward in peace, she commanded her subjects to cruise along the coast, seize all the ships they met, take what places they could, and spare no nation. Her pirates had, pursuant to her orders, taken and plundered many ships belonging to the Roman merchants; and her troops were then besieging the island of Issa in the Adriatic, though the inhabitants had put themselves under the protection of the republic. Upon the complaints, therefore, of the Italian merchants, and to protect the people of Issa, the senate sent two ambassadors to the Illyrian queen, Lucius and Caius Coruncanus, to demand of her that she would restrain her subjects from investing the sea with pirates. She answered them haughtily, that she could only promise that her subjects should not for the future attack the Romans in her name, and by public authority: "but as for any thing more, it is not customary with us (said she) to lay restraints on our subjects, nor will we forbid them to reap those advantages from the sea which it offers them." "Your customs then (replied the youngest of the ambassadors) are very different from ours. At Rome we make public examples of those subjects who injure others, whether at home or abroad. Teuta, we can, by our arms, force you to reform the abuses of your bad government." These unseasonable threatenings provoked Teuta, who was naturally a proud and imperious woman, to such a degree, that, without regard to the right of nations, she caused the ambassadors to be murdered on their return home.

When so notorious an infraction of the law of nations was known at Rome, the people demanded vengeance; and the senate having first honoured the manes of the ambassadors, by erecting, as was usual in such cases, statues three feet high to their memory, ordered a fleet to be equipped, and troops raised, with all possible expedition. But now Teuta, reflecting on the enormity of her proceedings, sent an embassy to Rome, assuring the senate that she had no hand in the murder of the ambassadors, and offering to deliver up to the republic those who had committed that barbarous assassination. The Romans being at that time threatened with a war from the Gauls, were ready to accept this satisfaction: but in the mean time the Illyrian fleet having gained some advantage over that of the Achaeans, and taken the island of Corcyra near Epirus, this success made Teuta believe herself invincible, and forget the promise she had made to the Romans; nay, she sent her fleet to seize on the island of Issa, which the Romans had taken under their protection.

Hereupon the consuls for the new year, P. Posthumius Albinus and Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, embarked for Illyricum; Fulvius having the command of the fleet, which consisted of 100 galleys; and Posthumius of the land forces, which amounted to 20,000 foot, besides a small body of horse. Fulvius appeared with his fleet before Corcyra in the Adriatic, and was put in possession of both the island and city by Demetrius of Phares, governor of the place for Queen Teuta. Nor was this all; Demetrius found means to make the inhabitants of Apollonia drive out the Illyrian garrison, and admit into their city the Roman troops. As Apollonia was one of the keys of Illyricum on the side of Macedon, the consuls, who had hitherto acted jointly, no sooner saw themselves in possession of it than they separated, the fleet cruising along the coast, and the army penetrating into the heart of the queen's dominions. The Andyceans, Parthini, and Atintanes, voluntarily submitted to Posthumius, being induced by the persuasions of Demetrius to shake off the Illyrian yoke. The consul being now in possession of most of the inland towns, returned to the coast, where, with the assistance of the fleet, he took many strongholds, among which was Nutria, a place of great strength, and defended by a numerous garrison; so that it made a vigorous defence, the Romans having lost before it a great many private men, several legions' tributes, and one quaestor. However, this loss was repaired by the taking of 40 Illyrian vessels, which were returning home laden with booty. At length the Roman fleet appeared before Issa, which, by Teuta's order, was still closely besieged, notwithstanding the losses she had sustained. However, upon the approach of the Roman fleet, the Illyrians dispersed; but the Phrygians, who served among them, followed the example of their countryman Demetrius, and joined the Romans, to whom the Issani readily submitted.

In the mean time Sp. Corvilius and Q. Fabius Maximus being raised to the consulate a second time, Posthumius was recalled from Illyricum, and refused a triumph for having been too prodigal of the Roman blood at the siege of Nutria. His colleague Fulvius was appointed to command the land forces in his room, in quality of proconsul. Hereupon Teuta, who had founded great hopes on the change of the consuls, retired to one of her strongholds called Rhizon, and from thence early in the spring sent an embassy to Rome. The senate refused to treat with her; but granted the young king a peace upon the following conditions: 1. That he should pay an annual tribute to the republic. 2. That he should surrender part of his dominions to the Romans. 3. That he should never suffer above three of his ships of war at a time to sail beyond Lysussa, a town on the confines of Macedon and Illyricum. The places he yielded to the Romans in virtue of this treaty, were the islands of Coreya, Issa, and Pharos, the city of Dyrrhachium, and the country of the Atintanes. Soon after Teuta, either out of shame, or compelled by a secret article of the treaty, abdicated the regency, and Demetrius succeeded her.

Before this war was ended, the Romans were alarmed by new motions of the Gauls, and the great progress which the Carthaginians made in Spain. At this time also the fears of the people were excited by a prophecy said to be taken out of the Sibylline books, that the Gauls and Greeks should one day be in possession of Rome. This prophecy, however, the senate found means to elude, as they pretended, by burying two Gauls and two Greeks alive, and then telling the multitude that the Gauls and Greeks were now in the possession of Rome. The difficulties which superstition had raised being thus surmounted, the Romans made vast preparations against the Gauls, whom they seem to have dreaded above all other nations. Some say that the number of forces raised by the Romans on this occasion amounted to no fewer than 800,000 men. Of this incredible multitude 248,000 foot and 26,000 horse were Romans or Campanians; nevertheless, the Gauls, with only 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse, forced a passage through Hetraria, and took the road towards Rome. Here they had the good fortune at first to defeat one of the Roman armies; but being soon after met by two others, they were utterly defeated, with the loss of more than 50,000 of their number. The Romans then entered their country; which they cruelly ravaged; but a plague breaking out in their army, obliged them to return home. This was followed by a new war, in which those Gauls who inhabited Insubria and Liguria were totally subdued, and their country reduced to a Roman province. These conquests were followed by that of Istria; Dimalum, a city of importance in Illyricum; and Pharos, an island in the Adriatic sea.

The second Punic war for some time retarded the conquests of the Romans, and even threatened their state with entire destruction; but Hannibal being at last recalled from Italy, and entirely defeated at Zama, they made peace upon such advantageous terms as gave them an entire superiority over that republic, which they not long after entirely subverted, as has been related in the history of Carthage.

The successful issue of the second Punic war had greatly increased the extent of the Roman empire. They were now masters of all Sicily, the Mediterranean islands, and great part of Spain; and, through its full extent, the dissensions of the Asiatic states with the king of Macedon, a pretence was now found for carrying their arms into these parts. The Gauls in the meantime, however, continued their incursions, but now ceased to be formidable; while the kings of Macedon, through misconduct, were first obliged to submit to a disadvantageous peace, and at last totally subdued (see Macedon). The reduction of Macedon was soon followed by that of all Greece, either by the name of allies or otherwise; while Antiochus the Great, to whom Hannibal fled for protection, by an unsuccessful war, first gave the Romans a footing in Asia (see Syria). The Spaniards and Gauls continued to be the most obstinate enemies. The former, particularly, were rather exterminated than reduced; and even this required the utmost care and vigilance of Scipio Emilianus, the conqueror of Carthage, to execute. See Spain and Numantia.

Thus the Romans attained to a height of power superior to any other nation in the world; but now a sedition broke out, which we may say was never terminated but with the overthrow of the republic. This had its origin from Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, descended from a family which, though plebeian, was as illustrious as any in the commonwealth. His father had been twice raised to the consulate, was a great general, and had been honoured with two triumphs. But he was still more renowned for his domestic virtues and probity, than for his birth or valour. He married the daughter of the first Africanus, said to be the pattern of her sex, and the prodigy of her age; and had by her several children, of whom three only arrived at maturity of age, Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, and a daughter named Sempronia, who was married to the second Africanus. Tiberius, the eldest, was deemed the most accomplished youth in Rome, with respect to the qualities both of body and mind. His extraordinary talents were heightened by a noble air, an engaging countenance, and all those winning graces of nature which recommend merit. He made his first campaigns under his brother-in-law, and distinguished himself on all occasions by his courage, and by the prudence of his conduct. When he returned to Rome, he applied himself to the study of eloquence; and at 50 years old was accounted the best orator of his age. He married the daughter of Appius Claudius, who had been formerly consul and censor, and was then prince of the senate. He continued for some time in the sentiments both of his own and his wife's family, and supported the interests of the patricians; but without openly attacking the popular faction. He was the chief author and negotiator of that shameful necessary peace with the Numantines; which the senate, with the utmost injustice, disannulled, and condemned the consul, the quaestor, and all the officers who had signed it, to be delivered up to the Numantines (see Numantia). The people, indeed, out of esteem for Gracchus, would not suffer him to be sacrificed; but, however, he had just reason to complain, both of the senate and people, for for passing so scandalous a decree against his general and himself, and breaking a treaty whereby the lives of so many citizens had been saved. But as the senate had chiefly promoted such base and iniquitous proceedings, he resolved in due time to show his resentment against the party which had contributed most to his disgrace.

In order to this, he stood for the tribuneship of the people; which he no sooner obtained, than he resolved to attack the nobility in the most tender part. They had usurped lands unjustly; cultivated them by slaves, to the great detriment of the public; and had lived for about 250 years in open defiance to the Licinian law, by which it was enacted that no citizen should possess more than 500 acres. This law Tib. Gracchus resolved to revive, and by that means revenge himself on the patricians. But it was not revenge alone which prompted him to embark in so dangerous an attempt. It is pretended, that his mother Cornelia animated him to undertake something worthy both of his and her family. The reproaches of his mother, the authority of some great men, namely of his father-in-law Appius Claudius, of P. Crassus the pontifex maximus, and of Mutius Scrovolo the most learned civilian in Rome, and his natural thirst after glory, joined with an eager desire of revenge, conspired to draw him into this most unfortunate scheme.

The law, as he first drew it up, was very mild: for it only enacted, that those who possessed more than 500 acres of land should part with the overplus; and that the full value of the said lands should be paid them out of the public treasury. The lands thus purchased by the public were to be divided among the poor citizens; and cultivated either by themselves or by freemen, who were upon the spot. Tiberius allowed every child of a family to hold 250 acres in his own name, over and above what was allowed to the father. Nothing could be more mild than this new law; since by the Licinian he might have absolutely deprived the rich of the lands they unjustly possessed, and made them accountable for the profits they had received from them during their long possession. But the rich patricians could not so much as bear the name of the Licinian law, though thus qualified. These chiefly of the senatorial and equestrian order exclaimed against it, and were continually mounting the rostra one after another, in order to dissuade the people from accepting a law, which, they said, would raise disturbances, that might prove more dangerous than the evils which Tiberius pretended to redress by the promulgation of it. Thus the zealous tribune was obliged day after day to enter the lists with fresh adversaries; but he ever got the better of them both in point of eloquence and argument.

The people were charmed to hear him maintain the cause of the unfortunate with so much success, and bestowed on him the highest commendations. The rich therefore had recourse to violence and calumny, in order to destroy, or at least to discredit, the tribune. It is said they hired assassins to dispatch him; but they could not put their wicked design in execution, Gracchus being always attended to and from the rostra by a guard of about 4000 men. His adversaries therefore endeavoured to ruin his reputation by the blackest calumnies. They gave out that he aimed at monarchy; and published pretended plots laid for crowning him king. But the people, without giving ear to such groundless reports, made it their whole business to encourage their tribune, who was hazarding both his life and reputation for their sakes.

When the day came on which this law was to be accepted or rejected by the people assembled in the comitium, Gracchus began with haranguing the mighty crowd which an affair of such importance had brought together both from the city and country. In his speech he shewed the justice of the law with so much eloquence, made so moving a description of the miseries of the meaner sort of people, and at the same time set forth in such odious colours the usurpation of the public lands, and the immense riches which the avarice and rapaciousness of the great had raked together, that the people, transported with fury, demanded with loud cries the billets, that they might give their suffrages. Then Gracchus, finding the minds of the citizens in that warmth and emotion which was necessary for the success of his design, ordered the law to be read.

But unluckily one of the tribunes, by name Marcus Octavius Coccina, who had always professed a great friendship for Gracchus, having been gained over by the patricians, declared against the proceedings of his friend and colleague; and pronounced the word which had been always awful in the mouth of a tribune of the people, Veto, "I forbid it." As Octavius was a man of an unblameable character, and had hitherto been very zealous for the publication of the law, Gracchus was greatly surprised at this unexpected opposition from his friend. However, he kept his temper, and only desired the people to assemble again the next day to hear their two tribunes, one in defence of, the other in opposition to, the law proposed. The people met at the time appointed; when Gracchus addressing himself to his colleague, conjured him by the mutual duties of their function, and by the bonds of their ancient friendship, not to oppose the good of the people, whom they were bound in honour to protect against the usurpation of the great; nay, taking his colleague aside, he addressed him thus, "Perhaps you are personally concerned to oppose this law; if so, I mean, if you have more than the five hundred acres, I myself, poor as I am, engage to pay you in money what you will lose in land." But Octavius, either out of shame, or from a principle of honour, continued immoveable in the party he had embraced.

Gracchus therefore had recourse to another expedient; which was to suspend all the magistrates in Rome from the execution of their offices. It was lawful for any tribune to take this step, when the passing of the law which he proposed was prevented by mere chicanery. After this, he assembled the people anew, and made a second attempt to succeed in his design. When all things were got ready for collecting the suffrages, the rich privately conveyed away the urns in which the billets were kept. This kindled the tribune's indignation, and the rage of the people. The comitium was like to become a field of battle, when two venerable senators, Manlius and Fulvius, very seasonably interposed; and throwing themselves at the tribune's feet, prevailed upon him to submit his law to the judgment of the conscript fathers. This was making the senators judges in their own cause: but Gracchus thought the law so undeniably deniably just, that he could not persuade himself that they would reject it; and if they did, he knew that the incensed multitude would no longer keep any measures with them.

The senate, who wanted nothing but to gain time, affected delays, and came to no resolution. There were indeed some among them, who, out of a principle of equity, were for paying some regard to the complaints of the tribune, and for sacrificing their own interest to the relief of the distressed. But the far greater part would not hear of any composition whatsoever. Hereupon Gracchus brought the affair anew before the people, and earnestly intreated his colleague Octavius to drop his opposition, in compassion to the many unfortunate people for whom he interceded. He put him in mind of their ancient friendship, took him by the hand, and affectionately embraced him. But still Octavius was inflexible. Hereupon Gracchus resolved to deprive Octavius of his tribuneship, since he alone obstinately withstood the desires of the whole body of so great a people. Having therefore assembled the people, he told them, that since his colleague and he were divided in opinion, and the republic suffered by their division, it was the province of the tribes assembled in comitia to re-establish concord among their tribunes. "If the cause I maintain (said he) be, in your opinion, unjust, I am ready to give up my seat in the college. On the contrary, if you judge me worthy of being continued in your service in this station, deprive him of the tribuneship who alone obstructs my wishes. As soon as you shall have nominated one to succeed him, the law will pass without opposition." Having thus spoken, he dismissed the assembly, after having summoned them to meet again the next day.

And now Gracchus, being soured with the opposition he had met with from the rich, and from his obstinate colleague, and being well apprised, that the law would pass in any form in which he should think fit to propose it, resolved to revive it as it was at first passed, without abating any thing of its severity. There was no exception in favour of the children in families; or reimbursement promised to those who should part with the lands they possessed above 500 acres. The next day the people being assembled in vast crowds on this extraordinary occasion, Gracchus made fresh applications to Octavius, but to no purpose; he obstinately persisted in his opposition. Then Gracchus turning to the people, "Judge you, (said he,) which of us deserves to be deprived of his office." At these words the first tribe voted, and declared for the deposition of Octavius. Upon which Gracchus, suspending the ardour of the tribes, made another effort to bring over his opponent by gentle methods. But all his endeavours proving ineffectual, the other tribes went on to vote in their turns, and followed the example of the first. Of 35 tribes, 17 had already declared against Octavius, and the 18th was just going to determine the affair, when Gracchus, being willing to try once more whether he could reclaim his colleague, suspended the collecting of the suffrages; and addressing Octavius in the most pressing terms, conjured him not to expose himself, by his obstinacy, to so great a disgrace, nor to give him the grief of having cast a blemish upon his colleague and friend, which neither time nor merit would ever wipe off. Octavius, however, continuing obstinate, was deposed, and the law passed as Gracchus had proposed it the last time.

The deposed tribune was dragged from the rostra by the incensed multitude, who would have insulted him further, had not the senators and his friends facilitated his escape.

The Licinian law being thus revived with one consent both by the city and country tribes, Gracchus caused the people to appoint triumvirs, or three commissioners, to hasten its execution. In this commission the people gave Gracchus the first place; and he had interest enough to get his father-in-law Appius Claudius, and his brother Caius Gracchus, appointed his colleagues. These three spent the whole summer in travelling through all the Italian provinces, to examine what lands were held by any person above 500 acres, in order to divide them among the poor citizens. When Gracchus returned from his progress, he found, by the death of his chief agent, that his absence had not abated either the hatred of the rich, or the love of the poor, toward him. As it plainly appeared that the deceased had been poisoned, the tribune took this occasion to apply himself again to his protectors, and implore their assistance against the violence and treachery of his enemies. The populace, more attached after this accident to their hero than ever, declared they would stand by him to the last drop of their blood; and thus their zeal encouraged him to add a new clause to the law, viz. that the commissioners should likewise inquire what lands had been usurped from the republic. This was touching the senators in a most tender point; for most of them had appropriated to themselves lands belonging to the republic. After all, the tribune, upon a strict inquiry, found that the lands taken from the rich would not be enough to content all the poor citizens. But the following accident eased him of this difficulty, and enabled him to stop the murmurs of the malcontents among the people.

Attalus Philometor, king of Pergamus, having bequeathed his dominions and effects to the Romans, Eudemus the Pergamene brought his treasures to Rome at this time; and Gracchus immediately got a new law passed, enacting, that this money should be divided among the poor citizens who could not have lands; and that the disposal of the revenues of Pergamus should not be in the senate, but in the comitia. By these steps Gracchus most effectually humbled the senate; who, in order to discredit him among the people, gave out that Eudemus, who had brought the king's will to Rome, had left with Gracchus the royal diadem and mantle of Attalus, which the law-making tribune was to use when he should be proclaimed king of Rome. But these reports only served to put Gracchus more upon his guard, and to inspire the people with an implacable hatred against the rich who were the authors of them. Gracchus being now, by his power over the minds of the multitude, absolute master of their suffrages, formed a design of raising his father-in-law Appius Claudius to the consulate next year, of promoting his brother Caius to the tribuneship, and getting himself continued in the same office. The last was what most nearly concerned him; his person, as long as he was in office, being sacred and inviolable. As the senate was very active in endeavouring to get such only elected into the college of tribunes as were enemies to Gracchus and his faction, the tribune left no stone unturned. unturned to secure his election. He told the people, that the rich had resolved to assassinate him as soon as he was out of his office; he appeared in mourning, as was the custom in the greatest calamities; and bringing his children, yet young, into the forum, recommended them to the people in such terms, as showed that he despaired of his own preservation. At this sight the populace returned no answer, but by outcries and menaces against the rich.

When the day appointed for the election of new tribunes came, the people were ordered to assemble in the capitol in the great court before the temple of Jupiter. The tribes being met, Gracchus produced his petition, intreating the people to continue him one year longer in the office of tribune, in consideration of the great danger to which he was exposed, the rich having vowed his destruction as soon as his person should be no more sacred. This was indeed an unusual request, it having been long customary not to continue any tribune in his office above a year. However, the tribes began to vote, and the two first declared for Gracchus. Hereupon the rich made great clamours; which terrified Rubrius Varro, who presided in the college of tribunes that day, to such a degree, that he resigned his place to Q. Mummius who offered to preside in his room. But this raised a tumult among the tribunes themselves; so that Gracchus wisely dismissed the assembly, and ordered them to meet again the next day.

In the mean time the people, being sensible of what importance it was to them to preserve the life of so powerful a protector, not only conducted him home, but watched by turns all night at his door. Next morning by break of day, Gracchus having assembled his friends, led them from his house, and posted one half of them in the comitium, while he went up himself with the other to the capitol. As soon as he appeared, the people saluted him with loud acclamations of joy. But scarcely was he placed in his tribunal when Fulvius Flaccus a senator, and friend to Gracchus, breaking through the crowd, came up to him, and gave him notice, that the senators, who were assembled in the temple of Faith, which almost touched that of Jupiter Capitolinus, had conspired against his life, and were resolved to attack him openly on his very tribunal. Hereupon Gracchus tucked up his robe, as it were, to prepare for a battle; and, after his example, some of his party seizing the staves of the apparitors, prepared to defend themselves, and to repel force by force. These preparations terrified the other tribunes; who immediately abandoned their places in a cowardly manner, and mixed with the crowd; while the priests ran to shut the gates of the temple, for fear of its being profaned. On the other hand, the friends of Gracchus, who were dispersed by parties in different places, cried out, We are ready: What must we do? Gracchus, whose voice could not be heard by all his adherents on account of the tumult, the clamours, and the confused cries of the different parties, put his hand to his head; which was the signal agreed on to prepare for battle. But some of his enemies, putting a malicious construction upon that gesture, immediately flew to the senate, and told the fathers, that the seditious tribune had called for the crown to be put upon his head. Hereupon the senators, fancying they already saw the king of Perge-

mus's diadem on the tribune's head, and the royal mantle on his shoulders, resolved to give the consul leave to arm his legions, treat the friends of Gracchus as enemies, and turn the comitium into a field of battle.

But the consul Mutius Scævola, who was a prudent and moderate man, refused to be the instrument of their rash revenge, and to dishonour his consulate with the massacre of a disarmed people. As Calpurnius Piso, the other consul, was then in Sicily, the most turbulent among the senators cried out, "Since one of our consuls is absent, and the other betrays the republic, let us do ourselves justice; let us immediately go and demolish with our own hands this idol of the people." Scipio Nasica, who had been all along for violent measures, inveighed bitterly against the consul for refusing to succour the republic in her greatest distress. Scipio Nasica was the great-grandson of Cnæus Scipio, the uncle of the first Africanus, and consequently cousin to the Gracchi by their mother Cornelia. But nevertheless not one of the senators betrayed a more irreconcilable hatred against the tribune than he. When the prudent consul refused to arm his legions, and put the adherents of Gracchus to death contrary to the usual forms of justice, he set no bounds to his fury, but rising up from his place, cried out like a madman, "Since our consul betrays us, let those who love the republic follow me." Having uttered these words, he immediately walked out of the temple, attended by a great number of senators.

Nasica threw his robe over his shoulders, and having covered his head with it, advanced with his followers into the crowd, where he was joined by a company of the clients and friends of the patricians, armed with staves and clubs. These falling indifferently upon all who stood in their way, dispersed the crowd. Many of Gracchus's party took to their heels; and in that tumult all the seats being overturned and broken, Nasica, armed with the leg of a broken bench, knocked down all who opposed him, and at length reached Gracchus. One of his party seized the tribune by the lappet of his robe; but he, quitting his gown, fled in his tunic; and as he was in that confusion, which is inseparable from fear, leaping over the broken benches, he had the misfortune to slip and fall. As he was getting up again, he received a blow on the head, which stunned him; then his adversaries rushing upon him, with repeated blows put an end to his life.

Rome was by his death delivered, according to Cicero, from a domestic enemy, who was more formidable to her than even that Numantia, which had first kindled his resentments. Perhaps no man was ever born with greater talents, or more capable of grandising himself, and doing honour to his country. But his great mind, his manly courage, his lively, easy, and powerful eloquence, were, says Cicero, like a sword in the hands of a madman. Gracchus abused them, not in supporting an unjust cause, but in conducting a good one with too much violence. He went so far as to make some believe that he had really something in view besides the interest of the people whom he pretended to relieve; and therefore some historians have represented him as a tyrant. But the most judicious writers clear him from this imputation, and ascribe his first design of reviving the Licinian law to an eager desire of being re- venged on the senators for the affront they had very unjustly put upon him, and the consul Mancinus, as we have hinted above. The law he attempted to revive had an air of justice, which gave a sanction to his revenge, without casting any blemish on his reputation.

The death of Gracchus did not put an end to the tumult. Above 300 of the tribune's friends lost their lives in the affray; and their bodies were thrown, with that of Gracchus, into the Tiber. Nay, the senate carried their revenge beyond the fatal day which had stained the Capitol with Roman blood. They sought for all the friends of the late tribune, and without any form of law assassinated some, and forced others into banishment. Caius Billius, one of the most zealous defenders of the people, was seized by his enemies, and shut up in a cask with snakes and vipers, where he miserably perished. Though the laws prohibited any citizen to take away the life of another before he had been legally condemned, Nasica and his followers were acquitted by the senate, who enacted a decree, justifying all the cruelties committed against Gracchus and his adherents.

These disturbances were for a short time interrupted by a revolt of the slaves in Sicily, occasioned by the cruelty of their masters; but they being soon reduced, the contests about the Sempronian law, as it was called, again took place. Both parties were determined not to yield; and therefore the most fatal effects ensued. The first thing of consequence was the death of Scipio Africanus the Second, who was privately strangled in his bed by some of the partisans of the plebeian party, about 129 B.C. Caius Gracchus, brother to him who had been formerly killed, not only undertook the revival of the Sempronian law, but proposed a new one, granting the rights of Roman citizens to all the Italian allies, who could receive no share of the lands divided in consequence of the Sempronian law. The consequences of this were much worse than the former; the flame spread through all Italy; and the nations who had made war with the republic in its infancy again commenced enemies more formidable than before. Fregella, a city of the Volsci, revolted; but being suddenly attacked, was obliged to submit, and was raised to the ground; which quieted matters for the present. Gracchus, however, still continued his attempts to humble the senate and the rest of the patrician body: the ultimate consequence of which was, that a price was set on his head, and that of Fulvius his confederate, no less than their weight in gold, to any one who should bring them to Opimius the chief of the patrician party. Thus the custom of proscription was begun by the patricians, of which they themselves soon had enough. Gracchus and Fulvius were sacrificed, but the disorders of the republic were not so easily cured.

The inundation of the Cimbri and Teutones put a stop to the civil discords for some time longer; but they being defeated, as related under the article Cimbri and Teutones, nothing prevented the troubles from being revived with greater fury than before, except the war with the Sicilian slaves, which had again commenced with more dangerous circumstances than ever. But this war being totally ended about 99 B.C., no farther obstacle remained. Marius, the conqueror of Jugurtha* and the Cimbri, undertook the cause of the plebeians against the senate and patricians. Having associated himself with Apuleius and Glaucia, two factious men, they carried their proceedings to such a length, that an open rebellion commenced, and Marius himself was obliged to act against his allies. Peace, however, was for the present restored by the massacre of Apuleius and Glaucia, with a great number of their followers; upon which Marius thought proper to leave the city.

While factious men thus endeavoured to tear the republic in pieces, the attempts of well-meaning people to heal those divisions served only to involve the state in calamities still more grievous. The consuls observed that many individuals of the Italian allies lived at Rome, and falsely pretended to be Roman citizens. By means of them, it was likewise perceived, that the plebeian party had acquired a great deal of its power; as the votes of these pretended citizens were always at the service of the tribunes. The consuls therefore got a law passed, commanding all those pretended citizens to return home. This was so much resented by the Italian states, that an universal defection took place. A scheme was then formed by M. Livius Drusus, a tribune of the people, to reconcile all orders of men; but this only made matters worse, and procured his own assassination. His death seemed a signal for war. The Marsi, Peligni, Samnites, Campanians, and Lucanians, war, and in short all the provinces from the river Liris to the Adriatic, revolted at once, and formed themselves into a republic, in opposition to that of Rome. The haughty Romans were now made thoroughly sensible that they were not invincible; they were defeated in almost every engagement; and must soon have yielded, had they not fallen upon a method of dividing their enemies. A law was passed, enacting, that all the nations in Italy, whose alliance with Rome was indisputable, should enjoy the right of Roman citizens. This drew off several nations from the alliance; and at the same time, Sylla taking upon him the command of the Roman armies, fortune soon declared in favour of the latter.

The success of Rome against the allies served only to bring greater miseries upon herself. Marius and Sylla became rivals; the former adhering to the people, and the latter to the patricians. Marius associated with one of the tribunes named Sulpitius; in conjunction with whom he raised such disturbances, that Sylla was forced to retire from the city. Having thus driven off his rival, Marius got himself appointed general against Mithridates* king of Pontus; but the soldiers refused to obey any other than Sylla. A civil war immediately ensued, in which Marius was driven out in his turn, and a price set upon his head and that of Sulpitius, with many of their adherents. Sulpitius was soon seized and killed; but Marius made his escape. In the mean time, however, the cruelties of Sylla rendered him obnoxious both to the senate and people; and Cinna, a furious partisan of the Marian faction, being chosen consul, cited him to give an account of his conduct. Upon this Sylla thought proper to set out for Asia; Marius was recalled from Africa, whither he had fled; and immediately on his landing in Italy, was joined by a great number of shepherds, slaves, and men of desperate fortunes; so that he soon saw himself at the head of a considerable army.

Cinna, in the mean time, whom the senators had des- posed and driven out of Rome, solicited and obtained a powerful army from the allies; and being joined by Sertorius, a most able and experienced general, the two, in conjunction with Marius, advanced towards the capitol; and as their forces daily increased, a fourth army was formed under the command of Papirius Carbo. The senate raised some forces to defend the city; but the troops being vastly inferior in number, and likewise inclined to the contrary side, they were obliged to open their gates to the confederates. Marius entered at the head of a numerous guard, composed of slaves, whom he called his Bardicæans, and whom he designed to employ in revenging himself on his enemies. The first order he gave these assassins was, to murder all who came to salute him, and were not answered with the like civility. As every one was forward to pay his compliments to the new tyrant, this order proved the destruction of vast numbers. At last these Bardicæans abandoned themselves to such excesses in every kind of vice, that Cinna and Sertorius ordered their troops to fall upon them; which being instantly put in execution, they were all cut off to a man.

By the destruction of his guards, Marius was reduced to the necessity of taking a method of gratifying his revenge somewhat more tedious, though equally effectual. A conference was held between the four chiefs, in which Marius seemed quite frantic with rage. Sertorius endeavoured to moderate his fury; but, being overruled by Cinna and Carbo, a resolution was taken to murder without mercy all the senators who had opposed the popular faction. This was immediately put in execution. A general slaughter commenced, which lasted five days, and during which the greatest part of the obnoxious senators were cut off, their heads stuck upon poles over-against the rostra, and their bodies dragged with hooks into the forum, where they were left to be devoured by dogs. Sylla's house was demolished, his goods confiscated, and he himself declared an enemy to his country; however, his wife and children had the good fortune to make their escape.—This massacre was not confined to the city of Rome. The soldiers, like as many blood-hounds, were dispersed over the country in search of those who fled. The neighbouring towns, villages, and all the highways, swarmed with assassins; and on this occasion Plutarch observes with great concern, that the most sacred ties of friendship and hospitality are not proof against treachery, in the day of adversity, for there were but very few who did not discover their friends who had fled to them for shelter.

This slaughter being over, Cinna named himself and Marius consuls for the ensuing year; and these tyrants seemed resolved to begin the new year as they had ended the old one; but, while they were preparing to renew their cruelties, Sylla, having proved victorious in the east, sent a long letter to the senate, giving an account of his many victories, and his resolution of returning to Rome, not to restore peace to his country, but to revenge himself of his enemies, i.e. to destroy those whom Marius had spared. This letter occasioned an universal terror. Marius, dreading to enter the lists with such a renowned warrior, gave himself up to excessive drinking, and died. His son was associated with Cinna in the government, though not in the consulship, and proved a tyrant no less cruel than his father. The senate declared one Valerius Flaccus, general of the forces in the east, and appointed him a considerable army; but the troops all to a man deserted him, and joined Sylla. Soon after, Cinna declared himself consul a third time, and took for his colleague Papirius Carbo; but the citizens dreading the tyranny of these inhuman monsters, fled in crowds to Sylla, who was now in Greece. To him the senate sent deputies, begging that he would have compassion on his country, and not carry his resentment to such a length as to begin a civil war: but he replied that he was coming to Rome full of rage and revenge; and that all his enemies, if the Roman people consented to it, should perish either by the sword or the axes of the executioners. Upon this several very numerous armies were formed against him, but, through the misconduct of the generals who commanded them, these armies were everywhere defeated, or went over to the enemy. Pompey, afterwards styled the Great, signalized himself in this war, and embraced the party of Sylla. The Italian nations took some one side and some another, as their different inclinations led them. Cinna, in the mean time, was killed in a tumult, and young Marius and Carbo succeeded him; but the former having ventured an engagement with Sylla, was by him defeated, and forced to fly to Praeneste, where he was closely besieged.

Thus was Rome reduced to the lowest degree of Rome's misery, when one Pontius Telesinus, a Samnite of great experience in war, projected the total ruin of the city. He had joined, or pretended to join, the generals of the Marian faction with an army of 40,000 men; and therefore marched towards Praeneste, as if he designed to relieve Marius. By this means he drew Sylla and Pompey away from the capitol; and then, decamping in the night, overreached these two generals, and by break of day was within 10 furlongs of the Collatine gate. He then pulled off the mask; and declaring himself as much an enemy to Marius as to Sylla, told his troops, that it was not his design to assist one Roman against another, but to destroy the whole race. "Let fire and sword (said he) destroy all; let no quarter be given; mankind can never be free as long as one Roman is left alive."—Never had this proud metropolis been in greater danger; nor ever had any city a more narrow escape. The Roman youth marched out to oppose him, but were driven back with great slaughter. Sylla himself was defeated, and forced to fly to his camp. Telesinus advanced with more fury than ever; but, in the mean time, the other wing of his army having been defeated by M. Crassus, the victorious general attacked the body where Telesinus commanded, and by putting them to flight, saved his country from the most imminent danger.

Sylla, having now no enemy to fear, marched first to Atenuae, and thence to Rome. From the former cruelty of the city he carried 8000 prisoners to Rome, and caused Sylla them all to be massacred at once in the circus. His cruelty next fell upon the Praenestines, 12,000 of whom were massacred without mercy. Young Marius had killed himself, in order to avoid falling into the hands of such a cruel enemy. Soon after, the inhabitants of Norba, a city of Campania, finding themselves unable to resist the forces of the tyrant, set fire to their houses, and all perished in the flames. The taking of these cities put an end to the civil war, but not to the cruelties ties of Sylla. Having assembled the people in the comitium, he told them, that he was resolved not to spare a single person who had borne arms against him. This cruel resolution he put in execution with the most unrelenting rigour; and having at last cut off all those whom he thought capable of opposing him, Sylla caused himself to be declared perpetual dictator, or, in other words, king and absolute sovereign of Rome.

This revolution happened about 80 B.C. and from this time we may date the loss of the Roman liberty. Sylla indeed resigned his power in two years; but the citizens of Rome having once submitted, were ever after more inclined to submit to a master. Though individuals retained the same enthusiastic notions of liberty as before, yet the minds of the generality seem from this time to have inclined towards monarchy. New masters were indeed already prepared for the republic. Caesar and Pompey had eminently distinguished themselves by their martial exploits, and were already rivals. They were, however, for some time prevented from raising any disturbances by being kept at a distance from each other. Sertorius, one of the generals of the Marian faction, and the only one of them possessed either of honour or probity, had retired into Spain, where he erected a republic independent of Rome. Pompey and Metellus, two of the best reputed generals in Rome, were sent against him; but instead of conquering, they were on all occasions conquered by him, and obliged to abandon their enterprise with disgrace. At last Sertorius was treacherously murdered; and the traitors, who after his death usurped the command, being totally destitute of his abilities, were easily defeated by Pompey; and thus that general reaped an undeserved honour from concluding the war with success.

The Spanish war was scarce ended, when a very dangerous one was excited by Spartacus, a Thracian gladiator. For some time this rebel proved very successful; but at last was totally defeated and killed by Crassus. The fugitives, however, rallied again, to the number of 5000; but, being totally defeated by Pompey, the latter took occasion from thence to claim the glory which was justly due to Crassus. Being thus become extremely popular, and setting no bounds to his ambition, he was chosen consul along with Crassus. Both generals were at the head of powerful armies; and a contest between them immediately began about who should first lay down their arms. With difficulty they were in appearance reconciled, and immediately began to oppose one another in a new way. Pompey courted the favour of the people, by reinstating the tribunes in their ancient power, which had been greatly abridged by Sylla. Crassus, though naturally covetous, entertained the populace with surprising profusion at 10,000 tables, and at the same time distributed corn sufficient to maintain their families for three months.—These prodigious expences will seem less surprising, when we consider that Crassus was the richest man in Rome, and that his estate amounted to upwards of 7000 talents, i.e. L.1,356,250 sterling. Notwithstanding his utmost efforts, however, Pompey still had the superiority; and was therefore proposed as a proper person to be employed for clearing the seas of pirates. In this new station a most extensive power was to be granted to him. He was to have an absolute authority for three years over all the seas within the straits or Pillars of Hercules, and over all the countries for the space of 400 furlongs from the sea. He was empowered to raise as many soldiers and mariners as he thought proper; to take what sums of money he pleased out of the public treasury without being accountable for them; and to choose out of the senate fifteen senators to be his lieutenants, and to execute his orders when he himself could not be present. The sensible part of the people were against investing one man with so much power; but the unthinking multitude rendered all opposition fruitless. The tribune Roscius attempted to speak against it, but was prevented by the clamours of the people. He then held up two of his fingers, to show that he was for dividing that extensive commission between two persons: but on this the assembly burst out into such hideous outcries, that a crow flying accidentally over the comitium, was stunned with the noise, and fell down among the rabble. This law being agreed to, Pompey executed his commission so much to the public satisfaction, that on his return a new law was proposed in his favour. By this he was to be appointed general of all the forces in Asia; and as he was still to retain the sovereignty of the seas, he was now in fact made sovereign of all the Roman empire.—This law was supported by Cicero and Caesar, the former aspiring at the consulate, and the latter pleased to see the Romans so readily appointing themselves a master. Pompey, however, executed his commission with the utmost fidelity and success, completing the conquest of Pontus, Albania, Iberia, &c., which had been successfully begun by Sylla and Lucullus.

But while Pompey was thus aggrandising himself, the republic was on the point of being subverted by a conspiracy formed by Lucius Sergius Catiline. He was descended from an illustrious family; but having quite ruined his estate, and rendered himself infamous by a series of the most detestable crimes, he associated with a number of others in circumstances similar to his own, in order to repair their broken fortunes by ruining their country. Their scheme was to murder the consuls together with the greatest part of the senators, set fire to the city in different places, and then seize the government. This wicked design miscarried twice: but was not on that account dropped by the conspirators. Their party increased every day; and both Caesar and Crassus, who since the departure of Pompey had studied to gain the affections of the people as far as possible, were thought to have been privy to the conspiracy. At last, however, the matter was discovered by means of a young knight, who had indiscreetly revealed the secret to his paramour. Catiline then openly took the field, and soon raised a considerable army: but was utterly defeated and killed about 62 B.C.; and thus the republic was freed from the present danger.

In the mean time, Caesar continued to advance in popularity and in power. Soon after the defeat of Catiline, he was created pontifex maximus; and after that was sent into Spain, where he subdued several nations that had never before been subject to Rome.—While he was thus employed, his rival Pompey returned from the east, and was received with the highest honours; but though still as ambitious as ever, he now affected extraordinary modesty, and declined accepting of the applause which was offered him. His aim was to assume a sovereign authority without seeming to desire it; but he was soon convinced, that, if he desired to reign over his fellow-citizens, it must be by force of arms. He therefore renewed his intrigues, and spared no pains however mean and scandalous, to increase his popularity. Caesar, on his return from Spain, found the sovereignty divided between Crassus and Pompey, each of whom was ineffectually struggling to get the better of the other. Caesar, no less ambitious than the other two, proposed that they should put an end to their differences, and take him for a partner in their power. In short, he projected a triumvirate, or association of three persons, (Pompey, Crassus, and himself,) in which should be lodged the whole power of the senate and people; and, in order to make their confederacy more lasting, they bound themselves by mutual oaths and promises to stand by each other, and suffer nothing to be undertaken or carried into execution without the unanimous consent of all the three.

Thus was the liberty of the Romans taken away a second time, nor did they ever afterwards recover it; though at present none perceived that this was the case, except Cato. The association of the triumvirs was for a long time kept secret; and nothing appeared to the people except the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus, for which the state reckoned itself indebted to Caesar. The first consequence of the triumvirate was the consulship of Julius Caesar. But though this was obtained by the favour of Pompey and Crassus, he found himself disappointed in the colleague he wanted to associate with him in that office. He had pitched upon one whom he knew he could manage as he pleased, and distributed large sums among the people in order to engage them to vote for him. The senate, however, and even Cato himself, resolved to defeat the triumvir at his own weapons; and having therefore set up another candidate, distributed such immense sums on the opposite side, that Caesar, notwithstanding the vast riches he had acquired, was forced to yield. This defeat proved of small consequence. Caesar set himself to engage the affections of the people; and this he did, by an agrarian law, so effectually, that he was in a manner idolized. The law was in itself very reasonable and just; nevertheless, the senate, perceiving the design with which it was proposed, thought themselves bound to oppose it. Their opposition, however, proved fruitless: the consul Bibulus, who shewed himself most active in his endeavours against it, was driven out of the assembly with the greatest indignity, and from that day became of no consideration; so that Caesar was reckoned the sole consul.

The next step taken by Caesar was to secure the knights, as he had already done the people; and for this purpose he abated a third of the rents which they annually paid into the treasury; after which he governed Rome with an absolute sway during the time of his consulate. The reign of this triumvir, however, was ended by his expedition into Gaul, where his military exploits acquired him the highest reputation.—Pompey and Crassus in the meantime became consuls, and governed as despotically as Caesar himself had done. On the expiration of their first consulate, the republic fell into a kind of anarchy, entirely owing to the disorders occasioned by the two late consuls. At last, however, this confusion was ended by raising Crassus and Pompey to the consulate a second time. This was no sooner done, than a new partition of the empire was proposed. Crassus was to have Syria and all the eastern provinces, Pompey was to govern Africa and Spain, and Caesar to be continued in Gaul, and all this for the space of five years. This law was passed by a great majority; upon which Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians, whom he imagined he should easily overcome, and then enrich himself with their spoils; Caesar applied with great assiduity to the completing of the conquest of Gaul; and Pompey having nothing to do in his province, stood at Rome to govern the republic alone.

The affairs of the Romans were now hastening to a crisis. Crassus, having oppressed all the provinces of the east, was totally defeated and killed by the Parthians; after which the two great rivals Caesar and Pompey were left alone, without any third person who could hold the balance between them, or prevent the deadly quarrels which were about to ensue. Matters, however, continued pretty quiet till Gaul was reduced to a Roman province. The question then was, whether Caesar or Pompey should first resign the command of their armies, and return to the rank of private persons. As both parties saw, that whoever first laid down his arms must of course submit to the other, both refused to disarm themselves. As Caesar, however, had amassed immense riches in Gaul, he was now in a condition not only to maintain an army capable of vying with Pompey, but even to buy over the leading men in Rome to his interest. One of the consuls, named Aemilius Paulus, cost him no less than 1500 talents, or L.310,625 sterling; but the other, named Marcellus, could not be gained at any price. Pompey had put at the head of the tribunes one Scribonius Curio, a young patrician of great abilities, but so exceedingly debauched and extravagant, that he owed upwards of four millions and a half of our money. Caesar, by enabling him to satisfy his creditors, and supplying him with money to pursue his debaucheries, secured him in his interest; and Curio, without seeming to be in Caesar's interest, found means to do him the most essential service. He proposed that both generals should be recalled; being well assured that Pompey would never consent to part with his army, or lay down the government of Spain with which he had been invested, so that Caesar might draw from Pompey's refusal a pretence for continuing himself in his province at the head of his troops. This proposal threw the opposite party into great embarrassments; and while both professed their pacific intentions, both continued in readiness for the most obstinate and bloody war.—Cicero took upon himself the office of mediator; but Pompey would hearken to no terms of accommodation. The orator, surprised to find him so obstinate, at the same time that he neglected to strengthen his army, asked him with what forces he designed to make head against Caesar? To which the other answered, that he needed but stamp with his foot, and an army would start up out of the ground. This confidence he assumed because he persuaded himself that Caesar's men would abandon him if matters came to extremities. Caesar, however, though he affected great moderation, yet kept himself in readiness for the worst; and therefore, when the senate passed the fatal decree for a civil war, he was not in the least alarmed. This decree was issued in the year 49 B.C. and was expressed in the following words: "Let the consuls for the year, the proconsul Pompey, the praetors, and all those in or near Rome who have been consuls, provide for the public safety by the most proper means." This decree was no sooner passed than the consul Marcellus went, with his colleague Lentulus, to an house at a small distance from the town, where Pompey then was; and presenting him with a sword, "We require you (said he) to take upon you with this the defence of the republic, and the command of her troops." Pompey obeyed: and Caesar was by the same decree divested of his office, and one Lucius Domitius appointed to succeed him, the new governor being empowered to raise 4000 men in order to take possession of his province.

War being thus resolved on, the senate and Pompey began to make the necessary preparations for opposing Caesar. The attempt of the latter to withstand their authority they termed a tumult; from which contemptible epithet it appeared that they either did not know, or did not dread, the enemy whom they were bringing upon themselves. However, they ordered 30,000 Roman forces to be assembled, together with as many foreign troops as Pompey should think proper; the expense of which armament was defrayed from the public treasury. The governments of provinces, and all public honours, were bestowed upon such as were remarkable for their attachment to Pompey and their enmity to Caesar. The latter, however, was by no means wanting in what concerned his own interest. Three of the tribunes who had been his friends were driven out of Rome, and arrived in his camp disguised like slaves. Caesar showed them to his army in this ignominious habit; and, setting forth the iniquity of the senate and patriots, exhorted his men to stand by their general under whom they had served so long with success; and finding by their acclamations that he could depend on them, he resolved to begin hostilities immediately.

The first design of Caesar was to make himself master of Ariminium, a city bordering upon Cisalpine Gaul, and consequently a part of his province; but as this would be looked upon as a declaration of war, he resolved to keep his design as private as possible. At that time he himself was at Ravenna, from whence he sent a detachment towards the Rubicon, desiring the officer who commanded it to wait for him on the banks of that river. The next day he assisted at a show of gladiators, and made a great entertainment. Towards the close of the day he arose from table, desiring his guests to stay till he came back, which he said would be very soon; but, instead of returning to the company, he immediately set out for the Rubicon, having left orders to some of his most intimate friends to follow him through different roads to avoid being observed. Having arrived at the Rubicon, which parted Cisalpine Gaul from Italy, the succeeding misfortunes of the empire occurred to his mind, and made him hesitate. Turning then to Asinius Pollio, "If I don't cross the river (said he), I am undone; and if I do cross it, how many calamities shall I by this means bring upon Rome?" Having thus spoken, he mused a few minutes; and then crying out, "The die is cast," he threw himself into the river, and crossing it, marched with all possible speed to Ariminium, which he reached and surprised before daybreak. From thence, as he had but one legion with him, he dispatched orders to the formidable army he had left in Gaul to cross the mountains and join him.

The activity of Caesar struck the opposite party with the greatest terror; and indeed not without reason, for they had been extremely negligent in making preparations against such a formidable opponent. Pompey himself, no less alarmed than the rest, left Rome with a design to retire to Capua, where he had two legions whom he had formerly draughted out of Caesar's army. He communicated his intended flight to the senate; but at the same time acquainted them, that if any magistrate or senator refused to follow him, he should be treated as a friend to Caesar and an enemy to his country. In the mean time Caesar, having raised new troops in Cisalpine Gaul, sent Marc Antony with a detachment to seize Aretium, and some other officers to secure Pisaureum and Fanum, while he himself marched at the head of the thirteenth legion to Auximum, which opened its gates to him. From Auximum he advanced into Picenum, where he was joined by the twelfth legion from Transalpine Gaul. As Picenum readily submitted to him, he led his forces against Corfinium, the capital of the Peligni, which Domitius Ahenobarbus defended with thirty cohorts. But Caesar no sooner invested it, than the garrison betrayed their commander, and delivered him up with many senators, who had taken refuge in the place, to Caesar, who granted them their lives and liberty. Domitius, fearing the resentment of the conqueror, had ordered one of his slaves, whom he used as a physician, to give him a dose of poison. When he came to experience the humanity of the conqueror, he lamented his misfortune, and blamed the baseness of his own resolution. But his physician, who had only given him a sleeping draught, comforted him, and received his liberty as a reward for his affection.

Pompey, thinking himself no longer safe at Capua after the reduction of Corfinium retired to Brundisium, with a design to carry the war into the east, where all the governors were his creatures. Caesar followed him close; and arriving with his army before Brundisium, invested the place on the land-side, and undertook to shut up the port by a staccado of his own invention. But, before the work was completed, the fleet which had conveyed the two consuls with thirty cohorts to Dyrrhachium being returned. Pompey resolved to make his escape, which he conducted with all the experience and dexterity of a great officer. He kept his departure very secret; but, at the same time, made all necessary preparations for the facilitating of it. In the first place, he walled up the gates, then dug deep and wide ditches cross all the streets, except only those two that led to the port; in the ditches he planted sharp-pointed stakes, covering them with hurdles and earth. After these precautions he gave express orders that all the citizens should keep within doors lest they should betray his design to the enemy; and then, in the space of three days, embarked all his troops, except the light-armed infantry, whom he had placed on the walls; and these, likewise, on a signal given, abandoning their posts, repaired with great expedition to the ships. Caesar, perceiving the walls unguarded, ordered his men to scale them, and make what haste they could after the enemy. In the heat of the pursuit, they would have fallen into the ditches which Pompey had prepared for them; had not the Brundisians warned them of the danger, and, by many windings and turnings, led them to the haven, where they found all the fleet under sail, except... except two vessels, which had run aground in going out of the harbour. These Caesar took, made the soldiers on board prisoners, and brought them ashore.

Caesar, seeing himself, by the flight of his rival, master of all Italy from the Alps to the sea, was desirous to follow and attack him before he was joined by the supplies which he expected from Asia. But being destitute of shipping, he resolved to go first to Rome, and settle some sort of government there; and then pass into Spain, to drive from thence Pompey's troops, who had taken possession of that great continent, under the command of Afranius and Petreius. Before he left Brundisium, he sent Scribonius Curio with three legions into Sicily, and ordered Q. Valerius, one of his lieutenants, to get together what ships he could, and cross over with one legion into Sardinia. Cato, who commanded in Sicily, upon the first news of Curio's landing there, abandoned the island, and retired to the camp of the consuls at Dyrrhachium; and Q. Valerius no sooner appeared with his small fleet off Sardinia, than the Caralitini, now the inhabitants of Cagliari, drove out Aurelius Cotta, who commanded there for the senate, and put Caesar's lieutenant in possession both of their city and island.

In the mean time the general himself advanced towards Rome; and on his march wrote to all the senators then in Italy, desiring them to repair to the capital and assist him with their counsel. Above all, he was desirous to see Cicero; but could not prevail upon him to return to Rome. As Caesar drew near the capital, he quartered his troops in the neighbouring municipia; and then advancing to the city, out of a pretended respect to the ancient customs, he took up his quarters in the suburbs, whither the whole city crowded to see the famous conqueror of Gaul, who had been absent near ten years. And now such of the tribunes of the people as had fled to him for refuge reassumed their functions, mounted the rostra, and endeavoured by their speeches to reconcile the people to the head of their party. Marc Antony particularly, and Cassius Longinus, two of Caesar's most zealous partisans, moved that the senate should meet in the suburbs, that the general might give them an account of his conduct. Accordingly, such of the senators as were at Rome assembled; when Caesar made a speech in justification of all his proceedings, and concluded his harangue with proposing a deputation to Pompey, with offers of an accommodation in an amicable manner. He even desired the conscript fathers, to whom in appearance he paid great deference, to nominate some of their venerable body to carry proposals of peace to the consuls, and the general of the consular army; but none of the senators would take upon him that commission. He then began to think of providing himself with the necessary sums for carrying on the war, and had recourse to the public treasury. But Metellus, one of the tribunes, opposed him; alleging a law forbidding any one to open the treasury, but in the presence and with the consent of the consuls. Caesar, however, without regarding the tribune, went directly to the temple of Saturn, where the public money was kept. But the keys of the treasury having been carried away by the consul Lentulus, he ordered the doors to be broken open. This Metellus opposed; but Caesar, in a passion, laying his hand on his sword, threatened to kill him if he gave him any further disturbance; which so terrified Metellus, that he withdrew. Caesar took out of the treasury, which was ever after at his command, an immense sum; some say, 300,000 pounds weight of gold. With this supply of money he raised troops all over Italy, and sent governors into all the provinces subject to the republic.

Caesar now made Marc Antony commander in chief of the armies in Italy, sent his brother C. Antonius to govern Illyricum, assigned Cisalpine Gaul to Licinius Crassus, appointed M. Emilius Lepidus governor of the capital; and having got together some ships to cruise in the Adriatic and Mediterranean seas, he gave the command of one of his fleets to P. Cornelius Dolabella, and of the other to young Hortensius, the son of the famous orator. As Pompey had sent governors into the same provinces, by this means a general war was kindled in almost all the parts of the known world. However, Caesar would not trust any of his lieutenants with the conduct of the war in Spain, which was Pompey's favourite province, but took it upon himself; and having settled his affairs in great haste at Rome, returned to Ariminum, assembled his legions there, and passing the Alps, entered Transalpine Gaul. There he was informed that the inhabitants of Marseilles had resolved to refuse him entrance into their city; and that L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom he had generously pardoned and set at liberty after the reduction of Corfinium, had set sail for Marseilles with seven galleys, having on board a great number of his clients and slaves, with a design to raise the city in favour of Pompey. Caesar, thinking it dangerous to let the enemy take possession of such an important place, sent for the 15 chief magistrates of the city, and advised them not to begin a war with him, but rather follow the example of Italy, and submit. The magistrates returned to the city, and soon after informed him that they were to stand neuter; but in the mean time Domitius arriving with his small squadron, was received into the city, and declared general of all their forces. Hereupon Caesar immediately invested the town with three legions, and ordered twelve galleys to be built at Arelas, now Arles, in order to block up the port. But as the siege was like to detain him too long, he left C. Trebonius to carry it on, and D. Brutus to command the fleet, while he continued his march into Spain, where he began the war with all the valour, ability, and success of a great general. Pompey had three generals in this continent, which was divided into two Roman provinces. Varro commanded in Farther Spain; and Petreius and Afranius, with equal power, and two considerable armies, in Hither Spain. Caesar, while he was yet at Marseilles, sent Q. Fabius, one of his lieutenants, with three legions, to take possession of the passes of the Pyrenees, which Afranius had seized. Fabius executed his commission with great bravery, entered Spain, and left the way open for Caesar, who quickly followed him. As soon as he had crossed the mountains, he sent out scouts to observe the situation of the enemy; by whom he was informed, that Afranius and Petreius having joined their forces, consisting of five legions, 20 cohorts of the natives, and 5000 horse, were advantageously posted on an hill of an easy ascent in the neighbourhood of Ilerda, now Lerida, in Catalonia. Upon this advice Caesar advanced within sight of the enemy, and encamped in a plain between the Segoris and Cinga, now the Segro and Cinca. Between between the eminence on which Afranius had posted himself; and the city of Ilerda, was a small plain, and in the middle of it a rising ground, which Caesar attempted to seize, in order to cut off by that means the communication between the enemy's camp and the city, from whence they had all their provisions. This occasioned a sharp dispute between three of Caesar's legions and an equal number of the enemy, which lasted five hours with equal success, both parties claiming the victory. But after all, Afranius's men, who had first seized the post, maintained themselves in possession of it in spite of Caesar's utmost efforts. Two days after this battle, continual rains, with the melting of the snow on the mountains, so swelled the two rivers between which Caesar was encamped, that they overflowed, broke down his bridges, and laid under water the neighbouring country to a great distance. This cut off the communication between his camp and the cities that had declared for him; and reduced him to such straits, that his army was ready to die for famine, wheat being sold in his camp at 50 Roman denarii per bushel, that is, L.1 12s. 13d. sterling. He tried to rebuild his bridges, but in vain; the violence of the stream rendering all his endeavours fruitless.

Upon the news of Caesar's distress, Pompey's party at Rome began to take courage. Several persons of distinction went to congratulate Afranius's wife on the success of her husband's arms in Spain. Many of the senators who had hitherto stood neuter, hastened to Pompey's camp, taking it for granted that Caesar was reduced to the last extremity, and all hopes of his party lost. Of this number was Cicero; who, without any regard to the remonstrances of Atticus, or the letters Caesar himself wrote to him, desiring him to join neither party, left Italy, and landed at Dyrrhachium, where Pompey received him with great marks of joy and friendship. But the joy of Pompey's party was not long-lived. For Caesar, after having attempted several times in vain to rebuild his bridges, caused boats to be made with all possible expedition; and while the enemy were diverted by endeavouring to intercept the succours that were sent him from Gaul, he laid hold of that opportunity to convey his boats in the night on carriages 22 miles from his camp; where with wonderful quickness a great detachment passed the Sicoris, and encamping on the opposite bank unknown to the enemy, built a bridge in two days, opened a communication with the neighbouring country, received the supplies from Gaul, and relieved the wants of his soldiers. Caesar being thus delivered from danger, pursued the armies of Afranius and Petreius with such superior address and conduct, that he forced them to submit without coming to a battle, and by that means became master of all Hither Spain. The two generals disbanded their troops, sent them out of the province, and returned to Italy, after having solemnly promised never to assemble forces again, or make war upon Caesar. Upon the news of the reduction of Hither Spain, the Spaniards in Farther Spain, and one Roman legion, deserted from Varro, Pompey's governor in that province, which obliged him to surrender his other legion and all his money.

Caesar having thus reduced all Spain in a few months, appointed Cassius Longinus to govern the two provinces with four legions, and then returned to Marseilles; which city was just upon the point of surrendering after a most vigorous resistance. Though the inhabitants had by their late treachery deserved a severe punishment, yet he granted them their lives and liberty; but stripped their arsenals of arms, and obliged them to deliver up all their ships. From Marseilles Caesar marched into Cisalpine Gaul; and from thence hastened to Rome, where he laid the foundation of his future grandeur. He found the city in a very different state from that in which he had left it. Most of the senators and magistrates were fled to Pompey at Dyrrhachium. However, there were still praetors there; and among them M. Emilius Lepidus, who was afterwards one of the triumvirs with Octavius and Marc Antony. The praetor, to ingratiate himself with Caesar, nominated him dictator of his own authority, and against the inclination of the senate. Caesar accepted the new dignity; but neither abused his power, as Sylla had done, nor retained it so long. During the 11 days of his dictatorship, he governed with great moderation, and gained the affections both of the people and the patricians. He recalled the exiles, granted the rights and privileges of Roman citizens to all the Gauls beyond the Po, and, as pontifex maximus, filled up the vacancies of the sacerdotal colleges with his own friends. Though it was expected that he would have absolutely cancelled all debts contracted since the beginning of the troubles he only reduced the interest to one-fourth. But the chief use he made of his dictatorship was to preside at the election of consuls for the next year, when he got himself, and Servilius Isauricus, one of his most zealous partisans, promoted to that dignity.

And now being resolved to follow Pompey, and carry the war into the east, he set out for Brundusium, where he had ordered 12 legions to repair with all possible expedition. But on his arrival he found only five there. The rest, being afraid of the dangers of the sea, and unwilling to engage in a new war, had marched leisurely, complaining of their general for allowing them no respite, but hurrying them continually from one country to another. However, Caesar did not wait for them, but set sail with only five legions and 600 horse in the beginning of January. While the rest were waiting at Brundusium for ships to transport them over into Epirus, Caesar arrived safe with his five legions in Chaonia, the northern part of Epirus, near the Ceraunian mountains. There he landed his troops, and sent the ships back to Brundusium to bring over the legions that were left behind. The war he was now entering upon was the most difficult he had yet undertaken. Pompey had for a whole year been assembling troops from all the eastern countries. When he left Italy, he had only five legions; but since his arrival at Dyrrhachium he had been reinforced with one from Sicily, another from Crete, and two from Syria. Three thousand archers, six cohorts of slingers, and seven thousand horse, had been sent him by princes in alliance with Rome. All the free cities of Asia had reinforced his army with their best troops; nay, if we give credit to an historical poet, succours were brought him from the Indus and the Ganges to the east, and from Arabia and Ethiopia to the south; at least it is certain, that Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and all the nations from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, took up arms in his favour. He had almost all the Roman knights, that is, the flower of the young nobility, in his squadrons, and his legions consisted mostly of veterans insured to dangers and the toils of war. Pompey himself was a general of great experience and address; and had under him some of the best commanders of the republic, who had formerly conducted armies themselves. As for his navy, he had above 500 ships of war, besides a far greater number of small vessels, which were continually cruising on the coasts, and intercepted such ships as carried arms or provisions to the enemy. He had likewise with him above 200 senators, who formed a more numerous senate than that at Rome. Cornelius Lentulus and Claudius Marcellus, the last year's consuls, presided in it; but under the direction of Pompey their protector, who ordered them to assemble at Thessalonica, where he built a stately hall for that purpose. There, in one of their assemblies, at the motion of Cato, it was decreed, that no Roman citizen should be put to death but in battle, and that no city subject to the republic should be sacked. At the same time the conscript fathers assembled at Thessalonica decreed, that they alone represented the Roman senate, and that those who resided at Rome were encouragers of tyranny, and friends to the tyrant. And indeed, as the flower of the nobility was with Pompey, and the most virtuous men in the republic had taken refuge in his camp, he was generally looked upon as the only hope and support of the public liberty. Hence many persons of eminent probity, who had hitherto stood neuter, flocked to him from all parts. Among these were young Brutus, who afterwards conspired against Caesar, Tidius Sextius, and Labienus. Brutus, whose father had been put to death in Galatia by Pompey's order, had never spoken to him, or so much as saluted him since that time; but as he now looked upon him as the defender of the public liberty, he joined him, sacrificing therein his private resentment to the interest of the public. Pompey received him with great joy, and was willing to confer upon him some command; but he declined the offer. Tidius Sextius, though extremely old and lame, yet left Rome, and went as far as Macedonia to join Pompey there. Labienus likewise forsook his old benefactor, under whom he had served during the whole course of the Gaulish war, and went over to his rival, though Caesar had appointed him commander in chief of all the forces on the other side the Alps. In short, Pompey's party grew into such reputation, that his cause was generally called the good cause, while Caesar's adherents were looked upon as enemies to their country, and abettors of tyranny.

As soon as Caesar landed, he marched directly to Oricum, the nearest city in Epirus, which was taken without opposition. The like success attended him at Apollonia, which was in no condition to stand a siege; and these two conquests opened a way to Dyrrachium, where Pompey had his magazines of arms and provisions. This success, however, was interrupted by the news that the fleet which he had sent back to Brundusium to transport the rest of his troops had been attacked by Bibulus, one of Pompey's admirals, who had taken 30, and inhumanly burnt them with the seamen on board. This gave Caesar great uneasiness, especially as he heard that Bibulus, with 110 ships of war, had taken possession of all the harbours between Saloniun and Oricum; so that the legions at Brundusium could not venture to cross the sea without great danger of falling into the enemy's hands. By this Caesar was so much embarrassed, that he made proposals of accommodation upon very moderate terms; being no other than that both Pompey and he should disband their armies within three days, renew their former friendship with solemn oaths, and return together to Italy. These proposals were sent by Viballius Rufus, an intimate friend of Pompey, whom Caesar had twice taken prisoner. Pompey, however, probably elated with his late good fortune, answered that he would not hearken to any terms lest it should be said that he owed his life and return to Italy to Caesar's favour. However, the latter again sent one Vatinius to confer with Pompey about a treaty of peace. Labienus was appointed to receive the proposals; but while they were conferring together, a party of Pompey's men coming up to them, discharged their darts at Vatinius and those who attended him. Some of the guards were wounded, and Vatinius narrowly escaped with his life.

In the mean time Caesar advanced towards Dyrrachium, in hopes of surprising that important place; but Pompey unexpectedly appearing, he halted on the other side of the river Apius, where he intrenched himself, as having but a small number of troops in comparison of the formidable army which attended Pompey. The latter, however, notwithstanding his superiority, durst not cross the river in Caesar's sight; so that the two armies continued for some time quiet in their respective camps. Caesar wrote letter after letter to Marc Antony, who commanded the legions he had left in Italy, to come to his assistance; but receiving no answer, Caesar disguised himself in the habit of a slave, and with all imaginable secrecy went on board a fisherman's bark, with a design to go over to Brundusium, though the enemy's fleet was cruising on the coasts both of Greece and Italy. This design, however, miscarried, by reason of the boat being put back by contrary winds; and thus Caesar was restored to his soldiers, who had been very uneasy at his absence. He was no sooner landed than he dispatched Posthumius, one of his lieutenants, with most pressing orders to Marc Antony, Gabinius, and Calenus, to bring the troops to him at all adventures. Gabinius, unwilling to expose all the hopes of his general to the hazards of the sea, thought it safer to march a great way about by Illyricum, and therefore engaged all the legionaries he could to follow him by land. But the Illyrians, who had, unknown to him, declared for Pompey, fell unexpectedly upon him and killed him and his men, not one escaping. Marc Antony and Calenus, who went by sea, were in the greatest danger from one of Pompey's admirals; but had the good luck to bring their troops safe to shore at Nyphaeum, in the neighbourhood of Apollonia. As soon as it was known that Antony was landed, Pompey marched to prevent his joining Caesar. On the other hand, Caesar instantly decamped, and hastening to the relief of his lieutenant, joined him before Pompey came up. Then Pompey, not caring to engage them when united, retired to an advantageous post in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium, known by the name of Asparagium, and there encamped. Caesar having thus at length got all his troops together, resolved to finish the war by one general action, and determine the fate of the world, either by his own death or by that of his rival. To this end he offered fered Pompey battle, and kept his army a great while drawn up in sight of the enemy. But Pompey declining an engagement, he decamped, and turned towards Dyrrachium, as if he designed to surprise it, hoping by this means to draw Pompey into the plain. But Pompey, looking upon the taking of Dyrrachium as a chimeraical project followed Caesar at some distance, and letting him draw near to the city, encamped on a hill called Petra, which commanded the sea, whence he could be supplied with provisions from Greece and Asia while Caesar was forced to bring corn by land from Epirus, at a vast expense, and through many dangers.

This inconvenience put Caesar upon a new design, which was to surround an army far more numerous than his own, and, by shutting them up within a narrow tract of ground, distress them as much for want of forage as his troops were distressed for want of corn. Pursuant to this design, he drew a line of circumvallation from the sea quite round Pompey's camp, and kept him so closely blocked up, that though his men were plentifully supplied with provisions by sea, yet the horses of his army began soon to die in great numbers for want of forage. Caesar's men, though in the utmost distress for want of corn, yet bore all with incredible cheerfulness; protesting that they would rather live upon the bark of trees than suffer Pompey to escape, now they had him in their power. Caesar tells us, that in this extremity such of the army as had been in Sardinia found out the way of making bread of a certain herb called clara, which they steeped in milk; and that when the enemy insulted them on account of the starving condition which they were in, they threw several of these loaves among them, to put them out of all hopes of subduing them by famine. "So long as the earth produces such roots (said they), we will not let Pompey escape." At length Pompey, alarmed at the distempers which began to prevail in his army, made several attempts to break through the barriers that inclosed him, but was always repulsed with loss. At length, being reduced to the utmost extremity for want of forage, he resolved at all events to force the enemy's lines and escape. With the assistance, therefore, and by the advice of two deserters, he embarked his archers, slingers, and light-armed infantry, and marching himself by land at the head of 60 cohorts, went to attack that part of Caesar's lines which was next to the sea, and not yet quite finished. He set out from his camp in the dead of the night, and arriving at the post he designed to force by break of day, he began the attack by sea and land at the same time. The ninth legion, which defended that part of the lines, made for some time a vigorous resistance; but being attacked in the rear by Pompey's men, who came by sea, and landed between Caesar's two lines, they fled with such precipitation, that the succours Marcellinus sent them from a neighbouring post could not stop them. The ensign who carried the eagle at the head of the routed legion was mortally wounded; but nevertheless, before he died, had presence of mind enough to consign the eagle to the cavalry of the party, desiring them to deliver it to Caesar. Pompey's men pursued the fugitives, and made such a slaughter of them, that all the centurions of the first cohort were cut off except one. And now Pompey's army broke in like a torrent upon the posts Caesar had fortified, and were advancing to attack Marcellinus, who guarded a neighbouring fort; but Marc Antony coming very seasonably to his relief with 12 cohorts, they thought it best to retire.

Soon after Caesar himself arrived with a strong reinforcement, and posted himself on the shore, in order to prevent such attempts for the future. From this post he observed an old camp which he had made within the place where Pompey was inclosed, but afterwards abandoned. Upon his quitting it, Pompey had taken possession of it, and left a legion to guard it. This post Caesar resolved to reduce, hoping to repair the loss he had sustained on this unfortunate day, by taking the legion which Pompey had posted there. Accordingly, he advanced secretly at the head of 33 cohorts in two lines; and arriving at the old camp before Pompey could have notice of his march, attacked it with great vigour, forced the first intrenchment, notwithstanding the brave resistance of Titus Pulceio, and penetrated to the second, whither the legion had retired. But here his fortune changed on a sudden. His right wing, in looking for an entrance into the camp, marched along the outside of a trench which Caesar had formerly carried on from the left angle of his camp, about 400 paces, to a neighbouring river. This trench they mistook for the rampart of the camp; and being led away by that mistake from their left wing, they were soon after prevented from rejoining it by the arrival of Pompey, who came up at the head of a legion and a large body of horse. Then the legion which Caesar had attacked taking courage, made a brisk sally, drove his men back to the first intrenchment which they had seized, and there put them in great disorder while they were attempting to pass the ditch. Pompey, in the mean time, falling upon them with his cavalry in flank, completed their defeat; and then flying to the enemy's right wing, which had passed the trench mentioned above, and was shut up between that and the ramparts of the old camp, made a most dreadful slaughter of them. The trench was filled with dead bodies, many falling into it in that disorder, and others passing over them and pressing them to death.

In this distress, Caesar did all he could to stop the flight of his legionaries, but to no purpose; the standard-bearers themselves threw down the Roman eagles when Caesar endeavoured to stop them, and left them in the hands of the enemy, who on this occasion took 32 standards; a disgrace which Caesar had never suffered before. He was himself in no small danger of falling by the hand of one of his own men, whom he took hold of when flying, bidding him stand and face about; but the man, apprehensive of the danger he was in, drew his sword, and would have killed him, had not one of his guards prevented the blow by cutting off his arm. Caesar lost on this occasion 900 of his foot, 400 of his horse, 5 tribunes, and 32 centurions.

This loss and disgrace greatly mortified Caesar, but did not discourage him. After he had by his lenity and eloquent speeches recovered the spirit of his troops, he decamped, and retired in good order to Apollonia, where he paid the army, and left his sick and wounded. From thence he marched into Macedon, where Scipio Metellus, Pompey's father-in-law, was encamped. He hoped either to draw his rival into some plain, or to overpower Scipio if not assisted. He met with great difficulties on his march, the countries through which he he passed refusing to supply his army with provisions; to such a degree was his reputation sunk since his last defeat! On his entering Thessaly he was met by Domitius, one of his lieutenants, whom he had sent with three legions to reduce Epirus. Having now got all his force together, he marched directly to Gomphi, the first town of Thessaly, which had been formerly in his interest, but now declared against him. Whereupon he attacked it with so much vigour, that though the garrison was very numerous, and the walls were of an uncommon height, he made himself master of it in a few hours. From hence he marched to Metropolis, another considerable town of Thessaly, which immediately surrendered; as did all the other cities of the country, except Larissa, of which Scipio had made himself master.

On the other hand, Pompey being continually importuned by the senators and officers of his army, left his camp at Dyrrhachium, and followed Caesar, firmly resolved not to give him battle, but rather to distress him by keeping close at his heels, straitening his quarters, and cutting off his convoys. As he had frequent opportunities of coming to an engagement, but always declined it, his friends and subalterns began to put ill constructions on his dilatoriness to his face.

These, together with the complaints of his soldiers, made him at length resolve to venture a general action. With this design he marched into a large plain near the cities of Pharsalia and Thebes; which latter was also called Philippa, from Philip king of Macedon, and the father of Perseus, who, having reduced the Thebans, placed a colony of Macedonians in their city. This plain was watered by the Enipeus, and surrounded on all sides by high mountains; and Pompey, who was still averse from venturing an engagement, pitched his camp on the declivity of a steep mountain, in a place altogether inaccessible. There he was joined by Scipio his father-in-law, at the head of the legions which he had brought with him from Syria and Cilicia. But notwithstanding this reinforcement, he continued irresolute, and unwilling to put all to the issue of a single action; being still convinced of the wisdom of his maxim, that it was better to destroy the enemy by fatigues and want, than to engage an army of brave veterans, who were in a manner reduced to despair. As he put off from day to day, under various pretences, descending into the plain where Caesar was encamped, his officers forced him to call a council of war, when all to a man were for venturing a general action the very next day. Thus was Pompey obliged to sacrifice his own judgment to the blind ardour of the multitude; and the necessary measures were taken for a general engagement.

The event of this battle was in the highest degree fortunate for Caesar*; who resolved to pursue his advantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country he should retire. Hearing, therefore, of his being at Amphipolis, he sent off his troops before him, and then embarked on board a little frigate in order to cross the Hellespont; but in the middle of the strait, he fell in with one of Pompey's commanders, at the head of ten ships of war. Caesar, no way terrified at the superiority of his force, bore up to him, and commanded him to submit. The other instantly obeyed, awed by the terror of Caesar's name, and surrendered himself and his fleet at discretion.

From thence he continued his voyage to Ephesus, then to Rhodes; and being informed that Pompey had been there before him, he made no doubt but that he was fled to Egypt; wherefore, losing no time, he set sail for that kingdom, and arrived at Alexandria with about 4000 men; a very inconsiderable force to keep such a powerful kingdom under subjection. But he was now grown so secure in his good fortune, that he expected to find obedience everywhere. Upon his landing, the first accounts he received were of Pompey's miserable end, who had been assassinated by orders of the treacherous king as soon as he went on shore; and soon after one of the murderers came with his head and ring as a most grateful present to the conqueror. But Caesar turned away from it with horror, and shortly after ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to his memory on the spot where he was murdered; and a temple near the place, to Nemesis, who was the goddess that punished those that were cruel to men in adversity.

It should seem that the Egyptians by this time had some hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Romans; which they considered, as in fact it was, but a spurious subjection. They first began to take offence at Caesar's carrying the ensigns of Roman power before him as he entered the city. Photinus, the eunuch, also treated him with disrespect, and even attempted his life. Caesar, however, concealed his resentment till he had a force sufficient to punish his treachery; and sending privately for the legions which had been formerly enrolled for Pompey's service, as being the nearest to Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to repose an entire confidence in the king's minister. However, he soon changed his manner when he found himself in no danger from his attempts: and declared, that, as being a Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the succession to the Egyptian crown.

There were at that time two pretenders to the crown of Egypt: Ptolemy, the acknowledged king; and the celebrated Cleopatra his sister; who, by the custom of the country, was also his wife, and, by their father's will, shared jointly in the succession. However, not being contented with a bare participation of power, she aimed at governing alone; but being opposed in her views by the Roman senate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, she was banished into Syria with Arsinoe her younger sister.

Caesar, however, gave her new hopes of obtaining the kingdom, and sent both for her and her brother to plead their cause before him. Photinus, the young king's guardian, who had long borne the most inveterate hatred as well to Caesar as to Cleopatra, disdained this proposal, and backed his refusal by sending an army of 20,000 men to besiege him in Alexandria. Caesar bravely repulsed the enemy for some time; but finding the city of too great extent to be defended by so small an army as he then had with him, he retired to the palace, which commanded the harbour, where he purposed to make a stand. Achillas, who commanded the Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour, and still aimed at making himself master of the fleet that lay before the palace. Caesar, however, too well knew the importance importance of those ships in the hands of an enemy; and therefore burnt them all in spite of every effort to prevent it. He next possessed himself of the isle of Pharos, which was the key to the Alexandrian port, by which he was enabled to receive the supplies sent him from all sides; and in this situation he determined to withstand the united force of all the Egyptians.

In the mean time, Cleopatra having heard of the present turn in her favour, resolved to depend rather on Caesar's favour for gaining the government than her own forces. She had, in fact, assembled an army in Syria to support her claims; but now judged it the wisest way to rely entirely on the decision of her self-elected judge. But no arts, as she justly conceived, were so likely to influence Caesar, as the charms of her person. The difficulty was how to get at Caesar, as her enemies were in possession of all the avenues that led to the palace. For this purpose, she went on board a small vessel, and in the evening landed near the palace; where, being wrapped up in a coverlet, she was carried by one Aspoldorius into the very chamber of Caesar. Her address at first pleased him; but her caresses, which were carried beyond the bounds of innocence, entirely brought him over to second her claims.

While Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding her own views, her sister Arsinoe was also strenuously engaged in the camp in pursuing a separate interest. She had found means, by the assistance of one Ganymede her confidant, to make a large division in the Egyptian army in her favour; and soon after caused Achillas to be murdered, and Ganymede to take the command in his stead, and to carry on the siege with greater vigour than before. Ganymede's principal effort was by letting in the sea upon those canals which supplied the palace with fresh water; but this inconvenience Caesar remedied by digging a great number of wells. His next endeavour was to prevent the junction of Caesar's 24th legion, which he twice attempted in vain. He soon after made himself master of a bridge which joined the isle of Pharos to the continent, from which post Caesar was resolved to dialogue them. In the heat of action, some mariners came and joined the combatants; but being seized with a panic, instantly fled, and spread a general terror through the army. All Caesar's endeavours to rally his forces were in vain, the confusion was past remedy, and numbers were drowned or put to the sword in attempting to escape; on which, seeing the irremediable disorder of his troops, he retired to a ship in order to get to the palace that was just opposite. However, he was no sooner on board than great crowds entered at the same time with him; upon which, apprehensive of the ship's sinking, he jumped into the sea, and swam 200 paces to the fleet that lay before the palace.

The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the palace ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get their king out of Caesar's power, as he had seized upon his person in the beginning of their disputes. For this purpose they made use of their customary arts of dissimulation, professing the utmost desire of peace, and only wanting the presence of their lawful prince to give sanction to the treaty. Caesar, who was sensible of their perfidy, nevertheless concealed his suspicions, and gave them their king, as he was under no apprehensions from the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, however, the instant he was set at liberty, instead of promoting peace, made every effort to give vigour to hostilities.

In this manner Caesar was hemmed in for some time; but he was at last relieved from this mortifying situation by Mithridates Pergamenus, one of his most faithful partizans; who, collecting a numerous army in Syria, marched into Egypt, took the city of Pelusium, repulsed the Egyptian army with loss, and at last, joining with Caesar, attacked their camp, and made a great slaughter of the Egyptians. Ptolemy himself, attempting to escape on board a vessel that was sailing down the river, was drowned by the ship's sinking; and Caesar thus became master of all Egypt without any further opposition. He therefore appointed, that Cleopatra, with her younger brother, who was then but an infant, should jointly govern, according to the intent of their father's will; and drove out Arsinoe with Ganymede into banishment.

Caesar now for a while seemed to relax from the usual activity of his conduct, captivated with the charms of Cleopatra. Instead of quitting Egypt to go and quell the remains of Pompey's party, he abandoned himself to his pleasures, passing whole nights in feasts with the young queen. He even resolved to attend her up the Nile into Ethiopia; but the brave veterans, who had long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended his conduct, and refused to be partners in so infamous an expedition. Thus, at length, roused from his lethargy, he left Cleopatra, by whom he had a son who was afterwards named Caesario, in order to oppose Pharnaces the king of Pontus, who had now made some inroads upon the dominions of Rome. Here he was attended with the greatest success, as we have related under the article Pontus; and having settled affairs in this part of the empire, as well as time would permit, he embarked for Italy, where he arrived sooner than his enemies could Italy, and expect, but not before his affairs there absolutely required his presence. He had been, during his absence, created consul for five years, dictator for one year, and tribune of the people for life. But Antony, who in the meantime governed in Rome for him, had filled the city with riot and debauchery, and many commotions ensued, which nothing but the arrival of Caesar could appease. However, by his moderation and humanity, he soon restored tranquillity to the city, scarce making any distinction between those of his own and the opposite party. Thus having, by gentle means, restored his authority at home, he prepared to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time to rally under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba king of Mauritania. But the vigour of his proceedings had like to have been retarded by a mutiny in his own army. Those veteran legions, who had hitherto conquered all that came before them, began to murmur for not having received the rewards which they had expected for their past services, and now insisted upon their discharge. However, Caesar found means to quell the mutiny; and then, according to his usual diligence, landed with a small party in Africa, the rest of the army following soon after. After many movements and skirmishes, he resolved at last to come to a decisive battle. For this purpose he invested the city of Thapsus, supposing that Scipio would attempt its relief, which turned out according to his expectations. Scipio, joining with the young king of Mauritania, advanced with his army, and encamping near near Caesar, they soon came to a general battle. Caesar's success was as usual; the enemy received a complete and final overthrow, with little loss on his side. Juba, and Petreius his general, killed each other in despair; Scipio, attempting to escape by sea into Spain, fell in among the enemy, and was slain; so that of all the generals of that undone party, Cato was now alone remaining.

This extraordinary man, having retired into Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, had led the wretched remains of that defeat through burning deserts and tracts infested with serpents of various malignity, and was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left to defend. Still, however, in love with even the show of Roman government, he had formed the principal citizens into a senate, and conceived a resolution of holding out the town. He accordingly assembled his senators upon this occasion, and exhorted them to stand a siege; but finding his admonitions ineffectual, he stabbed himself with his sword*. Upon his death, the war in Africa being completed, Caesar returned in triumph to Rome; and, as if he had abridged all his former triumphs only to increase the splendour of this, the citizens were astonished at the magnificence of the procession, and the number of the countries he had subdued. It lasted four days: the first was for Gaul, the second for Egypt, the third for his victories in Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. To every one of his soldiers he gave a sum equivalent to about 150l. of our money, double that sum to the centurions, and four times as much to the superior officers. The citizens also shared his bounty; to every one of whom he distributed 10 bushels of corn, 10 pounds of oil, and a sum of money equal to about two pounds sterling of ours. He, after this, entertained the people at about 20,000 tables, treated them with the combat of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse of spectators from every part of Italy.

The people now seemed eager only to find out new modes of homage and unusual methods of adulation for their great enslaver. He was created, by a new title, Magister Morum, or Master of the Morals of the People; he received the title of Emperor, Father of his country; his person was declared sacred; and, in short, upon him alone were devolved for life all the great dignities of the state. It must be owned, however, that no sovereign could make better use of his power. He immediately began his empire by repressing vice and encouraging virtue. He communicated the power of judicature to the senators and the knights alone, and by many sumptuary laws restrained the scandalous luxuries of the rich. He proposed rewards to all such as had many children; and took the most prudent methods of repeopling the city, that had been exhausted in the late commotions; and besides his other works, he greatly reformed the calendar.

Having thus restored prosperity once more to Rome, he again found himself under a necessity of going into Spain, to oppose an army which had been raised there under the two sons of Pompey, and Labienus his former general. He proceeded in this expedition with his usual celerity, and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought him yet departed from Rome. Cnecus and Sextus, Pompey's sons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, received as much as possible to protract the war; so that the first operations of the two armies were spent in sieges and fruitless attempts to surprise each other. At length Caesar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursuing young Pompey with unwearied perseverance, compelled him to come to a battle upon the plains of Munda.

After a most obstinate engagement, Caesar gained a complete victory (see Munda); and having now subdued all his enemies, he returned to Rome for the last time to receive new dignities and honours, and to enjoy an accumulation of all the great offices of the state. Still, however, he pretended to a moderation in the enjoyment of his power; he left the consuls to be named by the people; but as he possessed all the authority of the office, it from this time began to sink into contempt. He enlarged the number of senators also; but as he had previously destroyed their power, their new honours were but empty titles. He took care to pardon all who had been in arms against him, but not till he had deprived them of the power of resistance. He even set up once more the statues of Pompey; which, however, as Cicero observed, he only did to secure his own. The rest of this extraordinary man's life was employed for the advantage of the state. He adorned the city with magnificent buildings; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending colonies to both cities; he undertook to level several mountains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marshes near Rome, and designed to cut through the Isthmus of Peloponnesus. Thus he formed mighty projects and designs beyond the limits of the longest life; but the greatest of all was his intended expedition against the Parthians, by which he designed to revenge the death of Crassus; then to pass through Hyrcania, and enter Scythia along the banks of the Caspian sea; from thence to open himself a way through the immeasurable forests of Germany into Gaul, and so return to Rome. These were the aims of ambition; but the jealousy of a few individuals put an end to them all.

The senate, with an adulation which marked the degeneracy of the times, continued to load Caesar with fresh honours, and he continued with equanimity to receive them. They called one of the months of the year after his name; they stamped money with his image; they ordered his statue to be set up in all the cities of the empire; they instituted public sacrifices on his birthday; and talked, even his lifetime, of enrolling him in the number of their gods. Antony, at one of these public festivals, foolishly ventured to offer him a diadem; but he put it back again, refusing it several times, and receiving at every refusal loud acclamations from the people. One day, when the senate ordered him some particular honours, he neglected to rise from his seat; and from that moment is said to have been marked for destruction. It began to be rumoured that he intended to make himself king; for though in fact he already was so, the people, who had an utter aversion to the name, could not bear his assuming the title. Whether he really designed to assume that empty honour must now for ever remain a secret; but certain it is, that the unsuspecting openness of his conduct marked something like a confidence in the innocence of his intentions. When informed by those about him of the jealousies of many persons who envied his power, he was heard to say, That he had rather die once by treason, than to live continually in the apprehension of it; and to convince vince the world how little he had to apprehend from his enemies, he disbanded his company of Spanish guards, which facilitated the enterprise against his life.

A deep-laid conspiracy was formed against him, composed of no less than 60 senators. At the head of this conspiracy was Brutus, whose life Caesar had spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who had been pardoned soon after, both praetors for the present year. Brutus made it his chief glory to have been descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to Rome; and from a desire of following his example, broke all the ties of private friendship, and entered into a conspiracy which was to destroy his benefactor. Cassius, on the other hand, was impetuous and proud, and hated Caesar's person still more than his cause. He had often sought an opportunity of gratifying his revenge by assassination, which took rise rather from private than public motives.

The conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their proceedings, remitted the execution of this design to the ides of March, the day on which it was reported that Caesar was to be offered the crown. The augurs had foretold that this day would be fatal to him; and the night preceding, he heard his wife Calphurnia lamenting in her sleep, and being awakened, she confessed to him that she dreamed of his being assassinated in her arms. These omens, in some measure, began to change his intentions of going to the senate, as he had resolved, that day; but one of the conspirators coming in, prevailed upon him to keep his resolution, telling him of the reproach which would attend his staying at home till his wife had lucky dreams, and of the preparations that were made for his appearance. As he went along to the senate, a slave, who hastened to him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to come near him, but could not for the crowd. Artemidorus, a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, delivered to him a memorial, containing the heads of his information; but Caesar gave it, with other papers, to one of his secretaries without reading, as was usual in things of this nature. As soon as he had taken his place in the senate, the conspirators came near him, under a pretence of saluting him; and Cimber, who was one of them, approached in a suppliant posture, pretending to sue for his brother's pardon, who was banished by his order. All the conspirators seconded him with great tenderness; and Cimber, seeming to sue with still greater submission, took hold of the bottom of his robe, holding him so as to prevent his rising. This was the signal agreed on. Casca, who was behind, stabbed him, though slightly, in the shoulder. Caesar instantly turned round, and with the style of his tablet wounded him in the arm. However, all the conspirators were now alarmed; and inclosing him round, he received a second stab from an unknown hand in the breast, while Cassius wounded him in the face. He still defended himself with great vigour, rushing among them, and throwing down such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus among the conspirators, who, coming up, struck his dagger in his thigh. From that moment Caesar thought no more of defending himself, but looking upon this conspirator, cried out, "And you too, Brutus!" Then covering his head, and spreading his robe before him in order to fall with greater decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's statue, after receiving three-and-twenty wounds, in the 56th year of his age, and 4th of his reign.

As soon as the conspirators had dispatched Caesar, they began to address themselves to the senate, in order to vindicate the motives of their enterprise, and to excite them to join in procuring their country's freedom; but all the senators who were not accomplices fled with such precipitation, that the lives of some of them were endangered in the throng. The people also being now alarmed, left their usual occupations, and ran tumultuously through the city; some actuated by their fears, and still more by a desire of plunder. In this state of confusion, the conspirators all retired to the capitol, and guarded its accesses by a body of gladiators which Brutus had in pay. It was in vain they alleged they only struck for freedom, and that they killed a tyrant who usurped the rights of mankind; the people, accustomed to luxury and ease, little regarded their professions, dreading more the dangers of poverty than of subjection.

The friends of the late dictator now began to find that this was the time for coming into greater power than before, and for satisfying their ambition under the veil of promoting justice. Of this number was Antony, whom we have already seen acting as a lieutenant under Caesar. He was a man of moderate abilities and excessive vices; ambitious of power, but skilled in war, to which he had been trained from his youth. He was consul for this year; and resolved, with Lepidus, who was fond of commotions like himself, to seize this opportunity of assuming the sovereign power. Lepidus, therefore, took possession of the forum with a band of soldiers at his devotion; and Antony, being consul, was permitted to command them. Their first step was to possess themselves of all Caesar's papers and money; and the next to convene the senate, in order to determine whether Caesar had been a legal magistrate or a tyrannical usurper, and whether those who killed him merited rewards or punishments. There were many of these who had received their promotions from Caesar, and had acquired large fortunes in consequence of his appointments; to vote him an usurper, therefore, would be to endanger their property; and yet to vote him innocent, by the might endanger the state. In this dilemma they seemed willing to reconcile extremes; wherefore they approved all the acts of Caesar, and yet granted a general pardon to all the conspirators.

This decree was very far from giving Antony satisfaction, as it granted security to a number of men who were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would be foremost in opposing his schemes of restoring absolute power. As therefore the senate had ratified all Caesar's acts without distinction, he formed a scheme upon this of making him rule when dead as imperiously as he had done when living. Being, as was said, possessed of Caesar's books of accounts, he so far gained upon his secretary as to make him insert whatever he thought proper. By these means, great sums of money, which Caesar never would have bestowed, were here distributed among the people; and every man who was averse to republican principles was here sure of finding a gratuity. He then demanded that Caesar's funeral obsequies should be performed; which the senate now could not decently forbid, as they had never declared him a tyrant. Accordingly, the body was brought forth forth into the forum with the utmost solemnity; and Antony began his operations upon the passions of the people, by the prevailing motives of private interest. He first read Caesar's will, in which he had left Octavius, his sister's grandson, his heir, permitting him to take the name of Caesar; and three parts of his private fortune Brutus was to inherit in case of his death. The Roman people were left the gardens which he had on the other side the Tiber; and every citizen, in particular, was to receive 300 sesterces. This last bequest not a little contributed to increase the people's affection for their late dictator; they now began to consider Caesar as a father, who, not satisfied with doing them the greatest good while living, thought of benefiting them even after his death. As Antony continued reading, the multitude began to be moved, and sighs and lamentations were heard from every quarter. Antony, seeing the audience favourable to his designs, now began to address the assembly in a more pathetic strain: he presented before them Caesar's bloody robe, and, as he unfolded it, took care they should observe the number of stabs in it: he then displayed an image, which to them appeared the body of Caesar, all covered with wounds. The people could now no longer contain their indignation; they unanimously cried out for revenge; all the old soldiers who had fought under him, burnt, with his body, their coronets, and other marks of conquest with which he had honoured them. A great number of the first matrons in the city threw in their ornaments also; till at length, rage succeeding to sorrow, the multitude ran with flaming brands from the pile to set fire to the conspirators' houses. In this rage of resentment, meeting with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of the same name who was in the conspiracy, they tore him in pieces. The conspirators themselves, however, being well guarded, repulsed the multitude with no great trouble; but perceiving the rage of the people, they thought it safest to retire from the city. Divine honours were then granted him; and an altar was erected on the place where his body was burnt, where afterwards was erected a column inscribed, To the father of his country.

In the meantime Antony, who had excited this flame, resolved to make the best of the occasion. Having gained the people by his zeal in Caesar's cause, he next endeavoured to bring over the senate, by a seeming concern for the freedom of the state. He therefore proposed to recall Sextus, Pompey's only remaining son, who had concealed himself in Spain since the death of his father; and to grant him the command of all the fleets of the empire. His next step to their confidence, was the quelling a sedition of the people, who rose to revenge the death of Caesar, and putting their leader Amathus to death, who pretended to be the son of Marius. He after this pretended to dread the resentment of the multitude, and demanded a guard for the security of his person. The senate granted his request; and, under this pretext, he drew round him a body of 6000 resolute men, attached to his interest, and ready to execute his commands. Thus he continued every day making rapid strides to absolute power; all the authority of government was lodged in his hands and those of his two brothers alone, who shared among them the consular, tribunitian, and praetorian powers. His vows to revenge Caesar's death seemed either postponed, or totally forgotten; and his only aim seemed to be to confirm himself in that power which he had thus artfully acquired. But an obstacle to his ambition seemed to arise from a quarter on which he least expected it. This was from Octavius or Octavianus Caesar, afterwards called Augustus, who was by Octavius the grand-nephew and adopted son of Caesar, and was at Antium when his kinsman was slain. He was then about 18 years old, and had been sent to that city to improve himself in the study of Grecian literature. Upon the news of Caesar's death, notwithstanding the earnest dissuasions of all his friends, he resolved to return to Rome, to claim the inheritance, and revenge the death of his uncle. From the former professions of Antony, he expected to find him a warm assistant to his aims; and he doubted not, by his concurrence, to take signal vengeance on all who had a hand in the conspiracy. However, he was greatly disappointed. Antony, whose projects were all to aggrandize himself, gave him but a very cold reception, and, instead of granting him the fortune left him by the will, delayed the payment of it upon various pretences, hoping to check his ambition by limiting his circumstances. But Octavianus, instead of abating his claims, even sold his own patrimonial estate, to pay such legacies as Caesar had left, and particularly that to the people. By these means he gained a degree of popularity, which his enemies vainly laboured to diminish, and which in fact he had many other methods to procure. His conversation was elegant and insinuating, his face comely and graceful, and his affection to the late dictator so sincere, that every person was charmed either with his piety or his address. But what added still more to his interest was the name of Caesar, which he had assumed, and, in consequence of which, the former followers of his uncle now flocked in great numbers to him. All these he managed with such art, that Antony now began to conceive a violent jealousy for the talents of his young opponent, and secretly laboured to counteract all his designs. In fact, he did not want reason; for the army near Rome, that had long wished to see the conspirators punished, began to turn from him to his rival, whom they saw more sincerely bent on gratifying their desires. Antony having procured also the government of Hither Gaul from the people, two of his legions that he had brought home from his former government of Macedonias, went over to Octavianus, notwithstanding all his remonstrances to detain them. This produced, as usual, interviews, complaints, recriminations, and pretended reconciliations, which only tended to widen the difference; so that, at length, both sides prepared for war. Thus the state was divided into three distinct factions; that of Octavianus, who aimed at procuring Caesar's inheritance, and revenging his death; that of Antony, whose sole view was to obtain absolute power; and that of the conspirators, who endeavoured to restore the senate to its former authority.

Antony being raised by the people to his new government of Cisalpine Gaul, contrary to the inclinations of the senate, resolved to enter upon his province immediately, and oppose Brutus, who commanded a small body of troops there, while his army was yet entire. He accordingly left Rome, and marching thither, commanded Brutus to depart. Brutus, being unable unable to oppose him, retired with his forces; but being pursued by Antony, he was at last besieged in the city of Mutina, of which he sent word to the senate.

In the mean while, Octavianus, who by this time had raised a body of 10,000 men, returned to Rome; and being resolved, before he attempted to take vengeance on the conspirators, if possible to diminish the power of Antony, began by bringing over the senate to second his designs. In this he succeeded by the credit of Cicero, who had long hated Antony because he thought him the enemy of the state. Accordingly, by means of his eloquence, a decree was passed, ordering Antony to raise the siege of Mutina, to evacuate Cisalpine Gaul, and to await the further orders of the senate upon the banks of the Rubicon. Antony treated the order with contempt; and instead of obeying, began to show his displeasure at being hitherto so submissive. Nothing now therefore remained for the senate but to declare him an enemy to the state, and to send Octavianus, with the army he had raised, to curb his insolence. The latter was very ready to offer his army for this expedition, in order to revenge his own private injuries, before he undertook those of the public. The two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, joined all their forces; and thus combined, they marched at the head of a numerous army, against Antony, into Cisalpine Gaul. After one or two ineffectual conflicts, both armies came to a general engagement; in which Antony was defeated, and compelled to fly to Lepidus, who commanded a body of forces in Further Gaul. This victory, however, which promised the senate so much success, produced effects very different from their expectations. The two consuls were mortally wounded; but Pansa, previous to his death, called Octavianus to his bed-side, and advised him to join with Antony, telling him, that the senate only desired to depress both, by opposing them to each other. The advice of the dying consul sunk deep on his spirits; so that from that time he only sought a pretext to break with them. Their giving the command of a party of his army to Decimus Brutus, and their denying him a triumph soon after, served to alienate his mind entirely from the senate, and made him resolve to join Antony and Lepidus. He was willing, however, to try the senate thoroughly, before he came to an open rupture; wherefore he sent to demand the consulship, which was refused him. He then thought himself obliged to keep no measures with that assembly, but privately sent to sound the inclinations of Antony and Lepidus, concerning a junction of forces, and found them as eager to assist as the senate was to oppose him. Antony was, in fact, the general of both armies, and Lepidus was only nominally so, for his soldiers refused to obey him upon the approach of the former. But being assured of the assistance of Octavianus upon their arrival in Italy, they soon crossed the Alps with an army of 17 legions, breathing revenge against all who had opposed their designs.

The senate now began, too late, to perceive their error in disobliging Octavianus; and therefore gave him the consulship which they had so lately refused, and, to prevent his joining with Antony, flattered him with new honours, giving him a power superior to all law. The first use Octavianus made of his new authority was to procure a law for the condemnation of Brutus and Cassius; after which, he joined his forces with those of Antony and Lepidus.

The meeting of these three usurpers of their country's freedom was near Mutina, upon a little island of the river Panarus. Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their meeting in this place. Lepidus first entered, and, finding all things safe, made the signal for the other two to approach. Octavianus began the conference, by thanking Antony for his zeal in putting Decimus Brutus to death; who, being abandoned by his army, was taken as he was designing to escape into Macedonia, and beheaded by Antony's command. Their conference lasted for three days; and the result of it was, that the supreme authority should be lodged in their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for the space of five years; that Antony should have Gaul; Lepidus, Spain; and Octavianus, Africa, and the Mediterranean islands. As for Italy, and the eastern provinces, they were to remain in common, until their general enemy was entirely subdued. But the last article of their union was a dreadful one. It was agreed that all their enemies should be destroyed; of which each presented a list. In these were comprised not only the enemies, but the friends of the triumvirate, since the partisans of the one were often found among the opposers of the others. Thus Lepidus gave up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his colleague; Antony permitted the proscription of his uncle Lucius; and Octavianus delivered up the great Cicero. The most sacred rights of nature were violated; 200 senators, and above 2000 knights, were included in this terrible proscription; their fortunes were confiscated, and their murderers enriched with the spoil. Rome soon felt the effects of this infernal union, and the horrid cruelties of Marius and Sylla were renewed. As many as could escape the cruelty of the triumvirs, fled thither into Macedonia to Brutus, or found refuge with young Pompey, who was now in Sicily, and covered the Mediterranean, with his numerous navy. Their cruelties were not aimed at the men alone; but the softer sex were in danger of being marked as objects either of avarice or resentment. They made out a list of 1400 women of the best quality, and the richest in the city, who were ordered to give an account of their fortunes, to be taxed in proportion. But this seemed so unpopular a measure, and was so firmly opposed by Hortensia, who spoke against it, that, instead of 1400 women, they were content to tax only 400. However, they made up the deficiency, by extending the tax upon men; near 100,000, as well citizens as strangers, were compelled to furnish supplies to the subversion of their country's freedom. At last, both the avarice and vengeance of the triumvirs seemed fully satisfied, and they went into the senate to declare that the proscription was at an end; and thus having deluged the city with blood, Octavianus and Antony, leaving Lepidus to defend Rome in their absence, marched with their army to oppose the conspirators, who were now at the head of a formidable army in Asia.

Brutus and Cassius, the principal of these, upon the death of Caesar, being compelled to quit Rome, went opposed by Greece, where they persuaded the Roman senators at Athens to declare in the cause of freedom; then... parting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia and the adjacent countries, while the latter went into Syria, where he soon became master of 12 legions, and reduced his opponent Dolabella to such straits as to kill himself. Both armies soon after joining at Smyrna, the sight of such a formidable force began to revive the declining spirits of the party, and to re-unite the two generals still more closely, between whom there had been some time before a slight misunderstanding. In short, having quitted Italy like distressed exiles, without having one single soldier or one town that owned their command, they now found themselves at the head of a flourishing army, furnished with all the necessaries for carrying on the war, and in a condition to support a contest where the empire of the world depended on the event. This success in raising levies was entirely owing to the justice, moderation, and great humanity of Brutus, who in every instance seemed studious of the happiness of his country.

It was in this flourishing state of their affairs that the conspirators had formed a resolution of going against Cleopatra, who on her side, had made great preparations to assist their opponents. However, they were diverted from this purpose by an information that Octavianus and Antony were now upon their march, with 40 legions to oppose them. Brutus now, therefore, moved to have their army pass over into Greece and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy; but Cassius so far prevailed as to have the Rhodians and Lycians first reduced, who had refused their usual contribution. This expedition was immediately put in execution, and extraordinary contributions were raised by that means, the Rhodians having scarce anything left but their lives. The Lycians suffered still more severely; for having shut themselves up in the city of Xanthus, they defended the place against Brutus with such fury, that neither his art nor treachery could prevail upon them to surrender. At length, the town being set on fire by their attempting to burn the works of the Romans, Brutus, instead of laying hold on this opportunity to storm the place, made every effort to preserve it, intreating his soldiers to try all means of extinguishing the fire; but the desperate frenzy of the citizens was not to be mollified. Far from thinking themselves obliged to their generous enemy for the efforts which were made to save them, they resolved to perish in the flames. Therefore, instead of extinguishing, they did all in their power to augment the fire, by throwing in wood, dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. Nothing could exceed the distress of Brutus upon seeing the townsmen thus resolutely bent on destroying themselves; he rode about the fortifications, stretching out his hands to the Xanthians, and conjuring them to have pity on themselves and their city; but, insensible to his expostulations, they rushed into the flames with desperate obstinacy, and the whole soon became an heap of undistinguishable ruin. At this horrid spectacle, Brutus offered a reward to every soldier who would bring him a Lycian alive. The number of those whom it was possible to save from their own fury amounted to no more than 150.

Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis, where, after the usual ceremonies were passed between them, they resolved to have a private conference together, when, after much altercation, they were at last perfectly reconciled. After which, night coming on, Cassius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertainment. Upon retiring home it was, that Brutus, as Plutarch tells the story, saw a spectre in his tent. It was in the dead of the night, when the whole camp was perfectly quiet, that Brutus was employed in reading by a lamp that was just expiring. On a sudden he thought he heard a noise as if somebody entered: and looking towards the door, he perceived it open. A gigantic figure, with a frightful aspect, stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with silent severity. At last Brutus had courage to speak to it: "Art thou a demon or a mortal man? and why comest thou to me?" "Brutus," replied the phantom, "I am thy evil genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi." "Well then," answered Brutus, without being discomposed, "we shall meet again." Upon which the phantom vanished; and Brutus calling to his servants, asked if they had seen any thing: to which, replying in the negative, he again resumed his studies. But as he was struck with so strange an occurrence, he mentioned it the next day to Cassius, who, being an Epicurean, ascribed it to the effect of imagination too much exercised by vigilance and anxiety. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solution of his late terrors; and, as Antony and Octavianus were now advanced into Macedonia, they soon after passed over into Thrace, and advanced to the city of Philippi, near which the forces of the triumvirs were posted.

A battle soon ensued; which the republicans were defeated, and Cassius killed, as is related in the article PHILIPPI.

The first care of Brutus, when he became the sole general, was to assemble the dispersed troops of Cassius, and animate them with fresh hopes of victory. As defeated, they had lost all they possessed by the plundering of their camp, he promised them 2000 denarii each man to make up their losses. This once more inspired them with new ardour; they admired the liberality of their general, and with loud shouts proclaimed his former intrepidity. Still, however, he had not confidence sufficient to face the adversary, who offered him battle the ensuing day. His aim was to starve his enemies, who were in extreme want of provisions, their fleet having been lately defeated. But his single opinion was overruled by the rest of his army, who now grew every day more confident of their strength, and more arrogant to their new general. He was, therefore, at last, after a respite of 20 days, obliged to comply with their solicitations to try the fate of the battle. Both armies being drawn out, they remained a long while opposite to each other without offering to engage. It is said that he himself had lost much of his natural ardour by having again seen the spectre the night preceding; however, he encouraged his men as much as possible, and gave the signal for battle within three hours of sunset. Fortune again declared against him; and the two triumvirs expressly ordered by no means to suffer the general to escape, for fear he should renew the second war. Thus the whole body of the enemy seemed chiefly intent on Brutus alone, and his capture seemed inevitable. In this deplorable exigence, Lucilius his friend resolved, by his own death, to effect the general's delivery. Upon perceiving a body of Thracian horse closely closely pursuing Brutus, and just upon the point of taking him, he boldly threw himself in their way, telling them that he was Brutus. The Thracians, overjoyed with so great a prize, immediately dispatched some of their companions, with the news of their success, to the army. Upon which the ardour of the pursuit now abating, Antony marched out to meet his prisoner; some silently deploring the fate of so virtuous a man; others reproaching that mean desire of life for which he consented to undergo captivity. Antony now seeing the Thracians approach, began to prepare himself for the interview; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful air, owned the deceit that he had put upon him: on which the triumvir, struck with so much fidelity, pardoned him upon the spot; and from that time forward loaded him with benefits, and honoured him with his friendship.

In the mean time Brutus, with a small number of friends, passed over a rivulet, and, night coming on, sat down under a rock which concealed him from the pursuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a little time, he sent out one Statilius to give him some information of those that remained; but he never returned, being killed by a party of the enemy's horse. Brutus judging very rightly of his fate, now resolved to die likewise, and spoke to those who stood round him to lend him their last sad assistance. None of them, however, would render him so melancholy a piece of service. At last one Strato, averting his head, presented the sword's point to Brutus; who threw himself upon it, and immediately expired.

From the moment of Brutus's death the triumviri began to act as sovereigns, and to divide the Roman dominions between them, as theirs by right of conquest. However, though there were apparently three who thus participated all the power, yet, in fact, only two were actually possessed of it; since Lepidus was at first admitted merely to curb the mutual jealousy of Antony and Octavianus, and was possessed neither of interest in the army nor authority among the people. Their first care was to punish those whom they had formerly marked for vengeance. The head of Brutus was sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Caesar's statue. His ashes, however, were sent to his wife Portia, Cato's daughter, who afterwards killed herself by swallowing burning coals. It is observed, that of all those who had a hand in the death of Caesar, not one died a natural death.

The power of the triumvir being thus established upon the ruins of the commonwealth, Antony went into Greece, and spent some time at Athens, conversing among the philosophers, and assisting at their disputes in person. From thence he passed over into Asia, where all the monarchs of the east, who acknowledged the Roman power, came to pay him their obedience. In this manner he proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, attended by a crowd of sovereigns, exacting contributions, distributing favours, and giving away crowns with capricious insolence. He presented the kingdom of Cappadocia to Syenes, in prejudice of Ariarathes, only because he found pleasure in the beauty of Glaphyra, the mother of the former. He settled Herod in the kingdom of Judea, and supported him against every opposer. But among all the sovereigns of the east who shared his favours, none had so large a part as Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of Egypt.

It happened that Scarpion, her governor in the island of Cyprus, had formerly furnished some succours to the conspirators; and it was thought proper that she should answer for his conduct on that occasion. Accordingly, having received orders from Antony to come and clear herself of this imputation of infidelity, she readily complied, equally conscious of the goodness of her cause and the power of her beauty. She had already experienced the force of her charms upon Caesar and Pompey's eldest son; and the addition of a few years since that time had not impaired their lustre. Antony was now in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, when Cleopatra resolved to attend his court in person. She sailed down the river Cydnus, at the mouth of which the city stood, with the most sumptuous pageantry. Her galley was covered with gold; the sails were of purple, large, and floating in the wind. The ears of silver kept time to the sound of flutes and cymbals. She herself lay reclined on a couch spangled with stars of gold, and with such ornaments as poets and painters had usually ascribed to Venus. On each side were boys like cupids, who fanned her by turns; while the most beautiful nymphs, dressed like Nereids and Graces, were placed at proper distances around her. Upon the banks of the river were kept burning the most exquisite perfumes, while an infinite number of people gazed upon the sight. Antony was captivated with her beauty; and, leaving all his business to satisfy his passion, shortly after followed her into Egypt.

While he thus remained idle, Octavianus, who took upon him to lead back the veteran troops and settle them in Italy, was assiduously employed in providing for their subsistence. He had promised them lands at home, as a recompense for their past services; but they could not receive new grants, without turning out the former inhabitants. In consequence of this, multitudes of women, with children in their arms, whose tender years and innocence excited universal compassion, daily filled the temples and the streets with their distresses. Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came to depreciate the conqueror's intention, or to obtain an habitation in some other part of the world. Amongst this number was Virgil the poet, who in an humble manner begged permission to retain his patrimonial farm; Virgil obtained his request; but the rest of his countrymen, of Mantua and Cremona, were turned out without mercy.

Italy and Rome now felt the most extreme miseries; the insolent soldiers plundered at will; while Sextus sustained Pompey, being master of the sea, cut off all foreign by the communication, and prevented the people's receiving their usual supplies of corn. To these mischiefs were added the commencement of another civil war. Fulvia, the wife of Antony, who had been left behind him at Rome, had felt for some time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try every method of bringing back her husband from the arms of Cleopatra. She considered a breach with Octavianus as the only probable means of rousing him from his lethargy; and accordingly, with the assistance of Lucius her brother-in-law, who was then consul, and entirely devoted to her interest, she began to sow the seeds of dissension. The pretext was, that Antony should have a share in the distribution of lands as well as Octavianus. This produced some negotiations between them; Octavianus offered to make the veterans themselves umpires in the dispute. Lucius refused to acquiesce; and being at the head of more than six legions, mostly composed of such as had been dispossessed of their lands, he resolved to compel Octavianus to accept of whatever terms he should offer. Thus a new war was excited between Octavianus and Antony; or, at least, the generals of the latter assumed the sanction of his name. Octavianus, however, proved victorious: Lucius was hemmed in between two armies, and constrained to retreat to Perusia, a city of Etruria, where he was closely besieged by the opposite party. He made many desperate sallies, and Fulvia did all in her power to relieve him, but without success. He was at last, therefore, reduced to such extremity by famine, that he came out in person and delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror. Octavianus received him very honourably, and generously pardoned him and all his followers. Thus having concluded the war in a few months, he returned in triumph to Rome.

Antony, who, during this interval, was revelling in all the studied luxuries procured him by his insidious mistress, having heard of his brother's overthrow, and his wife's being compelled to leave Italy, was resolved to oppose Octavianus without delay. He accordingly sailed at the head of a considerable fleet from Alexandria to Tyre, from thence to Cyprus and Rhodes, and had an interview with Fulvia his wife at Athens. He much blamed her for occasioning the late disorders, testified the utmost contempt for her person, and, leaving her upon her death-bed at Sicily, hastened into Italy to fight Octavianus. They both met at Brundusium; and it was now thought that the flames of a civil war were going to blaze out once more. The forces of Antony were numerous, but mostly newly raised; however, he was assisted by Sextus Pompeius, who in these oppositions of interests was daily coming into power. Octavianus was at the head of those veterans who had always been irresistible, but who seemed no way disposed to fight against Antony their former general. A negociation was therefore proposed; and a reconciliation was effected. All offences and affronts were mutually forgiven; and to cement the union, a marriage was concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of Octavianus. A new division of the Roman empire was made between them; Octavianus was to have the command of the west; Antony of the east, while Lepidus was obliged to content himself with the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pompeius, he was permitted to retain all the islands he had already possessed, together with Peloponnesus: he was also granted the privilege of demanding the consulship in his absence, and of discharging that office by any of his friends. It was likewise stipulated to leave the sea open, and pay the people what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a general peace was concluded, to the great satisfaction of the people, who now expected a cessation from all their calamities.

This calm seemed to continue for some time: Antony led his forces against the Parthians, over whom his lieutenant, Ventidius, had gained great advantages. Octavianus drew the greatest part of his army into Gaul, where there were some disturbances; and Pompey went to secure his newly ceded province to his interest. It was on this quarter that fresh motives were given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obliged by treaty to quit Peloponnesus, refused to evacuate it till Pompey had satisfied him for such debts as were due to him from the inhabitants. This Pompey would by no means comply with; but immediately fitted out a new fleet, and renewed his former enterprises, by cutting off such corn and provisions as were consigned to Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again renewed; and the people began to complain, that instead of three tyrants they were now oppressed by four.

In this exigence, Octavianus, who had long meditated the best means of diminishing the number, resolved to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept the state in continual alarms. He was master of two fleets; one of which he had caused to be built at Ravenna; and another which Menodorus, who revolted from Pompey, brought to his aid. His first attempt was to invade Sicily; but being overpowered in his passage by Pompey, and afterwards shattered in a storm, he was obliged to defer his designs to the ensuing year. During this interval he was reinforced by a fleet of 120 ships, given him by Antony, with which he resolved once more to invade Sicily on three several quarters. But fortune seemed still determined to oppose him. He was a second time disabled and shattered by a storm; which so raised the vanity of Pompey, that he began to style himself the son of Neptune. However, Octavianus was not to be intimidated by any disgraces; for having shortly refitted his navy, and recruited his forces, he gave the command of both to Agrippa, his faithful friend and associate in war. Agrippa proved himself worthy of the trust reposed in him: he began his operations by a victory over Pompey; and, though he was shortly after worsted himself, he soon after gave his adversary a complete and final overthrow. Thus undone, Pompey resolved to fly to Antony, from whom he expected refuge, as he had formerly obliged that triumvir by giving protection to his mother. However, he tried once more, at the head of a small body of men, to make himself independent, and even surprised Antony's officers who had been sent to accept of his submissions. Nevertheless, he was at last abandoned by his soldiers, and delivered up to Titus, Antony's lieutenant, who shortly after caused him to be slain.

The death of this general removed one very powerful obstacle to the ambition of Octavianus, and he resolved to take the earliest opportunity to get rid of the rest of his associates. An offence was soon furnished by Lepidus, that served as a sufficient pretext for depriving him of his share in the triumvirate. Being now at the head of 22 legions, with a strong body of cavalry, he idly supposed that his present power was more than an equivalent to the popularity of Octavianus. He therefore resolved upon adding Sicily, where he then was, to his province; pretending a right, as having first invaded it. His colleague sent to expostulate upon these proceedings; but Lepidus fiercely replied, 'that he was determined to have his share in the administration, and would no longer submit to let one alone possess all the authority.' Octavianus was previously informed of the disposition of Lepidus's soldiers; for he had, by his secret intrigues and largesses, entirely attached them to himself. Wherefore, without further delay, delay, he with great boldness went alone to the camp of Lepidus, and with no other assistance than his private bounties, and the authority he had gained by his former victories, he resolved to depose his rival. The soldiers thronged round him with the most dutiful alacrity, while Lepidus hastened to prevent their defection. But Octavianus, though he received a wound from one of the centurions, went with great presence of mind to the place where the military ensigns were planted, and, flourishing one of them in the air, all the legionary soldiers ran in crowds and saluted him as their general. Lepidus being thus abandoned by his men, divested himself of all the marks of his authority, which he could no longer keep, and submissively threw himself at the feet of Octavianus. This general spared his life, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his army; but deprived him of all his former authority, and banished him to Circeum.

Octavianus was received upon his return to Rome with universal joy; the senators met him at the gates, and conducted him to the capitol: the people followed, crowned with garlands of flowers: and after having returned thanks to the gods, waited upon him to his palace. There remained now but one obstacle to his ambition, which was Antony, whom he resolved to remove, and for that purpose began to render his character as contemptible as he possibly could at Rome. In fact, Antony's conduct did not a little contribute to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner in the state. He had marched against the Parthians with a prodigious army; but was forced to return with the loss of the fourth part of his forces, and all his baggage*. This extremely diminished his reputation; but his making a triumphal entry into Alexandria soon after, entirely disgusted the citizens of Rome. However, Antony seemed quite regardless of their resentment: totally disregarding the business of the state, he spent whole days and nights in the company of Cleopatra, who studied every art to increase his passion, and vary his entertainments. Not contented with sharing in her company all the delights which Egypt could afford, Antony was resolved to enlarge his sphere of luxury, by granting her many of those kingdoms which belonged to the Roman empire. He gave her all Phoenicia, Celo-Syria, and Cyprus; with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea; gifts which he had no right to bestow, but which he pretended to grant in imitation of Hercules. This complication of vice and folly at length totally exasperated the Romans; and Octavianus, willing to take advantage of their resentment, took care to exaggerate all his defects. At length, when he found the people sufficiently irritated against him, he resolved to send Octavia, who was then at Rome, to Antony, as if with a view of reclaiming her husband; but, in fact, to furnish a sufficient pretext of declaring war against him, as he knew she should be dismissed with contempt.

Antony was now in the city of Leucopolis, revelling with his insidious paramour, when he heard that Octavia was at Athens, upon her journey to visit him. This was very unwelcome news to him as well as to Cleopatra; who, fearing the charms of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the strength of her passion. He frequently caught her in tears, which she seemed as if willing to hide; and often intreated her to tell him the cause, which she seemed willing to suppress. These artifices, together with the ceaseless flattery and importunity of her creatures, prevailed so much upon Antony's weakness, that he commanded Octavia to return home without seeing her, and attached himself still more closely to Cleopatra than before. His ridiculous passion now began to have no bounds. He resolved to own her for his wife, and entirely to repudiate Octavia. He accordingly assembled the people of Alexandria in the Octavia public theatre, where was raised an alcove of silver, under which were placed two thrones of gold, one for himself and the other for Cleopatra. There he seated himself, dressed like Bacchus, while Cleopatra sat beside him clothed in the ornaments and attributes of Isis, the principal deity of the Egyptians. On that occasion he declared her queen of all the countries which he had already bestowed upon her; while he associated Cesario, her son by Caesar, as her partner in the government. To the two children which he had by her himself he gave the title of king of kings, with very extensive dominions; and, to crown his absurdities, he sent a minute account of his proceedings to the two consuls at Rome. It was now necessary to act up to his imaginary dignity; new luxuries and pageantries were now therefore studied, and new marks of profusion found out: not less than L50,000 of our money were lavished upon one single entertainment; it is said, upon this occasion, that Cleopatra dissolved a pearl of great value in vinegar, and drank it off. But we are told of one circumstance that might well repress their delicts, and teach mankind to relish the beverage of virtue, however simple, above their greatest luxuries. He was suspicious of being poisoned in every meal; he feared Cleopatra, whom he so much loved, and would eat nothing without having it previously tasted by one of his attendants.

In the mean time Octavianus had now a sufficient pretext for declaring war; and informed the senate of his intentions. However, he deferred the execution of his design for a while, being then employed in quelling an insurrection of the Illyrians. The following year was chiefly taken up in preparations against Antony, who, perceiving his design, remonstrated to the senate, that he had many causes of complaint against his colleague, who had seized upon Sicily without offering him a share; alleging that he had also dispossessed Lepidus, and kept to himself the province he had commanded; and that he had divided all Italy among his own soldiers, leaving nothing to recompense those in Asia. To this complaint Octavianus was contented to make a sarcastic answer; implying, that it was absurd to complain of his distribution of a few trifling districts in Italy, when Antony having conquered Parthia, he might now reward his soldiers with cities and provinces. The sarcasm upon Antony's misfortunes in Parthia so provoked him, that he ordered Canidius, who commanded his army, to march without intermission into Europe; while he and Cleopatra followed to Samos, in order to prepare for carrying on the war with vigour. When arrived there, it was ridiculous enough to behold the odd mixture of preparations for pleasure and for war. On one side all the kings and princes from Europe to the Euxine sea had orders to send him thither supplies both of men, provisions and arms; on the other side, all the comedians, dancers, buffoons, and musicians of Greece, Greece, were ordered to attend him. Thus, frequently, when a ship was thought to arrive laden with soldiers, arms, and ammunition, it was found only filled with players and theatrical machinery. When news was expected of the approach of an army, messengers only arrived with tidings of a fresh quantity of venison. The kings who attended him endeavoured to gain his favour more by their entertainments than their warlike preparations; the provinces strove rather to please him by sacrificing to his divinity, than by their alacrity in his defence; so that some were heard to say, "What rejoicings would not this man make for a victory, when he thus triumphs at the eve of a dangerous war?" In short, his best friends now began to forsake his interests.

His delay at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, where he carried Cleopatra to receive new honours, was extremely favourable to the arms of Octavianus. This general was at first scarcely in a disposition to oppose him, had he gone into Italy; but he soon found time to put himself in a condition for carrying on the war, and shortly after declared it against him in form. All Antony's followers were invited over to join him, with great promises of rewards; but they were not declared enemies, partly to prevent their growing desperate, and partly to give a show of moderation to his own party. At length both found themselves in readiness to begin the war, and their armies were answerable to the empire they contended for. The one was followed by all the forces of the east; the other drew all the strength of the west to support his pretensions. Antony's force composed a body of 100,000 foot and 12,000 horse; while his fleet amounted to 500 ships of war. The army of Octavianus mustered but 80,000 foot, but equalled his adversary's in the number of cavalry; his fleet was but half as numerous as Antony's; however, his ships were better built, and manned with better soldiers.

The great decisive engagement, which was a naval one, was fought near Actium, a city of Epirus, at the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia. Antony ranged his ships before the mouth of the gulf; and Octavianus drew up his fleet in opposition. Neither general assumed any fixed station to command in; but went about from ship to ship wherever his presence was necessary. In the mean time, the two land armies, on opposite sides of the gulf, were drawn up, only as spectators of the engagement; and encouraged the fleets by their shouts to engage. The battle began on both sides with great ardour, and after a manner not practised upon former occasions. The prows of their vessels were armed with brazen points; and with these they drove furiously against each other. In this conflict the ships of Antony came with greater force, but those of Octavianus avoided the shock with greater dexterity. On Antony's side, the stems of the ships were raised in form of a tower; from whence they threw arrows from machines for that purpose. Those of Octavianus made use of long poles hooked with iron, and fire-pots. They fought in this manner for some time with equal animosity; nor was there any advantage on either side, except a small appearance of disorder in the centre of Antony's fleet. But all of a sudden Cleopatra determined the fortune of the day. She was seen flying from the engagement attended by 60 sail; struck, perhaps, with the terrors natural to her sex; but what increased the general amazement was, to behold Antony himself following soon after, and leaving his fleet at the mercy of the conquerors. The engagement, notwithstanding, continued with great obstinacy till five in the evening; when Antony's forces, partly constrained by the conduct of Agrippa, and partly persuaded by the promises of Octavianus, submitted to the conqueror. The land forces soon after followed the example of the navy; and all yielded to the conqueror without striking a blow the fourth day after the battle.

When Cleopatra fled, Antony pursued her in a five-oared galley; and coming alongside of her ship entered, without seeing or being seen by her. She was in the stern, and he went to the prow, where he remained for some time silent, holding his head between his hands. In this manner he continued three whole days; during which, either through indignation or shame, he neither saw nor spoke to Cleopatra. At last, when they were arrived at the promontory of Tenarus, the queen's female attendants reconciled them, and everything went on as before. Still, however, he had the consolation to suppose his army continued faithful to him; and accordingly dispatched orders to his lieutenant Canidius to conduct it into Asia. However, he was soon undeceived when he arrived in Africa, when he was informed of their submission to his rival. This account so transported him with rage, that he was hardly prevented from killing himself; but at length, at the entreaty of his friends, he returned to Alexandria, in a very different situation from that in which he had left it some time before. Cleopatra, however, seemed to retain that fortitude in her misfortunes which had utterly abandoned her admirer. Having amassed considerable riches by means of confiscation and other acts of violence, she formed a very singular and unheard of project; this was to convey her whole fleet over the isthmus of Suez into the Red sea, and thereby save herself in another region beyond the reach of Rome, with all her treasures. Some of her vessels were actually transported thither, pursuant to her orders; but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony dissuading her from the design, she abandoned it for the more improbable scheme of defending Egypt against the conqueror. She omitted nothing in her power to put his advice in practice, and made all kinds of preparations for war; at least hoping thereby to obtain better terms from Octavianus. In fact, she had always loved Antony's fortunes rather than his person; and if she could have fallen upon a method of saving herself, though even at his expense, there is no doubt but she would have embraced it with gladness. She even still had some hopes from the power of her charms, though she was arrived almost at the age of 40; and was desirous of trying upon Octavianus those arts which had been so successful with the greatest men of Rome. Thus, in three embassies which were sent one after another from Antony to his rival in Asia, the queen had always her secret agents, charged with particular proposals in her name. Antony desired no more than that his life might be spared, and to have the liberty of passing the remainder of his days in obscurity. To these proposals Octavianus made no reply. Cleopatra sent him also public proposals in favour of her children; but at the same time privately resigned him her crown, with all the ensigns of royalty. To the queen's public proposal no answer was given; to her private offer he replied by giving her assurances of his favour in case she sent away Antony or put him to death. These negotiations were not so private but they came to the knowledge of Antony, whose jealousy and rage were now heightened by every concurrence. He built a small solitary house upon a mole in the sea; and there he passed his time, shunning all commerce with mankind, and professing to imitate Timon the man-hater. However, his furious jealousy drove him even from this retreat into society; for hearing that Cleopatra had many secret conferences with one Thyrus, an emissary from Octavianus, he seized upon him, and having ordered him to be cruelly scourged, he sent him back to his patron. At the same time he sent letters by him, importing, that he had chastised Thyrus for insulting a man in his misfortunes; but withal he gave his rival permission to avenge himself, by scourging Hipparchus, Antony's freedman, in the samemanner.

The revenge in this case, would have been highly pleasing to Antony, as Hipparchus had left him to join the fortunes of his more successful rival.

Meanwhile, the operations of the war were carried vigorously forward, and Egypt was once more the theatre of the contending armies of Rome. Gallus, the lieutenant of Octavianus, took Paretontium, which opened the whole country to his incursions. On the other side, Antony, who had still considerable forces by sea and land, wanted to take that important place from the enemy. He therefore marched towards it, flattering himself, that as soon as he should show himself to the legions which he had once commanded, their affection for their ancient general would revive. He approached therefore, and exhorted them to remember their former vows of fidelity. Gallus, however, ordered all the trumpets to sound, in order to hinder Antony from being heard, so that he was obliged to retire.

Octavianus himself was in the mean time advancing with another army before Pelusium, which, by its strong situation, might have retarded his progress for some time. But the governor of the city, either wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed by Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take possession of the place; so that Octavianus had now no obstacle in his way to Alexandria, whither he marched with all expedition. Antony, upon his arrival, salied out to oppose him, fighting with great desperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to flight. This slight advantage once more revived his declining hopes; and being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexandria in triumph. Then going, all armed as he was, to the palace, he embraced Cleopatra, and presented her a soldier who had distinguished himself in the late engagement. The queen rewarded him very magnificently; presenting him with an head-piece and breast-plate of gold. With these, however, the soldier went off the next night to the other army. Antony could not bear this defection without fresh indignation; he resolved, therefore, to make a bold expiring effort by sea and land, but previously offered to fight his adversary in single combat. Octavianus too well knew the inequality of their situations to comply with this forlorn offer; he only, therefore, coolly replied, that Antony had ways enough to die besides single combat.

The evening before the day appointed for the last desperate attempt, he ordered a grand entertainment to be prepared. At day-break he posted the few troops he had remaining upon a rising ground near the city; from whence he sent orders to his galleys to engage the enemy. There he waited to be a spectator of the combat; and, at first, he had the satisfaction to see them advance in good order; but his approbation was soon turned into rage, when he saw his ships only saluting those of Octavianus, and both fleets uniting together, and sailing back into the harbour. At the very same time his cavalry deserted him. He tried, however, to leal on his infantry; which were easily vanquished, and he himself compelled to return into the town. His anger was now ungovernable; he could not help crying out aloud as he passed, that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, and delivered by her to those who, for her sake alone, were his enemies. In these suspicions he was not deceived; for it was by secret orders from the queen that the fleet had passed over to the enemy.

Cleopatra had for a long while, dreaded the effects of Antony's jealousy; and had, some time before, prepared a method of obviating any sudden sallies it might produce. Near the temple of Isis she had erected a building, which was seemingly designed for a sepulchre. Hither she removed all her treasure and most valuable effects, covering them over with torches, faggots, and other combustible matter. This sepulchre she designed to answer a double purpose, as well to screen her from the sudden resentments of Antony, as to make Octavianus believe that she would burn all her treasures in case he refused her proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, she retired from Antony's present fury; shutting the gates, which were fortified with bolts and bars of iron; but in the mean time gave orders that a report should be spread of her death.

This news, which soon reached Antony, recalled all his former love and tenderness. He now lamented her death with the same violence he had but a few minutes before seemed to desire it; and called one of his freedmen, named Eros, whom he had by oath engaged to kill him whenever fortune should drive him to this last resource. Eros being now commanded to perform his promise, this faithful follower drew the sword, as it going to execute his orders; but turning his face, plunged it into his own bosom, and died at his master's feet. Antony for a while hung over his faithful servant, and, commending his fidelity, took up the sword, with which stabbing himself in the belly, he fell backward upon a little couch. Though the wound was mortal, yet the blood stopping he recovered his spirits, and earnestly conjured those who were come into the room to put an end to his life; but they all fled, being seized with fright and horror. He therefore continued in agonies for some time; till he was informed by one of the queen's secretaries that his mistress was still alive. Hethen earnestly desired to be carried to the place where she was. They accordingly brought him to the gate of the sepulchre; but Cleopatra, who would not permit it to be opened, appeared at the window, and threw down cords in order to pull him up. In this manner, assisted by her two female attendants, she raised him all bloody from the ground; and while yet suspended in the air, he continued stretching out his hands to encourage her. Cleopatra and her maids had only just strength sufficient to raise him; and at last, with much straining, they effected. The citizens, however, trembled at his approach; and when he placed himself upon the tribunal, they prostrated themselves, with their faces to the ground, before him, like criminals who waited the sentence of their execution. Octavianus presently ordered them to rise; telling them, that three motives induced him to pardon them: His respect for Alexander, who was the founder of their city; his admiration of its beauty; and his friendship for Areus, their fellow-citizen. Two only of particular note were put to death upon this occasion: Antony's eldest son Antyllus, and Cesario, the son of Julius Caesar; both betrayed into his hands by their respective tutors, who themselves suffered for their perfidy shortly after. As for the rest of Cleopatra's children, he treated them with great gentleness, leaving them to the care of those who were entrusted with their education, who had orders to provide them with everything suitable to their birth. When she was recovered from her late indisposition, he came to visit her in person.—Cleopatra had been preparing for this interview, and made use of every method she could think of to propitiate the conqueror, and to gain his affection; but in vain. However, at his departure, Octavianus imagined that he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of being shewn in the intended triumph, which he was preparing for on his return to Rome; but in this he was deceived. Cleopatra, all this time, had kept a correspondence with Dolabella, a young Roman of high birth, in the camp of Octavianus; who, perhaps, from compassion, or stronger motives, was interested in the misfortunes of that princess. From him she learnt the intentions of Octavianus, and that he was determined to send her off in three days, together with her children, to Rome. She now therefore determined upon dying; but previously intreated permission to pay her oblations at Antony's tomb. This request being granted her, she was carried with her two female attendants to the stately monument where he was laid. There she threw herself upon his coffin, bewailed her captivity, and renewed her protestations not to survive him. She then crowned the tomb with garlands of flowers; and having kissed the coffin a thousand times, she returned home to execute her fatal resolution. Having bathed, and ordered a sumptuous banquet, she attired herself in the most splendid manner. She then feasted as usual; and soon after ordered all but her two attendants, Charmion and Iras, to leave the room. Then, having previously ordered an asp to be secretly conveyed to her in a basket of fruit, she sent a letter to Octavianus, informing him of her fatal purpose, and desiring to be buried in the same tomb with Antony. Octavianus, upon receiving this letter, instantly dispatched messengers to prevent her, but they arrived too late. Upon entering the chamber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded couch, arrayed in her royal robes. Near her, Iras, one of her faithful attendant, was stretched lifeless at the feet of her mistress; and Charmion herself, almost expiring, was settling the diadem upon Cleopatra's head. She died at the age of thirty-nine, after having reigned twenty-two years. Her death put an end to the monarchy in Egypt, which had flourished there from time immemorial.

Octavianus seemed much troubled at Cleopatra's death, as it deprived him of a principal ornament in his intended intended triumph. However, the manner of it a good deal exalted her character among the Romans, with whom suicide was considered as a virtue. Her dying request was complied with, her body being laid by Antony's, and a magnificent funeral prepared for her and her two faithful attendants.

After having settled the affairs of Egypt, he left Alexandria in the beginning of September, in the year of Rome 729, with a design to return through Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, to Italy. On his arrival at Antioch, he found there Tiridates, who had been raised to the throne of Parthia in opposition to Phraates, and likewise ambassadors from Phraates, who were all come on the same errand; to wit, to solicit the assistance of the Romans against each other. Octavianus gave a friendly answer both to Tiridates and the ambassadors of Phraates, without intending to help either; but rather with a design to animate the one against the other, and by that means to weaken both, so far as to render the Parthian name no longer formidable to Rome. After this, having appointed Messala Corvinus governor of Syria, he marched into the province of Asia, properly so called, and there took up his winter-quarters. He spent the whole winter in settling the affairs of the several provinces of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands; and early in the spring passed into Greece, whence he set out for Rome, which he entered in the month Sextilis, afterwards called August, in three triumphs, which were celebrated for three days together.

And now Octavianus was at the height of his wishes, sole sovereign, sole master, of the whole Roman empire. But, on the other hand, the many dangers which attend an usurped power, appearing to him in a stronger light than ever, filled his mind with a thousand perplexing thoughts. The natural aversion of the Romans to a kingly government, their love of liberty, and the ides of March, when his father Julius was murdered in full senate by those very men whom he thought the most devoted to his person, made him fear there might arise another Brutus, who, to restore liberty to his country, might assassinate him on his very throne. This he knew had happened to Julius Caesar; whereas Sylla, after having laid down the authority he had usurped, died peaceably in his bed in the midst of his enemies. The passion of fear outweighed in his soul the charms of a diadem, and inclined him to follow the example of Sylla. He was indeed very unwilling to part with his authority; but fear began to get the better of his ambition. However, before he came to any resolution, he thought it advisable to consult his two most intimate and trusty friends, Agrippa and Maecenas; the former no less famous for his probity than his valour; and the latter a man of great penetration, and generally esteemed the most refined politician of his age. Agrippa enlarged on the many and almost inevitable dangers which attend monarchy, insupportable to a free people, and to men educated in a commonwealth. He did not forget the examples of Sylla and Caesar; and closed his speech with exhorting Octavianus to convince the world, by restoring liberty to his country, that the only motive for his taking up arms was to revenge his father's death.

Maecenas, on the other hand, remonstrated to him, that he had done too much to go back; that, after so much bloodshed, there could be no safety for him but on the throne; that, if he divested himself of the sovereign power, he would be immediately prosecuted by the children and friends of the many illustrious persons whom the misfortunes of the times had forced him to sacrifice to his safety; that it was absolutely necessary for the welfare and tranquillity of the republic, that the sovereign power should be lodged in one person, not divided among many, &c. Octavianus thanked them both for their friendly advice, but showed himself inclined to follow the opinion of Maecenas; whereupon that able minister gave him many wise instructions and rules of government, which are related at length by Dio Cassius, and will ever be looked upon as a masterpiece in politics. Among other things he told him, That he could not fail of being successful in all his undertakings, happy in his lifetime, and famous in history after his death, if he never deviated from this rule; to wit, To govern others as he would wish to be governed himself, had he been born to obey and not to command. He added, That if, in taking upon him the sovereign power, he dreaded the name of king, a name so odious in a commonwealth, he might content himself with the title of Caesar or Imperator, and under that name, which was well known to the Romans, enjoy all the authority of a king.

This advice Octavianus followed, and from that time laid aside all thoughts of abdicating the sovereign power; but, to deceive the people into a belief that they still enjoyed their ancient government, he continued the old magistrates, with the same name, pomp, and ornaments, but with just as much power as he thought fit to leave them. They were to have no military power, but only their old jurisdiction of deciding finally all causes, except such as were capital; and though some of these last were left to the governor of Rome, yet the chief he reserved for himself. He paid great court to the people: the very name that covered his usurpation was a compliment to them; for he affected to call it the power of the tribuneship, though he acted as absolutely by it as if he had called it the dictatorial power. He likewise won the hearts of the populace by cheapness of provisions and plentiful markets; he frequently entertained them with shows and sports; and by these means kept them in good humour, and made them forget usurpation, slavery, and every public evil; people in ease and plenty being under no temptation of inquiring into the title of their prince, or resenting acts of power which they do not immediately feel.

As for the senate, he filled it with his own creatures, raising the number of the conscript fathers to 1000. He supplied several poor senators with money out of the treasury to discharge the public offices, and on all occasions affected a high regard for that venerable body; but the same time divested them of all power, and reduced them to mere cyphers. To prevent them from raising new disturbances in the distant provinces, he issued an edict, forbidding any senator to travel out of Italy without leave, except such as had lands in Sicily, or Narbonne Gaul, which at that time comprehended Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiny. To these provinces, which were near Italy, and in a perfect state of tranquillity, they had full liberty to retire when they pleased, and live there upon their estates. Before he ended his sixth consulship, he took a census of the peo- ple, which was 41 years after the last; and in this the number of men fit to bear arms amounted to 463,000, the greatest that had ever been found before. He likewise celebrated the games which had been decreed by the senate for his victory at Actium; and it was ordered, that they should be celebrated every fifth year, four colleges of priests being appointed to take care of them: to wit, the pontifices, the augurs, the septemvirs, and quindecimvirs. The more to gain the affections of the people, he annulled, by one edict, the many severe and unjust laws which had been enacted during the triumvirate. He raised many public buildings, repaired the old ones, and added many stately ornaments to the city, which at this time was, if we may give credit to some ancient writers, about 50 miles in compass, and contained near four millions of souls, reckoning men, women, children, and slaves. He attended business, reformed abuses, showed great regard for the Roman name, procured public abundance, pleasure, and jollity, often appearing in person at the public diversions, and in all things studying to render himself dear to the populace.

And now Octavianus, entering upon his seventh consulship with M. Agrippa, the third time consul, and finding all things ripe for his design, the people being highly pleased with his mild government, and the senate filled with his creatures, whose fortunes depended upon his holding the power he had usurped, went by the advice of Agrippa and Mecenas to the senate-house; and there, in a studied speech, offered to resign his authority, and put all again into the hands of the people upon the old foundation of the commonwealth; being well apprised, that the greater part of the conscript fathers, whose interests were interwoven with his, would unanimously press him to the contrary: Which happened accordingly; for they not only interrupted him while he was speaking, but after he had done, unanimously besought him to take upon himself alone the whole government of the Roman empire. He, with a seeming reluctance, yielded at last to their request, as if he had been compelled to accept of the sovereignty. By this artifice he compassed his design, which was, to get the power and authority, which he had usurped, confirmed to him by the senate and people for the space of 10 years: for he would not accept of it for a longer term, pretending he should in that time be able to settle all things in such peace and order that there would be no further need of his authority; but that he might then ease himself of the burden, and put the government again into the hands of the senate and people. This method he took to render the yoke less heavy; but with a design to renew his lease, if we may be allowed the expression, as soon as the ten years were expired; which he did accordingly from ten years to ten years as long as he lived, all the while governing the whole Roman empire with an absolute and uncontrolled power. With this new authority the senate resolved to distinguish him with a new name. Some of the conscript fathers proposed the name of Romulus, thereby to import that he was another founder of Rome; others offered other titles; but the venerable name of Augustus, proposed by Manutius Plancus, seemed preferable to all the rest, as it expressed more dignity and reverence than authority, the most sacred things, such as temples, and places consecrated by augurs, being termed by the Romans Augusta. Octavianus himself was inclined to assume the name of Romulus; but, fearing he should be suspected of affecting the kingdom, he declined it, and took that of Augustus, by which we shall henceforth distinguish him.

Though the whole power of the senate and people was now vested in Augustus, yet, that he might seem to share it with the conscript fathers, he refused to govern all the provinces; assigning to the senate such as were quiet and peaceable; and keeping to himself those which, bordering upon barbarous nations, were most exposed to troubles and wars, saying, He desired the fathers might enjoy their power with ease and safety, while he underwent all the dangers and labours: but, by this politic conduct, he secured all the military power to himself: the troops lying in the provinces he had chosen; and the others which were governed by the senate, being quite destitute of forces. The latter were called senatorial, and the former imperial, provinces. Over the provinces of both sorts were set men of distinction, to wit, such as had been consuls or praetors, with the titles of proconsul and propraetor: but the government of Egypt was committed to a private knight, Augustus fearing lest a person of rank, depending upon the wealth and situation of that country, might raise new disturbances in the empire. All these governors held their employment only for a year, and were upon the arrival of their successors to depart their provinces immediately, and not fail to be at Rome within three months at the farthest. This division of the provinces was made, according to Ovid, on the ides of January; whereas he was vested by the senate and people with the sovereign power on the seventh of the ides of the same month, as is manifest from the Narbonne marbles; and from that time many writers date the years of his empire. Thus ended the greatest commonwealth, and at the same time began the greatest monarchy, that had ever been known; a monarchy which infinitely excelled in power, riches, extent, and continuance, all the empires which had preceded it.

It comprehended the greatest and by far the best part of Europe, Asia, and Africa, being near 4000 miles in the length, and about half as much in breadth. As to the yearly revenues of the empire, they have by a moderate computation been reckoned to amount to forty millions of our money. But the Romans themselves now ran headlong into all manner of luxury and effeminacy. The people were become a mere mob; those who were wont to direct mighty wars, to raise and depose great kings, to bestow or take away potent empires, were so sunk and debauched, that, if they had but bread and shows, their ambition went no higher. The nobility were indeed more polite than in former ages; but at the same time idle, venal, vicious, insensible of private virtue, utter strangers to public glory or disgrace, void of zeal for the welfare of their country, and solely intent on gaining the favour of the emperor, as knowing that certain wealth and preferment were the rewards of ready submission, acquiescence, and flattery. No wonder, therefore, that they lost their liberty, without being ever again able to retrieve it.

Augustus, now absolute master of the Roman empire, took all methods to ingratiate himself with his soldiers, by whose means he had attained such a height of power. With this view, he dispersed them through different different parts of Italy in 32 colonies, that he might the more easily reassemble them on proper occasions. He kept 23 legions constantly on foot, 17 of which were in Europe; viz. eight on the Rhine, four on the Danube, three in Spain, and two in Dalmatia. The other eight were sent into Asia and Africa; four of them being quartered in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates, two in Egypt, and two in Africa Propria, that is, the ancient dominions of Carthage. All these forces, amounting to 170,650 men, were constantly kept on foot by the Roman emperors for several ages. In the neighbourhood of Rome were always quartered 12 cohorts, that is, about 10,000 men; nine of which were called praetorian cohorts; the other three, city cohorts. These were established as a guard to the emperor, and to maintain peace and tranquillity in the city, but had often a great share in the disturbances which took place throughout the empire. Besides these, Augustus constantly kept at sea two powerful navies; the one riding at anchor near Ravenna in the Adriatic sea, to command Dalmatia, Greece, Cyprus, and the rest of the eastern provinces; the other at Misenum in the Mediterranean, to keep in awe the western parts of the empire. They were likewise to keep the seas clear of pirates, to convey the vessels which brought to Rome the annual tributes from the provinces beyond sea, and to transport corn and other provisions necessary for the relief and subsistence of the city. As to the civil government, Augustus enacted several new laws, and reformed some of the old ones; however, he affected to do nothing without the advice of the senate; who were so well pleased with the complaisance showed them on all occasions, that to the rest of his titles they added that of Pater Patriae, or "Father of his Country."

And now Augustus having settled all things with regard to the civil and military establishments of the empire, turned his arms against the Spanish nations called the Cantabrians and Asturians, who had never been fully subdued. The war, however, terminated as usual, in favour of the Romans; and these brave nations were forced to receive the yoke, though not without the most violent resistance on their part, and the utmost difficulty on that of the Romans (see Asturia). By this and his other conquests the name of Augustus became so celebrated, that his friendship was courted by the most distant monarchs. Phrahates king of Parthia consented to a treaty with him upon his own terms, and gave him four of his own sons with their wives and children as hostages for the performance of the articles; and as a further instance of his respect, he delivered up the Roman eagles and other ensigns which had been taken from Crassus at the battle of Carrhae. He received also an embassy from the king of Indis, with a letter written in the Greek tongue, in which the Indian monarch informed him, that "though he reigned over 600 kings, he had so great a value for the friendship of Augustus, that he had sent this embassy on so long a journey on purpose to desire it of him; that he was ready to meet him at whatsoever place he pleased to appoint; and that, upon the first notice, he was ready to assist him in whatever was right." This letter he subscribed by the name of Porus king of India. Of the ambassadors who set out from India, three only reached the presence of Augustus, who was at that time in the island of Samos, the others dying by the way. Of the three survivors one was named Zarman, a gymnosophist, who followed the emperor to Athens, and there burnt himself in his presence; it being customary for the gymnosophists to put an end to their lives in this manner when they thought they had lived long enough, or apprehended some misfortune. Soon after this the Roman dominions were extended southward over the Garamantes, a people whose country reached as far as the river Niger. All this time the emperor continued to make new regulations for the good of the state; and among other things caused the Sibylline oracles to be reviewed. Many of these he rejected; but such as were reckoned authentic, he caused to be copied by the pontifices themselves, and lodged them in golden cabinets, which he placed in the temple of Apollo, built by him in his palace.

The Roman empire had now extended itself so far, that it seemed to have arrived at the limits prescribed to it by nature; and as soon as this was the case, it began to be attacked by those nations which in process of time were to overthrow it. The Germans, by which name the Romans confounded a great number of nations dwelling in the northern parts of Europe, began to make incursions into Gaul. Their first attempt happened in the year 17 B.C., when they at first gained an inconsiderable advantage, but were soon driven back with great loss. Soon after this the Rhaeti, who seem to have inhabited the country bordering on the lake of Constance, invaded Italy, where they committed dreadful devastations, putting all the males to the sword without distinction of rank or age; nay, we are told, that, when women with child happened to fall into their hands, they consulted their augurs whether the child was male or female; and if they pronounced it a male, the mother was immediately massacred. Against these barbarians Augustus sent Drusus the second son of the empress Livia; who, though very young, found means to gain a complete victory with very little loss on his part. Those who escaped took the road to Gaul, being joined by the Vindelici, another nation in the neighbourhood; but Tiberius, the elder brother of Drusus, marched against them, and overthrew them so completely, that the Rhaeti, Vindelici, and Norici, three of the most barbarous nations in those parts, were fain to submit to the pleasure of the emperor. To keep their country in awe, Tiberius planted two colonies in Vindelicia, opening a road from thence into Noricum and Rhaetia. One of the cities which he built for the defence of his colonies was called Dryssomagus; the other, Augusta Vindelicorum; both of which are now known by the names of Nimingham and Augsburg.

Augustus, who had long since obtained all the temporal honours which could well be conferred upon him, created pontifex maximus in the year 13 B.C., created Pontifex Maximus; an office which he continued to hold till his death; as did also his successors till the time of Theodosius. By virtue of this office he corrected a very gross mistake in the Roman calendar; for the pontifices, having, for the space of 36 years, that is, ever since the reformation by Julius Caesar, made every third year a leap year, instead of every fourth, twelve days had been inserted instead of nine, so that the Roman year consisted of three days more than it ought to have done. These three superfluous days having been thrown out, the form of the year has ever since been regularly observed, and is still known by the name of the old style in use among us. On this occasion he gave his own name to the month of August, as Julius Caesar had formerly done to the month of July.

In the year 11 B.C., Agrippa died, and was succeeded in his high employment of governor of Rome by Tiberius, but, before investing him with this ample power, the emperor caused him to divorce his wife Atrippina (who had already brought him a son, and was then big with child), in order to marry Julia the widow of Agrippa and daughter of the emperor. Julia was a princess of an infamous character, as was known to almost everybody excepting Augustus himself; however, Tiberius made no hesitation, through fear of disobliging the emperor.

The emperor now sent his two sons Tiberius and Drusus against the northern nations. Tiberius reduced the Pannonians, who had attempted to shake off the yoke after the death of Agrippa. Drusus performed great exploits in Germany; but while he was considering whether he should penetrate further into these northern countries, he was seized with a violent fever, which carried him off in a few days. He was succeeded in his command by Tiberius, who is reported to have done great things, but certainly made no permanent conquests in Germany. However, he was honoured with triumph, and had the tribunitial power for five years conferred upon him; which was no sooner done, than, to the great surprise of Augustus and the whole city, he desired leave to quit Rome and retire to Rhodes. Various reasons have been assigned for this extraordinary resolution: some are of opinion that it was in order to avoid being an eye-witness of the debaucheries of his wife Julia, who set no bounds to her lewdness; though others imagine that he was offended at the honours which Augustus had conferred on his grandchildren, especially at his styling them princesses of the Roman youth; which left him no hopes of enjoying the sovereign power. However, Augustus positively refused to comply with his request, and his mother Livia used her utmost endeavours to dissuade him from his resolution; but Tiberius continued obstinate; and, finding all other means ineffectual, at last shut himself up in his house, where he abstained four whole days from nourishment. Augustus, perceiving that he could not get the better of his obstinate and inflexible temper, at last complied with his request. Tiberius soon grew weary of his retirement, and, giving out that he had left Rome only to avoid giving umbrage to the emperor's two grand-children, desired leave to return; but Augustus was so much displeased with his having obstinately insisted on leaving Rome, that he obliged him to remain at Rhodes for seven years longer. His mother, with much ado got him declared the emperor's lieutenant in those parts; but Tiberius, dreading the resentment of his father-in-law, continued to act as a private person during the whole time of his stay there.

A profound peace now reigned throughout the whole empire: and in consequence of this the temple of Janus was shut, which had never before happened since the time of Numa-Pompilius. During this pacific interval, the Saviour of mankind was born in Judea, as is recorded in the sacred history, 748 years after the foundation of Rome by Romulus. Three years after, Tiberius returned to the city, by permission of Augustus, who yet would not allow him to bear any public office; but in a short time, Lucius Caesar, one of the emperor's grandchildren, died, not without suspicions of his being poisoned by Livia. Tiberius showed such great concern for his death, that the affection of Augustus for him returned; and it is said that he would at that time have adopted Tiberius, had it not been for giving umbrage to his other grandson Caius Caesar. This obstacle, however, was soon after removed; Caius being taken off also, not without great suspicions of Livia, as well as in the former case. Augustus was exceedingly concerned at his death, and immediately adopted Tiberius as his son; but adopted also Agrippa Posthumus, the third son of the famous Agrippa; and obliged Tiberius to adopt Germanicus, the son of his brother Drusus, though he had a son of his own named Drusus; which was a great mortification to him. As to Agrippa, however, who might have been an occasion of jealousy, Tiberius was soon freed from him, by his disgrace and banishment, which very soon took place, but on what account is not known.

The northern nations now began to turn formidable; and though it is pretended that Tiberius was always successful against them, yet about this time they gave the Romans a most terrible overthrow: three legions and six cohorts, under Quintilius Varus, being almost entirely cut in pieces. Augustus set no bounds to his grief on this fatal occasion. For some months he let his hair and beard grow, frequently tearing his garments, knocking his head against the wall, and crying out like a distracted person, "Restore the legions, Varus!" Tiberius, however, was soon after sent into Germany; and for his exploits there he was honoured with a triumph. Augustus now took him for his colleague in the sovereignty; after which he sent Germanicus against the northern barbarians, and Tiberius into Illyricum. This was the last of his public acts; for having accompanied Tiberius for part of his journey, he died at Nola in Campania, in the 76th year of his age, and 56th of his reign. Livia was suspected of having hastened his death by giving him poisoned figs. Her reason for this was, that she feared a reconciliation between him and his grandson Agrippa, whom he had banished, as we have already related. Some months before, the emperor had paid a visit to Agrippa, unknown to Livia, Tiberius, or any other person, excepting one Fabius Maximus. This man, on his return home, discovered the secret to his wife, and she to the empress. Augustus then perceiving that Fabius had betrayed him, was so provoked, that he banished him from his presence for ever; upon which the unfortunate Fabius, unable to survive his disgrace, laid violent hands on himself.

Tiberius, who succeeded to the empire, resolved to secure himself on the throne by the murder of Agrippa; whom accordingly he caused to be put to death by a military tribunal. Though this might have been a sufficient evidence of what the Romans had to expect, the death of Augustus was no sooner known, than the consuls, senators, and knights, to use the expression of Tacitus, ran headlong into slavery. The two consuls first first took an oath of fidelity to the emperor, and then administered it to the senate, the people, and the soldiery. Tiberius behaved in a dark mysterious manner, taking care to rule with an absolute sway, but at the same time seeming to hesitate whether he should accept the sovereign power or not; insomuch that one of the senators took the liberty to tell him, that other men were slow in performing what they had promised, but he was slow in promising what he had already performed. At last, however, his modesty was overcome, and he declared his acceptance of the sovereignty in the following words: "I accept the empire, and will hold it, till such time as you, conscript fathers, in your great prudence, shall think proper to give repose to my old age."

Tiberius had scarcely taken possession of the throne, when news were brought him that the armies in Pannonia and Germany had mutinied. In Pannonia three legions having been allowed some days of relaxation from their usual duties, either to mourn for the death of Augustus, or to rejoice for the accession of Tiberius, grew turbulent and seditious. The Pannonian mutineers were headed by one Percennius, a common soldier; who, before he served in the army, had made it his whole business to form parties in the theatres and playhouses to hiss or applaud such actors as he liked or disliked. Infamed by the speeches of this man, they openly revolted; and though Tiberius himself wrote to them, and sent his son Drusus to endeavour to quell the tumult, they massacred some of their officers, and insulted others, till at last, being frightened by an eclipse of the moon, they began to show some signs of repentance.

Of this favourable disposition Drusus took advantage; and even got the ringleaders of the revolt condemned and executed. Immediately after this they were again terrified by such violent storms and dreadful rains, that they quietly submitted, and every thing in that quarter was restored to tranquillity.

The revolt of the German legions threatened much more danger, as they were more numerous than those of Pannonia. They proceeded nearly in the same way as the Pannonian legions, falling upon their officers, especially the centurions, and beating them till they almost expired, drove them out of the camp, and some of them were even thrown into the Rhine. Germanicus, who was at that time in Gaul, hastened to the camp on the first news of the disturbance; but being unable to prevail on them to return to their duty, he was obliged to feign letters from Tiberius, granting all their demands. These were, That all those who had served 20 years should be discharged; that such as had served 16 should be deemed veterans; and that some legacies which had been left them by Augustus should not only be paid in immediately, but doubled. This last article he was obliged to discharge without delay out of the money which he and his friends had brought to defray the expenses of their journey; and on receiving it, the troops quietly retired to their winter-quarters.

But, in the mean time, some deputies sent either by Tiberius or the senate, probably to quell the sedition, occasioned fresh disturbances; for the legionaries, taking it into their heads that these deputies were come to revoke the concessions which Germanicus had made, were with difficulty prevented from tearing them in pieces; and, notwithstanding the utmost endeavours of

Germanicus, behaved in such an outrageous manner, that the general thought proper to send off his wife Agrippina, with her infant son Claudius, she herself at the same time being big with child. As she was attended by many women of distinction, wives of the chief officers in the camp, their tears and lamentations in parting with their husbands occasioned a great uproar, and drew together the soldiers from all quarters. A new scene ensued, which made an impression even upon the most obstinate. They could not behold, without shame and compassion, so many women of rank travelling thus forlorn, without a centurion to attend them, or a soldier to guard them; and their general's wife among the rest, carrying her infant child in her arms, and preparing to fly for shelter against the treachery of the Roman legions. This made such a deep impression on the minds of many of them, that some ran to stop her, while the rest recurred to Germanicus, earnestly treating him to recall his wife, and to prevent her from being obliged to seek a sanctuary among foreigners.

The general improved this favourable disposition, and in a short time they of their own accord seized and massacred the ringleaders of the revolt. Still, however, two of the legions continued in their disaffection. Against them therefore Germanicus determined to lead those who had returned to their duty. With this view he prepared vessels; but before he embarked his troops, he wrote a letter to Cæcina who commanded them, acquainting him that he approached with a powerful army, resolved to put them all to the sword without distinction, if they did not prevent him by taking vengeance on the guilty themselves. This letter, Cæcina communicated only to the chief officers and such of the soldiers as had all along disapproved of the revolt, exhorting them at the same time to enter into an association against the seditions, and put to the sword such as had involved them in the present ignominy and guilt. This proposal was approved of; and a cruel massacre immediately took place; insomuch that when Germanicus came to the camp, he found the greatest part of the legions destroyed. This greatly affected the humane Germanicus, who caused the bodies of the slain to be burnt, and celebrated their obsequies with the usual solemnities; however, the sedition was thus effectually quelled, after which he led his army into Germany. There he performed many great exploits; but still all that he could perform was far from freeing the empire from so dangerous and troublesome an enemy. In the year 19, he died, of poison, as was supposed, given by Piso, his partner in the government of Syria, to which Germanicus had been promoted after his return from the north.

In the mean time, Tiberius, though he affected to court the favour of the people by various methods, yet showed himself in general such a cruel and blood-thirsty tyrant, that he became the object of universal abhorrence. Though he had hated Germanicus in his heart, he punished Piso with death; but in about a year after the death of Germanicus, having now no object of jealousy to keep him in awe, he began to pull off the mask, and appear more in his natural character than before. He took upon himself the interpretation of all political measures, and began daily to diminish the authority of the senate; which design was much facilitated, by their own apitude to slavery; very; so that he despised their meanness, while he enjoyed its effects. A law at that time subsisted, which made it treason to form any injurious attempt against the majesty of the people. Tiberius assumed to himself the interpretation and enforcement of this law; and extended it not only to the cases which really affected the safety of the state, but to every conjunction that could possibly be favourable to his hatred or suspicions. All freedom was now therefore banished from convivial meetings, and diffidence reigned amongst the dearest relations. The law of offended majesty being revived, many persons of distinction fell a sacrifice to it.

In the beginning of these cruelties, Tiberius took into his confidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, but by birth a Volscian, who found out the method of gaining his confidence, by the most refined degree of dissimulation, being an overmatch for his master in his own arts. He was made by the emperor captain of the praetorian guards, one of the most confidential trusts in the state, and extolled in the senate as a worthy associate in his labours. The servile senators, with ready adulation, set up the statues of the favourite beside those of Tiberius, and seemed eager to pay him similar honours. It is not well known whether he was the adviser of all the cruelties that ensued soon after; but certain it is, that, from the beginning of his ministry, Tiberius seemed to become more fatally suspicious.

It was from such humble beginnings that this minister even ventured to aspire at the throne, and was resolved to make the emperor's foolish confidence one of the first steps to his ruin. However, he considered that cutting off Tiberius alone would rather retard than promote his designs, while his son Drusus, and the children of Germanicus were yet remaining. He therefore began by corrupting Livia, the wife of Drusus; whom, after having debauched her, he prevailed upon to poison her husband. This was effected by means of a slow poison (as we are told), which gave his death the appearance of a casual distemper. Tiberius, in the mean time, either naturally phlegmatic, or at least not much regarding his son, bore his death with great tranquillity. He was even heard to jest upon the occasion; for when the ambassadors from Troy came somewhat late with their compliments of condolence, he answered their pretended distresses, by condoling with them also upon the death of Hector.

Sejanus having succeeded in this, was resolved to make his next attempt upon the children of Germanicus, who were undoubted successors to the empire. However, he was frustrated in his designs, both with regard to the fidelity of their governors, and the chastity of Agrippina their mother. Whereupon he resolved upon changing his aims, and removing Tiberius out of the city; by which means he expected more frequent opportunities of putting his designs into execution. He therefore used all his addresses to persuade Tiberius to retire to some agreeable retreat, remote from Rome. By this he expected many advantages, since there could be no access to the emperor but by him. Thus all letters being conveyed to the prince by soldiers at his own devotion, they would pass through his hands; by which means he must in time become the sole governor of the empire, and at last be in a capacity of removing all obstacles to his ambition. He now therefore began to insinuate to Tiberius the great and numerous inconveniences of the city, the fatigues of attending the senate, and the sedulous temper of the inferior citizens of Rome. Tiberius, either prevailed upon by his persuasions, or pursuing the natural turn of his temper, which led to indolence and debauchery, in the twelfth year of his reign left Rome, and went into Campania, under pretence of dedicating temples to Jupiter and Augustus. After this, though he removed to several places, he never returned to Rome; but spent the greatest part of his time in the island of Caprea, a place which was rendered as infamous by his pleasures as detestable by his cruelties, which were shocking to human nature. Enured in this retreat, he gave himself up to his pleasures, quite regardless of the miseries of his subjects. Thus an insurrection of the Jews, upon placing his statue in Jerusalem, under the government of Pontius Pilate, gave him no sort of uneasiness. The falling of an amphitheatre at Fidenae, in which 50,000 persons were either killed or wounded, no way affected his repose. He was only employed in studying how to vary his odious pleasures, and forcing his feeble frame, shattered by age and former debaucheries, into the enjoyment of them. Nothing can present a more horrid picture than the retreat of this impure old man, attended by all the ministers of his perverted appetites. He was at this time 67 years old; his person was most displeasing; and some say the disagreeableness of it, in a great measure, drove him into retirement. He was quite bald before; his face was all broke out into ulcers, and covered over with plasters; his body was bowed forward, while its extreme height and leanness increased its deformity. With such a person, and his mind still more hideous, being gloomy, suspicious, and cruel, he sat down with a view rather of forcing his appetites than satisfying them. He spent whole nights in debaucheries at the table; and he appointed Pomponius Flaccus and Lucius Piso to the first posts of the empire, for no other merit than that of having sat up with him two days and two nights without interruption. These he called his friends of all hours. He made one Novellus Torquatus a praetor for being able to drink off five bottles of wine at a draught. His luxuries of another kind were still more detestable, and seemed to increase with his drunkenness and gluttony. He made the most eminent women of Rome subservient to his lusts; and all his inventions only seemed calculated how to make his wives more extravagant and abominable. The numberless obscene medals dug up in that island at this day bear witness at once to his shame, and the veracity of the historians who have described his debaucheries. In short, in this retreat, which was surrounded with rocks on every side, he quite gave up the business of the empire; or, if he was ever active, it was only to do mischief. But, from the time of his retreat, he became more cruel, and Sejanus always endeavoured to increase his distrusts. Secret spies and informers were placed in all parts of the city, who converted the most harmless actions into subjects of offence. If any person of merit testified any concern for the glory of the empire, it was immediately construed into a design to obtain it. If another spoke with regret of former liberty, he was supposed to aim at re-establishing the commonwealth. Every action became liable to forced interpretations; joy expressed an hope of the prince's death; melancholy, an envying of his prosperity. Sejanus found his aim every day succeeding; the wretched emperor's terrors were an instrument that he wrought upon at his pleasure, and by which he leveled every obstacle to his designs. But the chief objects of his jealousy were the children of Germanicus, whom he resolved to put out of the way. He therefore continued to render them obnoxious to the emperor, to alarm him with false reports of their ambition, and to terrify them with alarms of his intended cruelty. By these means, he so contrived to widen the breach, that he actually produced on both sides those dispositions which he pretended to obviate; till at length, the two princes Nero and Drusus were declared enemies to the state, and afterwards starved to death in prison; while Agrippina their mother was sent into banishment.

In this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing all who stood between him and the empire, and every day increasing in confidence with Tiberius, and power with the senate. The number of his statues exceeded even those of the emperor; people swore by his fortune, in the same manner as they would have done had he been actually upon the throne, and he was more dreaded than even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. But the rapidity of his rise seemed only preparatory to the greatness of his downfall. All we know of his first disgrace with the emperor is, that Satrius Secundus was the man who had the boldness to accuse him. Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, seconded the accusation. What were the particulars of his crimes, we cannot learn; but certain it is, that he attempted to usurp the empire, by aiming at the life of Tiberius. He was very near dispatching him, when his practices were discovered, and his own life was substituted for that against which he aimed. Tiberius, sensible of the traitor's power, proceeded with his usual dissimulation in having him apprehended. He granted him new honours at the very time he resolved his death, and took him as his colleague in the consulship. The emperor's letter to the senate began only with slight complaints against his friend, but ended with an order for putting him in prison. He intreated the senators to protect a poor old man, as he was, abandoned by all; and, in the mean time, prepared ships for his flight, and ordered soldiers for his security. The senate, who had been long jealous of the favourite's power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this opportunity of going beyond their orders. Instead of sentencing him to imprisonment, they directed his execution. A strange revolution now appeared in the city; of those numbers that but a moment before were pressing into the presence of Sejanus, with offers of service and adulation, not one was found that would seem to be of his acquaintance; he was deserted by all; and those who had formerly received the greatest benefits from him, seemed now converted into his most inveterate enemies. As he was conducting to execution, the people loaded him with insult and execration. He attempted to hide his face with his hands; but even this was denied him, and his hands were secured. Nor did the rage of his enemies subside with his death; his body was ignominiously dragged about the streets, and his whole family executed with him.

His death only lighted up the emperor's rage for further executions. The prisons were crowded with pretended accomplices in the conspiracy of Sejanus. Ti- side, which hastened the approaches of death; still, however, he seemed willing to avoid his end; and strove, by change of place, to put off the inquietude of his own reflections. He left his favourite island, and went upon the continent, where he at last fixed at the promontory of Misenum. It was here that Charicles, his physician, pretended to kiss his hand, felt the failure of his pulse; and apprised Macro, the emperor's present favourite, that he had not above two days to live. Tiberius, on the contrary, who had perceived the art of Charicles, did all in his power to impress his attendants with an opinion of his health; he continued at table till the evening; he saluted all his guests as they left the room, and read the acts of the senate, in which they had absolved some persons he had written against with great indignation. He resolved to take signal vengeance of their disobedience, and meditated new schemes of cruelty, when he fell into such faintings, as all believed were fatal. It was in this situation, that, by Macro's advice, Caligula prepared to secure the succession. He received the congratulations of the whole court, caused himself to be acknowledged by the Praetorian soldiers, and went forth from the emperor's apartment amidst the applauses of the multitude; when all of a sudden he was informed that the emperor was recovered, that he had begun to speak, and desired to eat. This unexpected account filled the whole court with terror and alarm; every one who had before been earnest in testifying their joy, now re-assumed their pretended sorrow, and left the new emperor, through a feigned solicitude for the fate of the old. Caligula himself seemed thunderstruck; he preserved a gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead of the empire at which he had aspired. Macro, however, who was hardened in crimes, ordered that the dying emperor should be dispatched, by smothering him with pillows, or, as others will have it, by poison. In this manner Tiberius died, in the 78th year of his age, after reigning 22.

The Romans were, at this time, arrived at their highest pitch of effeminacy and vice. The wealth of almost every nation of the empire, having, for some time, circulated through the city, brought with it the luxuries peculiar to each country; so that Rome presented a detestable picture of various pollution. In this reign lived Apicius, so well known for having reduced gluttony into a system; some of the most notorious in this way, thought it no shame to give near 100 pounds for a single fish, and exhaust a fortune of 50,000 pounds in one entertainment. Debaucheries of every other kind kept pace with this; while the detestable folly of the times thought it was refining upon pleasure to make it unnatural. There were at Rome men called Spintriae, whose sole trade it was to study new modes of pleasure; and these were universally favourites of the great. The senators had long fallen from their authority, and were no less estranged from their integrity and honour. Their whole study seemed to be, how to invent new ways of flattering the emperor, and various methods of tormenting his supposed enemies. The people were still more corrupt; they had, for some years, been accustomed to live in idleness, upon the donations of the emperor; and, being satisfied with subsistence, entirely gave up their freedom. Too effeminate and cowardly to go to war, they only railed against their governors; so that they were bad soldiers and seditious citizens. In the 18th year of this monarch's reign, Christ was crucified. Shortly after his death, Pilate is said to have written to Tiberius an account of his passion, resurrection, and miracles; upon which the emperor made a report of the whole to the senate, desired that Christ might be accounted a god by the Romans. But the senate being displeased that the proposal had not come first from themselves, refused to allow of his apotheosis; alleging an ancient law, which gave them the superintendance in all matters of religion. They even went so far, as by an edict to command that all Christians should leave the city; but Tiberius, by another edict, threatened death to all such as should accuse them; by which means they continued unmolested during the rest of his reign.

No monarch ever came to the throne with more advantages than Caligula. He was the son of Germanicus, who had been the darling of the army and the people. He was bred among the soldiers, from whom he received the name of Caligula, from the short buskin, called caliga, that was worn by the common centinels, and which was also usually worn by him. As he approached Rome, the principal men of the state went out in crowds to meet him. He received the congratulations of the people on every side, all equally pleased in being free from the cruelties of Tiberius, and in hoping new advantages from the virtues of his successor.

Caligula seemed to take every precaution to impress them with the opinion of a happy change. Amidst the rejoicings of the multitude, he advanced mourning, with the dead body of Tiberius, which the soldiers brought to be burnt at Rome, according to the custom of that time. Upon his entrance into the city, he was received with new titles of honour by the senate, whose chief employment seemed now to be, the art of increasing their emperor's vanity. He was left co-heir with Gemellus, grandson to Tiberius; but they set aside the nomination, and declared Caligula sole successor to the empire. The joy for this election was not confined to the narrow bounds of Italy; it spread through the whole empire, and victims without number were sacrificed upon the occasion. Some of the people, upon his going into Campania, made vows for his return; and shortly after, when he fell sick, the multitudes crowded whole nights round his palace, and some even devoted themselves to death in case he recovered, setting up bills of their resolutions in the streets. In this affection of the citizens, strangers themselves, seemed ambitious of sharing. Artabanus, king of Parthia, sought the emperor's alliance with assiduity. He came to a personal conference with one of his legates; passed the Euphrates, adorned the Roman eagles, and kissed the emperor's images; so that the whole world seemed combined to praise him for virtues which they supposed him to possess.

The new emperor at first seemed extremely careful of the public favour; and having performed the funeral solemnities of Tiberius, he hastened to the islands of Pandataria and Pontia, to remove the ashes of his mother and brothers, exposing himself to the dangers of tempestuous weather, to give a lustre to his piety. Having brought them to Rome, he instituted annual solemnities in their honour, and ordered the month of September to be called Germanicus, in memory of his father. These ceremonies being over, he conferred the same honours upon his grandmother Antonia, which had before been given to Livia; and ordered all informations to be burnt, that any ways exposed the enemies of his family. He even refused a paper that was offered him, tending to the discovery of a conspiracy against him; alleging, That he was conscious of nothing to deserve any man's hatred, and therefore had no fears from their machinations. He caused the institutions of Augustus, which had been disused in the reign of Tiberius, to be revived; undertook to reform many abuses in the state, and severely punished corrupt governors. Among others, he banished Pontius Pilate into Gaul, where this unjust magistrate afterwards put an end to his life by suicide. He banished the spintriae, or inventors of abominable recreations, from Rome; attempted to restore the ancient manner of electing magistrates by the suffrages of the people; and gave them a free jurisdiction, without any appeal to himself. Although the will of Tiberius was annulled by the senate, and that of Livia suppressed by Tiberius, yet he caused all their legacies to be punctually paid; and in order to make Gemellus amends for missing the crown, he caused him to be elected Princeps Juventutis, or principal of the youth. He restored some kings to their dominions who had been unjustly dispossessed by Tiberius, and gave them the arrears of their revenues. And, that he might appear an encourager of every virtue, he ordered a female slave a large sum of money for enduring the most exquisite torments without discovering the secrets of her master. So many concessions, and such apparent virtue, could not fail of receiving just applause. A shield of gold, bearing his image, was decreed to be carried annually to the Capitol, attended by the senate and the sons of the nobility singing in praise of the emperor's virtues. It was likewise ordained, that the day on which he was appointed to the empire should be called Pubitia; implying, that when he came to govern, the city received a new foundation.

In less than eight months all this shew of moderation and clemency vanished; while furious passions, unexampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to take their turn in his mind. As most of the cruelties of Tiberius arose from suspicion, so most of those committed by Caligula took rise from prodigality. Some indeed assert, that a disorder which happened soon after his accession to the empire, entirely discomposed his understanding. However this may be, madness itself could scarcely dictate cruelties more extravagant, or inconsistencies more ridiculous, than are imputed to him; some of them appear almost beyond belief, as they seem entirely without any motive to incite such barbarities.

The first object of his cruelty was a person named Politus, who had devoted himself to death, in case the emperor, who was then sick, should recover. When Caligula's health was re-established, he was informed of the zeal of Politus, and actually compelled him to complete his vow. This ridiculous devotee was therefore led round the city, by children, adorned with chaplets, and then put to death, being thrown headlong from the ramparts. Another, named Secundus, had vowed to fight in the amphitheatre upon the same occasion. To this he was also compelled, the emperor himself choosing to be a spectator of the combat. However, he was more fortunate than the former, being so successful as to kill his adversary, by which he obtained a release from his vow. Gemellus was the next who suffered from the tyrant's inhumanity. The pretence against him was, that he had wished the emperor might not recover, and that he had taken a counter poison to secure him from any secret attempts against his life. Caligula ordered him to kill himself; but as the unfortunate youth was ignorant of the manner of doing it, the emperor's messenger soon instructed him in the fatal lesson. Silenus, the emperor's father-in-law, was the next that was put to death upon slight suspicions; and Gercinus, a senator of noted integrity, refusing to witness falsely against him, shared his fate. After these followed a crowd of victims to the emperor's avarice or suspicion. The pretext against them was their enmity to his family; and in proof of his accusations he produced those very memorials which but a while before he pretended to have burnt. Among the number of those who were sacrificed to his jealousy, was Macro, the late favourite of Tiberius, and the person to whom Caligula owed his empire. He was accused of many crimes, some of which were common to the emperor as well as to him, and his death brought on the ruin of his whole family.

These cruelties, however, only seemed the first fruits of a mind naturally timid and suspicious: his vanity and profusion soon gave rise to others which were more atrocious, as they sprung from less powerful motives. His pride first began by assuming to himself the title of ruler, which was usually granted only to kings. He would also have taken the crown and diadem, had he not been advised that he was already superior to all the monarchs of the world. Not long after, he assumed divine honours, and gave himself the names of such divinities as he thought most agreeable to his nature. For this purpose he caused the heads of the statues of Jupiter and some other gods to be struck off, and his own to be put in their places. He frequently seated himself between Castor and Pollux, and ordered all who came to their temple to worship, should pay their adorations only to him; nay, at last he altered their temple to the form of a portico, which he joined to his palace, that the very gods, as he said, might serve him in the quality of porters.

He was not less notorious for the depravation of his appetites than for his ridiculous presumptions. Neither person, place, nor sex, were obstacles to the indulgence of his unnatural lusts. There was scarcely a lady of any quality in Rome that escaped his lewdness; and, indeed, such was the degeneracy of the times, that there were few ladies who did not think this disgrace an honour. He committed incest with his three sisters, and at public feasts they lay with their heads upon his bosom, by turns. Of these he prostituted Livia and Agrippina to his vile companions, and then banished them as adulteresses and conspirators against his person. As for Drusilla, he took her from her husband Longinus, and kept her as his wife. Her he loved so affectionately, that, being sick, he appointed her as heiress of his empire and fortune; and she happening to die before him, he made her a goddess. Nor did her example when living, appear more dangerous to the people than her divinity when dead. To mourn for her death was a crime, as she was become a goddess; and to rejoice for her divinity was capital, because she was dead. Nay, even silence lence itself was an unpardonable insensibility, either of the emperor's loss or his sister's advancement. Thus he made his sister subservient to his profit; as before he had done to his pleasure; rising vast sums of money by granting pardons to some, and by confiscating the goods of others. As to his marriages, whether he contracted them with greater levity, or dissolved them with greater injustice, is not easy to determine. Being present at the nuptials of Livia Orestilla with Piso, as soon as the solemnity was over, he commanded her to be brought to him as his own wife, and then dismissed her in a few days. He soon after banished her upon suspicion of co- habiting with her husband after she was parted from him. He was enamoured of Lollia Paulina, upon a bare relation of her grandmother's beauty; and there- upon took her from her husband, who commanded her in Macedonia: notwithstanding which, he repudiated her as he had done the former, and likewise forbade her future marrying with any other. The wife who caught most firmly upon his affections was Milonia Cesonia, whose chief merit lay in her perfect acquaintance with all the alluring arts of her sex, for she was otherwise possessed neither of youth nor beauty. She continued with him during his reign; and he loved her so ridicu- lously, that he sometimes showed her to his soldiers dres- sed in armour, and sometimes to his companions stark naked.

But of all his vices, his prodigality was the most re- markable, and that which in some measure gave rise to the rest. The luxuries of former emperors were simpli- city itself, when compared to those which he practised. He contrived new ways of bathing, where the richest oils and most precious perfumes were exhausted with the utmost profusion. He found out dishes of immense va- lue; and had even jewels, as we are told, dissolved among his sauces. He sometimes had services of pure gold presented before his guests instead of meat; obser- ving, that a man should be an economist or an em- peror.

For several days together he flung considerable sums of money among the people. He ordered ships of a prodigious bulk to be built of cedar, the stems of ivory inlaid with gold and jewels, the sails and tackling of various silks, while the decks were planted with the choicest fruit trees, under the shade of which he often dined. Here, attended by all the ministers of his plea- sures, the most exquisite singers, and the most beauti- ful youths, he coasted along the shore of Campania with great splendour. All his buildings seemed rather calcu- lated to raise astonishment, than to answer the purposes of utility. But the most notorious instance of his fruit- less profusion was the vast bridge at Puteoli, which he undertook in the third year of his reign. To satisfy his desire of being master as well of the ocean as the land, he caused an infinite number of ships to be fastened to each other, so as to make a floating bridge from Baiae to Puteoli, across an arm of the sea three miles and a half broad. The ships being placed in two rows in form of a crescent, were secured to each other with anchors, chains, and cables. Over these were laid vast quantities of timber, and upon that earth, so as to make the whole resemble one of the streets of Rome. He next caused several houses to be built upon his new bridge, for the reception of himself and his attendants, into which fresh water was conveyed by pipes from land.

He then repaired thither with all his court, attended by prodigious throngs of people, who came from all parts to be spectators of such an expensive pageant. It was there that Caligula, adorned with all the magnificence of eastern royalty, sitting on horseback with a civic crown and Alexander's breastplate, attended by the great officers of the army, and all the nobility of Rome, entered at one end of the bridge, and with ridiculous importance rode to the other. At night, the number of torches and other illuminations with which this ex- pensive structure was adorned, cast such a gleam as illu- minated the whole bay, and all the neighbouring moun- tains. This seemed to give the weak emperor new cause for exultation; boasting that he had turned night into day, as well as sea into land. The next morning he again rode over in a triumphal chariot, followed by a numerous train of charioteers, and all his soldiers in glittering armour. He then ascended a rostrum erected for the occasion, where he made a solemn oration in praise of the greatness of his enterprise, and the assiduity of his workmen and his army. He then distributed re- wards among his men, and a splendid feast succeeded. In the midst of the entertainment many of his attend- ants were thrown into the sea; several ships filled with spectators were attacked and sunk in an hostile manner: and although the majority escaped through the calmness of the weather, yet many were drowned; and some who endeavoured to save themselves by climbing to the bridge, were struck down again by the emperor's com- mand. The calmness of the sea during this pageant, which continued for two days, furnished Caligula with fresh opportunities for boasting; being heard to say, "that Neptune took care to keep the sea smooth and se- rene, merely out of reverence to him."

Expences like these, it may be naturally supposed, must have exhausted the most unbounded wealth: in fact, after reigning about a year, Caligula found his re- venues totally exhausted; and a fortune of about 18,000,000 of our money, which Tiberius had amassed together, entirely spent in extravagance and folly. Now, therefore, his prodigality put him upon new me- thods of supplying the exchequer; and as before his pro- fusion, so now his rapacity became boundless. He put in practice all kinds of rapine and extortion; while his principal study seemed to be the inventing new imposts and illicit confiscations. Every thing was taxed, to the very wages of the meanest tradesman. He caused free- men to purchase their freedom a second time; and poi- soned many who had named him for their heir, to have the immediate possession of their fortunes. He set up a brothel in his own palace, by which he gained consider- able sums by all the methods of prostitution. He also kept a gaming-house, in which he himself presided, scrupling none of the meanest tricks in order to advance his gains. On a certain occasion having had a run of ill luck, he saw two rich knights passing through his court; upon which he suddenly rose up, and causing both to be apprehended, confiscated their estates, and then joining his former companions, boasted that he ne- ver had a better throw in his life. Another time, want- ing money for a stake, he went down and caused several noblemen to be put to death; and then returning, told the company that they sat playing for trifles while he had won 60,000 sesterces at a cast.

Such insupportable and capricious cruelties produced many secret conspiracies against him; but these were for a while deferred, upon account of his intended expedition against the Germans and Britons, which he undertook in the third year of his reign. For this purpose, he caused numerous levies to be made in all parts of the empire; and talked with so much resolution, that it was universally believed he would conquer all before him. His march perfectly indicated the inequality of his temper: sometimes it was so rapid, that the cohorts were obliged to leave their standards behind them; at other times it was so slow, that it more resembled a pompous procession than a military expedition. In this disposition he would cause himself to be carried on eight men's shoulders, and order all the neighbouring cities to have their streets well swept and watered to defend him from the dust. However, all these mighty preparations ended in nothing. Instead of conquering Britain, he only gave refuge to one of its banished princes; and this he described in a letter to the senate, as taking possession of the whole island. Instead of conquering Germany, he only led his army to the sea shore in Batavia.

There disposing his engines and warlike machines with great solemnity, and drawing up his men in order of battle, he went on board his galley, with which coasting along, he commanded his trumpets to sound and the signal to be given as if for an engagement; upon which his men having had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering the shells that lay upon the shore into their helmets, terming them the spoils of the conquered ocean, worthy of the palace and the capitol. After this doughty expedition, calling his army together as a general after victory, he harangued them in a pompous manner, and highly extolled their achievements; and then distributing money among them, dismissed them with orders to be joyful, and congratulated them upon their riches. But that such exploits should not pass without a memorial, he caused a lofty tower to be erected by the seaside; and ordered the galleys in which he had put to sea to be conveyed to Rome in a great measure by land.

After numberless instances of folly and cruelty in this expedition, among which he had intentions of destroying the whole army that had formerly mutinied under his father Germanicus, he began to think of a triumph. The senate, who had long been the timid ministers of his pride and cruelty, immediately set about consulting how to satisfy his expectations. They considered that a triumph would, even to himself, appear as a burlesque upon his expedition: they therefore decreed him only an ovation. Having come to this resolution, they sent him a deputation, informing him of the honours granted him, and the decree, which was drawn up in terms of the most extravagant adulation. However, their flattery was far from satisfying his pride. He considered their conduct rather as a diminution of his power, than an addition to his glory. He therefore ordered them, on pain of death, not to concern themselves with his honours; and being met by their messengers on the way, who invited him to come and partake of the preparations which the senate had decreed, he informed them that he would come; and then laying his hand upon his sword, added, that he would bring that also with him. In this manner—either quite omitting his triumph, or deferring it to another time—he entered the city with only an ovation; while the senate passed the whole day in acclamations in his praise, and speeches filled with the most excessive flattery. This conduct in some measure served to reconcile him, and soon after their excessive zeal in his cause entirely gained his favour. For it happened that Protogenes, who was one of the most intimate and the most cruel of his favourites, coming into the house, was fawned upon by the whole body of the senate, and particularly by Proculus. Whereupon Protogenes with a fierce look, asked how one who was such an enemy to the emperor could be such a friend to him? There needed no more to excite the senate against Proculus. They instantly seized upon him, and violently tore him in pieces; plainly showing by their conduct, that tyranny in a prince produces cruelty in those whom he governs.—It was after returning from this extravagant expedition, that he was waited upon by a deputation of the Jews of Alexandria, who came to deprecate his anger for not worshipping his divinity as other nations had done. The emperor gave them a very ungracious reception, and would probably have destroyed their countrymen if he had not soon after been cut off.

This affair of the Jews remained undecided during his reign; but it was at last settled by his successor to their satisfaction. It was upon this occasion that Philo made the following remarkable answer to his associates, who were terrified with apprehensions of the emperor's indignation: "Fear nothing (cried he to them), Caligula, by declaring against us, puts God on our side."

The continuation of this horrid reign seemed to threaten universal calamity: however, it was but short. There had already been several conspiracies formed to destroy the tyrant, but without success. That which at last succeeded in delivering the world of this monster, was concerted under the influence of Cassius Cherea, tribune of the praetorian bands. This man was of experienced courage, an ardent admirer of freedom, and consequently an enemy to tyrants. Besides the motives which he had in common with other men, he had received repeated insults from Caligula, who took all occasions of turning him into ridicule, and impeaching him of cowardice, merely because he had an effeminate voice. Whenever Cherea came to demand the watchword from the emperor, according to custom, he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or some such, implying effeminacy and softness. He therefore secretly imparted his designs to several senators and knights, whom he knew to have received personal injuries from Caligula, or to be apprehensive of those to come. Among these was Valerius Asiaticus, whose wife the emperor had debauched. Annius Vincianus, who was suspected of having been in a former conspiracy, was now desirous of really engaging in the first design that offered. Besides these were Clemens the prefect; and Calistus, whose riches made him obnoxious to the tyrant's resentment.

While these were deliberating upon the most certain and speedy method of destroying the tyrant, an unexpected incident gave new strength to the conspiracy. Pompedius, a senator of distinction, having been accused before the emperor, of having spoken of him with disrespect, the informer cited one Quintilia, an actress, to confirm his accusation. Quintilia, however, was possessed of a degree of fortune not easily found. She denied the fact with obstinacy; and being put to the torture at the informer's request, she bore the severest tor- ments of the rack with unshaken constancy. But what is most remarkable of her resolution is, that she was acquainted with all the particulars of the conspiracy; and although she was appointed to preside at her torture, she revealed nothing: on the contrary, when she was led to the rack, she trod upon the toe of one of the conspirators, intimating at once her knowledge of the confederacy, and her own resolution not to divulge it. In this manner she suffered until all her limbs were dislocated; and in that deplorable state was presented to the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for what she had suffered. Cherea could now no longer contain his indignation at being thus made the instrument of a tyrant's cruelty. He therefore proposed to the conspirators to attack him as he went to offer sacrifices in the capitol, or while he was employed in the secret pleasures of the palace. The rest, however, were of opinion, that it was best to fall upon him when he should be unattended; by which means they would be more certain of success. After several deliberations, it was at last resolved to attack him during the continuance of the Palatine games, which lasted four days; and to strike the blow when his guards should have the least opportunity to defend him. In consequence of this, the three first days of the games passed without affording that opportunity which was so ardently desired. Cherea now, therefore, began to apprehend, that deferring the time of the conspiracy might be a mean to divulge it: he even began to dread, that the honour of killing the tyrant might fall to the lot of some other person more bold than himself. Wherefore, he at last resolved to defer the execution of his plot only to the day following, when Caligula should pass through a private gallery, to some baths not far distant from the palace.

The last day of the games was more splendid than the rest; and Caligula seemed more sprightly and condescending than usual. He took great amusement in seeing the people scramble for the fruits and other rarities thrown by his order among them; and seemed no way apprehensive of the plot formed for his destruction. In the mean time, the conspiracy began to transpire; and had he possessed any friends, it could not have failed of being discovered. The conspirators waited a great part of the day with the most extreme anxiety; and at one time Caligula seemed resolved to spend the whole day without any refreshment. This unexpected delay entirely exasperated Cherea; and had he not been restrained, he would have gone and perpetrated his design in the midst of all the people. Just at that instant, while he was yet hesitating what he should do, Asprenas, one of the conspirators, persuaded Caligula to go to the bath and take some slight refreshment, in order to enjoy the rest of the entertainment with greater relish. The emperor therefore rising up, the conspirators used every precaution to keep off the throng, and to surround him, under pretence of greater assiduity. Upon entering into the little vaulted gallery that led to the bath, he was met by a band of Grecian children who had been instructed in singing, and were come to perform in his presence. He was once more therefore going to return to the theatre with them, had not the leader of the band excused himself, as having a cold. This was the moment that Cherea seized to strike him to the ground; crying out, "Tyrant think upon this." Immediately after, the other conspirators rushed in; and while the emperor continued to resist, crying out, that he was not yet dead, they dispatched him with 30 wounds, in the 29th year of his age, after a short reign of three years ten months and eight days. With him his wife and infant daughter also perished; the one being stabbed by a centurion, the other having its brains dashed out against the wall. His coin was also melted down by a decree of the senate; and such precautions were taken, that all seemed willing, that neither his features nor his name might be transmitted to posterity.

As soon as the death of Caligula was made public, it produced the greatest confusion in all parts of the city. The conspirators, who only aimed at destroying a tyrant without attending to a successor, had all sought safety by retiring to private places. Some thought the report of the emperor's death was only an artifice of his own, to see how his enemies would behave. Others averred that he was still alive, and actually in a fair way to recover. In this interval of suspense, the German guards finding it a convenient time to pillage, gave a loose to their licentiousness, under a pretence of revenging the emperor's death. All the conspirators and senators that fell in their way received no mercy: Asprenas, Norbanus, and Anteius, were cut in pieces. However, they grew calm by degrees, and the senate was permitted to assemble, in order to deliberate upon what was necessary to be done in the present emergency.

In this deliberation, Saturninus, who was then consul, insisted much upon the benefits of liberty; and talked in raptures of Cherea's fortitude, alleging that it deserved the highest reward. This was a language highly pleasing to the senate. Liberty now became the favourite topic; and they even ventured to talk of extinguishing the very name of Caesar. Impressed with this resolution, they brought over some cohorts of the city to their side, and boldly seized upon the Capitol. But it was now too late for Rome to regain her pristine freedom; the populace and the army opposing their endeavours. The former were still mindful of their ancient hatred to the senate; and remembered the donations and public spectacles of the emperors with regret. The latter were sensible they could have no power but in a monarchy; and had some hopes that the election of the emperor would fall to their determination. In this opposition of interests, and variety of opinions, chance seemed at last to decide the fate of the empire. Some soldiers happening to run about the palace, discovered Claudius, Caligula's uncle, lurking in a secret place, where he had hid himself through fear. Of this personage, who had hitherto been despised for his imbecility, they resolved to make an emperor; and accordingly carried him upon their shoulders to the camp, where they proclaimed him at a time he expected nothing but death.

The senate now, therefore, perceiving that force Claudius alone was likely to settle the succession, were resolved made effort to submit, since they had no power to oppose. Claudius was the person most nearly allied to the late emperor, then living; being the nephew of Tiberius, and the uncle of Caligula. The senate therefore passed a decree, confirming him in the empire; and went soon after in a body, to render him their compulsory homage. Cherea was the first who fell a sacrifice to the jealousy of this new monarch. He met death with all the fortitude of an ancient Roman; desiring to die by the same sword with which he had killed Caligula. Lupus, his friend, was put to death with him; and Sabinus, one of the conspirators, laid violent hands on himself.

Claudius was 50 years old when he began to reign. The complicated diseases of his infancy had in some measure affected all the faculties both of his body and mind. He was continued in a state of pupillage much longer than was usual at that time; and seemed, in every part of his life, incapable of conducting himself. Not that he was entirely destitute of understanding, since he had made a tolerable proficiency in the Greek and Latin languages, and even wrote a history of his own time; which, however destitute of other merit, was not contemptible in point of style. Nevertheless, with this share of erudition, he was unable to advance himself in the state, and seemed utterly neglected until he was placed all at once at the head of affairs. The commencement of his reign gave the most promising hopes of a happy continuance. He began by passing an act of oblivion for all former words and actions, and disannulled all the cruel edicts of Caligula. He forbade all persons, upon severe penalties, to sacrifice to him as they had done to Caligula; was assiduous in hearing and examining complaints; and frequently administered justice in person; tempering by his mildness the severity of the law. We are told of his bringing a woman to acknowledge her son, by adjudging her to marry him. The tribunes of the people coming one day to attend him when he was on the tribunal, he courteously excused himself for not having room for them to sit down. By this deportment he so much gained the affections of the people, that upon a vague report of his being slain by surprise, they ran about the streets in the utmost rage and consternation, with horrid imprecations against all such as were accessory to his death; nor could they be appeased, until they were assured, with certainty, of his safety. He took a more than ordinary care that Rome should be continually supplied with corn and provisions, securing the merchants against pirates. He was not less assiduous in his buildings, in which he excelled almost all that went before him. He constructed a wonderful aqueduct, called after his own name, much surpassing any other in Rome, either for workmanship or plentiful supply. It brought water from 40 miles distance, through great mountains and over deep valleys; being built on stately arches, and furnishing the highest parts of the city. He made also an haven at Ostia; a work of such immense expense, that his successors were unable to maintain it. But his greatest work of all was the draining of the lake Fucinus, which was the largest in Italy, and bringing its water into the Tiber, in order to strengthen the current of that river. For effecting this, among other vast difficulties, he mined through a mountain of stone three miles broad, and kept 30,000 men employed for 11 years together.

To this solicitude for the internal advantages of the state, he added that of a watchful guardianship over the provinces. He restored Judea to Herod Agrippa, which Caligula had taken from Herod Antipas, his uncle, the man who had put John the Baptist to death, and who was banished by order of the present emperor. Claudius also restored such princes to their kingdoms as had been unjustly dispossessed by his predecessors; but deprived the Lycians and Rhodians of their liberty, for having promoted insurrections, and crucified some citizens of Rome.

He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign conquest. The Britons, who had, for near 100 years, been left in sole possession of their own island, began to seek the mediation of Rome, to quell their intestine commotions. The principal man who desired to subject his native country to the Roman dominion, was one Bericus, who, by many arguments, persuaded the emperor to make a descent upon the island, magnifying the advantages that would attend the conquest of it. In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius the praetor was ordered to pass over into Gaul, and make preparations for this great expedition. At first, indeed, his soldiers seemed backward to embark; declaring, that they were unwilling to make war beyond the limits of the world, for so they judged Britain to be. However, they were at last persuaded to go; and the Britons, under the conduct of their king Cynobelinus, were several times overthrown. And these successes soon after induced Claudius to go into Britain in person, upon pretence that the natives were still seditious, and had not delivered up some Roman fugitives who had taken shelter among them; but for a particular account of the exploits of the Romans in this island, see the article ENGLAND.

But though Claudius gave in the beginning of his reign the highest hopes of a happy continuance, he by his favourites committed many acts of cruelty. Soon began to lessen his care for the public, and to commit to his favourites all the concerns of the empire. This weak prince was unable to act but under the direction of others. The chief of his directors was his wife Messalina: whose name is almost become a common appellation to women of abandoned characters. However, she was not less remarkable for her cruelties than her lusts; as by her intrigues she destroyed many of the most illustrious families of Rome. Subordinate to her were the emperor's freedmen; Pallas, the treasurer; Narcissus, the secretary of state; and Callistus, the master of the requests. These entirely governed Claudius; so that he was only left the fatigues of ceremony, while they were possessed of all the power of the state.

It would be tedious to enumerate the various cruelties which these insidious advisers obliged the feeble emperor to commit: those against his own family will suffice. Appius Silanus, a person of great merit, who had been married to the emperor's mother-in-law, was put to death upon the suggestions of Messalina. After him he slew both his sons-in-law, Silanus and Pompey, and his two nieces the Liviæ, one the daughter of Drusus, the other of Germanicus; and all without permitting them to plead in their defence, or even without assigning any cause for his displeasure. Great numbers of others fell a sacrifice to the jealousy of Messalina and her minions; who bore so great a sway in the state, that all offices, dignities, and governments, were entirely at their disposal. Every thing was put to sale: they took money for pardons and penalties; and accumulated, by these means, such vast sums, that the wealth of Croesus was considered as nothing in comparison. parson. One day, the emperor complaining that his exchequer was exhausted, he was ludicrously told, that it might be sufficiently replenished if his two freedmen would take him into partnership. Still, however, during such corruption, he regarded his favourites with the highest esteem, and even solicited the senate to grant them peculiar marks of their approbation. These disorders in the ministers of government did not fail to produce conspiracies against the emperor. Statius Corvinus and Gallus Assinius formed a conspiracy against him. Two knights, whose names are not told us, privately combined to assassinate him. But the revolt which gave him the greatest uneasiness, and which was punished with the most unrelenting severity, was that of Camillus, his lieutenant-general in Dalmatia. This general, incited by many of the principal men of Rome, openly rebelled against him, and assumed the title of emperor. Nothing could exceed the terrors of Claudius, upon being informed of this revolt; his nature and his crimes had disposed him to be more cowardly than the rest of mankind; so that when Camillus commanded him by letters to relinquish the empire, and retire to a private station, he seemed inclined to obey. However, his fears upon this occasion were soon removed: for the legions which had declared for Camillus being terrified by some prodigies, shortly after abandoned him; so that the man whom but five days before they had acknowledged as emperor, they now thought it no infamy to destroy. The cruelty of Messalina and her minions upon this occasion seemed to have no bounds. They so wrought upon the emperor's fears and suspicions, that numbers were executed without trial or proof; and scarce any, even of those who were suspected, escaped, unless by ransoming their lives with their fortunes.

By such cruelties as these, the favourites of the emperor endeavoured to establish his and their own authority: but in order to increase the necessity of their assistance, they laboured to augment the greatness of his terrors. He now became a prey to jealousy and disquietude. Being one day in the temple, and finding a sword that was left there by accident, he convened the senate in a fright, and informed them of his danger. After this he never ventured to go to any feast without being surrounded by his guards, nor would he suffer any man to approach him without a previous search. Thus wholly employed by his anxiety for self-preservation, he entirely left the care of the state to his favourites, who by degrees gave him a relish for inflicting tortures; and on a certain occasion continued a whole day at the city Tibur, waiting for a hangman from Rome, that he might feast his eyes with an execution in the manner of the ancients. Nor was he less regardless of the persons be condemned, than cruel in the infliction of their punishment. Such was his extreme stupidity, that he would frequently invite those to supper whom he had put to death but the day before; and often denied the having given orders for an execution, but a few hours after pronouncing sentence. Suetonius assures us, that there were no less than 35 senators, and above 300 knights, executed in his reign; and that such was his unconcern in the midst of slaughter, that one of the tribunes bringing him an account of a certain senator who was executed, he quite forgot his offence, but calmly acquiesced in his punishment.

In this manner was Claudius urged on by Messalina to commit cruelties, which he considered only as wholesome severities; while, in the mean time, she put no bounds to her enormities. The impunity of her past vices only increasing her confidence to commit new, her debaucheries became every day more notorious, and her lewdness exceeded what had ever been seen at Rome. She caused some women of the first quality to commit adultery in the presence of their husbands, and destroyed such as refused to comply. After appearing for some years insatiable in her desires, she at length fixed her affections upon Caius Silius, the most beautiful youth in Rome. Her love for the young Roman seemed to amount even to madness. She obliged him to divorce his wife Junia Syllana, that she might entirely possess him herself. She obliged him to accept of immense treasures and valuable presents; cohabiting with him in the most open manner, and treating him with the most shameless familiarity. The very imperial ornaments were transferred to his house; and the emperor's slaves and attendants had orders to wait upon the adulterer. Nothing was wanting to complete the insolence of their conduct, but their being married together; and this was soon after effected. They relied upon the emperor's imbecility for their security, and only waited till he retired to Ostia to put their ill-judged project in execution. In his absence, they celebrated their nuptials with all the ceremonies and splendour which attend the most confident security. Messalina gave a loose to her passion, and appeared as a Bacchanalian with a thyrsus in her hand; while Silius assumed the character of Bacchus, his body being adorned with robes imitating ivy, and his legs covered with buskins. A troop of singers and dancers attended, who heightened the revel with the most lascivious songs and the most indecent attitudes. In the midst of this riot, one Valens, a buffoon, is said to have climbed a tree; and being demanded what he saw, answered that he perceived a dreadful storm coming from Ostia. What this fellow spoke at random was actually at that time in preparation. It seems that some time before there had been a quarrel between Messalina and Narcissus, the emperor's first freedman. This subtle minister therefore desired nothing more than an opportunity of ruining the empress, and he judged this to be a most favourable occasion. He first made the discovery by means of two concubines who attended the emperor, who were instructed to inform him of Messalina's marriage as the news of the day, while Narcissus himself stepped in to confirm their information. Finding it operated upon the emperor's fears as he could wish, he resolved to alarm him still more by a discovery of all Messalina's projects and attempts. He aggravated the danger, and urged the expediency of speedily punishing the delinquents. Claudius, quite terrified so unexpected a relation, supposed the enemy were already at his gates; and frequently interrupted his freedman, by asking if he was still master of the empire. Being assured that he yet had it in his power to continue so, he resolved to go and punish the affront offered to his dignity without delay. Nothing could exceed the consternation of Messalina and her thoughtless companions, upon being informed that the empe- ror was coming to disturb their festivity. Every one retired in the utmost confusion. Silius was taken. Messalina took shelter in some gardens which she had lately seized upon, having expelled Asiaticus the true owner, and put him to death. From thence she sent Britannicus, her only son by the emperor, with Octavia her daughter, to intercede for her, and implore his mercy. She soon after followed them herself; but Narcissus had so fortified the emperor against her arts, and contrived such methods of diverting his attention from her defence, that she was obliged to return in despair. Narcissus being thus far successful, led Claudius to the house of the adulterer, there showing him the apartments adorned with the spoils of his own palace; and then conducting him to the praetorian camp, revived his courage by giving him assurances of the readiness of the soldiers to defend him. Having thus artfully wrought upon his fears and resentment, the wretched Silius was commanded to appear; who, making no defence, was instantly put to death in the emperor's presence. Several others shared the same fate; but Messalina still flattered herself with hopes of pardon. She resolved to leave neither prayers nor tears unattempted to appease the emperor. She sometimes even gave a loose to her resentment, and threatened her accusers with vengeance. Nor did she want ground for entertaining the most favourable expectations. Claudius having returned from the execution of her paramour, and having allayed his resentment in a banquet, began to relent. He now therefore commanded his attendants to apprise that miserable creature, meaning Messalina, of his resolution to hear her accusation the next day, and ordered her to be in readiness with her defence. The permission to defend herself would have been fatal to Narcissus; wherefore he rushed out, and ordered the tribunes and centurions who were in readiness to execute her immediately by the emperor's command. Claudius was informed of her death in the midst of his banquet; but this insensible idiot showed not the least appearance of emotion. He continued at table with his usual tranquillity; and the day following, while he was sitting at dinner, he asked why Messalina was absent, as if he had totally forgotten her crimes and her punishment.

Claudius being now a widower, declared publicly, that as he had hitherto been unfortunate in his marriages, he would remain single for the future, and that he would be contented to forfeit his life in case he broke his resolution. However, the resolutions of Claudius were but of short continuance. Having been accustomed to live under the control of women, his present freedom was become irksome to him, and he was entirely unable to live without a director. His freedmen therefore perceiving his inclinations, resolved to procure him another wife; and, after some deliberation, they fixed upon Agrippina, the daughter of his brother Germanicus. This woman was more practised in vice than even the former empress. Her cruelties were more dangerous, as they were directed with greater caution: she had poisoned her former husband, to be at liberty to attend the calls of ambition; and, perfectly acquainted with all the infirmities of Claudius, only made use of his power to advance her own. However, as the late declaration of Claudius seemed to be an obstacle to his marrying again, persons were suborned to move in the senate, that he should be compelled to take a wife, as a matter of great importance to the commonwealth; and some more determined flatterers than the rest left the house, as with a thorough resolution, that instant, to constrain him. When this decree passed in the senate, Claudius had scarce patience to contain himself a day before the celebration of his nuptials. However, such was the detestation in which the people in general held these incestuous matches, that though they were made lawful, yet only one of his tribunes, and one of his freedmen, followed his example.

Claudius having now received a new director, submitted with more implicit obedience than in any former part of his reign. Agrippina's chief aims were to gain the succession in favour of her own son Nero, and to set aside the claims of young Britannicus, son to the emperor and Messalina. For this purpose she married Nero to the emperor's daughter Octavia, a few days after her own marriage. Not long after this, she urged the emperor to strengthen the succession, in imitation of his predecessors, by making a new adoption; and caused him take in her son Nero, in some measure to divide the fatigues of government. Her next care was to increase her son's popularity, by giving him Seneca for a tutor. This excellent man, by birth a Spaniard, had been banished by Claudius, upon the false testimony of Messalina, who had accused him of adultery with Julia the emperor's niece. The people loved and admired him for his genius, but still more for his strict morality; and a part of his reputation necessarily devolved to his pupil. This subtle woman was not less assiduous in pretending the utmost affection for Britannicus; whom, however, she resolved in a proper time to destroy: but her jealousy was not confined to this child only; she, shortly after her accession, procured the deaths of several ladies who had been her rivals in the emperor's affections. She displaced the captains of the guard, and appointed Burrhus to that command; a person of great military knowledge, and strongly attached to her interests. From that time she took less pains to disguise her power, and frequently entered the Capitol in a chariot; a privilege which none before were allowed, except of the sacerdotal order.

In the 12th year of this monarch's reign, she persuaded him to restore liberty to the Rhodians, of which he had deprived them some years before; and to remit the taxes of the city Ilion, as having been the progenitors of Rome. Her design in this was to increase the popularity of Nero, who pleaded the cause of both cities with great approbation. Thus did this ambitious woman take every step to aggrandize her son, and was even contented to become hateful herself to the public, merely to increase his popularity.

Such a very immoderate abuse of her power served at last to awaken the emperor's suspicions. Agrippina's imperious temper began to grow insupportable to him, and he was heard to declare, when heated with wine, that it was his fate to suffer the disorders of his wives, and to be their executioner. This expression sunk deep on her mind, and engaged all her faculties to prevent the blow. Her first care was to remove Narcissus, whom she hated upon many accounts, but particularly for his attachment to Claudius. This minister, for some time, opposed her designs; but at length thought fit to retire, by a voluntary exile, into Campania. The unhappy emperor, thus exposed to all the machinations of his insidious consort, seemed entirely regardless of the danger that threatened his destruction. His affection for Britannicus was perceived every day to increase, which served also to increase the vigilance and jealousy of Agrippina. She now, therefore, resolved not to defer a crime which she had meditated a long while before; namely, that of poisoning her husband. She for some time, however, debated with herself in what manner she should administer the poison; as she feared too strong a dose would discover her treachery, and one too weak might fail of its effects.

At length she determined upon a poison of singular efficacy to destroy his intellects, and yet not suddenly to terminate his life. As she had been long conversant in this horrid practice, she applied to a woman called Locusta, notorious for assisting on such occasions. The poison was given to the emperor among mushrooms, a dish he was particularly fond of. Shortly after having eaten, he dropped down insensible; but this caused no alarm, as it was usual with him to sit eating till he had stupified all his faculties, and was obliged to be carried off to his bed from the table. However, his constitution seemed to overcome the effects of his potion, when Agrippina resolved to make sure of him; wherefore she directed a wretched physician, who was her creature, to thrust a poisoned feather down his throat, under pretence of making him vomit; and thus dispatched him.

The reign of this emperor, feeble and impotent as he was, produced no great calamities in the state, since his cruelties were chiefly levelled at those about his person. The list of the inhabitants of Rome at this time amounted to six millions eight hundred and forty-four thousand souls; a number little inferior to all the people of England at this day. The general character of the times was that of corruption and luxury; but the military spirit of Rome, though much relaxed from its former severity, still continued to awe mankind; and though during this reign, the empire might be justly said to be without a head, yet the terror of the Roman name alone kept the nations in obedience.

Claudius being destroyed, Agrippina took every precaution to conceal his death from the public, until she had settled her measures for securing the succession. A strong guard was placed at all the avenues of the palace, while she amused the people with various reports; at one time giving out that he was still alive; at another, that he was recovering. In the meanwhile, she made sure of the person of young Britannicus, under a pretence of affection for him. Like one overcome with the extremity of her grief, she held the child in her arms, calling him the dear image of his father, and thus preventing his escape. She used the same precautions with regard to his sisters, Octavia and Antonia; and even ordered an entertainment in the palace, as if to amuse the emperor. At last, when all things were adjusted, the palace gates were thrown open, and Nero, accompanied by Burrhus, prefect of the Praetorian guards, issued to receive the congratulations of the people and the army. The cohorts then attending, proclaimed him with the loudest acclamations, though not without making some inquiries after Britannicus. He was carried in a chariot to the rest of the army, wherein having made a speech proper to the occasion, and promising them a donation, in the manner of his predecessors, he was declared emperor by the army, the senate, and the people.

Nero's first care was, to show all possible respect to the deceased emperor, in order to cover the guilt of his death. His obsequies were performed with a pomp equal to that of Augustus; the young emperor pronounced his funeral oration, and he was canonized among the gods. The funeral oration, though spoken by Nero, was drawn up by Seneca; and it was remarked, that this was the first time a Roman emperor needed the assistance of another's eloquence.

Nero, though but 17 years of age, began his reign with the general approbation of mankind. As he owed the empire to Agrippina, so in the beginning he submitted to her directions with the most implicit obedience. On her part, she seemed resolved on governing with her natural ferocity, and considered her private animosities as the only rule to guide her in public justice. Immediately after the death of Claudius, she caused Silanus, the proconsul of Asia, to be assassinated upon very slight suspicions, and without ever acquainting the emperor with her design. The next object of her resentment was Narcissus, the late emperor's favourite; a man equally notorious for the greatness of his wealth and the number of his crimes. He was obliged to put an end to his life by Agrippina's order, though Nero refused his consent.

This bloody onset would have been followed by many severities of the same nature, had not Seneca and Burrhus, the emperor's tutor and general, opposed. These worthy men, although they owed their rise to the empress, were above being the instruments of her cruelty. They, therefore, combined together in an opposition; and gaining the young emperor on their side, formed a plan of power, at once the most merciful and wise. The beginning of this monarch's reign, while he continued to act by their counsels, has always been considered as a model for succeeding princes to govern by. The famous emperor Trajan used to say, "That for the first five years of this prince all other governments came short of his." In fact, the young monarch knew so well how to conceal his innate depravity, that his nearest friends could scarcely perceive his virtues to be but assumed. He appeared just, liberal, and humane. When a warrant for the execution of a criminal was brought to him to be signed, he was heard to cry out, with seeming concern, "Would to Heaven that I had never learned to write!" The senate, upon a certain occasion, giving him their applause for the regularity and justice of his administration; he replied with singular modesty, "That they should defer their thanks till he had deserved them." His condescension and affability were not less than his other virtues; so that the Romans began to think, that the clemency of this prince would compensate for the tyranny of his predecessors.

In the mean time, Agrippina, who was excluded from any share in government, attempted, by every possible method, to maintain her declining power. Perceiving that her son had fallen in love with a freedwoman, named Acte, and dreading the influence of a concubine, she tried every art to prevent his growing passion. However, in so corrupt a court, it was no difficult matter for the emperor to find other confidants dants ready to assist him in his wishes. The gratification of his passion, therefore, in this instance, only served to increase his hatred for the empress. Nor was it long before he gave evident marks of his disobedience by displacing Pallas his chief favourite. It was upon this occasion that she first perceived the total declension of her authority; which threw her into the most ungovernable fury. In order to give terror to her rage, she proclaimed that Britannicus, the real heir to the throne, was still living, and in a condition to receive his father's empire, which was now possessed by an usurper. She threatened to go to the camp, and there expose his baseness and her own, invoking all the furies to her assistance. These menaces served to alarm the suspicions of Nero; who though apparently guided by his governors, yet had begun to give way to his natural depravity. He, therefore, determined upon the death of Britannicus, and contrived to have him poisoned at a public banquet. Agrippina, however, still retained her natural ferocity; she took every opportunity of obliging and flattering the tribunes and centurions; she heaped up treasures with a rapacity beyond her natural avarice; all her actions seemed calculated to raise a faction, and make herself formidable to the emperor. Whereupon Nero commanded her German guard to be taken from her, and obliged her to lodge out of the palace. He also forbade particular persons to visit her, and went himself but rarely and ceremoniously to pay her his respects. She now, therefore, began to find, that, with the emperor's favour, she had lost the assiduity of her friends. She was even accused by Silana of conspiring against her son, and of designing to marry Plautius, a person descended from Augustus, and making him emperor. A short time after, Pallas her favourite, together with Burrhus, were arraigned for a similar offence, and intending to set up Cornelius Sylla. These informations being proved void of any foundation, the informers were banished; a punishment which was considered as very inadequate to the greatness of the offence.

As Nero increased in years, his crimes seemed to increase in equal proportion. He now began to find a pleasure in running about the city by night, disguised like a slave. In this vile habit he entered taverns and brothels, attended by the lewd ministers of his pleasures, attempting the lives of such as opposed him, and frequently endangering his own. In imitation of the emperor's example, numbers of profligate young men infested the streets likewise; so that every night the city was filled with tumult and disorder. However, the people bore all these levities, which they ascribed to the emperor's youth, with patience, having occasion every day to experience his liberality, and having also been gratified by the abolition of many of their taxes. The provinces also were no way affected by these riots; for except disturbances on the side of the Parthians, which were soon suppressed, they enjoyed the most perfect tranquillity.

But those sensualities, which, for the first four years of his reign, produced but few disorders, in the fifth became alarming. He first began to transgress the bounds of decency; by publicly abandoning Octavia, his present wife, and then by taking Poppea, the wife of his favourite Otho, a woman more celebrated for her beauty than her virtues. This was another grating circumstance to Agrippina, who vainly used all her interest to disgrace Poppea, and reinstate herself in her son's lost favour. Historians assert, that she even offered to satisfy his passion herself by an incestuous compliance; and that, had not Seneca interposed, the son would have joined in the mother's crime. This, however, does not seem probable, since we find Poppea victorious, soon after, in the contention of interests; and at last impelling Nero to parricide, to satisfy her revenge. She began her arts by urging him to divorce his present wife, and marry herself; she reproached him as a pupil, who wanted not only power over others, but liberty to direct himself. She insinuated the dangerous designs of Agrippina; and, by degrees, accustomed his mind to reflect on parricide without horror. His cruelties against his mother began rather by various circumstances of petty malice than by any downright injury. He encouraged several persons to tease her with litigious suits; and employed some of the meanest of the people to sing satirical songs against her, under her windows; but, at last, finding these ineffectual in breaking her spirit, he resolved on putting her to death. His first attempt was by poison; but this, though twice repeated, proved ineffectual, as she had fortified her constitution against it by antidotes. This failing, a ship was contrived in so artificial a manner as to fall to pieces in the water; on board of which she was invited to sail to the coasts of Calabria. However, this plot was as ineffectual as the former; the mariners, not being apprised of the secret, disturbed each other's operations; so that the ship not sinking as readily as was expected, Agrippina found means to continue swimming, till she was taken up by some trading vessels passing that way. Nero finding all his machinations were discovered, resolved to throw off the mask, and put her openly to death, without further delay. He therefore caused a report to be spread, that she had conspired against him, and that a poniard was dropped at his feet by one who pretended a command from Agrippina to assassinate him. In consequence of this, he applied to his governors Seneca and Burrhus, for their advice how to act, and their assistance in ridding him of his fears. Things were now come to such a crisis, that no middle way could be taken; and either Nero or Agrippina was to fall. Seneca, therefore, kept a profound silence; while Burrhus, with more resolution, refused to be perpetrator of so great a crime; alleging, that the army was entirely devoted to all the descendants of Caesar, and would never be brought to imbrue their hands in the blood of any of his family. In this embarrassment, Anicetus, the contriver of the ship above mentioned, offered his services; which Nero accepted with the greatest joy, crying out, "That then was the first moment he ever found himself an emperor." This freedman, therefore, taking with him a body of soldiers, surrounded the house of Agrippina, and then forced open the doors. The executioners having dispatched her with several wounds, left her dead on the couch, and went to inform Nero of what they had done. Some authors say, that Nero came immediately to view the body; that he continued to gaze upon it with pleasure, and ended his horrid survey, by coolly observing, that he never thought his mother had been so handsome— However this be, he vindicated his conduct next day to the senate; who not only excused, but applauded his impiety.

All the bounds of virtue being thus broken down, Nero now gave a loose to his appetites, that were not only sordid but inhuman. There seemed an odd contrast in his disposition; for while he practised cruelties which were sufficient to make the mind shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing arts that soften and refine the heart. He was particularly addicted, even from childhood, to music, and not totally ignorant of poetry. But chariot-driving was his favourite pursuit. He never missed the circus, when chariot-races were to be exhibited there; appearing at first privately, and soon after publicly; till at last, his passion increasing by indulgence, he was not content with being merely a spectator, but resolved to become one of the principal performers. His governors, however, did all in their power to restrain this perverted ambition; but finding him resolute, they inclosed a space of ground in the valley of the Vatican, where he first exhibited only to some chosen spectators, but shortly after invited the whole town. The praises of his flattering subjects only stimulated him still more to these unbecoming pursuits; so that he now resolved to assume a new character, and to appear as a singer upon the stage.

His passion for music, as was observed, was no less natural to him than the former; but as it was less manly, so he endeavoured to defend it by the example of some of the most celebrated men, who practised it with the same fondness. He had been instructed in the principles of this art from his childhood; and upon his advancement to the empire, he had put himself under the most celebrated masters. He patiently submitted to their instructions, and used all those methods which singers practise, either to mend the voice, or improve its volatility. Yet, notwithstanding all his assiduity, his voice was but a wretched one, being both feeble and unpleasant. However, he was resolved to produce it to the public, such as it was; for flattery, he knew, would supply every deficiency. His first public appearance was at games of his own institution, called juveniles; where he advanced upon the stage, tuning his instrument to his voice with great appearance of skill. A group of tribunes and centurions attended behind him; while his old governor Burrhus stood by his hopeful pupil, with indignation in his countenance, and praises on his lips.

He was desirous also of becoming a poet; but he was unwilling to undergo the pain of study, which a proficiency in that art requires; he was desirous of being a poet ready made. For this purpose, he got together several persons, who were considered as great wits at court, though but very little known as such to the public. These attended him with verses which they had composed at home, or which they blabbed out contemporaneously; and the whole of their compositions being tacked together, by his direction, was called a poem. Nor was he without his philosophers also; he took a pleasure in hearing their debates after supper, but he heard them merely for his amusement.

Furnished with such talents as these for giving pleasure, he was resolved to make the tour of his empire, and give the most public display of his abilities wherever he came. The piece of his first exhibition, upon leaving Rome, was Naples. The crowds there were so great, and the curiosity of the people so earnest in hearing him, that they did not perceive an earthquake that happened while he was singing. His desire of gaining the superiority over the other actors was truly ridiculous: he made interest with his judges, reviled his competitors, formed private factions to support him, all in imitation of those who got their livelihood upon the stage. While he continued to perform, no man was permitted to depart from the theatre, upon any pretence whatsoever. Some were so fatigued with hearing him, that they leaped privately from the walls, or pretended to fall into fainting fits, in order to be carried out. Nay, it is said, that several women were delivered in the theatre. Soldiers were placed in several parts to observe the looks and gestures of the spectators, either to direct them where to point their applause, or restrain their displeasure. An old senator, named Vespaian, afterwards emperor, happening to fall asleep upon one of these occasions, very narrowly escaped with his life.

After being fatigued with the praises of his countrymen, Nero resolved upon going over into Greece, to receive new theatrical honours. The occasion was this. The cities of Greece had made a law to send him the crowns from all the games; and deputies were accordingly dispatched with this (to him) important embassy. As he one day entertained them at his table in the most sumptuous manner, and conversed with them with the utmost familiarity, they entreated to hear him sing. Upon his complying, the artful Greeks testified all the marks of ecstasy and rapture. Applauses so warm were peculiarly pleasing to Nero: he could not refrain from crying out, That the Greeks alone were worthy to hear him; and accordingly prepared without delay to go into Greece, where he spent the whole year ensuing. In this journey, his retinue resembled an army in number; but it was only composed of singers, dancers, tailors, and other attendants upon the theatre. He passed over all Greece, and exhibited at all their games, which he ordered to be celebrated in one year. At the Olympic games he resolved to show the people something extraordinary; wherefore, he drove a chariot with 10 horses; but being unable to sustain the violence of the motion, he was driven from his seat. The spectators, however, gave their unanimous applause, and he was crowned as conqueror. In this manner he obtained the prize at the Isthmian, Pythian, and Nemean games. The Greeks were not sparing of their crowns; he obtained 1800 of them. An unfortunate singer happened to oppose him on one of these occasions, and exerted all the powers of his art, which, it appears, were prodigious. But he seems to have been a better singer than a politician; for Nero ordered him to be killed on the spot. Upon his return from Greece, he entered Naples, through a breach in the walls of the city, as was customary with those who were conquerors in the Olympic games. But all the splendour of his return was reserved for his entry into Rome. There he appeared seated in the chariot of Augustus, dressed in robes of purple, and crowned with wild olive, which was the Olympic garland. He bore in his hand the Pythian crown, and had 1100 more carried before him.—Beside him sat one Diodorus, a musician; and behind him followed a band of singers, as numerous as a legio. gion, who sung in honour of his victories. The senate, the knights, and the people, attended this puerile pageant, filling the air with their acclamations. The whole city was illuminated, every street smoked with incense; wherever he passed, victims were slain; the pavement was strewed with saffron, while garlands of flowers, ribbons, fowls, and pasties, (for so we are told), were showered down upon him from the windows as he passed along. So many honours only inflamed his desire of acquiring new; he at last began to take lessons in wrestling; willing to imitate Hercules in strength, as he had rivalled Apollo in activity. He also caused a lion of pasteboard to be made with great art, against which he undauntedly appeared in the theatre, and struck it down with a blow of his club.

But his cruelties even outdid all his other extravagancies, a complete list of which would exceed the limits of the present article. He was often heard to observe, that he had rather be hated than loved. When one happened to say in his presence, That the world might be burned when he was dead: "Nay," replied Nero, "let it be burnt while I am alive." In fact, a great part of the city of Rome was consumed by fire shortly after. This remarkable conflagration took place in the 11th year of Nero's reign. The fire began among certain shops, in which were kept such goods as were proper to feed it; and spread every way with such amazing rapidity, that its havoc was felt in distant streets, before any measures to stop it could be tried. Besides an infinite number of common houses, all the noble monuments of antiquity, all the stately palaces, temples, porticoes, with goods, riches, furniture, and merchandise, to an immense value, were devoured by the flames, which raged first in the low regions of the city, and then mounted to the higher with such terrible violence and impetuosity, as to frustrate all relief. The shrieks of the women, the various efforts of some endeavouring to save the young and tender, of others attempting to assist the aged and infirm, and the hurry of such as strove only to provide for themselves, occasioned a mutual interruption and universal confusion. Many, while they chiefly regarded the danger that pursued them from behind, found themselves suddenly involved in the flames before and on every side. If they escaped into the quarters adjoining, or into the parts quite remote, there too they met with the devouring flames. At last, not knowing whither to fly, nor where to seek sanctuary, they abandoned the city, and repaired to the open fields. Some, out of despair for the loss of their whole substance, others, through tenderness for their children and relations, whom they had not been able to snatch from the flames, suffered themselves to perish in them, though they might easily have found means to escape. No man dared to stop the progress of the fire, there being many who had no other business but to prevent with repeated menaces all attempts of that nature: nay, some were, in the face of the public, seen to throw lighted firebrands into the houses, loudly declaring that they were authorised so to do; but whether this was only a device to plunder the more freely, or in reality they had such orders, was never certainly known.

Nero, who was then at Antium, did not offer to return to the city, till he heard that the flames were advancing to his palace, which, after his arrival, was, in spite of all opposition, burnt down to the ground, with all the houses adjoining to it. However, Nero, affecting compassion for the multitude, thus vagabond and bereft of their dwellings, laid open the field of Mars, and all the great edifices erected there by Agrippa, and even his own gardens. He likewise caused tabernacles to be reared in haste for the reception of the forlorn populace; from Ostia, too, and the neighbouring cities, were brought, by his orders, all sorts of furniture and necessaries, and the price of corn was considerably lessened. But these bounties, however generous and popular, were bestowed in vain, because a report was spread abroad, that, during the time of this general conflagration, he mounted his domestic stage, and sung the destruction of Troy, comparing the present desolation to the celebrated calamities of antiquity. At length, on the sixth day, the fury of the flames was stopped at the foot of Mount Aventine, by levelling with the ground an infinite number of buildings: so that the fire found nothing to encounter but the open fields and empty air.

But scarce had the late alarm ceased, when the fire broke out anew with fresh rage, but in places more wide and spacious; whence fewer persons were destroyed, but more temples and public porticoes were overthrown. As this second conflagration broke out in certain buildings belonging to Tigellinus, they were both generally ascribed to Nero: and it was conjectured, that, by destroying the old city, he aimed at the glory of building a new one, and calling it by his name. Of the fourteen quarters into which Rome was divided, four remained entire, three were laid in ashes, and, in the seven others, there remained here and there a few houses, miserably shattered, and half consumed. Among the many ancient and stately edifices, which the rage of the flames utterly consumed, Tacitus reckons the temple dedicated by Servius Tullius to the Moon; the temple and great altar consecrated by Evander to Hercules; the chapel vowed by Romulus to Jupiter Stator; the court of Numa, with the temple of Vesta; and in it the tutelar gods peculiar to the Romans. In the same fate were involved the inestimable treasures acquired by so many victories, the wonderful works of the best painters and sculptors of Greece, and what is still more to be lamented, the ancient writings of the celebrated authors, till then preserved perfectly entire. It was observed, that the fire began the same day on which the Gauls, having formerly taken the city, burnt it to the ground.

Upon the ruins of the demolished city, Nero founded a palace, which he called his golden house; though it was not so much admired on account of an immense profusion of gold, precious stones, and other inestimable ornaments, as for its vast extent, containing spacious fields, large wildernesses, artificial lakes, thick woods, orchards, vineyards, hills, groves, &c. The entrance of this stately edifice was wide enough to receive a colossus, representing Nero, 120 feet high: the galleries, which consisted of three rows of tall pillars, were each a full mile in length; the lakes were encompassed with magnificent buildings, in the manner of cities; and the woods stocked with all manner of wild beasts. The house itself was tiled with gold: the walls were covered with the same metal, and richly adorned with precious stones and mother-of-pearl, which in those days was valued above gold: the timber-work and ceil... The projectors of the plan were Severus and Celer, two bold and enterprising men, who soon after put the emperor upon a still more expensive and arduous undertaking, namely, that of cutting a canal through hard rocks and steep mountains, from the lake Avernus to the mouth of the Tiber, 160 miles in length, and of such breadth that two galleys of five ranks of oars might easily pass abreast. His view in this was to open a communication between Rome and Campania, free from the troubles and dangers of the sea; for this very year, a great number of vessels laden with corn were shipwrecked at Misenum, the pilots choosing rather to venture out in a violent storm, than not to arrive at the time they were expected by Nero. For the executing of this great undertaking, the emperor ordered the prisoners from all parts to be transported into Italy; and such as were convicted, whatever their crimes were, to be condemned only to his works. Nero, who undertook nothing with more ardour and readiness than what was deemed impossible, expended incredible sums in this rash undertaking, and exerted all his might to cut through the mountains adjoining to the lake Avernus; but, not being able to remove by art the obstacles of nature, he was in the end obliged to drop the enterprise.

The ground that was not taken up by the foundations of Nero's own palace, he assigned for houses, which were not placed, as after the burning of the city by the Gauls, at random, and without order; but the streets were laid out regularly, spacious and straight; the edifices restrained to a certain height, perhaps of 70 feet, according to the plan of Augustus; the courts were widened; and to all the great houses which stood by themselves, and were called isles, large porticoes were added, which Nero engaged to raise at his own expense, and to deliver to each proprietor the squares about them clear from all rubbish. He likewise promised rewards according to every man's rank and substance; and fixed a day for the performance of his promise, on condition that against that day their several houses and palaces were finished. He moreover made the following wise regulations to obviate such a dreadful calamity for the future; to wit, That the new buildings should be raised to a certain height without timber; that they should be arched with stone from the quarries of Gabii and Alba, which were proof against fire; that over the common springs, which were diverted by private men for their own uses, overseers should be placed to prevent that abuse; that every citizen should have ready in his house some machine proper to extinguish the fire; that no wall should be common to two houses, but every house be inclosed within its own peculiar walls, &c. Thus the city in a short time rose on its ashes with new lustre, and more beautiful than ever. However, some believed, that the ancient form was more conducive to health, the rays of the sun being hardly felt on account of the narrowness of the streets, and the height of the buildings, whereas now there was no shelter against the scorching heat. We are told, that Nero designed to extend the walls to Ostia, and to bring from thence by a canal the sea, into the city.

The emperor used every art to throw the odium of this conflagration upon the Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution raised against them upon this false accusation, of which an account is given under the article Ecclesiastical History. Hitherto however, the citizens of Rome seemed comparatively exempted from his cruelties, which chiefly fell upon strangers and his nearest connections; but a conspiracy formed against him by Piso, a man of great power and integrity, which was prematurely discovered, opened a new train of suspicions that destroyed many of the principal families in Rome. This conspiracy, in which several of the chief men of the city were concerned, was first discovered by the indiscreet zeal of a woman named Epicharis, who, by some means now unknown, had been led into the plot, which she revealed to Volusius, a tribune, in order to prevail upon him to be an accomplice. Volusius, instead of coming into her design, went and discovered what he had learned to Nero, who immediately put Epicharis in prison. Soon after, a freedman belonging to Scenius, one of the accomplices, made a farther discovery. The conspirators were examined apart; and as their testimonies differed, they were put to the torture. Natalis was the first who made a confession of his own guilt and that of many others. Scenius gave a list of the conspirators still more ample. Lucan, the poet, was amongst the number; and he, like the rest, in order to save himself, still farther enlarged the catalogue, naming, among others, Attila, his own mother. Epicharis was now, therefore, again called upon and put to the torture; but her fortitude was proof against all the tyrant's cruelty; neither scourging nor burning, nor all the malicious methods used by the executioners, could extort the smallest confession. She was therefore remanded to prison, with orders to have her tortures renewed the day following: In the meantime, she found an opportunity of strangling herself with her handkerchief, by hanging it against the back of her chair. On the discoveries already made, Piso, Lateranus, Fennius Rutilus, Subrius Flavius, Sulpicius, Asper, Vestinus the consul, and numberless others, were all executed without mercy. But the two most remarkable personages who fell on this occasion were Seneca the philosopher, and Lucan the poet, who was his nephew. It is not certainly known whether Seneca was really concerned in this conspiracy or not.—This great man had for some time perceived the outrageous conduct of his pupil; and, finding himself incapable of controlling his savage disposition, had retired from court into solitude and privacy. However, his retreat did not now protect him; for Nero, either having real testimony against him, or else hating him for his virtues, sent a tribune to inform him that he was suspected suspected as an accomplice, and soon after sent him an order to put himself to death, with which he complied.

In this manner was the whole city filled with slaughter, and frightful instances of treachery. No master was secure from the vengeance of his slaves, nor even parents from the baser attempts of their children. Not only throughout Rome, but the whole country round, bodies of soldiers were seen in pursuit of the suspected and the guilty. Whole crowds of wretches loaded with chains were led every day to the gates of the palace, to wait their sentence from the tyrant's own lips. He always presided at the torture in person, attended by Tigellinus, captain of the guard, who, from being the most abandoned man in Rome, was now become his principal minister and favourite.

Nor were the Roman provinces in a better situation than the capital city. The example of the tyrant seemed to influence his governors, who gave instances not only of their rapacity, but of their cruelty, in every part of the empire. In the seventh year of his reign, the Britons revolted, under the conduct of their queen Boadicea; but were at last so completely defeated, that ever after, during the continuance of the Romans among them, they lost not only all hopes, but even all desire of freedom.

A war also was carried on against the Parthians for the greatest part of this reign, conducted by Corbulo; who, after many successes, had dispossessed Tiridates, and settled Tigranes in Armenia in his room. Tiridates, however, was soon after restored by an invasion of the Parthians into that country; but being once more opposed by Corbulo, the Romans and Parthians came to an agreement, that Tiridates should continue to govern Armenia, upon condition that he should lay down his crown at the feet of the emperor's statue, and receive it as coming from him; all which he shortly after performed. A ceremony, however, which Nero desired to have repeated to his person; wherefore by letters and promises he invited Tiridates to Rome, granting him the most magnificent supplies for his journey. Nero attended his arrival with very sumptuous preparations. He received him seated on a throne, accompanied by the senate standing round him, and the whole army drawn out with all imaginable splendour.—Tiridates ascended the throne with great reverence; and approaching the emperor fell down at his feet, and in the most abject terms acknowledged himself his slave. Nero raised him up, telling him with equal arrogance, that he did well, and that by his submission he had gained a kingdom which his ancestors could never acquire by their arms. He then placed the crown on his head, and, after the most costly ceremonies and entertainments, he was sent back to Armenia, with incredible sums of money to defray the expenses of his return.

In the 12th year of this emperor's reign, the Jews also revolted, having been severely oppressed by the Roman governor. It is said that Florus, in particular, was arrived at that degree of tyranny, that by public proclamation he gave permission to plunder the country, provided he received half the spoil. These oppressions drew such a train of calamities after them, that the sufferings of all other nations were slight in comparison to what this devoted people afterwards endured, as is related under the article Jews. In the mean time, Nero proceeded in his cruelties at Rome with unabated severity.

The valiant Corbulo, who had gained so many victories over the Parthians, could not escape his fury. Nor did the empress Poppea herself escape; whom, in a fit of anger, he kicked when she was pregnant, by which she miscarried and died. At last the Romans began to grow weary of such a monster, and there appeared a general revolution in all the provinces.

The first appeared in Gaul, under Julius Vindex, who commanded the legions there, and publicly protested against the tyrannical government of Nero. He appeared to have no other motive for this revolt than that of freeing the world from an oppressor; for when it was told him that Nero had set a reward upon his head of 10,000,000 of sesterces, he made this gallant answer, "Whoever brings me Nero's head, shall, if he pleases, have mine." But still more to show that he was not actuated by motives of private ambition, he proclaimed Sergius Galba emperor, and invited him to join in the revolt. Galba, who was at that time governor of Spain, was equally remarkable for his wisdom in peace and his courage in war. But as all talents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for some years had seemed willing to court obscurity, giving himself up to an inactive life, and avoiding all opportunities of signalizing his valour. He now therefore, either through the caution attending old age, or from a total want of ambition, appeared little inclined to join with Vindex, and continued for sometime to deliberate with his friends on the part he should take.

In the mean time, Nero, who had been apprised of the proceedings against him in Gaul, appeared totally regardless of the danger, privately flattering himself that the suppression of this revolt would give him an opportunity for fresh confiscations. But the actual revolt of Galba, the news of which arrived soon after, affected him in a very different manner. The reputation of that general was such, that from the moment he declared against him, Nero considered himself as undone. He received the account as he was at supper; and instantly, struck with terror, overturned the table with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of immense value. He then fell into a swoon; from which when he recovered, he tore his clothes, and struck his head, crying out "that he was utterly undone." He then began to meditate slaughters more extensive than he had yet committed. He resolved to massacre all the governors of provinces, to destroy all exiles, and to murder all the Gauls in Rome, as a punishment for the treachery of their countrymen. In short, in the wildness of his rage, he thought of poisoning the whole senate, of burning the city, and turning the lions kept for the purposes of the theatre out upon the people. These designs being impracticable, he resolved at last to face the danger in person. But his very preparations served to mark the infatuation of his mind. His principal care was, to provide waggons for the convenient carriage of his musical instruments; and to dress out his concubines like Amazons, with whom he intended to face the enemy. He also made a resolution, that if he came off with safety and empire, he would appear again upon the theatre with the lute, and would equip himself as a pantomime.

While Nero was thus frivolously employed, the revolt became became general. Not only the armies in Spain and Gaul, but also the legions in Germany, Africa, and Lusitania, declared against him. Virginius Rufus alone, who commanded an army on the Upper Rhine, for a while continued in suspense; during which his forces, without his permission, falling upon the Gauls, routed them with great slaughter, and Vindex slew himself. But this ill success no way advanced the interests of Nero; he was so detested by the whole empire, that he could find none of the armies faithful to him, however they might disagree with each other. He therefore called for Lucius to furnish him with poison; and, thus prepared for the worst, he retired to the Servilian gardens, with a resolution of flying into Egypt. He accordingly dispatched the freedmen, in whom he had the most confidence, to prepare a fleet at Ostia; and in the meanwhile sounded, in person, the tribunes and centurions of the guard, to know if they were willing to share his fortunes. But they all excused themselves, under divers pretexts. One of them had the boldness to answer him by a part of a line from Virgil: *Usque adeoque miserum est morte?* "Is death then such a misfortune?" Thus destitute of every resource, all the expedients that cowardice, revenge, or terror could produce, took place in his mind by turns. He at one time resolved to take refuge among the Parthians; at another, to deliver himself up to the mercy of the insurgents; one while he determined to mount the rostrum, to ask pardon for what was past, and to conclude with promises of amendment for the future. With these gloomy deliberations he went to bed; but waking about midnight, he was surprised to find his guards had left him. The praetorian soldiers, in fact, having been corrupted by their commander, had retired to their camp, and proclaimed Galba emperor. Nero immediately sent for his friends to deliberate upon his present exigence; but his friends also forsook him. He went in person from house to house; but all the doors were shut against him, and none were found to answer his inquiries. While he was pursuing this inquiry, his very domestics followed the general defection; and having plundered his apartment escaped different ways. Being now reduced to desperation, he desired that one of his favourite gladiators might come and dispatch him; but even in this request there was none found to obey. "Alas!" (cried he) have I neither friend nor enemy?" And then running desperately forth, he seemed resolved to plunge headlong into the Tiber. But just then his courage beginning to fail him, he made a sudden stop, as if willing to recollect his reason; and asked for some secret place, where he might re-assume his courage, and meet death with becoming fortitude. In this distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him his country-house, at about four miles distant, where he might for some time remain concealed. Nero accepted his offer; and, half-dressed as he was, with his head covered, and hiding his face with a handkerchief, he mounted on horseback, attended by four of his domestics, of whom the wretched Sporus was one. His journey, though quite short, was crowded with adventures. Round him he heard nothing but confused noises from the camp, and the cries of the soldiers, imprecating a thousand evils upon his head. A passenger, meeting him on the way, cried, "There go men in pursuit of Nero." Another asked him, if there was any news of Nero in the city? His horse taking fright at a dead body that lay near the road, he dropped his handkerchief; and a soldier that was near, addressed him by name. He now therefore quitted his horse, and forsaking the highway, entered a thicket that led towards the back part of Phaon's house, through which he crept, making the best of his way among the reeds and brambles, with which the place was overgrown. When he was arrived at the back part of the house, while he was waiting till there should be a breach made in the wall, he took up some water in the hollow of his hands from a pool to drink; saying, "To this liquor is Nero reduced." When the hole was made large enough to admit him, he crept in upon all-fours, and took a short repose upon a wretched pallet, that had been prepared for his reception. Being pressed by hunger, he demanded somewhat to eat; they brought him a piece of brown bread, which he refused; but he drank a little water. During this interval, the senate finding the pretorian guardship had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, and condemned Nero to die *more majorum*; that is, "according to the rigour of the ancient laws." These dreadful tidings were quickly brought by one of Phaon's slaves from the city, while Nero yet continued lingering between his hopes and his fears. When he was told of the resolution of the senate against him, he asked the messenger what he meant by being punished "according to the rigour of the ancient laws?" To this he was answered, that the criminal was to be stripped naked, his head was to be fixed in a pillory, and in that posture he was to be scourged to death. Nero was so terrified at this, that he seized two poniards which he had brought with him, and examining their points, returned them to their sheaths, saying, that the fatal moment was not yet arrived. However, he had little time to spare; for the soldiers who had been sent in pursuit of him were just then approaching the house; wherefore hearing the sound of the horses feet, he set a dagger to his throat, with which, by the assistance of Epaphroditus, his freedman and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound. He was not quite dead when one of the centurions entering the room, and pretending he came to his relief, attempted to stop the blood with his cloak. But Nero, regarding him with a stern countenance, said, "It is now too late. Is this your fidelity?"—Upon which, with his eyes fixed, and frightfully staring, he expired, in the 32d year of his age, and the 14th of his reign.

Galba was 72 years old when he was declared emperor, and was then in Spain with his legions. However, he soon found, that his being raised to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. His first embarrassment arose from a disorder in his own army; for upon his approaching the camp, one of the wings of horse repenting of their choice, prepared to revolt; and he found it no easy matter to reconcile them to their duty. He also narrowly escaped assassination from some slaves, who were presented to him by one of Nero's freedmen with that intent. The death of Vindex also served to add not a little to his disquietudes; so that upon his very entrance into the empire he had some thoughts of putting an end to his own life. But hearing from Rome that Nero was dead, and the empire transferred to him, he immediately assumed the ensigns of command. In his journey towards Rome he he was met by Rufus Virginius, who, finding the senate had decreed him the government, came to yield him obedience. This general had more than once refused the empire himself, which was offered him by his soldiers; alleging, that the senate alone had the disposal of it, and from them only he would accept the honour.

Galba having been brought to the empire by means of his army, was at the same time willing to suppress their power to commit any future disturbance. His first approach to Rome was attended with one of those rigorous strokes of justice which ought rather to be denominated cruelty than any thing else. A body of mariners, whom Nero had taken from the oar and enlisted among the legions, went to meet Galba, three miles from the city, and with loud importunities demanded a confirmation of what his predecessor had done in their favour. Galba, who was rigidly attached to the ancient discipline, deferred their request to another time. But they, considering this delay as equivalent to an absolute denial, insisted in a very disrespectful manner; and some of them even had recourse to arms; whereupon Galba ordered a body of horse attending him to ride in among them, and thus killed 7000 of them; but not content with this punishment, he afterwards ordered them to be decimated. Their insolence demanded correction; but such extensive punishments deviated into cruelty. His next step to curb the insolence of the soldiers, was his discharging the German cohort, which had been established by the former emperors as a guard to their persons. Those he sent home to their own country unrewarded, pretending they were disaffected to his person. He seemed to have two other objects also in view; namely, to punish those vices which had come to an enormous height in the last reign, with the strictest severity; and to replenish the exchequer, which had been quite drained by the prodigality of his predecessors. But these attempts only brought on him the imputation of severity and avarice; for the state was too much corrupted to admit of such an immediate transition from vice to virtue. The people had long been maintained in sloth and luxury by the prodigality of the former emperors, and could not think of being obliged to seek for new means of subsistence, and to retrench their superfluities. They began, therefore, to satirize the old man, and turn the simplicity of his manners into ridicule. Among the marks of avarice recorded of him, he is said to have groaned upon having an expensive soup served up to his table; he is said to have presented to his steward, for his fidelity, a plate of beans; a famous player upon the flute named Canus, having greatly delighted him, it is reported, that he drew out his purse, and gave him five-pence, telling him, that it was private and not public money. By such ill-judged frugalties, at such a time, Galba began to lose his popularity; and he, who before his accession was esteemed by all, being become emperor, was considered with ridicule and contempt. But there are some circumstances alleged against him, less equivocal than those trifling ones already mentioned. Shortly after his coming to Rome, the people were presented with a most grateful spectacle, which was that of Locusta, Elia, Pollicetus, Petronius, and Petinus, all the bloody ministers of Nero's cruelty, drawn in fetters, through the city, and publicly executed. But Tigellinus, who had been more active than all the rest, was not there. The crafty villain had taken care for his own safety, by the largeness of his bribes; and though the people cried out for vengeance against him at the theatre and at the circus, yet the emperor granted him his life and pardon. Helotus the eunuch, also, who had been the instrument of poisoning Claudius, escaped, and owed his safety to the proper application of his wealth. Thus, by the inequality of his conduct, he became despicable to his subjects. At one time shewing himself severe and frugal, at another remiss and prodigal; condemning some illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardoning others though guilty: in short, nothing was done but by the mediation of his favourites; all offices were venal, and all punishments redeemable by money.

Affairs were in this unsettled posture at Rome, when the provinces were yet in a worse condition. The success of the army in Spain in choosing an emperor induced the legions in the other parts to wish for a similar opportunity. Accordingly, many seditions were kindled, and several factions promoted in different parts of the empire, but particularly in Germany. There were then in that province two Roman armies; the one which had lately attempted to make Rufus Virginius emperor, as has been already mentioned, and which was commanded by his lieutenant; the other commanded by Vitellius, who long had an ambition to obtain the empire for himself. The former of these armies despising their present general, and considering themselves as suspected by the emperor for having been the last to acknowledge his title, resolved now to be foremost in denying it. Accordingly, when they were summoned to take the oaths of homage and fidelity, they refused to acknowledge any other commands but those of the senate. This refusal they backed by a message of the praetorian bands, importing, that they were resolved not to acquiesce in the election of an emperor created in Spain, and desiring that the senate should proceed to a new choice.

Galba being informed of this commotion, was sensible, that, besides his age, he was less respected for want of an heir. He resolved therefore to put what he had formerly designed in execution, and to adopt some person whose virtues might deserve such advancement, and protect his declining age from danger. His favourites understanding his determination, instantly resolved to give him an heir of their own choosing; so that there arose a great contention among them upon this occasion. Otho made warm application for himself; alleging the great services he had done the emperor, as being the first man of note who came to his assistance when he had declared against Nero. However, Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good alone, rejected his suit; and on a day appointed ordered Piso Lucinianus to attend him. The character given by historians of Piso is, that he was every way worthy of the honour designed him. He was no way related to Galba; and had no other interest but merit to recommend him to his favour. Taking this youth therefore by the hand, in the presence of his friends, he adopted him to succeed in the empire, giving him the most wholesome lessons for guiding his future conduct. Piso's conduct showed that he was highly deserving this distinction: in all his deportment there appeared such modesty, firmness, and equality of mind, mind, as bespoke him rather capable of discharging, than ambitious of obtaining, his present dignity. But the army and the senate did not seem equally disinterested upon this occasion; they had been so long used to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no emperor who was not in a capacity of satisfying their avarice. The adoption therefore of Piso was but coldly received; for his virtues were no recommendation in a nation of universal depravity.

Otho now finding his hopes of adoption wholly frustrated, and still further stimulated by the immense load of debt which he had contracted by his riotous way of living, resolved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he could not by peaceable succession. In fact, his circumstances were so very desperate, that he was heard to say, that it was equal to him whether he fell by his enemies in the field or by his creditors in the city. He therefore raised a moderate sum of money, by selling his interest to a person who wanted a place; and with this bribed the subaltern officers in the praetorian bands supplying the deficiency of largesses by promises and plausible pretences. Having in this manner, in less than eight days, corrupted the fidelity of the soldiers, he stole secretly from the emperor while he was sacrificing; and assembling the soldiers, in a short speech urged the cruelties and avarice of Galba. Finding these his invectives received with universal shouts by the whole army, he entirely threw off the mask, and avowed his intentions of dethroning him. The soldiers being ripe for sedition, immediately seconded his views; taking Otho upon their shoulders, they instantly proclaimed him emperor; and, to strike the citizens with terror, carried him with their swords drawn into the camp.

Galba, in the mean time, being informed of the revolt of the army, seemed utterly confounded, and in want of sufficient resolution to face an event which he should have long foreseen. In this manner the poor old man continued wavering and doubtful; till, at last, being deluded by a false report of Otho's being slain, he rode into the forum in complete armour, attended by many of his followers. Just at the same instant a body of horse sent from the camp to destroy him entered on the opposite side, and each party prepared for the encounter. For some time hostilities were suspended on each side; Galba, confused and irresolute, and his antagonists struck with horror at the baseness of their enterprise. At length, however, finding the emperor in some measure deserted by his adherents, they rushed in upon him, trampling under foot the crowds of people that then filled the forum. Galba seeing them approach, seemed to recollect all his former fortitude; and bending his head forward, bid the assassins strike it off if it were for the good of the people. This was quickly performed; and his head being set upon the point of a lance, was presented to Otho, who ordered it to be contemptuously carried round the camp; his body remaining exposed in the streets till it was buried by one of his slaves. He died in the 73rd year of his age, after a short reign of seven months.

No sooner was Galba thus murdered, than the senate and people ran in crowds to the camp, contending who should be foremost in extolling the virtues of the new emperor, and depressing the character of him they had so unjustly destroyed. Each laboured to excel the rest in his instances of homage; and the less his affections were for him, the more did he indulge all the vehemence of exaggerated praise. Otho finding himself surrounded by congratulating multitudes, immediately repaired to the senate, where he received the titles usually given to the emperors; and from thence returned to the palace, seemingly resolved to reform his life, and assume manners becoming the greatness of his station.

He began his reign by a signal instance of clemency, by pardoning Marius Celsus, who had been highly favoured by Galba; and not contented with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest honours; asserting, that "fidelity deserved every reward." This act of clemency was followed by another of justice, equally agreeable to the people. Tigellinus, Nero's favourite, who had been the promoter of all his cruelties, was now put to death; and all such as had been unjustly banished, or stripped, at his instigation, during Nero's reign, were restored to their country and fortunes.

In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany having been purchased by the large gifts and specious promises of Vitellius their general, were at length induced to proclaim him emperor; and regardless of the senate, declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high station with the cohorts at Rome. The news of this conduct in the army soon spread consternation throughout Rome; but Otho was particularly struck with the account, as being apprehensive that nothing but the blood of his countrymen could decide a contest of which his own ambition only was the cause. He now therefore sought to come to an agreement with Vitellius; but this not succeeding, both sides began their preparations for war. News being received that Vitellius was upon his march to Italy, Otho departed from Rome with a vast army to oppose him. But though he was very powerful with regard to numbers, his men, being little used to war, could not be relied on. He seemed by his behaviour sensible of the disproportion of his forces; and he is said to have been tortured with frightful dreams and the most uneasy apprehensions. It is also reported by some, that one night fetching many profound sighs in his sleep, his servants ran hastily to his bed-side, and found him stretched on the ground. He alleged he had seen the ghost of Galba, which had, in a threatening manner, beat and pushed him from the bed; and he afterwards used many exertions to appease it. However this be, he proceeded with a great show of courage till he arrived at the city of Brixellum, on the river Po, where he remained, sending his forces before him under the conduct of his generals Suetonius and Celsus, who made what haste they could to give the enemy battle. The army of Vitellius, which consisted of 70,000 men, was commanded by his generals Vespasian and Cecina, he himself remaining in Gaul in order to bring up the rest of his forces. Thus both sides hastened to meet each other with so much animosity and precipitation, that three considerable battles were fought in the space of three days. One near Placentia, another near Cremona, and a third at a place called Costor; in all which Otho had the advantage. But these successes were but of short lived continuance; for Valens and Cecina, who had hitherto acted separately, joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with fresh supplies, resolved to come to a general engagement. Otho, who by this time had joined his army at a little village called Bedriacum, finding the enemy, notwithstanding their late losses, inclined to come to a battle, resolved to call a council of war to determine upon the proper measures to be taken. His generals were of opinion to protract the war; but others, whose inexperience had given them confidence, declared, that nothing but a battle could relieve the miseries of the state; protesting, that Fortune, and all the gods, with the divinity of the emperor himself, favoured the design, and would undoubtedly prosper the enterprise.

In this advice Otho acquiesced: he had been for some time so uneasy under the war, that he seemed willing to exchange suspense for danger. However, he was so surrounded with flatterers, that he was prohibited from being personally present in the engagement, but prevailed upon to reserve himself for the fortune of the empire, and wait the event at Brixellum. The affairs of both armies being thus adjusted, they came to an engagement at Bedriacum; where, in the beginning, those on the side of Otho seemed to have the advantage. At length, the superior discipline of the legions of Vitellius turned the scale of victory. Otho's army fled in great confusion towards Bedriacum, being pursued with a miserable slaughter all the way.

In the mean time, Otho waited for the news of the battle with great impatience, and seemed to tax his messengers with delay. The first account of his defeat was brought him by a common soldier, who had escaped from the field of battle. However, Otho, who was still surrounded by flatterers, was desired to give no credit to a base fugitive, who was guilty of falsehood only to cover his own cowardice. The soldier, however, still persisted in the veracity of his report; and, finding none inclined to believe him, immediately fell upon his sword, and expired at the emperor's feet. Otho was so much struck with the death of this man, that he cried out, that he would cause the ruin of no more such valiant and worthy soldiers, but would end the contest the shortest way; and therefore having exhorted his followers to submit to Vitellius, he put an end to his own life.

It was no sooner known that Otho had killed himself, than all the soldiers repaired to Virginius, the commander of the German legions, earnestly intreating him to take upon him the reins of government; or at least, intreating his mediation with the generals of Vitellius in their favour. Upon his declining their request, Rubrius Gallus, a person of considerable note, undertook their embassy to the generals of the conquering army; and soon after obtained a pardon for all the adherents of Otho.

Vitellius was immediately after declared emperor by the senate; and received the marks of distinction which were now accustomed to follow the appointment of the strongest side. At the same time, Italy was severely distressed by the soldiers, who committed such outrages as exceeded all the oppressions of the most calamitous war. Vitellius, who was yet in Gaul, resolved, before he set out for Rome, to punish the praetorian cohorts, who had been the instruments of all the late disturbances in the state. He therefore caused them to be disarmed, and deprived of the name and honour of soldiers. He also ordered 150 of those who were most guilty to be put to death.

As he approached towards Rome, he passed through the towns with all imaginable splendour; his passage by water was in painted galleys, adorned with garlands of flowers, and profusely furnished with the greatest delicacies. In his journey there was neither order nor discipline among his soldiers; they plundered wherever they came with impunity; and he seemed no way displeased with the licentiousness of their behaviour.

Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as a place he came to govern with justice, but as a town that became his own by the laws of conquest. He marched through the streets mounted on horseback, all in armour; the senate and people going before him, as if the captives of his late victory. He the next day made the senate a speech, in which he magnified his own actions, and promised them extraordinary advantages from his administration. He then harangued the people, who, being now long accustomed to flatter all in authority, highly applauded and blessed their new emperor.

In the mean time, his soldiers being permitted to satiate themselves in the debaucheries of the city, grew ful glut-totally unfit for war. The principal affairs of the state tony, and were managed by the lowest wretches. Vitellius, more other vices abandoned than they, gave himself up to all kinds of luxury and profuseness; but gluttony was his favourite vice, so that he brought himself to a habit of vomiting, in order to renew his meals at pleasure. His entertainments, though seldom at his own cost, were prodigiously expensive; he frequently invited himself to the tables of his subjects, breakfasting with one, dining with another, and supping with a third, all in the same day. The most memorable of these entertainments was that made for him by his brother on his arrival at Rome. In this were served up 2000 several dishes of fish, and 7000 of fowl, of the most valuable kinds. But in one particular dish he seemed to have outdone all the former profusion of the most luxurious Romans. This dish, which was of such magnitude as to be called the shield of Minerva, was filled with an olio made from the sounds of the fish called scarris, the brains of pheasants and woodcocks, the tongues of the most costly birds, and the spawn of lampreys brought from the Caspian sea. In order to cook this dish properly, a furnace was built in the fields, as it was too large for any kitchen to contain it.

In this manner did Vitellius proceed; so that Josephus tells us, if he had reigned long, the whole empire would not have been sufficient to have maintained his gluttony. All the attendants of his court sought to raise themselves not by their virtues and abilities, but the sumptuousness of their entertainments. This prodigality produced its attendant want; and that, in turn, gave rise to cruelty.

Those who had formerly been his associates were now destroyed without mercy. Going to visit one of them in a violent fever, he mingled poison with his water, and delivered it to him with his own hands. He never pardoned those money-lenders who came to demand payment of his former debts. One of the number coming to salute him, he immediately ordered him to be carried off to execution; but shortly after commanding him to be brought back, when all his attend- ants thought it was to pardon the unhappy creditor. Vitellius gave them soon to understand that it was merely to have the pleasure of feeding his eyes with his torments. Having condemned another to death, he executed his two sons with him, only for their presuming to intercede for their father. A Roman knight being dragged away to execution, and crying out that he had made the emperor his heir, Vitellius demanded to see the will, where finding himself joint heir with another, he ordered both to be executed, that he might enjoy the legacy without a partner.

By the continuance of such vices and cruelties as these he became odious to all mankind, and the astrologers began to prognosticate his ruin. A writing was set up in the forum to this effect: "We, in the name of the ancient Chaldeans, give Vitellius warning to depart this life by the kalends of October." Vitellius, on his part, received this information with terror, and ordered all the astrologers to be banished from Rome. An old woman having foretold, that if he survived his mother, he should reign many years in happiness and security, this gave him a desire of putting her to death; which he did, by refusing her sustenance, under the pretence of its being prejudicial to her health. But he soon saw the futility of relying upon such vain prognostications; for his soldiers, by their cruelty and rapine, having become insupportable to the inhabitants of Rome, the legions of the East, who had at first acquiesced in his dominion, began to revolt, and shortly after unanimously resolved to make Vespasian emperor.

Vespasian, who was appointed commander against the rebellious Jews, had reduced most of their country, except Jerusalem, to subjection. The death of Nero, however, had at first interrupted the progress of his arms, and the succession of Galba gave a temporary check to his conquests, as he was obliged to send his son Titus to Rome, to receive that emperor's commands. Titus, however, was so long detained by contrary winds, that he received news of Galba's death before he set sail. He then resolved to continue neuter during the civil wars between Otho and Vitellius; and when the latter prevailed, he gave him his homage with reluctance. But being desirous of acquiring reputation, though he disliked the government, he determined to lay siege to Jerusalem, and actually made preparations for that great undertaking, when he was given to understand that Vitellius was detested by all ranks in the empire. These murmurs increased everyday, while Vespasian secretly endeavoured to advance the discontent of the army. By these means they began at length to fix their eyes upon him as the person the most capable and willing to terminate the miseries of his country, and put a period to the injuries it suffered. Not only the legions under his command, but those in Maesia and Pannonia, came to the same resolution, so that they declared themselves for Vespasian. He was also without his own consent proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, the army there confirming it with extraordinary applause, and paying their accustomed homage. Still, however, Vespasian seemed to decline the honour done him; till at length his soldiers compelled him, with their threats of immediate death, to accept a title, which, in all probability, he wished to enjoy. He now, therefore, called a council of war; where it was resolved, that his son Titus should carry on the war against the Jews; and that Mutianus, one of his generals, should, with the greatest part of his legions, enter Italy; while Vespasian himself should levy forces in all parts of the east, in order to reinforce them in case of necessity.

During these preparations, Vitellius, though buried in sloth and luxury, was resolved to make an effort to defend the empire; wherefore his chief commanders, Valens and Cecina, were ordered to make all possible preparations to resist the invaders. The first army that entered Italy with an hostile intention was under the command of Antonius Primus, who was met by Cecina near Cremona. A battle was expected to ensue; but a negociation taking place, Cecina was prevailed upon to change sides, and declare for Vespasian. His army, however, quickly repented of what they had done; and imprisoning their general attacked Antonius, though without a leader. The engagement continued during the whole night: in the morning, after a short repast, both armies engaged a second time; when the soldiers of Antonius saluting the rising sun, according to custom, the Vitellians supposing that they had received new reinforcements, betook themselves to flight, with the loss of 30,000 men. Shortly after, freeing their general Cecina from prison, they prevailed upon him to intercede with the conquerors for pardon; which they obtained, though not without the most horrid barbarities committed upon Cremona, the city to which they had retired for shelter.

When Vitellius was informed of the defeat of his army, his former insolence was converted into an extreme of timidity and irresolution. At length he commanded Julius Priscus and Alphenus Varus, with some forces that were in readiness, to guard the passes of the Apennines, to prevent the enemy's march to Rome; reserving the principal body of his army to secure the city, under the command of his brother Lucius. But being persuaded to repair to his army in person, his presence only served to increase the contempt of his soldiers. He there appeared irresolute, and still luxurious, without council or conduct, ignorant of war, and demanding from others those instructions which it was his duty to give. After a short continuance in the camp, and understanding the revolt of his fleet, he returned once more to Rome: but every day only served to render his affairs still more desperate; till at last he made offers to Vespasian of resigning the empire, provided his life were granted, and a sufficient revenue for his support. In order to enforce his request, he issued from his palace in deep mourning, with all his domestics weeping round him. He then went to offer the sword of justice to Cecilius, the consul; which he refusing, the abject emperor prepared to lay down the ensigns of the empire in the temple of Concord. But being interrupted by some, who cried out That he himself was Concord, he resolved, upon so weak an encouragement, still to maintain his power, and immediately prepared for his defence.

During this fluctuation of counsels, one Sabinus, who had advised Vitellius to resign, perceiving his desperate situation, resolved, by a bold step, to oblige Vespasian, and accordingly seized upon the Capitol. But he was premature in his attempt; for the soldiers of Vitellius being attacked him with great fury, and prevailing by their numbers, soon laid that beautiful building in ashes. During this dreadful conflagration, Vitellius was feasting... ing in the palace of Tiberius, and beholding all the horrors of the assault with great satisfaction. Sabinius was taken prisoner, and shortly after executed by the emperor's command. Young Domitian, his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, escaped by flight, in the habit of a priest; and all the rest who survived the fire were put to the sword.

But this success served little to improve the affairs of Vitellius. He vainly sent messenger after messenger to bring Vespasian's general, Antonius, to a composition. This commander gave no answer to his requests, but still continued his march towards Rome. Being arrived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vitellius were resolved upon defending it to the utmost extremity. It was attacked on three sides with the utmost fury; while the army within, sallying upon the besiegers, defended it with equal obstinacy. The battle lasted a whole day, till at last the besieged were driven into the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in all the streets, which they vainly attempted to defend. In the mean time, the citizens stood by, looking on as both sides fought; and, as if they had been in a theatre, clapped their hands; at one time encouraging one party, and again the other. As either turned their backs, the citizens would then fall upon them in their places of refuge, and so kill and plunder them without mercy. But what was still more remarkable, during these dreadful slaughters both within and without the city, the people would not be prevented from celebrating one of their riotous feasts, called the Saturnalia; so that at one time might have been seen a strange mixture of mirth and misery, of cruelty and lewdness; in one place, buryings and slaughters; in another, drunkenness and feasting; in a word, all the horrors of a civil war, and all the licentiousness of the most abandoned security!

During this complicated scene of misery, Vitellius retired privately to his wife's house, upon Mount Aventine, designing that night to fly to the army commanded by his brother at Tarracona. But, quite incapable, through fear, of forming any resolution, he changed his mind, and returned again to his palace, now void and desolate; all his slaves forsaking him in his distress, and purposely avoiding his presence. There, after wandering for some time quite disconsolate, and fearing the face of every creature he met, he hid himself in an obscure corner, from whence he was soon taken by a party of the conquering soldiers. Still, however, willing to add a few hours more to his miserable life, he begged to be kept in prison till the arrival of Vespasian at Rome, pretending that he had secrets of importance to discover. But his entreaties were vain: the soldiers binding his hands behind him, and throwing an halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the public forum, upbraiding him, as they proceeded, with all those bitter reproaches their malice could suggest, or his own cruelties deserve. They also tied his hair backwards as was usual with the most infamous malefactors, and held the point of a sword under his chin to prevent his hiding his face from the public. Some cast dirt and filth upon him as he passed, others struck him with their hands; some ridiculed the defects of his person, his red fiery face, and the enormous greatness of his belly. At length, being come to the place of punishment, they killed him with many blows; and then dragging the dead body through the streets with an hook, they threw it, with all possible ignominy, into the river Tiber. Such was the miserable end of this emperor, in the 57th year of his age, after a short reign of eight months and five days.

Vitellius being dead, the conquering army pursued their enemies throughout the city, while neither houses nor temples afforded refuge to the fugitives. The streets and public places were all strewed with dead, each man lying slain where it was his misfortune to be overtaken by his unmerciful pursuers. But not only the enemy suffered in this manner, but many of the citizens, who were obnoxious to the soldiers, were dragged from their houses, and killed without any form of trial. The heat of their resentment being somewhat abated, they next began to seek for plunder; and under pretence of searching for the enemy, left no place without marks of their rage or rapacity. Besides the soldiers, the lower rabble joined in these detestable outrages; some slaves came and discovered the riches of their masters; some were detected by their nearest friends; the whole city was filled with outcry and lamentation; insomuch, that the former ravages of Otho and Vitellius were now considered as slight evils in comparison.

Upon the arrival of Mutianus, general to Vespasian, these slaughters ceased, and the state began to assume the appearance of former tranquillity. Vespasian was declared emperor by the unanimous consent both of the senate and the army; and dignified with all those titles, which now followed rather the power than the merit of those who were appointed to govern. Messengers were dispatched to him into Egypt, desiring his return, and testifying the utmost desire for his government. However, the winter being dangerous for sailing, he deferred his voyage to a more convenient season. Perhaps, also, the dissensions in other parts of the empire retarded his return to Rome; for one Claudius Civilis, in Lower Germany, excited his countrymen to revolt, and destroyed the Roman garrisons, which were placed in different parts of that province. But, to give his rebellion an air of justice, he caused his army to swear allegiance to Vespasian, until he found himself in a condition to throw off the mask. When he thought himself sufficiently powerful, he disclaimed all submission to the Roman government; and having overcome one or two of the lieutenants of the empire, and being joined by such of the Romans as refused obedience to the new emperor, he boldly advanced to give Cerealis, Vespasian's general, battle. In the beginning of this engagement, he seemed successful, breaking the Roman legions, and putting their cavalry to flight. But at length Cerealis by his conduct turned the fate of the day, and not only routed the enemy, but took and destroyed their camp. This engagement, however, was not decisive; several others ensued with doubtful success. An accommodation at length took place. Civilis obtained peace for his countrymen, and pardon for himself; for the Roman empire was, at this time, so torn by its own divisions, that the barbarous nations around made incursions with impunity, and were sure of obtaining peace whenever they thought proper to demand it.

During the time of these commotions in Germany, the Sarmatians, a barbarous nation in the north-east of the empire, suddenly passed the river Iser, and marched into the Roman dominions with such celerity and fury, as to destroy several garrisons, and an army under the command of Fonteius Agrippa. They were driven back by Rubrius Gallias, Vespasian's lieutenant, into their native forests; where several attempts were made to confine them by garrisons and forts, placed along the confines of their country. But these hardy nations, having once found the way into the empire, never after desisted from invading it upon every opportunity, till at length they overran and destroyed it entirely.

Vespasian continued some months at Alexandria in Egypt, where it is said he cured a blind and a lame man by touching them. Before he set out for Rome, he gave his son Titus the command of the army which was to lay siege to Jerusalem; while he himself went forward, and was met many miles from Rome by all the senate, and near half the inhabitants, who gave the sincerest testimonies of their joy, in having an emperor of such great and experienced virtues. Nor did he in the least disappoint their expectations; being equally assiduous in rewarding merit, and pardoning his adversaries; in reforming the manners of the citizens, and setting them the best example in his own.

In the mean time, Titus carried on the war against the Jews with vigour, which ended in the terrible destruction of the city, mentioned under the article Jews. After which his soldiers would have crowned Titus as conqueror; but he refused the honour, alleging that he was only an instrument in the hand of Heaven, that manifestly declared its wrath against the Jews. At Rome, however, all mouths were filled with the praises of the conqueror, who had not only shown himself an excellent general, but a courageous combatant; his return, therefore, in triumph, which he did with his father, was marked with all the magnificence and joy that was in the power of men to express. All things that were esteemed valuable or beautiful among men were brought to adorn this great occasion. Among the rich spoils were exposed vast quantities of gold taken out of the temple; but the book of their law was not the least remarkable amongst the magnificent profusion. A triumphal arch was erected upon this occasion, on which were described all the victories of Titus over the Jews, which remains almost entire to this very day. Vespasian likewise built a temple to Peace, wherein were deposited most of the Jewish spoils; and having now calmed all the commotions in every part of the empire, he shut up the temple of Janus, which had been open about five or six years.

Vespasian having thus given security and peace to the empire, resolved to correct numberless abuses which had grown up under the tyranny of his predecessors. To effect this with greater ease, he joined Titus with him in the consulship and tribunitial power, and in some measure admitted him a partner in all the highest offices of the state. He began with restraining the licentiousness of the army, and forcing them back to their pristine discipline. He abridged the processes that had been carried to an unreasonable length in the courts of justice. He took care to rebuild such parts of the city as had suffered in the late commotions; particularly the Capitol, which had been lately burnt; and which he now restored to more than former magnificence. He likewise built a famous amphitheatre, the ruins of which are to this day an evidence of its ancient grandeur. The other ruinous cities of the empire also shared his paternal care; he improved such as were declining, adorned others, and built many anew. In such acts as these he passed a long reign of clemency and moderation; so that it is said, no man suffered by an unjust or a severe decree during his administration.

Julius Sabinus seems to be the only person who was treated with greater rigour than was usual with this emperor. Sabinus was commander of a small army in Gaul, and had declared himself emperor upon the death of Vitellius. But his army was shortly after overcome by Vespasian's general, and he himself compelled to seek safety by flight. He wandered for some time through the Roman provinces, without being discovered; but finding the pursuit every day become closer, he was obliged to hide himself in a cave; and in it he remained concealed for no less than nine years, attended all the time by his faithful wife Empona, who provided provisions for him by day, and repaired to him by night. She was at last discovered in the performance of this pious office, and Sabinus was taken prisoner and carried to Rome. Great intercession was made to the emperor in his behalf: Empona herself appeared with her two children, and imploring her husband's pardon. But neither her tears nor entreaties could prevail; Sabinus had been too dangerous a rival for mercy; so that, though she and her children were spared, her husband suffered by the executioner.

But this seems to be the only instance in which he represented past offences. He caused the daughter of Vitellius, his avowed enemy, to be married into a noble family, and he himself provided her a suitable fortune. One of Nero's servants coming to beg for pardon for having once rudely thrust him out of the palace, and insulted him when in office, Vespasian only took his revenge by serving him just in the same manner. When any plots or conspiracies were formed against him, he disdained to punish the guilty, saying, That they deserved rather his contempt for their ignorance, than his resentment; as they seemed to envy him a dignity of which he daily experienced the uneasiness. His liberality towards the encouragement of arts and learning, was not less than his clemency. He settled a constant salary of 100,000 sesterces upon the teachers of rhetoric. He was particularly favourable to Josephus, the Jewish historian, Quintilian the orator, and Pliny the naturalist, flourished in his reign, and were highly esteemed by him. He was no less an encourager of all other excellencies in art; and invited the greatest masters and artificers from all parts of the world, making them considerable presents, as he found occasion.

Yet all his numerous acts of generosity and magnificence could not preserve his character from the imputation of rapacity and avarice. He revived many obsolete methods of taxation; and even bought and sold commodities himself, in order to increase his fortune. He is charged with advancing the most avaricious governors to the provinces, in order to share their plunder on their return to Rome. He descended to some very unusual and dishonourable imposts, even to the laying a tax upon urine. When his son Titus remonstrated against the meanness of such a tax, Vespasian taking a piece of money, demanded if the smell offended him; and then added, that this very money was produced by urine. But in excuse for this, we must observe, that the exchequer, when Vespasian came to the throne, was so much exhausted, that he informed the senate that it would require a supply of three hundred millions (of our money) to re-establish the commonwealth. This necessity must naturally produce more numerous and heavy taxation than the empire had hitherto experienced; but while the provinces were thus obliged to contribute to the support of his power, he took every precaution to provide for their safety; so that we find but two insurrections in this reign.—In the fourth year of his reign, Anti-clus king of Comagenes, holding a private correspondence with the Parthians, declared enemies of Rome, was taken prisoner in Cilicia, by Pyrrhus the governor, and sent bound to Rome. But Vespasian generously prevented all ill treatment, by giving him a residence at Laodicea, and allowing him a revenue suitable to his dignity. About the same time also, the Alani, a barbarous people inhabiting along the river Tanais, abandoned their barren wilds, and invaded the kingdom of Medea. From thence passing into Armenia, after great ravages, they overthrew Tiribates, the king of that country, with prodigious slaughter. Titus was at length sent to chastise their insolence; but the barbarians retired at the approach of the Roman army, loaded with plunder, being compelled to wait a more favourable opportunity of renewing their incursions. These incursions, however, were but a transient storm, the effects of which were soon repaired by the emperor's moderation and assiduity. We are told, that he now formed and established a thousand nations, which had scarcely before amounted to 200. No provinces in the empire lay out of his view and protection. He had, during his whole reign, a particular regard to Britain; his generals, Petilius Cerealis, and Julius Frontinus, brought the greatest part of the island into subjection; and Agricola, who succeeded soon after, completed what they had begun. See England.

In this manner, having reigned 10 years, loved by his subjects, and deserving their affection, he was surprised by an indisposition at Campania, which he at once declared would be fatal, crying out, in the spirit of Paganism, "Methinks I am going to be a god." Removing from thence to the city, and afterwards to a country-seat near Reate, he was there taken with a flux, which brought him to the last extremity. However, perceiving his end approach, and just going to expire, he cried out, that an emperor ought to die standing; wherefore, raising himself upon his feet, he expired in the hands of those that sustained him.

Titus being joyfully received as emperor, notwithstanding a slight opposition from his brother Domitian, who maintained that he himself was appointed, and that Titus had falsified the will, began his reign with every virtue that became an emperor and a man. During the life of his father there had been many imputations against him; but upon his exaltation to the throne he seemed entirely to take leave of his former vices, and became an example of the greatest moderation and humanity. He had long loved Berenice, sister to Agrippa, king of Judea, a woman of the greatest beauty and allurements. But knowing that the connection with her was entirely disagreeable to the people of Rome, he sent her away, notwithstanding their mutual passion and the many arts she used to induce him to change his resolutions. He next discarded all those who had been the former ministers of his pleasures, and forebore to countenance the companions of his looser recreations, though he had formerly taken great pains in the selection. This moderation, added to his justice and generosity, procured him the love of all good men, and the appellation of the delight of mankind, which all his actions seemed calculated to ensure. As he came to the throne with all the advantages of his father's popularity, he was resolved to use every method to increase it. He therefore took particular care to punish all informers, false witnesses, and promoters of dissension, condemning them to be scourged in the most public streets, next to be dragged through the theatre, and then to be banished to the uninhabited parts of the empire, and sold as slaves. His courtesy and readiness to do good have been celebrated even by Christian writers; his principal rule being, never to send any petitioner dissatisfied away. One night, recollecting that he had done nothing beneficial to mankind the day preceding, he cried out among his friends, "I have lost a day." A sentence too remarkable not to be universally known.

In this reign, an eruption of Mount Vesuvius did considerable damage, overwhelming many towns, and resending its ashes into countries more than 100 miles distant. Upon this memorable occasion, Pliny the naturalist lost his life; for, being impelled by too eager curiosity to observe the eruption, he was suffocated in the flames.* There happened also about this time a fire at Rome, which continued three days and nights successively, which was followed by a plague, in which 10,000 men were buried in a day. The emperor, however, did all that lay in his power to repair the damage sustained by the public; and, with respect to the city, declared that he would take the whole loss of it upon himself. These disasters were in some measure counterbalanced by the successes in Britain, under Agricola. This excellent general having been sent into that country towards the latter end of Vespasian's reign, showed himself equally expert in quelling the refractory, and civilizing those who had formerly submitted to the Roman power. The Orovices, or inhabitants of North Wales, were the first that were subdued. He then made a descent upon Mona, or the island of Anglesea; which surrendered at discretion. Having thus rendered himself master of the whole country, he took every method to restore discipline to his own army, and to introduce some share of politeness among those whom he had conquered. He exhorted them, both by advice and example, to build temples, theatres, and stately houses. He caused the sons of their nobility to be instructed in the liberal arts; he had them taught the Latin language, and induced them to imitate the Roman modes of dressing and living. Thus, by degrees, this barbarous people began to assume the luxurious manners of the conquerors, and in time even outdid them in all the refinements of sensual pleasure. For the success in Britain, Titus was saluted emperor the 13th time; but he did not long survive his honours, being seized with a violent fever at a little distance from Rome. Perceiving his death to approach, he declared, that during the whole course of his life he knew but of one act on which he repented; but that act on which he did not think proper to express. Shortly after, he died (without suspicion of treachery from his brother Domitian, who had long wished to govern) in the 41st year of... of his age, having reigned two years two months and twenty days.

The love which all ranks of people bore to Titus, facilitated the election of his brother Domitian, notwithstanding the ill opinion many had already conceived of him. His ambition was already but too well known, and his pride soon appeared upon his coming to the throne; having been heard to declare, that he had given the empire to his father and brother, and now received it again as his due.

The beginning of his reign was universally acceptable to the people, as he appeared equally remarkable for his clemency, liberality, and justice. He carried his abhorrence of cruelty so far, as at one time to forbid the sacrificing of oxen. His liberality was such, that he would not accept of the legacies that were left him by such as had children of their own. His justice was such, that he would sit whole days and reverse the partial sentences of the ordinary judges. He appeared very careful and liberal in repairing the libraries which had been burnt, and recovering copies of such books as had been lost, sending on purpose to Alexandria to transcribe them. But he soon began to show the natural deformity of his mind. Instead of cultivating literature, as his father and brother had done, he neglected all kinds of study, addicting himself wholly to the meaner pursuits, particularly archery and gaming. No emperor before him entertained the people with such various and expensive shows. During these diversions he distributed great rewards; sitting as president himself, adorned with a purple robe and crown, with the priests of Jupiter and the college of Flavian priests about him. The meanness of his occupations in solitude were a just contrast to his exhibitions in public ostentation. He usually spent his hours of retirement in catching flies, and sticking them through with a bodkin; so that one of his servants being asked if the emperor was alone, he answered, that he had not so much as a fly to bear him company. His vices seemed every day to increase with the duration of his reign; and as he thus became more obnoxious to his people, all their murmurs only served to add strength to his suspicions, and malice to his cruelty. His ungrateful treatment of Agricola seemed the first symptom of his natural malevolence. Domitian was always particularly fond of obtaining a military reputation, and therefore jealous of it in others. He had marched some time before into Gaul, upon a pretended expedition against the Catti, a people of Germany; and, without ever seeing the enemy, resolved to have the honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For that purpose he purchased a number of slaves, whom he dressed in German habits; and at the head of this miserable procession entered the city, amidst the apparent acclamations and concealed contempt of all his subjects. The successes, therefore, of Agricola, in Britain, affected him with an extreme degree of envy. This admirable general, who is scarcely mentioned by any writer except Tacitus, pursued the advantages which he had already obtained. He routed the Caledonians; overcame Gogcas, the British chief, at the head of 30,000 men; and afterwards sending out a fleet to scour the coast, first discovered Great Britain to be an island*. He likewise discovered and subdued the Orkneys, and thus reduced the whole into a civilized province of the Roman empire. When the account of these successes was brought to Domitian, he received it with a seeming pleasure, but real uneasiness. He thought Agricola's rising reputation a reproach upon his own incapacity; and, instead of attempting to emulate, he resolved to suppress the merit of his services. He ordered him, therefore, the external marks of his approbation, and took care that triumphant ornaments, statues, and other honours, should be decreed him; but at the same time he removed him from his command, under a pretence of appointing him to the government of Syria. By these means, Agricola surrendered up his government to Salustius Lucullus, but soon found that Syria was otherwise disposed of. Upon his return to Rome, which was private and by night, he was coolly received by the emperor; and dying some time after in retirement, it was supposed by some that his end was hastened by Domitian's direction.

Domitian soon after found the want of so experienced a commander in the many irruptions of the barbarous nations that surrounded the empire. The Sarmatians in Europe, joined with those in Asia, made a formidable invasion; at once destroying a whole legion, and a general of the Romans. The Dacians, under the conduct of Decebalus their king, made an irruption, and overthrew the Romans in several engagements. Losses were followed by losses, so that every season became memorable for some remarkable overthrow. At last, however, the state making a vigorous exertion of its internal power, the barbarians were repelled partly by force and partly by the assistance of money, which only served to enable them to make future invasions to greater advantage. But in whatever manner the enemy might have been repelled, Domitian was resolved not to lose the honour of a triumph. He returned in great splendour to Rome; and not contented with thus triumphing twice without a victory, he resolved to take the surname of Germanicus, for his conquest over a people with whom he never contended.

In proportion as the ridicule increased against him, his pride seemed every day to demand greater homage. He would permit his statues to be made only of gold and silver; assumed to himself divine honours; and ordered that all men should treat him with the same appellations which they gave to the divinity. His cruelty was not behind his arrogance; he caused numbers of the most illustrious senators and others to be put to death upon the most trifling pretexts. Salustius Lucullus, his lieutenant in Britain, was destroyed only for having given his own name to a new sort of lances of his own invention. Junius Rusticus died for publishing a book, in which he commended Thracea and Priscus, two philosophers who opposed Vespasian's coming to the throne.

Such cruelties as these, that seem almost without a motive, may naturally be supposed to have produced rebellion. Lucius Antonius, governor in Upper Germany, knowing how much the emperor was detested at home, assumed the ensigns of imperial dignity. As he was at the head of a formidable army, his success remained long doubtful; but a sudden overflowing of the Rhine dividing his army, he was seen upon that juncture by Normandy, the emperor's general, and totally routed. The news of this victory, we are told, was brought to Rome by supernatural means, on the same day that the battle was fought. Domitian's severity was was greatly increased by this success, of short duration. In order to discover those who were accomplices with the adverse party, he invented new tortures, sometimes cutting off the hands, at other times thrusting fire into the privacies, of the people whom he suspected of being his enemies. During these cruelties, he aggravated their guilt by hypocrisy, never pronouncing sentence without a preamble full of gentleness and mercy. He was particularly terrible to the senate and nobility, the whole body of whom he frequently threatened entirely to extirpate. At one time, he surrounded the senate-house with his troops, to the great consternation of the senators. At another he resolved to amuse himself with their terrors in a different manner. Having invited them to a public entertainment, he received them all very formally at the entrance of his palace, and conducted them into a spacious hall, hung round with black, and illuminated by a few melancholy lamps, that diffused light only sufficient to show the horrors of the place. All around were to be seen nothing but coffins, with the names of each of the senators written upon them, together with other objects of terror, and instruments of execution. While the company beheld all the preparations with silent agony, several men, having their bodies blackened, each with a drawn sword in one hand and a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall, and danced round them. After some time, when the guests expected nothing less than instant death, well knowing Domitian's capricious cruelty, the doors were set open, and one of the servants came to inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave to withdraw.

These cruelties were rendered still more odious by his lust and avarice. Frequently after presiding at an execution, he would retire with the lewdest prostitutes, and use the same baths which they did. His avarice, which was the consequence of his profusion, knew no bounds. He seized upon the estates of all against whom he could find the smallest pretensions; the most trifling action or word against the majesty of the prince was sufficient to ruin the possessor. He particularly exacted large sums from the rich Jews; who even then began to practise the art of peculation, for which they are at present so remarkable. He was excited against them, not only by avarice, but by jealousy. A prophecy had been long current in the east, that a person from the line of David should rule the world. Whereupon, this suspicious tyrant, willing to evade the prediction, commanded all the Jews of the lineage of David to be diligently sought out, and put to death. Two Christians, grandsons of St Jude the apostle, of that line, were brought before him; but finding them poor, and no way ambitious of temporal power, he dismissed them, considering them as objects too mean for his jealousy. However, his persecution of the Christians was more severe than that of any of his predecessors. By his letters and edicts they were banished in several parts of the empire, and put to death with all the tortures of ingenious cruelty. The predictions of Chaldeans and astrologers also, concerning his death, gave him most violent apprehensions, and kept him in the most tormenting disquietude. As he approached towards the end of his reign, he would permit no criminal, or prisoner, to be brought into his presence, till they were bound in such a manner as to be incapable of injuring him; and he generally secured their chains in his own hands. His jealousies increased to that degree, that he ordered the gallery in which he walked to be set round with a pellucid stone, which served as a mirror to reflect the persons of all such as approached him from behind. Every omen and prodigy gave him fresh anxiety.

But a period was soon to be put to this monster's cruelty. Among the number of those whom he at once caressed and suspected, was his wife Domitia, whom he had taken from Ælius Lama, her former husband. This woman, however, was become obnoxious to him, for having placed her affections upon one Paris, a player; and he resolved to dispatch her, with several others that he either hated or suspected. It was the tyrant's method to put down the names of all such as he intended to destroy in his tablets, which he kept about him with great circumspection. Domitia, fortunately happening to get a sight of them, was struck at finding her own name in the catalogue of those fated to destruction. She showed the fatal list to Norbanus and Petronius, prefects of the praetorian bands, who found themselves set down; as likewise to Stephanus, the comptroller of the household, who came into the conspiracy with alacrity. Parthenius also, the chief chamberlain, was of the number. These, after many consultations, determined on the first opportunity to put their design into execution; and at length fixed on the 18th day of September for the completion of their attempt. Domitian, whose death was every day foretold by the astrologers, who, of consequence, must at last be right in their predictions, was in some measure apprehensive of that day; and as he had been ever timorous, so he was now more particularly upon his guard. He had some time before secluded himself in the most secret recesses of his palace; and at midnight was so affrighted as to leap out of his bed, inquiring of his attendants what hour of the night it was. Upon their falsely assuring him that it was an hour later than that which he was taught to apprehend, quite transported, as if all danger was past, he prepared to go to the bath. Just then, Parthenius his chamberlain came to inform him, that Stephanus the comptroller of his household desired to speak to him upon an affair of the utmost importance. The emperor having given orders that his attendants should retire, Stephanus entered with his hand in a scarf, which he had worn thus for some days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were permitted to approach the emperor except unarmed. He began by giving information of a pretended conspiracy, and exhibited a paper in which the particulars were specified. While Domitian was reading the contents with an eager curiosity, Stephanus drew his dagger, and struck him in the groin. The wound not being mortal, Domitian caught hold of the assassin, and threw him upon the ground, calling out for assistance. He demanded also his sword, that was usually placed under his pillow; and a boy who attended in the apartment running to fetch it found only the scabbard, for Parthenius had previously removed the blade. The struggle with Stephanus still continued; Domitian still kept him under, and at one time attempted to wrest the dagger from his hand, at another to tear out his eyes with his fingers. But Parthenius, with his freedman, a gladiator, and two subaltern officers, now coming in, ran all furiously upon the emperor, and dispatched him with many wounds. In the mean time, some of the officers of the guard being alarmed, came to his assistance, but too late to save him; however, they slew Stephanus on the spot.

When it was publicly known that Domitian was slain, the joy of the senate was so great, that being assembled with the utmost haste, they began to load his memory with every reproach. His statues were commanded to be taken down; and a decree was made, that all his inscriptions should be erased, his name struck out of the registers of fame, and his funeral omitted. The people, who now took little part in the affairs of government, looked on his death with indifference; the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded with favours, and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted their benefactor. The senate, therefore, resolved to provide a successor before the army could have an opportunity of taking an appointment upon themselves: and Cocceius Nerva was chosen to the empire the very day on which the tyrant was slain.

Nerva was of an illustrious family, as most say, by birth a Spaniard, and above 65 years old when he was called to the throne. He was, at that time, the most remarkable man in Rome, for his virtues, moderation, and respect to the laws; and he owed his exaltation to the blameless conduct of his former life. When the senate went to pay him their submissions, he received them with his accustomed humility: while Aelius Antoninus, his most intimate friend, having embraced him with great familiarity, congratulated him on his accession to the empire: and indeed no emperor had ever shewn himself more worthy of the throne than Nerva; his only fault being that he was too indulgent, and often made a prey by his insidious courtiers.

However, an excess of indulgence and humanity were faults that Rome could easily pardon, after the cruelties of such an emperor as Domitian. Being long accustomed to tyranny, they regarded Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even gave his imbecility the name of benevolence. Upon coming to the throne, he solemnly swore that no senator of Rome should be put to death by his command, during his reign, though they gave ever so just a cause. He conferred great favours, and bestowed large gifts, upon his particular friends. His liberality was so extensive, that upon his first promotion to the empire, he was constrained to sell his gold and silver plate, with his other rich moveables, to enable him to continue his liberalities. He released the cities of the empire from many severe impositions, which had been laid upon them by Vespasian; took off a rigorous tribute, which had been laid upon carriages; and restored those to their property who had been unjustly dispossessed by Domitian.

During his short reign he made several good laws. He particularly prohibited the castration of male children; which had been likewise condemned by his predecessor, but not wholly removed. He put all those slaves to death who had, during the last reign, informed against their masters. He permitted no statues to be erected to honour him, and converted into money such of Domitian's as had been spared by the senate. He sold many rich robes, and much of the splendid furniture of the palace, and retrenched several unreasonable expenses at court. At the same time, he had so little regard for money, that when Herodes Atticus, one of his subjects, had found a large treasure, and wrote to the emperor how to dispose of it, he received for answer, that he might use it; but the finder still informing the emperor that it was a fortune too large for a private person, Nerva, admiring his honesty, wrote him word, that then he might abuse it.

A life of such generosity and mildness was not, however, without its enemies. Calpurnius Crassus, with some others, formed a dangerous conspiracy to destroy him; but Nerva would use no severity: he rested satisfied with banishing those who were culpable, though the senate were for inflicting more rigorous punishments. But the most dangerous insurrection against his interests was from the praetorian bands; who, headed by Casparius Orianus, insisted upon revenging the late emperor's death, whose memory was still dear to them from his frequent liberalities. Nerva, whose kindness to good men rendered him still more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his power to stop the progress of this insurrection; he presented himself to the mutinous soldiers, and, opening his bosom, desired them to strike there, rather than be guilty of so much injustice. The soldiers, however, paid no regard to his remonstrances; but, seizing upon Petronius and Parthenius, slew them in the most ignominious manner. Not content with this, they even compelled the emperor to approve of their sedition, and to make a speech to the people, in which he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. So disagreeable a constraint upon the emperor's inclinations was, in the end, attended with the most happy effects, as it caused the adoption of Trajan to succeed him in the empire. Nerva perceived that in the present turbulent disposition of the times, he stood in need of an assistant in the empire, who might share the fatigues of government, and contribute to keep the licentious in awe. For this purpose, setting aside all his own relations, he fixed upon Ulpius Trajan, an utter stranger to his family, who was then governor in Upper Germany, to succeed him. Having put his determination in execution, and performed the accustomed solemnities, he instantly sent off ambassadors to Cologne, where Trajan then resided, intreating his assistance in punishing those from whom he had received such an insult. The adoption of this admirable man, proved so great a curb to the licentiousness of the soldiery, that they continued in perfect obedience during the rest of this reign; and Casparius being sent to him, was, by his command, either banished or put to death.

The adopting Trajan was the last public act of Death of Nerva. In about three months after, having put himself in a violent passion with one Regulus a senator, he was seized with a fever, of which he shortly after died, after a short reign of one year four months and nine days. He was the first foreign emperor who reigned in Rome, and justly reputed a prince of great generosity and moderation. He is also celebrated for his wisdom, though with less reason the greatest instance he gave of it, during his reign, being in the choice of his successor.

Trajan's family was originally from Italy, but his lines of himself' was born in Seville in Spain. He very early accompanied his father, who was a general of the Romans, in his expeditions along the Euphrates and the Rhine; and while yet very young, acquired a considerable reputation for military accomplishments. He inured his body to fatigue; he made long marches on foot; foot; and laboured to acquire all that skill in war which was necessary for a commander. When he was made general of the army in Lower Germany, which was one of the most considerable employments in the empire, it made no alteration in his manners or way of living; and the commander was seen no way differing from the private tribune, except in his superior wisdom and virtues. The great qualities of his mind were accompanied with all the advantages of person. His body was majestic and vigorous; he was at that middle time of life which is happily tempered with the warmth of youth and the caution of age, being 42 years old. To these qualities were added, a modesty that seemed peculiar to himself alone; so that mankind found a pleasure in praising those accomplishments of which the possessor seemed no way conscious. Upon the whole, Trajan is distinguished as the greatest and the best emperor of Rome. Others might have equalled him in war, and some might have been his rivals in clemency and goodness; but he seems the only prince who united these talents in the greatest perfection, and who appears equally to engage our admiration and our regard. Upon being informed of the death of Nerva, he prepared to return to Rome, whither he was invited by the united intrigues of the state. He therefore began his march with a discipline that was for a long time unknown in the armies of the empire. The countries through which he passed were neither ravaged nor taxed, and he entered the city, not in a triumphant manner, though he had deserved it often, but on foot, attended by the civil officers of the state, and followed by his soldiers, who marched silently forward with modesty and respect. It would be tedious and unnecessary to enter into a detail of this good monarch's labours for the state. His application to business, his moderation to his enemies, his modesty in exaltation, his liberality to the deserving, and his frugality in his own expenses; these have all been the subject of panegyric among his contemporaries, and they continue to be the admiration of posterity. Upon giving the prefect of the pretorian band the sword, according to custom, he made use of this remarkable expression: "Take this sword, and use it, if I have merit, for me; if otherwise, against me." After which he added, That he who gave laws was the first who was bound to observe them. His failings were his love of women, which, however, never hurried him beyond the bounds of decency; and his immoderate passion for war, to which he had been bred up from his childhood. The first war he was engaged in after his coming to the throne was with the Dacians, who, during the reign of Domitian, had committed numberless ravages upon the provinces of the empire. He therefore raised a powerful army, and with great expedition marched into those barbarous countries, where he was vigorously opposed by Decebalus, the Dacian king, who for a long time withstood his boldest efforts; but was at last entirely reduced, and his kingdom made a Roman province. See DACIA. At his return to Rome, he entered the city in triumph; and the rejoicings for his victories lasted for the space of 120 days.

Having thus given peace and prosperity to the empire, Trajan continued his reign, loved, honoured, and almost adored, by his subjects. He adorned the city with public buildings; he freed it from such men as lived by their vices; he entertained persons of merit with the utmost familiarity; and so little feared his enemies, that he could scarcely be induced to suppose that he had any.

It had been happy for this great prince's memory, if he had shown equal clemency to all his subjects; but cutes the about the ninth year of his reign, he was persuaded to Christians look upon the Christians with a suspicious eye. The extreme veneration which he professed for the religion of the empire, set him sedulously to oppose every innovation, and the progress of Christianity seemed to alarm him. A law had for some time before been passed, in which all Heteries, or societies dissenting from the established religion, were considered as illegal, being reputed nurseries of imposture and sedition. Under the sanction of this law, the Christians were persecuted in all parts of the empire. Great numbers of them were put to death, as well by popular tumults as by edicts and judicial proceedings. However, the persecution ceased after some time; for the emperor having advice from Pliny, the proconsul in Bithynia, of the innocence and simplicity of the Christians, and of their inoffensive and moral way of living, he suspended their punishments. But a total stop was put to them upon Tiberianus the governor of Palestine's sending him word, that he was wearied out with executing the laws against the Galileans, who crowded to execution in such multitudes, that he was at a loss how to proceed. Upon this information, the emperor gave orders, that the Christians should not be sought after; but if any offered themselves, that they should suffer. In this manner the rage of persecution ceased, and the emperor found leisure to turn the force of his arms against the Armenians and Parthians, who now began to throw off all submission to Rome.

While he was employed in these wars, there was a dreadful insurrection of the Jews in all parts of the empire. This wretched people still infatuated, and ever Jews expecting some signal delivery, took the advantage of Trajan's absence in the east to massacre all the Greeks and Romans whom they got into their power, without reluctance or mercy. This rebellion first began in Cyrene, a Roman province in Africa; from thence the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the island of Cyprus. These places were in a manner dispeopled with ungovernable fury. Their barbarities were such, that they ate the flesh of their enemies, wore their skins, sewed them asunder, cast them to wild beasts, made them kill each other, and studied new torments by which to destroy them. However, these cruelties were of no long duration; the governors of the respective provinces making head against their tumultuous fury, soon treated them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put them to death, not as human beings, but as outrageous pests to society. As the Jews had practised their cruelties in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly enacted, by which it was made capital for any Jew to set foot on the island.

During these bloody transactions, Trajan was prosecuting his successes in the east. His first march was Trajan into Armenia, the king of which country had disclaimed the all alliance with Rome, and received the ensigns of royalty and dominion from the monarch of Parthia. However, upon the news of Trajan's expedition, his fears were so great, that he abandoned his country to the invaders; while the greatest part of his governors and nobility nobility came submissively to the emperor, acknowledging themselves his subjects, and making him the most costly presents. Having in this manner taken possession of the whole country, and gotten the king into his power, he marched into the dominions of the king of Parthia. There entering the opulent kingdom of Mesopotamia, he reduced it into the form of a Roman province. From thence he went against the Parthians, marching on foot at the head of his army; in this manner crossing the rivers, and conforming to all the severities of discipline which were imposed on the meanest soldier. His successes against the Parthians were great and numerous. He conquered Syria and Chaldea, and took the famous city of Babylon. Here, attempting to cross the Euphrates, he was opposed by the enemy, who were resolved to stop his passage; but he secretly caused boats to be made upon the adjoining mountains; and bringing them to the water side, passed his army with great expedition, not, however, without great slaughter on both sides. From thence he traversed tracts of country which had never before been invaded by a Roman army, and seemed to take a pleasure in pursuing the same march which Alexander the Great had formerly marked out for him. Having passed the rapid streams of the Tigris, he advanced to the city of Ctesiphon, which he took, and opened himself a passage into Persia, where he made many conquests, that were rather splendid than serviceable. After subduing all the country bordering on the Tigris, he marched southward to the Persian gulf, where he subdued a monarch who possessed a considerable island made by the divided streams of that river. Here, winter coming on, he was in danger of losing the greatest part of his army by the inclemency of the climate and the inundations of the river. He therefore with indefatigable pains fitted out a fleet, and sailing down the Persian gulf, entered the Indian ocean, conquering even to the Indies, and subduing a part of them to the Roman empire. He was prevented from pursuing further conquests in this distant country, both by the revolt of many of the provinces he had already subdued, and by the scarcity of provisions, which seemed to contradict the reports of the fertility of the countries he was induced to invade. The inconveniences of increasing age also contributed to damp the ardour of this enterprise, which at one time he intended to pursue to the confines of the earth. Returning, therefore, along the Persian gulf, and sending the senate a particular account of all the nations he had conquered, the names of which alone composed a long catalogue, he prepared to punish those countries which had revolted from him. He began by laying the famous city of Edessa, in Mesopotamia, in ashes; and in a short space of time, not only retook all those places which had before acknowledged subjection, but conquered many other provinces, so as to make himself master of the most fertile kingdoms of all Asia. In this train of successes he scarce met with a repulse, except before the city Atra, in the deserts of Arabia. Wherefore judging that this was a proper time for bounding his conquests, he resolved to give a master to the countries he had subdued. With this resolution he repaired to the city Ctesiphon, in Persia; and there, with great ceremony, crowned Parthamaspes king of Parthia, to the great joy of all his subjects. He established another king also over the kingdom of Albania, near the Caspian sea. Then placing governors and lieutenants in other provinces, he resolved to return to his capital in a more magnificent manner than any of his predecessors had done before him. He accordingly left Adrian general of all his forces in the east; and continued his journey towards Rome, where the most magnificent preparations were made for his arrival. But he had not proceeded farther than the province of Cilicia, when he found himself too weak to travel in his usual manner. He therefore caused himself to be carried on ship-board to the city of Seleucia, where he died of apoplexy, having been once before attacked by that disorder. During the time of his indisposition, his wife Plotina constantly attended near him; and, knowing the emperor's dislike to Adrian, it is thought forged the will, by which he was adopted to succeed.

Trajan died in the 63rd year of his age, after a reign of nineteen years six months and fifteen days. How highly he was esteemed by his subjects appears by their manner of blessing his successors, always wishing them the fortune of Augustus, and the goodness of Trajan. His military virtues, however, upon which he chiefly valued himself, produced no real advantages to his country; and all his conquests disappeared, when the power was withdrawn that enforced them.

Adrian was by descent a Spaniard, and his ancestors were of the same city where Trajan was born. He was nephew to Trajan, and married to Sabina his grand-niece. When Trajan was adopted to the empire, Adrian was a tribune of the army in Moesia, and was sent by the troops to congratulate the emperor on his advancement. However, his brother-in-law, who desired to have an opportunity of congratulating Trajan himself, supplied Adrian with a carriage that broke down on the way. But Adrian was resolved to lose no time, and performed the rest of the journey on foot. This assiduity was very pleasing to the emperor; but he disliked Adrian from several more prevailing motives. His kinsman was expensive, and involved in debt. He was, besides, inconstant, capricious, and apt to envy another's reputation. These were faults that, in Trajan's opinion, could not be compensated either by his learning or his talents. His great skill in the Greek and Latin languages, his intimate acquaintance with the laws of his country and the philosophy of the times, were no inducement to Trajan, who, being bred himself a soldier, desired to have a military man to succeed him. For this reason it was that the dying emperor would by no means appoint a successor; fearful, perhaps, of injuring his great reputation, by adopting a person that was unworthy. His death, therefore, was concealed for some time by Plotina his wife, till Adrian had sounded the inclinations of the army, and found them firm in his interests. They then produced a forged instrument, importing that Adrian was adopted to succeed in the empire. By this artifice he was elected by all orders of the state, though then absent from Rome, being left at Antioch as general of the forces in the east.

Upon Adrian's election, his first care was to write the senate, excusing himself for assuming the empire without their previous approbation; imputing it to the hasty zeal of the army, who rightly judged that the senate ought not long to remain without a head. He then then began to pursue a course quite opposite to that of his predecessor, taking every method of declining war, and promoting the arts of peace. He was quite satisfied with preserving the ancient limits of the empire, and seemed no way ambitious of extensive conquest. For this reason he abandoned all the conquests which Trajan had made, judging them to be rather an inconvenience than an advantage to the empire; and made the river Euphrates the boundary of the empire, placing the legions along its banks to prevent the incursions of the enemy.

Having thus settled the affairs of the east, and leaving Severus governor of Syria, he took his journey by land to Rome, sending the ashes of Trajan thither by sea. Upon his approach to the city, he was informed of a magnificent triumph that was preparing for him; but this he modestly declined, desiring that those honours might be paid to Trajan's memory which they had designed for him. In consequence of this command, a most superb triumph was decreed, in which Trajan's statue was carried as a principal figure in the procession; it being remarked that he was the only man that ever triumphed after he was dead. Not content with paying him these extraordinary honours, his ashes were placed in a golden urn, upon the top of a column 140 feet high. On this were engraven the particulars of all his exploits in basso relievo; a work of great labour, and which is still remaining. These testimonies of respect to the memory of his predecessor, did great honour to the heart of Adrian. His virtues, however, were contrasted by a strange mixture of vices; or to say the truth, he wanted strength of mind to preserve his general rectitude of character without deviation. As an emperor, however, his conduct was most admirable, as all his public transactions appear dictated by the soundest policy and the most disinterested wisdom. But these being already enumerated under the article Adrian, it would be superfluous to repeat them in this place.

He was succeeded by Marcus Antoninus, afterwards surnamed the Pious, whom he had adopted some time before his death. See Antoninus Pius.

From the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius, we may date the decline of the Roman empire. From the time of Cæsar to that of Trajan, scarce any of the emperors had either abilities or inclination to extend the limits of the empire, or even to defend it against the barbarous nations who surrounded it. During all this space, only some inconsiderable provinces to the northward of Italy, and part of the island of Britain, had been subjugated. However, as yet, nothing was lost; but the degeneracy and corruption of the people had sown those seeds of dissolution which the empire quickly began to feel. The disorders were grown to such an height, that even Trajan himself could not cure them. Indeed his eastern conquests could scarce have been preserved though the republic had been existing in all its glory; and therefore they were quietly resigned by his successor Adrian, as too distant, disaffected, and ready to be overrun by the barbarous nations.

The province of Dacia, being nearer to the centre of government, was more easily preserved; and of consequence remained for a long time subject to Rome. During the 23 years of the reign of Antoninus, few remarkable events happened. The historians of those times are excessive in their praises of his justice, generosity, and other virtues, both public and private. He put a stop to the persecution of the Christians, which raged in the time of Trajan and Adrian, and reduced the Brigantes, a tribe of Britons, who had revolted. During his reign, several calamities befell the empire. The Tiber, overflowing its banks, laid the lower part of Rome under water. The inundation was followed by a fire, and this by a famine, which swept off great numbers, though the emperor took the utmost care to supply the city from the most distant provinces. At the same time the cities of Narbonne in Gaul, and Antioch in Syria, together with the great square in Carthage, were destroyed by fire; however, the emperor soon restored them to their former condition. He died in the year 163, universally lamented by his subjects, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius, surnamed the Philosopher, whom he had adopted towards the latter end of his reign.

The transactions of this emperor the reader will find related under the article Antoninus Philosophus (a).

(a) As, after the death of Marcus Aurelius, the Roman empire declined very fast, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the military and other establishments of the Roman emperors. Mr Gibbon observes, that in the times of the commonwealth, the use of arms was confined to those who had some property to defend, and an interest in maintaining the laws which were proposed to be enacted. But, as the public freedom declined, and war became degraded into a trade, those who had the property of the country chose rather to hire others than to expose their own persons, as is the case with our modern armies. Yet, even after all consideration of property had been laid aside among the common soldiers, the officers continued to be chosen from among those who had a liberal education, together with a good share of property. However, as the common soldiers, in which the strength of an army consists, had now no more of that virtue called patriotism, the legions which were formerly almost invincible, no longer fought with the same ardour as before. In former times, the profession of a soldier was more honourable than any other; but, when the soldiers came to be looked upon as hirelings, the honour of the profession sunk of course, and by this means, one of the strongest motives which the soldiers had to submit to their severe discipline, and exert themselves against their enemies, was removed. On the very first entrance of a soldier into the Roman service, a solemn oath was administered to him, by which he engaged never to desert his standard; to submit his own will to that of his leaders, and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the emperor and the empire. The attachment which the Romans had to their standards was indeed astonishing. The golden eagle, which appeared in the front of the legion, was almost an object of adoration with them; and it was esteemed impious, as well as ignominious, to abandon that sacred sign. After the death of Marcus Aurelius, his son Commodus succeeded to the imperial throne without opposition. He was in every respect unworthy of his father: and so prone to vice, that he was generally believed to have been the son, not of Marcus Aurelius, but of a celebrated gladiator, with whom the empress Faustina

sign in the time of danger. The centurions had a right to punish with blows, the generals with death; and it was an inflexible maxim of the Roman discipline, that a good soldier should dread his officers much more than the enemy.

Notwithstanding all this, so sensible were the Romans of the insufficiency of mere valour without skill, that military exercises were the unremitting object of their discipline. The recruits and young soldiers were constantly trained both in the morning and evening; and even the veterans were not excused from the daily repetition of their exercise. Large sheds were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that these useful labours might not be interrupted by tempestuous weather, and the weapons used in these imitations of war were always twice as heavy as those made use of in real action. The soldiers were diligently instructed to march, to run, leap, swim, carry heavy burdens, and handle every species of weapon either for offence or defence; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the sound of flutes in the pyrrhic or martial dance. It was the policy of the ablest generals, and even of the emperors themselves, to encourage these military studies by their presence and example; and we are informed that Adrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to instruct the unexperienced soldiers, to reward the diligent, and sometimes to dispute with them the prize of superior strength and dexterity. Under the reigns of those princes, the science of tactics was cultivated with success; and, as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military instructions were respected as the most perfect model of Roman discipline.

From the foundation of the city, as the Romans had in a manner been continually engaged in war, many alterations had taken place in the constitution of the legions. In the time of the emperors, the heavy-armed infantry, which composed its principal strength, was divided into 10 cohorts and 55 companies, under the orders of a correspondent number of tribunes and centurions. The first cohort, which always claimed the post of honour and the custody of the eagle, was formed of 1105 soldiers, the most approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of 555; and the whole body of legionary infantry consisted of 6100 men. Their arms were uniform, and excellently adapted to the nature of their service; an open helmet with a lofty crest; a breastplate or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and a large buckler on their left arm. Their buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and a half in breadth; framed of a light wood, covered with a bull's hide, and strongly guarded with brass plates. Besides a lighter spear, the legionary carried the pilum, a ponderous javelin about six feet long, and terminated by a massy triangular point of steel 18 inches in length. This weapon could do execution at the distance of 10 or 12 paces; but its stroke was so powerful, that no cavalry durst venture within its reach, and scarce any armour could be formed proof against it. As soon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his sword, and rushed forward to close with the enemy. It was a short well-tempered Spanish blade with a double edge, and equally calculated for the purposes of pushing and striking; but the soldier was always instructed to prefer the former use of his own weapon, as his body remained thereby the less exposed, while at the same time he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his adversary. The legion was usually drawn up eight deep; and the regular distance of three feet was left between the files and ranks. Thus the soldier possessed a free space for his arms and motions; and sufficient intervals were allowed, through which seasonable reinforcements might be introduced to the relief of the combatants. The cavalry, without which the force of the legion remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or squadrons: the first as the companion of the first cohort, consisted of 132 men; whilst each of the other nine amounted only to 66. The entire establishment formed a body of 726 horse, naturally connected with its respective legion; but occasionally acting in the line, and composing a part of the wings of the army. The cavalry of the ancient republic was composed of the noblest youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military services on horseback, prepared themselves for the offices of senator and consul; but after the alteration of manners and government which took place at the end of the commonwealth, the most wealthy of the equestrian order were engaged in the administration of justice and of the revenue; and whenever they embraced the profession of arms, they were immediately entrusted with a troop of horse or a cohort of foot, and the cavalry, as well as the infantry, were recruited from the provinces. The horses were bred for the most part in Spain, or in Cappadocia. The Roman troopers despised the complete armour which encumbered the cavalry of the east. Instead of this, their arms consisted only of an helmet, an oblong shield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A javelin and a long broadsword were their principal offensive weapons. They seem to have borrowed the use of lances and iron maces from the barbarians.

Besides the legionaries, the Romans, especially in the times of the emperors, began to take auxiliaries into their pay. Considerable levies were regularly made among those provincials who had not yet attained to the rank of Roman citizens. Many dependent princes and communities, dispersed round the frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to hold their freedom and security by tenure of military service. Even select troops of barbarians were compelled to enter into the service; which was afterwards found to be a most destructive expedient, not only as it carried the Roman military skill among barbarians who were otherwise unacquainted with it, but it gave these auxiliaries themselves frequent opportunities of revolting, and at last of dethroning the emperors at pleasure, and even of overturning the empire itself. The number of auxiliaries was seldom inferior to that of Faustina was supposed to be intimate. According to Mr Gibbon, however, Commodus was not, as has been represented, a tiger born with an insatiate thirst of human blood, and capable from his infancy of the most inhuman actions. Nature had formed him of a weak, rather than a wicked disposition. His simplicity and timidity

The bravest and most faithful bands among them were placed under the command of prefects and centurions, and severely trained in the arts of Roman discipline; but the far greater part retained those arms which they had used in their native country. By this institution, each legion, to whom a certain number of auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itself every species of lighter troops, and of missile weapons; and was capable of encountering every nation with the advantages of its respective arms and discipline. Nor was the legion destitute of what, in modern language, would be styled a train of artillery. This consisted of 10 military engines of the largest size, and 56 smaller ones; but all of them, either in an oblique or horizontal manner, discharged stones and darts with irresistible violence.

The camp of a Roman legion presented the appearance of a fortified city. As soon as the space was marked out, the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle; and it may be computed that a square of 700 yards was sufficient for the encampment of 20,000 Romans, though a similar number of modern troops would expose to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the midst of the camp, the praetorium, or general's tent, arose above the others; and the cavalry, infantry, and auxiliaries, had each their respective stations appointed them. The streets were broad, and perfectly straight; and a vacant space of 200 feet was left on all sides between the tents and rampart. The rampart itself was 12 feet high, armed with a line of strong and intricate palisades, and defended by a ditch 12 feet deep and as much broad. This labour was performed by the legions themselves, to whom the use of the spade and the pick-axe was no less familiar than that of the sword or pilum. Whenever the trumpet gave the signal of departure, the camp was almost instantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or confusion. Besides their arms, which the soldiers scarcely considered as an incumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen-furniture, the instruments of fortification, and provisions for many days. Under this weight, which would oppress a modern soldier, they were taught to advance by a regular step, near 20 miles in 6 hours. On the appearance of an enemy, they threw aside their baggage, and, by easy and rapid evolutions, converted the column of march into an order of battle. The slingers and archers skirmished in the front; the auxiliaries formed the first line, and were seconded or sustained by the legions. The cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engineers were placed in the rear.

The numbers of the Roman armies are not easily calculated with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, however, that the legion, which consisted of 6831 Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to 12,500 men. The peace establishment of Adrian and his successors was composed of no fewer than 90 of these formidable brigades; and most probably formed an army of 370,000 men. Instead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities, which the Romans considered as the refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. Three legions were sufficient for Britain. The principal strength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and consisted of 16 legions, disposed in the following proportions: two in the Lower, and three in the Upper Germany; one in Illyria; one in Noricum; four in Pannonia; three in Moesia; and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was intrusted to eight legions, six of whom were placed in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion maintained the domestic tranquillity of each of those great provinces. Italy was defended by the city cohorts and pratorian guards formerly mentioned. These differed nothing from the legions in their arms and institutions, except in a more splendid appearance, and a less rigid discipline.

The Roman navy, though sufficient for every useful purpose of government, never seemed adequate to the greatness of the empire. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preserve the peaceful dominion of the Mediterranean sea, which was included within their dominions, and to protect the commerce of their subjects. Two permanent fleets were stationed by Augustus, one at Ravenna on the Adriatic, and the other at Misenum in the bay of Naples. A very considerable force was also stationed at Frejus in Provence; and the Euxine was guarded by 40 ships and 3000 soldiers. To all these we may add the fleet which preserved the communication between Gaul and Britain, and a great number of vessels constantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube to harass the enemy, or intercept the passage of the barbarians. The whole military establishment by sea and land amounted to about 450,000 men.

It was not, however, to this formidable power alone that the empire owed its greatness. The policy of the laws contributed as much to its support as the martial establishment itself. According to Mr Gibbon, though the provinces might occasionally suffer from the partial abuse of delegated authority, the general principle of government was wise, simple, and beneficent. Among these beneficent principles he reckons that of universal toleration; but to this there were several exceptions: for the British Druids were persecuted and destroyed by the Romans on account of their religion; the Egyptians and Jews were sometimes persecuted; and the Christians were frequently so; and that even under the very best emperors, Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. However, as a very general toleration of religious sentiments did take place under the heathen emperors of Rome, we must certainly look upon this as one of the causes of the prosperity of the empire.

Another thing which greatly contributed to the strength and prosperity of the empire, was the extending of the freedom freedom of Rome to so many people. "The narrow policy (says Mr Gibbon) of preserving without any foreign mixture the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune and hastened the ruin of Athens and Sparta. During the most flourishing era of the Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens decreased gradually from about 30,000 to 24,000. If, on the contrary, we study the growth of the Roman republic, we may discover, that notwithstanding the incessant demands of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the time of Servius Tullius, amounted to no more than 83,000, were multiplied, before the end of the social war, to the number of 463,000 men able to bear arms in the service of their country. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal share of honours and privileges, the senate preferred the chance of war to a concession; however, at last, all the Italian states, except the Samnites and Lucanians, were admitted into the bosom of the republic, and soon contributed to the ruin of public freedom. When the popular assemblies had been suppressed by the administration of the emperors, the conquerors were distinguished from the vanquished nations only as the first and most honourable order of subjects; and their increase, however rapid, was no longer exposed to the same dangers. Yet the princes who adopted the maxims of Augustus, guarded with the strictest care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffused the freedom of the city with a prudent liberality.

"Till the privileges of the Romans had been progressively extended to all the inhabitants of the empire, an important distinction was preserved between Italy and the provinces. The estates of the Italians were exempted from taxes, and their persons from the arbitrary jurisdiction of governors. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. The provinces of the empire were destitute of any public force or constitutional freedom. The free states and cities, which had embraced the cause of Rome, were insensibly sunk into real servitude. The public authority was everywhere engrossed by the ministers of the senate and of the emperors, and that authority was absolute. But the same salutary maxims of government which had secured the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the most distant conquests. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting the most faithful and deserving provincials to the freedom of Rome.

"So sensible were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their most serious care to extend, with the progress of their arms, the use of the Latin tongue. The eastern provinces, however, were less docile in this respect than the western ones; and this obvious difference made a distinction between the two portions of the empire, which became very remarkable when it began to decline. Nor was the influence of the Greek language and sentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their empire, by the progress of colonies and conquest, had been diffused from the Adriatic to the Euphrates and Nile. Asia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a silent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts, those princes united the elegance of thebes with the luxury of the east; and the example of the court was imitated, at a humble distance, by the higher ranks of their subjects. Such was the general division of the Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages; to which we may add a third distinction for the body of the natives in Syria, and especially in Egypt. The use of their ancient dialects, by excluding them from the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of these barbarians. The slothful effeminacy of the former exposed them to the contempt, the sullen ferociousness of the latter excited the aversion of the Roman conquerors. They seldom desired or deserved the freedom of the city; and it is remarked, that more than 280 years elapsed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before a native Egyptian was admitted into the senate of Rome.

"The number of subjects who acknowledged the laws of Rome of citizens, of provincials, and of slaves, cannot now be fixed with such accuracy as the importance of the object would deserve. We are informed, that when the emperor Claudius exercised the office of censor, he took an account of 6,915,000 Roman citizens; who, with the proportion of women and children, must have amounted to about 20,000,000 of souls. The multitude of subjects of an inferior rank was uncertain and fluctuating; but after weighting with attention every circumstance which could influence the balance, it seems probable that there existed in the time of Claudius, about twice as many provincials as there were Roman citizens, of either sex, and of every age; and that the slaves were at least equal in number to the free inhabitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this imperfect calculation would rise to about 120 millions of persons; a degree of population which possibly exceeds that of modern Europe, and forms the most numerous society that has ever been united under the same system of government.

"Domestic peace and union were the natural consequences of the moderate and comprehensive policy embraced by the Romans. The vanquished nations, blended into one great people, resigned the hope, nay even the wish of resuming their independence, and scarcely considered their own existence as distinct from the existence of Rome. The established authority of the emperors prevailed, without an effort, the wide extent of their dominions, and was exercised with the same facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on those of the Tiber. The legions were destined to serve against the public enemy, and the civil magistrate seldom required the aid of a military force.

"It was scarcely possible that the eyes of contemporaries should discover in the public felicity the latent causes of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a slow and secret a parallel. Many very strange instances of his cruelty are related by the ancients. He is said to have cut asunder a corpulent man whom he saw walking along the street; partly, to try his own strength, in which he greatly excelled; and partly, as he himself owned, out of curiosity, to see his entrails drop out at once. He took pleasure in cutting off the feet, and putting out the eyes, of such as he met in his rambles through the city; telling the former, after he had thus maimed them, that they now belonged to the nation of Monopolii; and the latter, that they were now become Lucchii alluding to the work lucius, "one-eyed." Some he murdered because they were negligently dressed; others, because they seemed to be trimmed with too much nicety. He pretended to great skill in surgery, especially at letting blood; but sometimes, instead of easing by that means those whom he visited, or who were prevailed upon to recur to him, he cut off, by way of diversion, their ears and noses. His lewdness and debaucheries were equally remarkable, and equally infamous. However, he is said to have been exceedingly well skilled in archery, and to have performed incredible feats in that way. He excelled all men in strength; and is said to have run an elephant through with his spear, and to have killed in the amphitheatre 100 lions, one after another, and each of them at one blow. Forgetful of his dignity, he entered the lists with the common gladiators, and came off conqueror 735 times; whence he often subscribed himself in his letters, the conqueror of 1000 gladiators.

The public transactions of this reign were but very few. Soon after his father's death, Commodus concluded a peace with the Marcomanni, Quadi, &c. on the following conditions. 1. That they should not settle within five miles of the Danube. 2. That they should deliver up their arms, and supply the Romans the barbarians with a certain number of troops when required. 3. That they should assemble but once a month, in one place only, and that in presence of a Roman centurion. 4. That they should not make war upon the Jazyges, Buri, or Vandals, without the consent of the people of Rome. On the other hand, Commodus promised to abandon, which accordingly he did, all the castles and fortresses held by the Romans in their country, excepting such as were within five miles of the Danube. With the other German nations, whom his father had almost entirely reduced, he concluded a very dishonourable peace; nay, of some he purchased it with large sums of money.

Soon after the return of the emperor to Rome, his sister Lucilla, perceiving that he was universally abhorred on account of his cruelty, formed a conspiracy against his life. Among the conspirators were many senators of distinction. It was agreed among them that they should fall upon the emperor while he was going to the amphitheatre through a narrow and dark passage; and that Claudius Pompeianus, to whom Lucilla had betrothed her daughter, should give the first blow. But he, instead of striking at once, showed him the naked dagger, and cried out, "This present the senate sends you:" secret poison into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the same level; the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the military spirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robust. Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, supplied the legions with excellent soldiers, and constituted the real strength of the monarchy. Their personal valour remained; but they no longer possessed that public courage which is nourished by the love of independence, the sense of national honour, the presence of danger, and the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a mercenary army. The posterity of their boldest leaders were contented with the rank of citizens and subjects. The most aspiring spirits resorted to the court or standard of the emperors; and the deserted provinces, deprived of political strength or union, insensibly sunk into the languid indifference of private life.

"The love of letters, almost inseparable from peace and refinement, was fashionable among the subjects of Adrian and the Antonines; who were themselves men of learning and curiosity. It was diffused over the whole extent of their empire; the most northern tribes of Britons had acquired a taste for rhetoric; Homer as well as Virgil were transcribed and studied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the most liberal rewards sought out the faintest glimmerings of literary merit. The sciences of physic and astronomy were cultivated with some degree of reputation; but, if we except Lucian, an age of indolence passed away without producing a single writer of genius who deserved the attention of posterity. The authority of Plato, of Aristotle, of Zeno, and Epicurus, still reigned in the schools; and their systems, transmitted with blind deference from one generation of disciples to another, precluded every generous attempt to correct the errors or enlarge the bounds of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, instead of kindling a fire like their own, produced only servile imitations; or, if any ventured to deviate from these models, they deviated at the same time from good sense and propriety. The provincials of Rome, trained by an uniform artificial education, were engaged in a very unequal competition with those bold ancients, who, by expressing their genuine feelings in their native tongue, had already occupied every place of honour. The name of poet was almost forgotten; that of orator was usurped by the sophists. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of taste.

Longinus observes and laments the degeneracy of his contemporaries, which debased their sentiments, enervated their courage, and depressed their talents; comparing them to pigmies, whose stature has been diminished by constant pressure on their limbs. This diminutive stature of mankind was constantly sinking below the old standard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pigmies; when the fierce giants of the north broke in and mended the puny breed. They restored a manly freedom; and, after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy parent of taste and science." you:" so that the guards had time to rescue the emperor, and to seize the conspirators, who were soon after put to death. The emperor banished his sister to the island of Capreae, where he soon after caused her to be privately murdered.

The favourite minister of Commodus was one Perennis; who in oppression and cruelty seems to have been nothing inferior to those of the most tyrannical emperors. During the first part of the reign of Commodus, he ruled with an absolute sway; but at last was torn in pieces by the enraged soldiery, whom he had offended by his too great severity. He was succeeded in his place by a freedman named Cleander; for the emperor himself was so much taken up with his pleasures, that he could not bestow even a moment on the affairs of state. The new minister abused his power in a more flagrant manner than even his predecessor had done. By him all things were openly set to sale; offices, provinces, public revenues, justice, and the lives of men both innocent and guilty. The minister, who ruled the emperor without control, infused such terrors into his timorous mind, that he changed the captains of his guards almost continually. One Niger enjoyed the dignity only six hours; another only five days; and several others a still shorter space. Most of these officers lost their lives along with their employments; being accused of treason by Cleander, who continually solicited, and at last obtained, that important post for himself.

In the year 187 happened a remarkable revolt. One Maternus, a common soldier, having fled from his colours, and being joined by many others guilty of the same crime, grew in a short time so powerful, the banditti flocking to him from all parts, that he overran and plundered great part of Gaul and Spain; stormed the strongest cities; and struck the emperor and people of Rome with such terror, that troops were raised, and armies dispatched against him. Pescennius Niger was sent to make head against him in Gaul, where he became very intimate with Severus, who was then governor of Lyons, and who wrote a letter to the emperor, commanding the prudent and gallant behaviour of Niger in pursuing the rebels. Maternus, finding himself reduced to great straits, divided his men into several small bands, and marched privately with them by different ways into Italy; having nothing less in view than to murder the emperor during the solemnity which was kept annually in honour of the mother of the gods, and on his death to seize upon the empire for himself. They all arrived at Rome undiscovered; and several of his men had already mixed themselves with the emperor's guards, when others of his own party betrayed him. He was immediately seized and executed; and his death put an end to the disturbances which some of his followers had begun to raise in other provinces. In the same year broke out the most dreadful plague, says Dio Cassius, that had been known. It lasted two or three years; and raged with the greatest violence at Rome, where it frequently carried off 2000 persons a day. The following year, a dreadful fire, which consumed a great part of the city, was kindled by lightning; and at the same time the people were afflicted with a dreadful famine, occasioned, according to some authors, by Cleander, who, having now in view nothing less than the sovereignty itself, bought up underhand all the corn, in order to raise the price of it, and gain the affections of the soldiery and people by distributing it among them. Others tell us, however, that Papirius Dionysius, whose province it was to supply the city with provisions, contributed towards the famine, in order to make the people rise against Cleander. Be this as it will, the populace ascribed all their calamities to this hated minister; and one day, while the people were celebrating the Circensian games, a troop of children, having at their head a young woman of an extraordinary stature and fierce aspect, entering the circus, began to utter aloud many bitter invectives and dreadful curses against Cleander; which being for some time answered by the people with other invectives and curses, the whole multitude arose all of a sudden, and flew to the place where Cleander at that time resided with the emperor. There, renewing their invectives, they demanded the head of the minister who had been the occasion of so many calamities. Hereupon Cleander ordered the praetorian cavalry to charge the multitude; which they did accordingly, driving them with great slaughter into the city. But the populace discharging showers of stones, bricks, and tiles, from the tops of the houses and from the windows, and the city-guards at the same time taking part with the people, the praetorian horse were soon obliged to save themselves by flight: nor was the slaughter ended till the emperor, apprised of the tumult, caused the head of Cleander to be struck off and thrown out to the enraged populace. The emperor himself did not long survive Cleander; being cut off by a conspiracy of Marcia his favourite concubine, Lecius captain of the guards, and Eclectus his chamberlain.

No sooner was the death of Commodus known, than the senate assembled, and declared him a public enemy, loading him with curses, ordering his statues to be broken to pieces, and his name to be erased out of all public inscriptions; and demanded his body, that it might be dragged through the streets and thrown into the Tiber. But Helvius Pertinax, whom the conspirators raised to have previously designed for the empire, and who had already assumed it, prevented such an outrage, by letting the senators know that Commodus was already buried. This extraordinary personage had passed through many changes of fortune. He was originally the son of an enfranchised slave, called Aelius, who only gave him so much learning as to qualify him for keeping a little shop in the city. He then became a schoolmaster, afterwards studied the law, and after that became a soldier; in which station his behaviour was such as caused him to be soon made captain of a cohort against the Parthians. Being thus introduced to arms, he went through the usual gradation of military preferment in Britain and Moesia, until he became the commander of a legion under Aurelius. In this station he performed such excellent services against the barbarians, that he was made consul, and successively governor of Dacia, Syria, and Asia Minor. In the reign of Commodus he was banished; but soon after recalled, and sent into Britain to reform the abuses in the army. In this employment his usual extraordinary fortune attended him: he was opposed by a sedition among the legions, and left for dead among many others that were slain. However, he got over this danger, severely punished the mutineers, and establish- ed regularity and discipline among the troops he was sent to command. From thence he was removed into Africa, where the sedition of the soldiers had like to have been as fatal to him as in his former government. Removing from Africa, and fatigued with an active life, he betook himself to retirement; but Commodus, willing to keep him still in view, made him prefect of the city; which employment he filled, when the conspirators fixed upon him as the properest person to succeed to the empire.

His being advanced by Commodus only served to increase his fears of falling as an object of his suspicions; when therefore the conspirators repaired to his house by night, he considered their arrival as a command from the emperor for his death. Upon Lactu entering his apartment, Pertinax, without any show of fear, cried out, That for many days he had expected to end his life in that manner, wondering that the emperor had deferred it so long. However, he was not a little surprised when informed of the real cause of their visit; and being strongly urged to accept of the empire, he at last complied with their offer.

Being carried to the camp, Pertinax was proclaimed emperor; soon after the citizens and senate consented; the joy for the election of a new sovereign being scarcely equal to that for the death of the former. The provinces quickly followed the example of Rome; so that he began his reign with universal satisfaction to the whole empire, in the 68th year of his age.

Nothing could exceed the wisdom and justice of this monarch's reign the short time it continued. He punished all those who had served to corrupt the late emperor, and disposed of his ill-got possessions to public uses. He attempted to restrain the licentiousness of the pretorian bands, and put a stop to the injuries and insolences they committed against the people. He sold most of the buffoons and jesters of Commodus as slaves; particularly such as had obscene names. He continually frequented the senate as often as it sat, and never refused an audience even to the meanest of the people. His success in foreign affairs was equal to his internal policy. When the barbarous nations abroad had certain intelligence that he was emperor, they immediately laid down their arms, well knowing the opposition they were to expect from so experienced a commander. His great error was avarice; and that, in some measure, served to hasten his ruin.

The pretorian soldiers, whose manners he had attempted to reform, having been long corrupted by the indulgence and profusion of their former monarchs, began to hate him for the parsimony and discipline he had introduced among them. They therefore resolved to destroy him; and for that purpose declared Maternus, an ancient senator, emperor, and endeavoured to carry him to the camp to proclaim him. Maternus, however, was too just to the merits of Pertinax, and too faithful a subject, to concur in their seditious designs; wherefore escaping out of their hands, he fled, first to the emperor, and then out of the city. They then nominated one Falco, another senator; whom the senate would have ordered for execution, had not Pertinax interposed, who declared that during his reign no senator should suffer death.

The pretorian soldiers then resolved unanimously not to use any secret conspiracies, or private contrivances, but boldly to seize upon the emperor and expire at once. They accordingly, in a tumultuous manner, marched through the streets of Rome, and entered the palace without opposition. Such was the terror at their approach, that the greatest part of the emperor's attendants forsook him; while those who remained earnestly intreated him to fly to the body of the people and interest them in his defence. However, he rejected their advice; declaring, that it was unworthy his imperial dignity, and all his past actions, to save himself by flight. Having thus resolved to face the rebels, he had some hopes that his presence alone would terrify and confound them. But what could his former virtues, or the dignity of command, avail against a tumultuous rabble, nursed up in vice, and ministers of former tyranny? One Thrasius, a Tungrian, struck him with his lance on the breast, crying out, "The soldiers send you this." Pertinax finding all was over, covered his head with his robe, and sunk down, mangled with a multitude of wounds, which he received from various assassins. Eclectus, and some more of his attendants, who attempted to defend him, were also slain; his son and daughter only escaped, who happened to be lodged out of the palace. Thus after a reign of three months, Pertinax fell a sacrifice to the licentious fury of the pretorian army. From the number of his adventures, he was called the tennis ball of Fortune; and certainly no man ever experienced such a variety of situations with so blameless a character.

The soldiers having committed this outrage, retired with great precipitation; and getting out of the city exposed to the rest of their companions, expeditiously fortified their camp, expecting to be attacked by the citizens. Didius Julianus, they became more insolent; and willing to make use of the power of which they found themselves possessed, made proclamation, that they would sell the empire to whoever would purchase it at the highest price. In consequence of this proclamation, so odious and unjust, only two bidders were found; namely, Sulpicianus and Didius Julianus: The former, a consular person, prefect of the city, and son-in-law to the late emperor Pertinax; the latter, a consular person likewise, a great lawyer, and the wealthiest man in the city. He was sitting with some friends at dinner when the proclamation was published; and being charmed with the prospect of unbounded power, immediately rose from table and hastened to the camp. Sulpicianus was got there before him; but as he had rather promises than treasure to bestow, the offers of Didius, who produced immense sums of ready money, prevailed. He was received into the camp by a ladder, and they instantly swore to obey him as emperor. From the camp he was attended by his new electors into the city; the whole body of his guards, which consisted of 10,000 men, ranged around him in such order as if they had prepared for battle, and not for a peaceful ceremony. The citizens, however, refused to confirm his election; but rather cursed him as he passed. Upon being conducted to the senate-house, he addressed the few senators that were present in a very laconic speech: "Fathers, you want an emperor; and I am the fittest person you can choose." But even this, short as it seems, was unnecessary, since the senate had it not in their power to refuse their approbation. His speech being backed by the army, to whom he had given about a million of our money, succeeded. The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the senate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor, now in the 57th year of his age.

It should seem by this weak monarch's conduct when seated on the throne, that he thought the government of an empire rather a pleasure than a toil. Instead of attempting to gain the hearts of his subjects, he gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly regardless of the duties of his station. He was mild and gentle indeed; neither injuring any nor expecting to be injured. But that avarice, by which he became opulent, still followed him in his exaltation; so that the very soldiers who elected him, soon began to detest him for those qualities, so very opposite to a military character. The people also, against whose consent he was chosen, were no less inimical. Whenever he issued from his palace, they openly poured forth their imprecations against him; crying out, that he was a thief, and had stolen the empire. Didius, however, in the true spirit of a trader, patiently bore it all; sometimes beckoning them with smiles to approach him; and testifying his regard by every kind of submission.

While Didius was thus contemptuously treated at home, two valiant generals, in different parts of the empire, disclaimed his authority, and boldly resolved to attempt the throne for themselves. These were, Pescennius Niger, governor of Syria; and Septimius Severus, commander of the German legions. Niger was beloved by the people for his clemency and valour; and the report of his proposing Pertinax for his model, and resolving to revenge his death, gained him universal esteem among the people. Being thus apprised of their inclinations, he easily induced his army in Syria to proclaim him emperor; and his title was, shortly after, acknowledged by all the kings and potentates in Asia, who sent their ambassadors to him as their lawful prince. The pleasure of being thus treated as a monarch, in some measure retarded his endeavours to secure his title. Entirely satisfied with the homage of those about him, he neglected the opportunities of suppressing his rivals; and gave himself up to luxury and feasting at Antioch. The conduct of Severus, an African by birth, was very different. Being proclaimed by his army, he began by promising to revenge the death of Pertinax, and took upon him his name. He next secured the fidelity of all the strong places in his province; and then resolved, with the utmost expedition, to march with his whole force directly to Rome.

In the mean time, Didius, who disregarded the attempts of Niger, was greatly alarmed at those of Severus. He first, with many solicitations, procured the senate to proclaim him a traitor. He then applied himself to make the necessary provisions to oppose him, in which he found nothing but disappointment. The cohorts that elected him were enervated by vice and luxury; the people detested his cause; and the cities of Italy had long been disused to the arts of war. Some advised him to march forward, and meet Severus as he was crossing the Alps; others were for sending the generals upon that expedition. The unfortunate Didius, unequal to the task of empire, and quite confounded with the multiplicity of counsels, could take no other resolution but that of awaiting his rival's coming at Rome. Accordingly, soon after being informed of his approach, he obtained the consent of the senate to send his ambassadors, offering to make him a partner of the empire. But Severus rejected this offer, conscious of his own strength, and of the weakness of the proposer. The senate soon appeared of the same sentiments; and perceiving the timidity and weakness of their present master, began to abandon him, alleging, that he who could not defend the empire was not worthy to govern it. Didius vainly endeavoured to reduce them to their duty; first by intreacies, and then by threats; but these only served to hasten his destruction. The senate being called together, as was formerly practised in the times of the commonwealth by the consuls, they unanimously decreed, That Didius should be deprived of the empire, and that Severus should be proclaimed in his stead. They then commanded Didius to be slain; and sent messengers for this purpose to the palace, where they found him disarmed, and weeping among a few friends that still adhered to his interest. When the executioners began to prepare for their fatal errand, he expostulated with them, demanding what crime he had committed? He could not be persuaded to think, that paying his money, and receiving an empire in exchange, deserved so severe a punishment. The executioners, however, were neither able nor willing to enter into the merits of the cause; they presently led him into the secret baths of the palace, and obliging him to stretch his neck forwards, after the manner of condemned criminals, struck off his head, and placed it up in those courts where he had formerly pleaded with great success.

The senate having thus dispatched Didius, sent ambassadors to Severus, yielding him obedience, granting him the ensigns and the usual titles of empire, and informing him of the death of Didius. Severus, who was now about 47 years of age, received them with all proper respect; and entertaining them honourably, continued his march towards Rome. As he came near the city, his first exertion of power was, to have all the praetorian soldiers who had lately sold the empire come forth unarmed to meet him. These, though sensible of their danger, had no other resource left but compliance; and accordingly came forward with branches of laurel, as if to welcome his approach. Severus, however, soon showed how little capable their present submission was to atone for their past offences: after upbraiding them, in a short speech, with all their crimes, he commanded them to be instantly stripped of their military habits, deprived of the name and honour of soldiers, and banished 100 miles from Rome. He then entered the city in a military manner, took possession of the palace, and promised the senate to conduct himself with clemency and justice. However, though he united great vigour with the most refined policy, yet his African cunning was considered as a particular defect in him. He is celebrated for his wit, learning, and prudence; but equally blamed for infidelity and cruelty. In short, he seemed alike disposed to the performance of the greatest acts of virtue and the most bloody severities. He began his command, by seizing all the children of such as had employments or authority in the east, and detained them as pledges for their fathers' loyalty. He next supplied the city with corn; and then with all possible expedition marched against Niger, who was still considered and honoured as emperor of the east.

One of the chief obstacles to his march was, the leaving behind him Clodius Albinus, commander of the legions in Britain, whom he by all means wished to secure in his interests. For this end he endeavoured to prevail upon him, by giving him hopes of succeeding to the empire; insinuating, that he himself was declining, and his children were as yet but infants. To deceive him still farther, he wrote in the same style to the senate, gave him the title of Caesar, and ordered money to be coined with his image. These artifices serving to lull Albinus into false security, Severus marched against Niger with all his forces. After some undecisive conflicts, the last great battle that was fought between these extraordinary men was upon the plains of Issus, on the very spot where Alexander had formerly conquered Darius. Besides the two great armies drawn up on the plain, the neighbouring mountains were covered with infinite numbers of people, who were merely led by curiosity to become spectators of an engagement that was to determine the empire of the world. Severus was conqueror; and Niger's head being struck off by some soldiers of the conquering army, was insultingly carried through the camp on the point of a lance.

This victory secured Severus in the possession of the throne. However, the Parthians, Persians, and some other neighbouring nations, took up arms, under a pretence of vindicating Niger's cause. The emperor marched against them in person, had many engagements with them, and obtained such signal victories over them, as enlarged the empire, and established peace in the east.

Niger being no more, Severus now turned his views against Albinus, whom he resolved by every means to destroy. For this purpose he sent assassins into Britain, under a pretence of bringing him letters, but in reality to dispatch him. Albinus being apprised of their designs, prevented their attempt by recurring to open force and proclaiming himself emperor. Nor was he without a powerful army to support his pretensions; of which Severus being sensible, bent his whole force to oppose him. From the east he continued his course across the straits of Byzantium, into the most western parts of Europe, without intermission. Albinus being informed of his approach, went over to meet him with his forces into Gaul; so that the campaign on both sides was carried on with great vigour. Fortune seemed for a while variable; but at last a decisive engagement came on, which was one of the most desperate recorded in the Roman history. It lasted from morning till night, without any seeming advantage on either side; at length the troops of Severus began to fly, and he himself happening to fall from his horse, the army of Albinus cried out, Victory. But the engagement was soon renewed with vigour by Letus, one of Severus's commanders, who came up with a body of reserve, designing to destroy both parties and make himself emperor. This attempt, though designed against both, turned out entirely to the advantage of Severus. He therefore again charged with such fury and exactness, that he soon plucked the victory from those who but a short time before seemed conquerors; and pursuing them into the city of Lyons, took Albinus prisoner, and cut off his head; treating his dead body with insults that could only flow from a mean and revengeful temper. All the senators who were slain in battle he ordered to be quartered, and such as were taken alive were immediately executed.

Having thus secured himself in possession of the empire, upon his return to Rome he loaded his soldiers with rewards and honours; giving them such privileges as strengthened his own power, while they destroyed that of the state. For the soldiers, who had hitherto showed the strongest inclination to an abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate of emperors; and we shall henceforward behold them setting them up, and dethroning them, at pleasure.

Being thus secure of his army, he resolved to give way to his natural turn for conquest, and to oppose his arms against the Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the empire. Having therefore previously given the government of domestic policy to one Plautianus, a particular favourite of his, to whose daughter he married his son Caracalla, he set out for the east, and prosecuted the war with his usual expedition and success. He forced submission from the king of Armenia, destroyed several cities in Arabia Felix, landed on the Parthian coasts, took and plundered the famous city Ctesiphon, marched back through Palestine and Egypt, and at length returned to Rome in triumph.

During this interval, Plautianus, who was left to direct the affairs of Rome, began to think of aspiring to the empire himself. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune of the pretorian cohorts, of which he was the commander, to assassinate him, as likewise his son Caracalla. The tribune seemed cheerfully to undertake this dangerous office; but instead of going through with it, informed Severus of his favourite's treachery. He at first received it as an improbable story, and as the artifice of some one who envied his favourite's fortune. However, he was at last persuaded to permit the tribune to conduct Plautianus to the emperor's apartments. With this intent the tribune went and amused him with a pretended account of his killing the emperor and his son, desiring him, if he thought it fit to see them dead, to come with him to the palace. As Plautianus ardently desired their deaths, he readily gave credit to this relation; and following the tribune, he was conducted at midnight into the innermost recesses of the palace. But what must have been his disappointment, when, instead of finding the emperor lying dead, as he expected, he beheld the room lighted up with torches, and Severus, surrounded by his friends, prepared in array to receive him. Being asked by the emperor, with a stern countenance, what had brought him there at that unseasonable time? he was at first utterly confounded; wherefore, not knowing what excuse to make, he ingenuously confessed the whole, intreating forgiveness for what he had intended. The emperor seemed in the beginning inclined to pardon; but Caracalla his son, who from the earliest age showed a disposition to cruelty, spurned him away in the midst of his supplications, and with his sword ran him through the body.

Severus having escaped this danger, spent a considerable time in visiting some cities in Italy, permitting none of his officers to sell places of trust or dignity, and distributing justice with the strictest impartiality. He took such an exact order in managing his exchequer, that, notwithstanding his great expenses, he left more money behind him than any of his predecessors. His armies also were kept upon the most respectable footing; so that he feared no invasion. Being equally attentive to the preservation of all parts of the empire, he resolved to make his last expedition into Britain, where the Romans were in danger of being destroyed or compelled to fly the province. Therefore, after appointing his two sons Caracalla and Geta joint successors in the empire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain, to the great terror of such as had drawn down his resentment. Upon his progress into the country, he left his son Geta in the southern part of the province, which had continued in obedience, and marched with his son Caracalla against the Caledonians. In this expedition, his army suffered prodigious hardships in pursuing the enemy; they were obliged to hew their way through intricate forests, to drain extensive marshes, and form bridges over rapid rivers; so that he lost 50,000 men by fatigue and sickness. However, he supported all these inconveniences with the greatest bravery; and is said to have prosecuted his successes with such vigour, that he compelled the enemy to sue for peace; which they obtained, not without the surrender of a considerable part of their country. We must here observe, however, that the Picts and Caledonians are so often confounded together by historians, that many mistakes have been occasioned concerning the progress and conquests of the Romans in the north of Britain. But from the boundary formed by the famous wall of Severus (see Severus's Wall), we must conclude, that no part of Caledonia, properly so called, had been either on this or any other occasion ceded to him; and there is reason to believe, that he rather received checks from the people of that territory, than was ever able to make any considerable impression upon them. Be this, however, as it may, after having made peace, and built his wall, he retired to York; where, partly through grief at the ir-reclaimable life of Caracalla, he found himself daily declining, having already lost the use of his feet. To add to the distress of his situation, he was informed that the soldiers had revolted, and declared his son emperor. In this exigence, he seemed once more to recall his natural vigour; he got himself immediately put into his litter, and commanded the new emperor, with the tribunes and centurions, to be brought before him. Though all were willing to court the favour of the young emperor, such was the authority of Severus, that none dared to disobey. They appeared before him confounded and trembling, and implored pardon upon their knees. Upon which, putting his hand to his head, he cried out, "Know, that it is the head that governs, and not the feet." However, soon perceiving his disorder to increase, and knowing that he could not outlive it, he called for poison; which being refused him, he loaded his stomach with food; which not being able to digest, it soon brought him to his end, in the 65th year of his age, after an active though cruel reign of about 18 years.

Caracalla and Geta being acknowledged as emperors by the army, began to show a mutual hatred to each other even before their arrival at Rome. Their only agreement was, in resolving to deify Severus their father; but soon after, each sought to attach the senate and army to his own particular interest. They were of very opposite dispositions: Caracalla was fierce and cruel to an extreme degree; Geta was mild and merciful; so that the city soon found the dangerous effects of being governed by two princes of equal power and contrary inclinations.

But this opposition was of no long continuance; for Geta, Caracalla being resolved to govern alone, furiously entered Geta's apartment, and, followed by ruffians, slew him in his mother's arms. Having committed this detestable murder, he issued with great haste from the palace, crying out, That his brother would have slain him; and that he was obliged, in self-defence, to retaliate the intended injury. He then took refuge among the praetorian cohorts, and in a pathetic tone began to implore their assistance, still making the same excuse for his conduct. To this he added a much more prevailing argument, promising to bestow upon them the largesses usually given upon the election of new emperors, and distributing among them almost all the treasures which had been amassed by his father. By such persuasives the soldiers did not hesitate to proclaim him sole emperor, and to stigmatize the memory of his brother Geta as a traitor and an enemy to the commonwealth. The senators were soon after induced, either through favour or fear, to approve what had been done by the army: Caracalla wept for the death of his brother whom he had slain; and, to carry his hypocrisy to the utmost extreme, ordered him to be adored as a god.

Being now emperor, he went on to mark his course with blood. Whatever was done by Domitian or Nero fell short of this monster's barbarities. Lecius, who first advised him to murder his brother, was the first who fell a sacrifice to his jealousy. His own wife Plautina followed. Papinius, the renowned civilian, was defeated for refusing to write in vindication of his cruelty; answering the emperor's request, by observing, That it was much easier to commit a parricide than to defend it. He commanded all governors to be slain that his brother had appointed; and destroyed not less than 2000 persons who had adhered to his party. Whole nights were spent in the execution of his bloody decrees; and the dead bodies of people of all ranks were carried out of the city in carts, where they were burnt in heaps, without any of the ceremonies of a funeral. Upon a certain occasion, he ordered his soldiers to set upon a crowded audience in the theatre, only for discountenancing a charioteer whom he happened to favour. Perceiving himself hated by the people, he publicly said, that he could insure his own safety though not their love; so that he neither valued their reproaches nor feared their hatred.

The safety which he so much built upon was placed in the protection of his soldiers. He had exhausted the treasury, drained the provinces, and committed a thousand acts of rapacity, merely to keep them steadfast in his interests; and being disposed to trust himself with them particularly, he resolved to lead them upon a visit through all the provinces of the empire. He first went into Germany; where, to oblige the natives, he dressed himself in the habit of their country. From thence he travelled into Macedonia, where he pretended to be a great admirer of Alexander the Great; and among other extravagancies caused a statue of that monarch to be made with two faces; one of which resembled sembled Alexander and the other himself. He was so corrupted by flattery, that he called himself Alexander; walked as he was told that monarch had walked; and, like him, bent his head to one shoulder. Shortly after, arriving at Lesser Asia and the ruins of Troy, as he was viewing the tomb of Achilles, he took it into his head to resemble that hero; and one of his freedmen happening to die at that time, he used the same ceremonies that were performed at the tomb of Patroclus. Passing then into Egypt, he massacred in the most terrible manner the inhabitants of Alexandria, on account of the satires they composed on him, as is related under the article ALEXANDRIA.

Going from thence into Syria, he invited Artabanus king of Parthia to a conference; desiring his daughter in marriage, and promising him the most honourable protection. In consequence of this the king met him on a spacious plain, unarmed, and only attended with a vast concourse of his nobles. This was what Caracalla desired. Regardless of his promise, or the law of nations, he instantly surrounded him with armed troops, let in wild beasts among his attendants, and made a most terrible slaughter among them; Artabanus himself escaping with the utmost difficulty. For this vile treachery he obtained from the senate the surname of Parthicus.

Upon his return towards Rome, it would seem as if his vices were inexhaustible; for having been guilty of parricide, he now resolved to marry the mother of Geta whom he had slain. It happened that one day seeing her drop her veil, which disclosed her naked bosom, which was extremely beautiful, he told her, that he would possess those charms he beheld, if it were lawful. To this unnatural request she hesitated not to answer, that he might enjoy all things who possessed all. Whereupon, setting aside all duty and respect for his deceased father, he celebrated his nuptials with her in public, totally disregarding the censures and the sarcasms of mankind.

However, though he disregarded shame, he was not insensible to fear. He was ever uneasy in the consciousness of being universally hated; and was continually consulting astrologers concerning what death he should die. Among others, he sent one of his confidants, named Maternianus, with orders to consult all the astrologers in the city concerning his end. Maternianus considered this as a proper time to get rid of Macrinus, the emperor's principal commander in Mesopotamia; a man who was daily supplanting him in his master's favour. He, therefore informed him by letter, as if from the astrologers, that Macrinus had a design against his life; and they consequently advised him to put the conspirator to death. This letter was sent sealed, and made up, amongst many others, to be conveyed with the greater secrecy, and delivered to the emperor as he was preparing for a chariot race. However, as it never was his custom to interrupt his pleasures for his business, he gave the packet to Macrinus to read over, and to inform him of the contents when more at leisure. In perusing these letters, when Macrinus came to that which regarded himself, he was unable to contain his surprise and terror. His first care was, to reserve the letter in question to himself, and to acquaint the emperor only with the substance of the rest. He then set about the most probable means of compassing his death, by which alone he could expect any safety. At length he determined to apply to one Martialis, a man of great strength, and a centurion of the guards, who hated the emperor from various motives; particularly for the death of a brother, whom Caracalla had ordered to be slain. Him therefore Macrinus exhorted to revenge his brother's death, by killing the tyrant, which he might easily effect, as being always so near his person. Martialis readily undertook the dangerous task; being willing to meet death himself, so he might obtain his desire of seeing the tyrant expire before him. Accordingly, as the emperor was riding out one day near a little city called Carras, he happened to withdraw himself privately, upon a natural occasion, with only one page to hold his horse. This was the opportunity Martialis had so long and ardently desired; wherefore running to him as if he had been called, he stabbed the emperor in the back, so that he died immediately. Martialis unconcernedly returned to his troop; but retiring by insensible degrees, he endeavoured to secure himself by flight. But his companions soon missing him, and the page giving information of what had been done, he was pursued by the German horse and cut in pieces.

During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which continued six years, the empire was every day declining; the soldiers were entirely masters of every election; and as there were various armies in different parts, so there were as many interests all opposite to each other. Caracalla, by satisfying their most unreasonable appetites, destroyed all discipline among them, and all subordination in the state.

The soldiers, now without an emperor, after a suspense of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took all possible methods to conceal his being privy to Caracalla's murder. The senate confirmed their choice shortly after; and likewise that of his son Diadumenus, whom he took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus was 53 years old when he entered upon the government of the empire. He was of obscure parentage; some say by birth a Moor, who by the mere rotation of office, being first made prefect of the praetorian bands, was now, by treason and accident, called to fill the throne. We are told but little of this emperor, except his engaging in a bloody though undecided battle with Artabanus king of Parthia, who came to take vengeance for the injury he had sustained in the late reign: however, this monarch finding his real enemy dead, was content to make peace, and returned into Parthia. Something is also said of the severity of this emperor's discipline; for to such a pitch of licentiousness was the Roman army now arrived, that the most severe punishments were unable to restrain the soldiers; and yet the most gentle inflictions were looked upon as severity. It was this rigorous discipline, together with the artifices of Massa, grandmother to Heliogabalus the natural son of Caracalla, that caused the emperor's ruin. Helio- both from the garrison in the city and the camp of Macrinus. This intercourse growing every day more frequent, the soldiers, being disgusted with the severities of their present emperor, began to think of placing Heliogabalus in his stead. Accordingly, sending for him to their camp, he was immediately proclaimed; and such were the hopes of his virtues, that all men began to affect his interests.

Macrinus, who at this time was pursuing his pleasures at Antioch, gave but little attention to the first report; only sending his lieutenant Julian, with some legions, to quell the insurrection. However, these, like the rest, soon declared for Heliogabalus, and slew their general. It was then that Macrinus found he had treated the rebellion too slightly; he therefore resolved, with his son, to march directly against the seditions legions, and force them to their duty. Both parties met on the confines of Syria: the battle was for some time furious and obstinate; but at last Macrinus was overthrown, and obliged to seek safety by flight. His principal aim was to get to Rome, where he knew his presence was desired; wherefore he travelled through the provinces of Asia Minor with the utmost expedition and privacy, but unfortunately fell sick at the city of Chalcedon. There those who were sent in pursuit, overtook and put him to death, together with his son Diadumenus, after a short reign of one year and two months.

The senate and citizens of Rome being obliged to submit to the appointment of the army as usual, Heliogabalus ascended the throne at the age of 14. One at so early an age, invested with unlimited power, and surrounded with flatterers, could be expected to act only as they thought proper to direct. This young emperor was entirely led by them; and being sensible that it was in his power to indulge all his appetites, he studied only their gratification. As he is described by historians, he appears a monster of sensuality. His short life therefore is but a tissue of effeminacy, lust, and extravagance. He married, in the small space of four years, six wives, and divorced them all. He built a temple to the sun; and willing that his god should have a wife as well as himself, he married him to Pallas, and shortly after to the moon. His palace was a place of rendezvous for all the prostitutes of Rome, whom he frequently met naked, calling them his fellow soldiers, and companions in the field. He was so fond of the sex, that he carried his mother with him to the senate-house, and demanded that she should always be present when matters of importance were debated. He even went so far as to build a senate-house for women, with suitable orders, habits, and distinctions, of which his mother was made president. They met several times; all their debates turning upon the fashions of the day, and the different formalities to be used in giving and receiving visits. To these follies, he added great cruelty and boundless prodigality; so that he was heard to say, that such dishes as were cheaply obtained were scarcely worth eating. His suppers therefore generally cost 6000 crowns, and often 60,000. He was always dressed in cloth of gold and purple, enriched with precious stones, and yet never wore the same habit twice. His palace, his chambers, and his beds, were all furnished of the richest stuffs, covered with gold and jewels. Whenever he took horse, all the way between his apartment and the place of mounting was covered with gold and silver dust strewed at his approach.

These excesses were soon perceived by his grandmother Messa, whose intrigues had first raised him to the throne; so that she thought to lessen his power by dividing him. For this purpose, under a pretence of freeing him from the cares of public business, she persuaded him to adopt his cousin-german, Alexander, as his successor; and likewise to make him his partner in the consulship. Heliogabalus, having thus raised his cousin, had scarcely given him his power, when he wished again to take it away; but the virtues of this young prince had so greatly endeared the people and the army to him, that the attempt had like to have been fatal to the tyrant himself. The praetorian soldiers mutinying, attempted to kill him as he was walking in his gardens; but he escaped, by hiding himself from their fury. However, upon returning to their camp, they continued the sedition; requiring that the emperor should remove such persons from about him as oppressed the subject, and contributed to contaminate him. They required also the being permitted to guard the young prince themselves, and that none of the emperor's favourites or familiars should ever be permitted to converse with him. Heliogabalus was reluctantly obliged to comply; and conscious of the danger he was in, made preparations for death, when it should arrive, in a manner truly whimsical and peculiar. He built a lofty tower with steps of gold and pearl, from whence to throw himself headlong in case of necessity. He also prepared cords of purple silk and gold to strangle himself with; he provided golden swords and daggers to stab himself with; and poison to be kept in boxes of emerald, in order to obtain what death he chose best. Thus fearing all things, but particularly suspicious of the designs of the senate, he banished them all out of the city: he next attempted to poison Alexander, and spread a report of his death; but perceiving the soldiers begin to mutiny, he immediately took him in his chariot to the camp, where he experienced a fresh mortification, by finding all the acclamations of the army directed only to his successor. This not a little raised his indignation, and excited his desire of revenge. He returned towards the city, threatening the most severe punishments against those who had displeased him, and meditating fresh cruelties. However, the soldiers were unwilling to give him time to put his designs in execution: they followed him directly to his palace, pursued him from apartment to apartment, and at last found him concealed in a privy; a situation very different from that in which he expected to die. Having dragged him from thence through the streets, with the most bitter invectives, and having dispatched him, they attempted once more to squeeze his pampered body into a privy; but not easily effecting this, they threw it into the Tiber, with heavy weights, that none might afterwards find or give it burial. This was the miserable and ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the 18th year of his age, after a detestable reign of four years. His mother also was slain at the same time by the soldiers; as were also many of the opprobrious associates of his criminal pleasures.

Alexander being, without opposition, declared emperor, the senate, in their usual method of adulation, were for conferring new titles upon him; but he modestly destly declined them all, alleging, that titles were only honourable when given to virtue, not to station. This outset was a happy omen of his future virtues; and few princes in history have been more commended by contemporaries, or indeed more deserved commendation. To the most rigid justice he added the greatest humanity. He loved the good, and was a severe repressor of the lewd and infamous. His accomplishments were equal to his virtues. He was an excellent mathematician, geometrician, and musician; he was equally skilled in painting and sculpture; and in poetry few of his time could equal him. In short, such were his talents, and such the solidity of his judgment, that though but 16 years of age, he was considered as a wise old man.

The first part of his reign was spent in a reformation of the abuses of his predecessor. He restored the senators to their rank; nothing being undertaken without the most sage advisers, and most mature deliberation. Among the number of his advisers was his mother Mammæa; a woman eminent for her virtues and accomplishments, and who made use of her power as well to secure her son the affections of his subjects, as to procure them the most just administration. He was a rigid punisher of such magistrates as took bribes, saying, That it was not enough to deprive such of their places; for their trusts being great, their lives, in most cases, ought to pay for a breach of them. On the contrary, he thought he could never sufficiently reward such as had been remarkable for their justice and integrity, keeping a register of their names, and sometimes asking such of them as appeared modest and unwilling to approach him, why they were so backward in demanding their reward, and why they suffered him to be in their debt? His clemency extended even to the Christians, who had been punished in the former reigns with unrelenting barbarity. Upon a contest between them and a company of cooks and vintners, about a piece of public ground, which the one claimed as a place for public worship, and the other for exercising their respective trades, he decided the point by his rescript in these words: "It is better that God be worshipped there in any manner, than that the place should be put to uses of drunkenness and debauchery."

His abilities in war were not inferior to his assiduity in peace. The empire, which from the remissness and debauchery of the preceding reigns now began to be attacked on every side, wanted a person of vigour and conduct to defend it. Alexander faced the enemy wherever the invasion was most formidable, and for a short time deferred its ruin. His first expedition, in the tenth year of his reign, was against the Parthians and Persians, whom he opposed with a powerful army.—The Persians were routed in a decisive engagement with great slaughter; the cities of Ctesiphon and Babylon were once more taken, and the Roman empire was restored to its former limits. Upon his return to Antioch, his mother Mammæa sent for the famous Origen, to be instructed by him in the principles of Christianity; and after discoursing with him for some time upon the subject, dismissed him, with a proper safeguard, to his native city of Alexandria. About the same time that Alexander was victorious in the East, Furius Celsus, his general, obtained a signal victory over the Mauritanians in Africa. Varius Macrinus was successful in Germany, and Junius Palmatus returned with conquest from Armenia. However, the number of these victories only hastened the decline of the empire, which was wasted by the exertion of its own strength, and was now becoming little more than a splendid ruin.

About the 13th year of his reign, the Upper Germans, and other northern nations, began to pour down immense swarms of people upon the more southern parts of the empire. They passed the Rhine and the Danube with such fury, that all Italy was thrown into the most extreme consternation. The emperor, ever ready to expose himself for the safety of his people, made what levies he could, and went in person to stem the torrent; which he speedily effected. It was in the course of his successes against the enemy, that he was cut off by a mutiny among his soldiers. The legions encamped about Moguntia, having been abominably corrupted during the reign of Heliogabalus, and trained up in all kinds of rapine and disobedience, required the most strict command. Alexander could neither endure their tumultuary obedience, nor their regular discipline. His own faults, and those of his mother Mammæa, were objected against him. They openly exclaimed, That they were governed by an avaricious murderer, woman, and a mean-spirited boy; and resolved upon electing an emperor capable of ruling alone. In this general revolt, Maximinus, an old and experienced commander, held frequent conferences with the soldiers, and enflamed the sedition. At length, being determined to dispatch their present emperor, they sent an executioner into his tent; who immediately struck off his head, and, shortly after, that of his mother. He died in the 29th year of his age, after a prosperous reign of thirteen years and nine days.

The tumults occasioned by the death of Alexander being appeased, Maximinus, who had been the chief of the promoter of the sedition, was chosen emperor. This man of gigantic stature and extraordinary man, whose character deserves particular attention, was born of very obscure parentage, being the son of a poor herdsman of Thrace. In the beginning he followed his father's profession, and only exercised his personal courage against the robbers who infested the part of the country in which he lived. Soon after, his ambition increasing, he left his poor employment, and enlisted in the Roman army; where he soon became remarkable for his great strength, discipline, and courage. This gigantic man was no less than eight feet and a half high; he had a body and strength corresponding to his size, being not less remarkable for the magnitude than the symmetry of his person. His wife's bracelet usually served him for a thumb-ring; and his strength was so great, that he was able to draw a carriage which two oxen could not move. He could strike out a horse's teeth with a blow of his fist, and break its thigh with a kick. His diet was as extraordinary as the rest of his endowments; he generally ate 40 pounds weight of flesh every day, and drank six gallons of wine, without committing any debauch in either. With a frame so athletic, he was possessed of a mind undaunted in danger, and neither fearing nor regarding any man. The first time he was made known to the emperor Severus, was upon his celebrating games on the birth-day of his son Geta. Maximinus was then a rude countryman, and requested the emperor to be permitted to contend for the prizes which were distributed to the best runners, wrestlers, and boxers, of the army. Severus, unwilling to infringe the military discipline, would not permit him at first to combat, except with slaves, against whom his strength appeared astonishing. He overcame 16 in running, one after the other; he then kept up with the emperor on horseback; and having fatigued him in the course, he was opposed to seven of the most active soldiers, and overcame them with the greatest ease. From that time he was particularly noticed, and taken into the emperor's body guards, in which his assiduity and prompt obedience were particularly remarkable. In the reign of Caracalla, he was made a centurion, and distinguished himself in this station by his strict attention to the morals and discipline of those he commanded. When made a tribune, he still retained the hard simplicity of his life; ate as the meanest centinel; spent whole days in exercising his troops; and would now and then himself wrestle with eight or ten of the strongest men in the army, whom he threw with scarce any effort. Being thus become one of the most remarkable men in the empire, both for courage, discipline, and personal activity, he gave, shortly after, a very high instance of his unshaken fidelity: for when Macrinus was made emperor, he refused to serve under a prince that had betrayed his sovereign; and retired to Thrace, his native country, where he followed commerce, and purchased some lands, content with privacy rather than a guilty dependence. Upon the accession of Heliogabalus to the throne, this bold veteran once more returned to the army; but was, in the very beginning, disgusted at the base effeminacy of the emperor; who, hearing amazing instances of his strength, asked him, if he were equally capable in combats of another nature? This lewd demand was so little suitable to the temper of Maximinus, that he instantly left the court. Upon the death of Heliogabalus, he again returned to Rome, and was received with great kindness by Alexander, who particularly recommended him to the senate, and made him commander of the fourth legion, which consisted of new raised soldiers. Maximinus gladly accepted of this charge, and performed his duty with great exactness and success, setting an example of virtue and discipline to all the commanders of the army. Nor was his valour less apparent against the Germans, whether he was sent with his legion; so that he was unanimously considered as the boldest, bravest, most valiant, and most virtuous soldier in the whole empire. He soon, however, forfeited all these justly merited titles, when he was raised to the throne; and, from being the most loved commander in the army, he became the most cruel tyrant upon earth. Yet in fact, his former virtues were all of the severe and rigid kind, which, without any education, might very easily degenerate into tyranny; so that he might have mistaken his succeeding cruelty for discipline, and his severity for justice. However this be, Maximinus is considered as one of the greatest monsters of cruelty that ever disgraced power; and, fearful of nothing himself, he seemed to sport with the terrors of all mankind.

He began his reign, by endeavouring to force obedience from every rank of people, and by vindicating his authority by violence. The senate and people of Rome were the first that incurred his resentment. They utterly refusing to confirm the election of the army, he was the first emperor who reigned without their concurrence or approbation. However, he seemed regardless of their opposition, proceeding to secure his election by putting all such to death as had been raised by his predecessors. The Christians also, having found favour in the former reign, felt the weight of his resentment; and were persecuted in several parts of the empire, particularly in those where he himself resided. His cruelty likewise extended to the rich, whose lives and estates became a frequent sacrifice to avarice and suspicion. But what appears still a more extraordinary instance of his cruelty, being ashamed of the meanness of his extraction, he commanded all such as were best acquainted with him and his parentage to be slain, although there were some among the number that had received him in his low condition.

However, his cruelties did not retard his military operations, which were carried on with a spirit becoming a better monarch. He overthrew the Germans in several battles, wasted all their country with fire and sword for 400 miles together, and set a resolution of subduing all the northern nations as far as the ocean. In these expeditions, in order to attach the soldiers more firmly to him, he increased their pay; and in every duty of the camp, he himself took as much pains as the meanest centinel in his army, showing incredible courage and assiduity. In every engagement, where the conflict was hottest, Maximinus was always seen fighting there in person, and destroying all before him: for, being bred a barbarian, he considered it as his duty to combat as a common soldier, while he commanded as a general.

In the mean time, his cruelties had so alienated the minds of his subjects, that several conspiracies were secretly aimed against him. Magnus, a consular person, and some others, had plotted to break down a wooden bridge, as soon as the emperor had passed it, and thus to abandon him to the enemy. But this being discovered, gave Maximinus an opportunity of indulging his natural severity, upon this pretext alone causing above 4000 to be slain. Shortly after, some of Alexander's old soldiers withdrawing themselves from the camp, proclaimed one Quarianus as emperor, who had been lately disgusted at Maximinus for being dismissed from employment. The soldiers, in fact, constrained him to accept of the dangerous superiority to which he was exposed; and shortly after, in the spirit of the times, the person who had been the promoter of his advancement, murdered him in his bed, and carried his head to Maximinus; who received him kindly at first, but soon put him to a cruel death, for his complicated guilt of treason and treachery.

These partial insurrections were soon after followed by a spirit of general discontent throughout all the empire. The provinces of Africa were the first that showed their detestation of the tyrant, whose extortions and cruelties among them were become insupportable. They first slew his procurator; and afterwards considering how dangerous a crime they had committed, they resolved to throw off all expectations of pardon, and create a new emperor. Gordian was then proconsul of Africa, a person of great fame for his virtues, and highly reverenced for a blameless life of near 80 years. Him, therefore, they determined to elect; and accordingly cordially the soldiers and natives assembling together, tumultuously entered his house, resolved to put their design in execution. Gordian, who at first supposed they were come to kill him, being made sensible of their intentions, utterly refused their offer, alleging his extreme age, and Maximinus's power. But all his opposition was vain; they constrained him to accept of the proffered dignity; and he, with his son Gordian, who was 46 years of age, were declared emperors. Being thus raised contrary to his inclination, the old man immediately wrote to the senate, declaring that he had unwillingly accepted of the empire, and would only keep his authority till he had freed it from the tyranny of its present oppressor. The senate very joyfully confirmed his election, adjudging Maximinus as an enemy and traitor to the state. The citizens also showed an equal zeal in the cause: they flew upon such as were the reputed friends of Maximinus, and tore them in pieces; even some who were innocent falling a sacrifice to the blind rage of the multitude. So great an alteration being made in the city against the interests of Maximinus, the senate were resolved to drive the opposition to the extreme; and accordingly made all necessary preparations for their security, ordering Maximinus's governors to be displaced, and commanding all the provinces to acknowledge Gordian for emperor.

This order was differently received in different parts, as people were affected to one or the other party: in some provinces the governors were slain; in others, the messengers of the senate; so that all parts of the empire felt the consequences of the civil war.

In the mean time, when Maximinus was informed of these charges against him, his rage appeared ungovernable. He roared like a savage beast, and violently struck his head against the wall, showing every instance of ungovernable distraction. At length his fury being somewhat subsided, he called his whole army together; and, in a set speech, exhorted them to revenge his cause, giving them the strongest assurances that they should possess the estates of all such as had offended. The soldiers unanimously promised to be faithful: they received his harangue with their usual acclamations; and, thus encouraged, he led them towards Rome, breathing nothing but slaughter and revenge. However, he found many obstacles to his impetuosity; and, though he desired nothing so much as dispatch, his marches were inconsiderious and slow. The tumultuous and disobedient armies of the empire were at present very different from the legions that were led on by Sylla or Cæsar; they were loaded with baggage, and followed by slaves and women, rather resembling an eastern caravan, than a military battalion. To these inconveniences also was added the hatred of the cities through which he passed, the inhabitants all abandoning their houses upon his approach, and securing their provisions in proper hiding-places. However, in this complication of inconveniences and misfortunes, his affairs began to wear a favourable appearance in Africa: for Capelianus, the governor of Numidia, raised a body of troops in his favour, and marched against Gordian, towards Carthage; where he fought the younger Gordian, slew him, and destroyed his army. The father, hearing of the death of his son, together with the loss of the battle, strangled himself in his own girdle. Capelianus pursuing his victory, entered Carthage; where he gave a loose to pillage and slaughter, under a pretence of revenging the cause of Maximinus. The news of these successes was soon brought to the emperor, who now increased his diligence, and flattered himself with a speedy opportunity of revenge. He led on his large army by hasty journeys into Italy, threatening destruction to all his opposers, and ardently wishing for fresh opportunities of slaughter.

Nothing could exceed the consternation of the senate upon the news of this defeat. They now saw themselves not only deprived of the assistance of Gordian and his son, on whom they greatly relied; but also opposed by two formidable tyrants, each commanding a victorious army, directly marching towards Rome, and meditating nothing but vengeance. In this afflicting exigence, they, with great solemnity, met at the temple of Jupiter, and after the most mature deliberations, chose Pupienus and Balbinus emperors conjointly. These were men who had acquired the esteem of the Pupienus public both in war and peace, having commanded armies, and governed provinces, with great reputation; and being now appointed to oppose Maximinus, they claimed made what levies they could, both in Rome and the country. With these, Pupienus marched to stop the progress of the invaders, leaving the city to a fresh and unlooked for calamity. This was occasioned by two of Maximinus's soldiers, who, entering the senate-house, were slain by two senators. This quickly gave offence to the body of the praetorian soldiers, who instantly resolved to take revenge, but were opposed by the citizens; so that nothing was seen throughout Rome, but tumult, slaughter, and cruelty. In this universal confusion, the calamity was increased by the soldiers setting the city on fire, while the wretched inhabitants were combating each other in the midst of the flames.

Nevertheless, Maximinus himself, in whose favour these seditions were promoted, did not seem to be more fortunate. Upon being informed of the new election of emperors, his fury was again renewed, and he passed the Alps, expecting, upon entering Italy, to refresh his fatigued and famished army in that fertile part of the country. But in this he was entirely disappointed; the senate had taken such care to remove all kinds of sustenance to fortified places, that he still found himself reduced to his former necessities, while his army began to murmur for want. To this another disappointment was added shortly after: for approaching the city of Aquileia, which he expected to enter without any difficulty, he was astonished to find it prepared for the most obstinate resistance, and resolved to hold out a regular siege. This city was well fortified and populous, and the inhabitants greatly averse to Maximinus's government; but what added still more to its strength, it was commanded by two excellent generals, Crispinus and Menephilis, who had so well furnished it with men and ammunition, that Maximinus found no small resistance, even in investing the place. His first attempt was, to take the city by storm; but the besieged threw down such quantities of scalding pitch and sulphur upon his soldiers, that they were unable to continue the assault. He then determined upon a blockade; but the inhabitants were so resolute, that even the old men and children were seen combating upon the walls, while the women cut off their hair to furnish the soldiers with bow-

Vol. XVIII. Part I. strings. Maximinus's rage at this unexpected opposition was now ungovernable: having no enemy to wreck his resentment upon, he turned it against his own commanders. He put many of his generals to death, as if the city had held out through their neglect or incapacity, while famine made great degradations upon the rest of his army. Nothing now appeared on either side to terminate the contest, except the total destruction of either. But a mutiny in Maximinus's own army a while rescued the declining empire from destruction, and saved the lives of thousands. The soldiers being long harassed by famine and fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every side, resolved to terminate their calamities by the tyrant's death. His great strength, and his being always armed, were, at first, the principal motives to deter any from assassinating him; but at length having made his guards accomplices in their design, they set upon him, while he slept at noon in his tent, and slew both him and his son, whom he had made his partner in the empire, without any opposition, after an usurpation of about three years, and in the fifth year of his age.

The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to the dogs and birds of prey, Pupienus and Balbinus continued for some time emperors without opposition. But the praetorian soldiers, who had long been notorious for mutiny and treason, soon resolved on further change. Nor did the dissensions between the newly made emperors themselves a little contribute to their downfall: for though both were remarkable for wisdom and age, yet they could not restrain the mutual jealousy of each other's power. Pupienus claimed the superiority from his great experience; while Balbinus was equally aspiring upon account of his family and fortune.

In this ill-judged contest, the praetorian soldiers, who were enemies to both, set upon them in their palace, at a time their guards were amused with seeing the Capitoline games. Pupienus perceiving their tumultuous approach, sent with the utmost speed for assistance from his colleague; but he, out of a culpable suspicion that something was designed only against himself, refused to send such of the German guards as were next his person. Thus the seditious soldiers found an easy access to both the emperors' apartments; and dragging them from the palace towards the camp, slew them both, leaving their dead bodies in the streets, as a dreadful instance of their sedition.

In the midst of this sedition, as the mutineers were proceeding along, they by accident met Gordian, the grandson of him who was slain in Africa, and declared him emperor on the spot. The senate and people had been long reduced to the necessity of suffering their emperors to be nominated by the army; so that all they could do in the present instance was to confirm their choice. This prince was but 16 years old when he began his reign, but his virtues seemed to compensate for the want of experience. His principal aims were, to unite the opposing members of the government, and to reconcile the soldiers and citizens to each other. His learning is said to have been equal to his virtues; and we are assured that he had 62,000 books in his library. His respect for Mithraeus, his governor and instructor, was such, that he married his daughter, and profited by his counsels in all the critical circumstances of his reign.

The first four years of this emperor's reign were attended with the utmost prosperity; but in the fifth he was alarmed with accounts from the east, that Sapor, king of Persia, had furiously invaded the confines of the Roman empire, and having taken Antioch, had pillaged Syria, and all the adjacent provinces. Besides the Persians, the Goths also invaded the empire on their side, pouring down like an inundation from the north, and attempting to fix their residence in the kingdom of Thrace. To oppose both these invasions, Gordian prepared an army; and having gained some victories over the Goths, whom he obliged to retire, he turned his arms against the Persians, whom he defeated upon several occasions, and forced to return home with disgrace. In gaining these advantages, Mithraeus, whom he had made praetorian prefect, had the principal share; but he dying soon after (as it is supposed, being poisoned by Philip an Arabian, who was appointed his successor), the fortunes of Gordian seemed to die with him. The army began to be no longer supplied with provisions as usual; murmurs were heard to prevail, and these were artfully fomented by Philip.

Things thus proceeding from bad to worse, Philip was at first made his equal in the command of the empire; but shortly after, invested with the sole power; and, at length, finding himself capable of perpetrating his long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his order, slain, in the 22nd year of his age, after a successful reign of near six years.

Philip having thus murdered his benefactor, was so fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor by the army. The senate also, though they seemed at first to oppose his power, confirmed his election, and gave him, as usual, the title of Augustus. Philip was about 40 years old when he came to the throne; being the son of an obscure Arabian, who had been captain of a band of robbers. Upon his exaltation, he associated his son, a boy of six years of age, as his partner in the empire; and, in order to secure his power at home, made peace with the Persians, and marched his army towards Rome. On his way, having conceived a desire to visit his native country of Arabia, he built there a city called Philippopolis; and from thence returning to Rome, he was received as emperor, and treated with all the marks of submission, though not of joy. To put the people in good humour, he caused the secular games to be celebrated, with a magnificence superior to any of his predecessors, it being just 1000 years after the building of the city. Upon occasion of these games, we are told that both Philip and his son were converted to Christianity. However this be, a murderer and an ungrateful usurper does no great honour to whatever opinion he may happen to embrace.

We have little account of the latter part of his reign in the wretched and mutilated histories of the times; we only learn, that the Goths having invaded the empire, Marinus, Philip's lieutenant, who was sent against them, revolted, and caused himself to be declared emperor. This revolt, however, was but of short duration; for the army which had raised him repented of their rashness, deposed him with equal levity, and put him to death. Decius was the person whom Philip appointed to command in the room of the revolting general. The chief merit of Decius with the emperor was, that when Marinus had rebelled, he averred in the senate, That the traitor's presumption would be very shortly shortly his ruin; which, when it happened accordingly, Philip appointed him to succeed in the command of the rebellious army. Decius, who was a man of great subtilty, being entrusted with so much power, upon arriving at the army, found that the soldiers were resolved on investing him with the supreme authority. He therefore seemed to suffer their importunities, as if through constraint; and, in the mean time, sent Philip word, that he had unwillingly assumed the title of emperor, the better to secure it for the rightful possessor; adding that he only looked for a convenient opportunity of giving up his pretensions and title together. Philip knew mankind too well, to rely upon such professions; he therefore got together what forces he could from the several provinces, and led them forward towards the confines of Italy. However, the army was scarce arrived at Verona, when it revolted in favour of Decius, and setting violently upon Philip, a centinel, with one blow, cut off his head, or rather cleaved it asunder, separating the under jaw from the upper. Such was the deserved death of Philip, in the 45th year of his age, after a reign of about five years; Decius being universally acknowledged as his successor, A.D. 248.

The activity and wisdom of Decius in some measure stopped the hastening decline of the Roman empire. The senate seemed to think so highly of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to Trajan; and indeed he seemed in every instance to consult their dignity in particular, and the welfare of all inferior ranks of people. He permitted them to choose a censor, as was the custom in the flourishing times of Rome; and Valerian, his general, a man of such strict morals that his life was said to be a continual censorship, was chosen to that dignity.—But no virtues could now prevent the approaching downfall of the state; the obstinate disputes between the Pagans and the Christians within the empire, and the unceasing irruptions of barbarous nations from without, entebbed it beyond the power of a remedy. To stop these, a persecution of the Christians, who were now grown the most numerous body of the people, was imprudently, not to say unjustly begun; in which thousands were put to death, and all the arts of cruelty tried in vain to lessen their growing number. This persecution was succeeded by dreadful devastations from the Goths, particularly in Thrace and Moesia, where they had been most successful. These irruptions Decius went to oppose in person; and coming to an engagement with them, slew 30,000 of the barbarians in one battle. However, being resolved to pursue his victory, he was, by the treachery of Gallus his own general, led into a defile, where the king of the Goths had secret information to attack him. In this disadvantageous situation, Decius first saw his son killed with an arrow, and soon after his whole army put to the rout. Wherefore, resolving not to survive his loss, he put spurs to his horse, and instantly plunging into a quagmire, was swallowed up, and his body could never be found after. He died in the 50th year of his age, after a short reign of two years and six months; leaving the character of an excellent prince, and one capable of averting the destruction of the empire, if human means could have effected it.

Gallus, who had thus betrayed the Roman army, had address enough to get himself declared emperor by that part of it which survived the defeat; he was 45 years old when he began to reign, and was descended from an honourable family in Rome. He bought a dishonourable peace from the enemies of the state, agreeing to pay a considerable annual tribute to the Goths, whom it was his duty to repress. Having thus purchased a short remission from war, by the disgrace of his country, he returned to Rome, to give a loose to his pleasures, regardless of the wretched situation of the empire.

Nothing can be more deplorable than the state of the Roman provinces at this time. The Goths and other barbarous nations, not satisfied with their late bribes to continue in peace, broke in upon the eastern parts of Europe. On the other side, the Persians and Scythians committed unheard of ravages in Mesopotamia and Syria. The emperor, regardless of every national calamity, was lost in debauch and sensuality at home; and the Pagans were allowed a power of persecuting the Christians through all parts of the state; these calamities were succeeded by a pestilence, that seemed to have in general spread over every part of the earth, and which continued raging for several years in an unheard of manner; and all these by a civil war, which followed shortly after, between Gallus and his general Emilianus, who having gained a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by his conquering army. Gallus hearing this, was soon roused from the intoxications of pleasure, and prepared to oppose his dangerous rival. Both armies met in Moesia, and a battle ensued, in which Emilianus was victorious, and Gallus with his son were slain. His death was merited, and his vices were such as to deserve the detestation of posterity. He died in the 47th year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years and four months, in which the empire suffered inexpressible calamities. Emilianus, after his victory over Gallus, expected to be acknowledged emperor; but he soon found himself miserably disappointed. The senate refused to acknowledge his claims; and an army that was stationed near the Alps chose Valerian, their own commander, to succeed to the throne. In consequence of this, Emilianus's soldiers began to consider their general as an obstacle to the universal tranquillity, and slew him in order to avoid the mischief of a civil war.

Valerian being thus universally acknowledged as emperor, although arrived at the age of 70, set about reforming the state with a spirit that seemed to mark a good mind and unabated vigour. But reformation was then grown almost impracticable. The disputes between the Pagans and Christians divided the empire as before; and a dreadful persecution of the latter ensued. The northern nations overran the Roman dominions in a more formidable manner than ever; and the empire began to be usurped by a multitude of petty leaders, each of whom, neglecting the general state, set up for himself. To add to these calamities, the Persians, under their king Sapor, invaded Syria; and coming into Mesopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian prisoner, as he was making preparations to oppose them. Nothing can exceed the indignities, as well as the cruelties, which were practised upon this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the hands of his enemies. Sapor, we are told, always used him as a footstool for mounting his horse; he added the bitterness of ridicule to his insults, and usually observed, That an attitude like that to which Valerian was reduced, was the best statue that could be erected in honour of his victory. This horrid life of insult and sufferance continued for seven years, and was at length terminated by the cruel Persian's commanding his prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards causing him to be flayed alive.

The news of the defeat of the Roman army by the Persians, and the captivity of Valerian, no sooner reached the barbarous nations at war with Rome, than they poured on all sides into the Roman territories in incredible multitudes, threatening the empire, and Rome itself, with utter destruction. The Goths and Scythians ravaged Pontus and Asia, committing everywhere dreadful devastations; the Alemanni and Franks having overrun Rhaetia, advanced as far as Ravenna; putting all to fire and sword; the Quadi and Sarmatians seized on great part of Dacia and Pannonia; while other barbarous nations, invading Spain, made themselves masters of Tarracon and other important places in that province. In the mean time Gallienus, the son of Valerian, having promised to revenge his father's captivity, and repress the barbarians, was chosen emperor without any opposition. He was at that time in Gaul; but hastened into Italy, from whence he drove out the barbarians, either by the terror of his approach, or by overcoming them in battle.—In Dacia and Pannonia, also, the barbarians were driven back by Regillianus, who commanded there, and who is said to have gained several victories in one day.

But in the mean time, one Ingenuus, a man of great reputation in war, and universally beloved both by the people and soldiery, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor in Pannonia, where he was generally acknowledged as well as in Moesia. Gallienus no sooner heard of his revolt, than he marched from the neighbourhood of Ravenna, where he then was, into Illyricum, engaged Ingenuus, and put him to flight. Some authors tell us that Ingenuus was killed after the battle by his own soldiers; while others affirm, that he put an end to his own life to avoid falling into the hands of Gallienus, who used his victory with a cruelty hardly to be paralleled. The following letter to Verianus Celer, one of his officers, will show the disposition of this emperor: "I shall not be satisfied (says he) with your putting to death only such as have borne arms against me, and might have fallen in the field: you must in every city destroy all the males, old and young; spare none who have wished ill to me; none who have spoken ill of me the son of Valerian, the father and brother of princes. Ingenuus emperor! Tear, kill, cut in pieces without mercy: you understand me; do then as you know I would do, who have written to you with my own hand."

In consequence of these cruel orders, a most dreadful havoc was made among that unhappy people; and, in several cities, not one male child was left alive. The troops who had formerly served under Ingenuus, and the inhabitants of Moesia who had escaped the general slaughter, provoked by these cruelties, proclaimed Regillianus emperor. He was a Dacian by birth, descended, as was said, from the celebrated king Decebalus whom Trajan had conquered; and had, by several gallant actions, gained reputation in the Roman armies. After he was proclaimed emperor, he gained great advantages over the Sarmatians; but was soon after murdered by his own soldiers. These revolts were quickly followed by many others. Indeed it is not surprising, at a time when the reins of government were held with so loose a hand, that a crowd of usurpers should start up in every province of the empire. The great number of usurpers who pretended to the empire about this time have been distinguished by the name of the thirty tyrants. However, there were only 19; viz. Cyriades, Macrianus, Balista, Odenatus, and Zenobia in the east; in Gaul, and the western provinces, Posthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus and his mother Victoria, Marius, and Tetricus; in Illyricum, and on the confines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Aurelius; in Pontus, Sturminus; in Isauria, Trebellianus; in Thessaly, Piso; in Achaea, Valens; in Egypt, Amilianus; and in Africa, Celsus. Several of these pretenders to the empire, however, though branded with the opprobrious appellation of tyrants, were eminent examples of virtue, and almost all of them were possessed of a considerable share of vigour and ability. The principal reason assigned for their revolt was, the infamous character of Gallienus, whom neither officers nor soldiers could bear to serve. Many of them, however, were forced by the soldiers to assume the imperial dignity much against their will. "You have lost," said Saturninus to his soldiers when they invested him with the purple, "a very useful commander, and have made a very wretched emperor." The apprehensions of Saturninus were justified by the event. Of the 19 usurpers already mentioned, not one died a natural death; and in Italy and Rome Gallienus alone continued to be acknowledged emperor. That prince indeed honoured Odenatus prince of Palmyra with the title of Augustus, who continued to possess an independent sovereignty in the east all his lifetime, and on his death transmitted it to his wife Zenobia. See Palmyra.

The consequences of these numerous usurpations were fatal to the most fatal that can be conceived. The elections of these precarious emperors, their life and death, were those equally destructive to their subjects and adherents. The price of their elevation was instantly paid to the troops by an immense donative drawn from the exhausted people. However virtuous their character, and however pure their intentions might be, they found themselves reduced to the necessity of supporting their usurpation by frequent acts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall, as appears from the letter of Gallienus already quoted. Whilst the forces of the state were dispersed in private quarrels, the defenceless provinces lay exposed to every invader. The bravest usurpers were compelled, by the perplexity of their situation, to conclude dishonourable treaties with the barbarians, and even to submit to shameful tributes, and introduce such numbers of barbarians into the Roman service as seemed sufficient at once to overthrow the empire.

But when the empire seemed thus ready to sink at Gallienus once, it suddenly revived on the death of Gallienus, who was murdered by Martian, one of his own generals, while he besieged Aurelius, one of the tyrants, in Milan. His death gave general satisfaction to all, except his soldiers, who hoped to reap the reward of their treachery by the plunder of Milan. But being frustrated in these expectations, and in some measure kept within bounds bounds by the largesses of Martian, Flavius Claudius was nominated to succeed, and joyfully accepted by all orders of the state, and his title confirmed by the senate and the people.

We are not sufficiently assured of this emperor's lineage and country. Some affirm that he was born in Dalmatia, and descended from an ancient family there; others assert that he was a Trojan; and others, that he was son to the emperor Gordian. But, whatever might have been his descent, his merits were by no means doubtful. He was a man of great valour and conduct, having performed the most eminent services against the Goths, who had long continued to make irruptions into the empire. He was now about 55 years old, equally remarkable for the strength of his body and the vigour of his mind; he was chaste and temperate, a rewarer of the good, and a severe punisher of such as transgressed the laws. Thus endowed, therefore, he in some measure put a stop to the precipitate decline of the empire, and once more seemed to restore the glory of Rome.

His first success, upon being made emperor, was against Aureolus, whom he defeated near Milan. His next expedition was to oppose the Goths, against whom he led a very numerous army. These barbarians had made their principal and most successful irruptions into Thrace and Macedonia, swarmed over all Greece, and had pillaged the famous city of Athens, which had long been the school of all the polite arts to the Romans. The Goths, however, had no veneration for those embellishments that tend to soften and humanize the mind, but destroyed all monuments of taste and learning with the most savage alacrity. It was upon one of these occasions, that, having heaped together a large pile of books in order to burn them, one of the commanders dissuaded them from the design, alleging, that the time which the Grecians should waste on books would only render them more unqualified for war. But the empire seemed to tremble, not only on that side, but almost on every quarter. At the same time, above 300,000 of these barbarians (the Heruli, the Trutangi, the Virturgi, and many nameless and uncivilized nations) came down the river Danube, with 2000 ships, fraught with men and ammunition, spreading terror and devastation on every side.

In this state of universal dismay, Claudius alone seemed to continue unshaken. He marched his disproportionate army against the savage invaders; and though but ill prepared for such an engagement, as the forces of the empire were then employed in different parts of the world, he came off victorious, and made an incredible slaughter of the enemy. The whole of their great army was either cut to pieces or taken prisoners: houses were filled with their arms; and scarce a province of the empire, that was not furnished with slaves from those that survived the defeat. The successes were followed by many others in different parts of the empire; so that the Goths, for a considerable time after, made but a feeble opposition. He some time after, marched against the revolted Germans, and overthrew them with considerable slaughter. His last expedition was to oppose Tetricus and Zenobia, his two puissant rivals in the empire. Bat on his march, as he approached near Sirmium, in Pannonia, he was seized with a pestilential fever, of which he died in a few days, to the great regret of his subjects, and the irreparable loss of the Roman empire. His reign, which was not of quite two years continuance, was active and successful; and such is the character given of him by historians, that he is said to have united in himself the moderation of Augustus, the valour of Trajan, and the piety of Antoninus.

Immediately after the death of Claudius, the army made unanimous choice of Aurelian, who was at that time master of the horse, and esteemed the most valiant commander of his time. However, his promotion was not without opposition on the part of the senate, as Quintillus, the brother of the deceased emperor, put in his claim, and was for a while acknowledged at Rome. But his authority was of very short duration: for finding himself abandoned by those who at first instigated him to declare for the throne, he chose to prevent the severity of his rival by a voluntary death, and causing his veins to be opened, expired, after having reigned but 17 days.

Aurelian being thus universally acknowledged by all the states of the empire, assumed the command, with a greater show of power than his predecessors had enjoyed for some time before. This active monarch was born of mean and obscure parentage in Dacia, and was about 55 years old at the time of his coming to the throne. He had spent the early part of his life in the army, and had risen through all the gradations of military duty. He was of unshaken courage and amazing strength; he in one engagement killed 40 of the enemy with his own hand, and above 900 at several different times. In short, his valour and expedition were such, that he was compared to Julius Caesar; and in fact, only wanted mildness and clemency to be every way his equal.

The whole of this monarch's reign was spent in repressing the irruptions of the northern nations, in humbling every other pretender to the empire, and punishing the monstrous irregularities of his own subjects. He defeated the Marcomanni, who had invaded Italy, in three several engagements, and at length totally destroyed their army. He was not less successful against Zenobia, the queen of the East, a woman of the most heroic qualifications, who had long disclaimed the Roman power, and established an empire of her own, as is related under the article Palmyra.

Aurelian having thus brought back peace to the empire, endeavoured, by the rigours of justice, to bring back virtue also. He was very strict in punishing the crimes of the soldiery: in his orders to his lieutenants, he insisted that the peasants should not be plundered upon any pretences; that not even a grape, a grain of salt, or a drop of oil, should be exacted unjustly. He caused a soldier, who had committed adultery with his hostess, to have his feet tied to the tops of two trees, forcibly bent at top to meet each other; which being let loose, and suddenly recoiling, tore the criminal in two. This was a severity that might take the name of cruelty; but the vices of the age, in some measure, required it. In these punishments inflicted on the guilty, the Christians, who had all along been growing more numerous, were sharers. Against these he drew up several letters and edicts, which showed that he intended a very severe persecution; but if we may believe the credulous historians of the times, he was diverted just as he he was going to sign them by a thunderbolt, which fell so near his person, that all the people judged him to be destroyed.

But, however Heaven might have interposed on this occasion, it is certain that his severities at last were the cause of his destruction. Menesthus, his principal secretary, having been threatened by him for some fault which he had committed, began to consider how he might prevent the meditated blow. For this purpose, he forged a roll of the names of several persons, whom he pretended the emperor had marked out for death, adding his own to strengthen him in the confidence of the party. The scroll thus contrived was shown with an air of the utmost secrecy to some of the persons concerned; and they, to procure their safety, immediately agreed with him to destroy the emperor. This resolution was soon put in execution; for, as the emperor passed with a small guard from Uraecla, in Thrace, towards Byzantium, the conspirators set upon him at once, and slew him with very small resistance. He was slain in the 60th, or, as some say, in the 63rd year of his age, after a very active reign of almost five years.

The number of pretenders to the throne, which had formerly infested the empire, were, by the last monarch's activity, so entirely removed, that there now seemed to be none that would venture to declare himself a candidate. The army referred the choice to the senate; and, on the other side, the senate declined it; so that a space of near eight months elapsed in these negotiations. At length, however, the senate made choice of Tacitus, a man of great merit, and noway ambitious of the honours that were offered him. Upon being solicited to accept the empire, he at first refused, and retired to his country house in Campania, to avoid their importunities; but being at length prevailed upon, he accepted the reins of government, being at that time 75 years old.

One of the first acts of his government was the punishment of those who had conspired against the late emperor. Menesthus was impaled alive, his body being thrown to be devoured by wild beasts; his estate also was confiscated to the exchequer; and his ready money, which was very considerable, applied towards paying the army. During this short reign, the senate seemed to have a large share of authority, and the historians of the times are liberal of their praises to such emperors as were thus willing to divide their power.—Upon endeavouring to obtain the consulship for his brother Probus, he was refused it by the senate; at which he seemed no way moved, but calmly remarked that the senate best knew whom to choose. This moderation prevailed in all the rest of his conduct: he was extremely temperate; his table was plain, and furnished with nothing expensive; he even prohibited his empress from wearing jewels, and forbade the use of gold and embroidery. He was fond of learning, and the memory of such men as had deserved well of their country. He particularly esteemed the works of his namesake Tacitus the historian; commanding that they should be placed in every public library throughout the empire, and that many copies of them should be transcribed at the public charge. A reign begun with such moderation and justice, only wanted continuance to have made the empire happy; but after enjoying the empire about six months, he died of a fever in his march to oppose the Persians and Scythians, who had invaded the eastern parts of the empire.

Upon the death of Tacitus the army seemed divided in the choice of an emperor; one part of it chose Florianus, brother to the deceased; but the majority were for some time undetermined. They alleged amongst each other the necessity of choosing one eminent for valour, honour, piety, clemency, and probity; but the last virtue being that chiefly insisted upon, the whole army, as if by common consent, cried out that Probus should be emperor. He was accordingly confirmed in this dignity with the usual solemnities; and Florianus finding himself deserted, even by those legions who had promised to stand up in his support, opened his arteries and bled himself to death.

Probus was 44 years old, when he ascended the throne, being born of noble parentage at Sirmium in Pannonia, and bred up a soldier from his youth. He began early to distinguish himself for his discipline and valour; being frequently the firstman who in besieging towns scaled the walls, or that burst into the enemy's camp. He was no less remarkable for single combats, and saving the lives of many eminent citizens. Nor was his activity and courage, when elected to the empire, less apparent, than in his private station. He first repressed the Germans in Gaul, of whom he slew 400,000. He then marched into Dalmatia, to oppose and subdue the Sarmatians. From thence he led his forces into Thrace, and forced the Goths to sue for peace. He after that turned his arms towards Asia; subdued the province of Isauria; and marching onward, conquered a people called the Blemmyes; who, leaving their native forests of Ethiopia, had possessed themselves of Arabia and Judea, and had continued in a state of rebellion since the reign of Gallicanus. Naras also, the king of Persia, submitted at his approach; and upon his return into Europe, he divided the depopulated parts of Thrace among its barbarous invaders: a circumstance that afterwards produced great calamities to the empire.

His diligence was not less conspicuous in suppressing intestine commotions. Saturninus, being compelled by the Egyptians to declare himself emperor, was defeated and slain. Proculus also (a person remarkable only for his great attachment to women, and who boasted in a letter, that having taken 100 Sarmatian virgins prisoners, he deprived ten of that name in one night, and all the rest within a fortnight) set up against the emperor; but was compelled to fly, and at length delivered up by the Germans. At the same time Bonosus (who was a remarkable votary to Bacchus, being able to drink as much wine as ten could do, without being disorder'd) rebelled, and being overcome hanged himself in despair. Probus, when he saw him immediately after his death, could not avoid pointing to him, and saying, "There hangs not a man but a cask." Still, however, notwithstanding every effort to give quiet to the empire, the barbarians who surrounded it kept it in continual alarms. They were frequently repulsed into their native wilds, but they as certainly returned with fresh rage and increased ferocity. The Goths and Vandals, finding the emperor engaged in quelling domestic disputes, renewed their accustomed inroads, and once more felt the punishment of their presumptions. They were conquered in several engagements, and Probus returned in triumph to Rome. His active temper, however, would not not suffer him to continue at rest whilst a single enemy was left to conquer. In his last expedition he led his soldiers against the Persians; and going through Sirium, the place of his nativity, he there employed several thousands of his soldiers in draining a fen that was inconvenient to the inhabitants. The fatigues of this undertaking, and the great restraint that was laid upon the soldiers licentious manners, produced a conspiracy, which ended in his ruin: for taking the opportunity as he was marching into Greece, they set upon and slew him after he had reigned six years and four months with general approbation.

Carus, who was praetorian prefect to the deceased emperor, was chosen by the army to succeed him; and he, to strengthen his authority, named his two sons Carinus and Numerianus with him in command; the former of whom was as much sullied by his vices, as the youngest was virtuous, modest, and courageous. The new emperor had scarce time to punish the murderers of the late monarch, when he was alarmed by a fresh irruption of the Sarmatians; over whom he gained a signal victory. The Persian monarch also made some attempts upon the empire; but Carus assured his ambassadors, that if their master persisted in his obstinacy, all his fields should shortly be as bare as his own bald head, which he showed them. In consequence of this threat, he marched to the very walls of Ctesiphon, and a dreadful battle ensuing, he once more gained a complete victory. What the result of this success might have been, is not known; for he was shortly after struck by lightning in his tent, with many others that were round him. Numerianus, the youngest son, who accompanied his father in this expedition, was inconsolable for his death; and brought such a disorder upon his eyes with weeping, that he was obliged to be carried along with the army, shut up in a close litter. The peculiarity of his situation, after some time, excited the ambition of Aper, his father-in-law, who supposed that he could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire himself. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to murder the emperor in his litter; and the better to conceal the fact, gave out that he was still alive, but unable to endure the light. In this manner was the dead body carried about for some days, Aper continuing to attend it with the utmost appearance of respect, and to take orders as usual. The offensiveness, however, of its smell at length discovered the treachery, and excited an universal uproar throughout the army. In the midst of this tumult, Dioclesian, one of the most noted commanders of his time, was chosen emperor, and with his own hand slew Aper; having thus, as it is said, fulfilled a prophecy, which had said, that Dioclesian should be emperor after he had slain a boar; alluding to the name of his rival, which signifies a boar. Carinus, the remaining son, did not long survive his father and brother; for giving himself up to his vices, and yet at the same time opposing the new-made emperor, the competitors led their forces into Moesia; where Dioclesian being victorious, Carinus was slain by a tribune of his own army, whose wife he had formerly abused.

Dioclesian was a person of mean birth; being accounted, according to some, the son of a scrivener; and of a slave, according to others. He received his name from Diocles, the town in which he was born; and was about 40 years old when he was elected to the empire. He pardoned all who had joined Carinus, without injuring either their fortunes or honours. Conscious also that the weight of empire was too heavy for one alone to sustain, he took in Maximian, his general, as a partner in the fatigues of duty, making him his equal and companion on the throne. Thus mutually assisting each other, these two continued to live in strict friendship; though somewhat differing in temper (as Maximian was rather a man of vicious inclinations), yet they concurred in promoting the general good, and humbling their enemies. And it must be observed, that there never was a period in which there were more numerous or formidable enemies to oppose.

The peasants and labourers in Gaul made a dangerous insurrection, under the conduct of Amandus and Helianus, but were subdued by Maximian. Achilleus, who commanded in Egypt, proclaimed himself emperor; and it was not without many bloody engagements that he was overcome, and condemned by Dioclesian to be devoured by lions. In Africa, the Roman legions, in like manner, joined with many of the natives, seized upon the public revenues, and plundered those who continued in their duty. These were also subdued by Maximian; and, after a long dubious war, constrained to sue for peace. About the same time, a principal commander in Britain named Carausius, proclaimed himself emperor and possessed himself of the island. To oppose this general's claims, Maximian made choice of Constantius Chlorus, whom he created Caesar, and married to Theodora, his daughter-in-law. He, upon his arrival in Britain, finding Carausius very strong, and continually reinforced from Germany, thought proper to come to an accommodation; so that this usurper continued for seven years in quiet possession of the whole island, till he was slain by Alectus, his friend and intimate. About this time also, Nares, king of Persia, began a dangerous war upon the empire, and invaded Mesopotamia. To stop the progress of the enemy upon this quarter, Dioclesian made choice of Galerius (surnamed Armenarius, from the report of his being born of a cow-herd in Dacia); and he likewise was created Caesar. His success also, though very doubtful in the beginning, was in the end terminated according to his wishes. The Persians were overcome in a decisive engagement, their camp plundered and taken, and their king's wives and children made prisoners of war. There only remained, of all the enemies of the Roman empire, those who lay to the northward unsubdued. These were utterly unconquerable, as well upon account of their savage fierceness, as the inhospitable severity of the climate and soil from whence they issued. Ever at war with the Romans, they issued forth, when the armies that were to repress their invasions were called away; and upon their return, they as suddenly withdrew into cold, barren, and inaccessible places, which only themselves could endure. In this manner the Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, Quadi, &c. poured down in incredible numbers; while every defeat seemed but to increase their strength and perseverance. Of these, multitudes were taken prisoners, and sent to people the more southern parts of the empire; still greater numbers were destroyed; and though the rest were driven back to their native forests, yet they continued ever mindful of their invertebrate inveterate animosity, and, like a savage beast, only continued inactive, till they had licked their wounds for a new encounter.

During this interval, as if the external miseries of the empire were not sufficient, the tenth and last great persecution was renewed against the Christians. This is said to have exceeded all the former in severity: and such was the zeal with which it was pursued, that, in an ancient inscription, we are informed that they had effaced the name and superstition of the Christians, and had restored and propagated the worship of the gods. Their attempts, however, were but the malicious efforts of an expiring party; for Christianity shortly after was established by law, and triumphed over the malice of all its enemies. In the midst of the troubles raised by this persecution, and of the contests that struck at the internal parts of the state, Dioclesian and Maximian surprised the world by resigning their dignities on the same day, and both retiring into private stations. Historians are much divided concerning the motives that thus induced them to give up those honours which they had purchased with so much danger. Some ascribe it to the philosophical turn of Dioclesian; and others, to his being disgusted with the obstinacy of his Christian subjects: but Lactantius asserts, that he was compelled to it, together with his partner, by Galerius, who coming to Nicomedia, upon the emperor's recovery from a great sickness, threatened him with a civil war in case he refused to resign. However, of this we are well assured, that he still preserved a dignity of sentiment in his retirement, that might induce us to believe he had no other motive for resignation than the love of quiet, and the consciousness of his inability to discharge on a sick-bed the duties of a sovereign. Having retired to his birth-place, he spent his time in cultivating his garden, assuring his visitors that then only he began to enjoy the world, when he was thought by the rest of mankind to forsake it. When also some attempted to persuade him to resume the empire, he replied, That if they knew his present happiness, they would rather endeavour to imitate than disturb it. In this contented manner he lived some time, and at last died either by poison or madness, it is uncertain which. His reign, which continued 20 years, was active and useful; and his authority, tinctured with severity, was well adapted to the depraved state of morals at that time.

Maximian, his partner in the empire and in resignation, was by no means so contented with his situation. He longed once more for power, and disturbed the two succeeding reigns with various efforts to resume it; attempting to engage Dioclesian in the same design. Being obliged to leave Rome, where he had bred great confusion, he went over into Gaul, where he was kindly received by Constantine, the then acknowledged emperor of the west. But here also continuing his intrigues, and endeavouring to force his own daughter and destroy her husband, he was detected, and condemned to die by whatever death he should think proper; and Lactantius tells us that he chose hanging.

Upon the resignation of the two emperors, the two Caesars whom they had formerly chosen were universally acknowledged as their successors. Constantius Chlorus, who was so called from the plainness of his complexion, was virtuous, valiant, and merciful. Galerius, on the other hand, was brave, but brutal, incontinent, and cruel. As there was such a disparity in their tempers, they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide the empire; Constantius being appointed to govern the western parts; namely, Italy, Sicily, the greatest part of Africa, together with Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Germany; Galerius had the eastern parts allotted to his share; to wit, Illyricum, Pannonia, Thrace, Macedon, all the provinces of Greece, and the Lesser Asia, together with Egypt, Syria, Judea, and all the countries eastward. The greatness of the division, however, soon induced the emperors to take in two partners more, Severus and Maximin, who were made Caesars, and assisted in the conducting of affairs; so that the empire now was under the guidance of four persons, all invested with supreme authority.

We are informed but of few particulars of the reign of Constantius, except a detail of his character, which appears in every light most amiable. He was frugal, chaste, and temperate. His mercy and justice were equally conspicuous in his treatment of the Christians, whom he would not suffer to be injured; and when at length persuaded to displace all the Christian officers of his household that would not change their religion, when some of them complied, he sent them away in disgrace; alleging, that those who were not true to their God, would never be faithful to their prince.

In the second year of his reign he went over into Britain; and leaving his son Constantine as a kind of hostage in the court of his partner in the empire, took up his residence at York. He there continued in the practice of his usual virtues; till falling sick, he began to think of appointing his son for his successor. He accordingly sent for him with all speed; but he was past recovery before his arrival: notwithstanding he received him with marks of the utmost affection, and raising himself in his bed, gave him several useful instructions, particularly recommending the Christians to his protection. He then bequeathed the empire to his care; and crying out, that none but the pious Constantine should succeed him, he expired in his arms.

In the mean time, Galerius, his partner in the empire, being informed of Constantine's advancement, testified the most ungovernable rage, and was even going to condemn the messenger who brought him the account: but being dissuaded, he seemed to acquiesce in what he could not prevent, and sent him the marks of royalty; but at the same time declared Severus emperor, in opposition to his interests. Just about this time also, another pretender to the empire started up. This was Maxentius, a person of mean extraction; but very much favoured by the soldiers, whom he permitted to pillage freely at discretion. In order to oppose Maxentius, Severus led a numerous army towards the gates of Rome; but his soldiers considering against whom they were to fight, immediately abandoned him; and shortly after he put an end to his own life, by opening his veins. To revenge his death, Galerius marched into Italy, resolving to ruin the inhabitants, and to destroy the whole senate. His soldiers, however, upon approaching the capital, began to waver in their resolutions: wherefore he was obliged to have recourse to intrigues, imploring them not to abandon him; and, retiring by the same route by which he had advanced, made Licinius, who was originally the son of a poor labourer in Dacia, Caesar, in the room of Severus who was slain. This seem- ed to be the last act of his power; for shortly after he was seized with a very extraordinary disorder in his privacies, which baffled all the skill of his physicians, and carried him off, after he had languished in torments for near the space of a year. His cruelty to the Christians was one of the many crimes alleged against him; and their historians have not failed to aggravate the circumstances of his death as a judgment from Heaven for his former impiety. However this be, he abated much of his severities against them on his deathbed; and revoked those edicts which he had formerly published, tending to their persecution, a little before his death.

Constantine being thus delivered from his greatest opponent, might now be considered as possessing more power than any of his rivals who were yet remaining. The empire was at that time divided between him and three others: Maxentius, who governed in Rome, a person of a cruel disposition, and a steadfast supporter of paganism; Licinius, who was adopted by Galerius, and commanded in the east; and likewise Maximin, who had formerly been declared Caesar with Severus, and who also governed some of the eastern provinces.

For some time all things seemed to wear a peaceful appearance; till at length, either ambition, or the tyrannical conduct of Maxentius, induced Constantine to engage in an expedition to expel that commander from Rome, and to make the proper preparations for marching into Italy. It was upon this occasion that he formed a resolution which produced a mighty change in the politics as well as the morals of mankind, and gave a new turn to the counsels of the wise, and the pursuits of ambition. One evening, as we are told by Eusebius, the army being upon its march toward Rome, Constantine was taken up with various considerations upon the fate of sublunar things, and the dangers of his approaching expedition; sensible of his own incapacity to succeed without divine assistance, he employed his meditations upon the opinions that then were chiefly agitated among mankind, and sent up his ejaculations to Heaven to inspire him with wisdom to choose the path he ought to pursue. It was then, as the sun was declining, that there suddenly appeared a pillar of light in the heavens, in the form of a cross, with this inscription, ΤΟΤΤΩ ΝΙΚΗ, "In this overcome." So extraordinary an appearance did not fail to create astonishment both in the emperor and his whole army, who considered it as their dispositions led them to believe. Those who were attached to paganism, prompted by their auspices, pronounced it a most inauspicious omen, portending the most unfortunate events. But it made a different impression on the emperor's mind; who, as the account goes, was farther encouraged by visions the same night. He therefore, the day following, caused a royal standard to be made, like that which he had seen in the heavens; and commanded it to be carried before him in his wars, as an ensign of victory and celestial protection. After this, he consulted with several of the principal teachers of Christianity, and made a public avowal of that sacred persuasion.

Constantine having thus attached to his interest his soldiers, who were mostly of the Christian persuasion, lost no time in entering Italy with 90,000 foot and 8000 horse; and soon advanced to the very gates of Rome. The unfortunate Maxentius, who had long given himself up to ease and debauchery, now began to make preparations when it was too late. He first put in practice all the superstitious rites which paganism taught to be necessary; and then consulted the Sibylline books; from whence he was informed, that on that and the great day the enemy of Rome should perish. This prediction, which was equivocal, he applied to Constantine; so that, leaving all things in the best posture, he advanced from the city with an army of 100,000 foot and 18,000 horse. The engagement was for some time fierce and bloody, till his cavalry being routed, victory declared upon the side of his opponent, and he himself was drowned in his flight by the breaking down of a bridge as he attempted to cross the river Tiber.

Constantine, in consequence of this victory, entering the city, disclaimed all praises which the senate and people were ready to offer; ascribing his success to a superior power. He even caused the cross, which it is said he saw in the heavens, to be placed at the right of all his statues, with this inscription: "That under the influence of that victorious cross, Constantine had delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical power, and had restored the senate and people of Rome to their ancient authority." He afterwards ordained, that no criminal should for the future suffer death by the cross; which had formerly been the most usual way of punishing slaves convicted of capital offences. Edicts were soon after issued, declaring that the Christians should be eased from all their grievances, and received into places of trust and authority. Thus the new religion was seen at once to prevail over the whole Roman empire; and as that enormous fabric had been built and guided upon pagan principles, it lost a great deal of its strength and coherence when those principles were thus at once subverted.

Things continued in this state for some time, Constantine all the while contributing what was in his power to the interest of religion, and the revival of learning, which had long been upon the decline, and was almost wholly extinct in the empire. But in the midst of these assiduities, the peace of the empire was again disturbed by the preparations of Maximin, who governed in the east, and who, desirous of a full participation of power, marched against Licinius with a very numerous army. In consequence of this step, after many conflicts, a general engagement ensued, in which Maximin suffered a total defeat; many of his troops were cut in pieces, and those that survived submitted to the conqueror. Maximin, however, having escaped the general carnage, once more put himself at the head of another army, resolving to try the fortune of the field; but death prevented his design. As he died by a very extraordinary kind of madness, the Christians, of whom he was the declared enemy, did not fail to ascribe his end to a judgment from heaven; but this was the age in which false judgments and false miracles made up the bulk of their un-instructive history.

Constantine and Licinius thus remaining undisputed possessors and partners in the empire, all things promised a peaceable continuance of friendship and power. However, it was soon found, that the same ambition that aimed after a part, would be content with nothing less than the whole. Pagan writers ascribe the rupture between these two potentates to Constantine; while the Christians, on the other hand, impute it wholly to Licinius. Licinius. Both, perhaps, might have concurred: for Licinius is convicted of having persecuted Christianity, which was so highly favoured by his rival; and Constantine is known to have been the first to begin the preparations for an open rupture. Both sides exerted all their power to make opposition; and at the head of very formidable armies, came to an engagement near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Constantine, previous to the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, begged the assistance of heaven; while Licinius, with equal zeal, called upon the pagan priests to intercede with the gods in his favour. Constantine, after an obstinate resistance from the enemy, became victorious; took their camp; and after some time, compelled Licinius to sue for a truce, which was agreed upon. But this was of no long continuance; for soon after, the war breaking out afresh, and the rivals' coming once more to a general engagement, it proved decisive. Licinius was entirely defeated and pursued by Constantine into Nicomedia, where he surrendered himself up to the victor: having first obtained an oath that his life should be spared, and that he should be permitted to pass the remainder of his days in retirement. This, however, Constantine shortly after broke; for either fearing his designs, or finding him actually engaged in fresh conspiracies, he commanded him to be put to death, together with Martian his general, who some time before had been created Caesar.

Constantine being now sole monarch of the empire, without a rival to divide his power, or any person from whose claims he could have the least apprehensions, resolved to establish Christianity on so sure a basis, that no new regulations should shake it. He commanded that in all the provinces of the empire the orders of the bishops should be exactly obeyed; a privilege of which, in succeeding times, these fathers made but a very indifferent use. He called also a general council of these, to meet at Nicea, in order to repress the heresies that had already crept into the church, particularly that of Arius. To this place repaired about 318 bishops, besides a multitude of presbyters and deacons, together with the emperor himself; who all, to about 17, concurred in condemning the tenets of Arius; who, with his associates, was banished into a remote part of the empire.

Having thus restored universal tranquillity to the empire, he was not able to ward off calamities of a more domestic nature. As the histories of that period are entirely at variance with each other, it is not easy to discover the motives which induced him to put his wife Fausta and his son Crispus to death. The most plausible account is this: Fausta the empress, who was a woman of great beauty, but of extravagant desires, had long, though secretly, loved Crispus, Constantine's son by a former wife. She had tried every art to inspire this youth with a mutual passion; but, finding her more distant efforts ineffectual, had even the confidence to make him an open confession of her desires. This produced an explanation, which was fatal to both. Crispus received her addresses with detestation; and she to be revenged, accused him to the emperor. Constantine, fired at once with jealousy and rage, ordered him to die without a hearing; nor did his innocence appear till it was too late for redress. The only reparation, therefore, that remained, was the putting Fausta, the wicked instrument of his former cruelty, to death; which was accordingly executed upon her, together with some others who had been accomplices in her falsehood and treachery.

But the private misfortunes of a few were not to be weighed against evils of a more general nature, which the Roman empire shortly after experienced. These arose from a measure which this emperor conceived and executed, of transferring the seat of the empire from Rome to Byzantium, or Constantinople, as it was afterwards called. Whatever might have been the reasons which induced him to this undertaking; whether it was because he was offended at some affronts he received at Rome, or that he supposed Constantinople more in the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eastern parts more required his presence, experience has shown that they were weak and groundless. The empire had long before been in the most declining state; but this in a great measure gave precipitation to its downfall. After this it never resumed its former splendour, but languished.

His first design was to build a city which he might make the capital of the world; and for this purpose, he made choice of a situation at Chalcedon in Asia Minor; but we are told, that in laying out the ground-plan, an eagle caught up the line and flew with it over to Byzantium, a city which lay upon the opposite side of the Bosphorus. Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the seat of the empire; and indeed nature seems to have formed it with all the conveniences and all the beauties which might induce power to make it the seat of residence. It was situated on a plain that rose gently from the water; it commanded that strait which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine sea, and was furnished with all the advantages which the most indulgent climate could bestow. This city, therefore, he beautified with the most magnificent edifices; he divided it into 14 regions; built a capitol, an amphitheatre, many churches, and other public works; and having thus rendered it equal to the magnificence of his idea, he dedicated it in a very solemn manner to the God of martyrs; in about two years after, repairing thither with his whole court.

The removal produced no immediate alteration in the government of the empire; the inhabitants of Rome, though with reluctance, submitted to the change; nor was there for two or three years any disturbance in the state, until at length the Goths, finding that the Romans had withdrawn all their garrisons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, and ravaged the country with unheard of cruelty. Constantine, however, soon repressed their incursions, and so straitened them, that near 100,000 of their number perished by cold and hunger. These and some other insurrections being happily suppressed, the government of the empire was divided as follows. Constantine, the emperor's eldest son, commanded in Gaul and the western provinces; Constans governed Africa and Illyricum; and Constans ruled in Italy. Dalmatius, the emperor's brother, was sent to defend those parts that bordered upon the Goths; and Amphilianus, his nephew, had the charge of Cappadocia and Armenia Minor. This division of the empire still farther contributed to its downfall: for the united strength of the state being no longer brought to repress invasions, the barbarians fought with superior numbers; and conquered at last, though often defeated, Constantine, Constantine, however, did not live to feel these calamities. The latter part of his reign was peaceful and splendid; ambassadors from the remotest Indies came to acknowledge his authority; the Persians, who were ready for fresh inroads, upon finding him prepared to oppose, sent humbly to desire his friendship and forgiveness. He was above 60 years old, and had reigned above 30 years, when he found his health began to decline. To obviate the effects of his disorder, which was an intermittent fever, he made use of the warm baths of the city; but receiving no benefit from thence, he removed for change of air to Helenopolis, a city which he had built to the memory of his mother. His disorder increasing, he changed again to Nicomedia; where finding himself without hopes of recovery, he caused himself to be baptized; and having soon after received the sacrament, he expired, after a memorable and active reign of 32 years. This monarch's character is represented to us in very different lights: the Christian writers of that time adorning it with every strain of panegyric; the heathens, on the contrary, loading it with all the virulence of invective. He established a religion that continues the blessing of mankind; but pursued a scheme of politics that destroyed the empire.

From the time of Constantine to the division of the empire between Valentinian and his brother Valens, the history of Rome is related under the article Constantinople, where also that of the eastern part is carried down to the final destruction of that city by the Turks. In the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, the province of Libya Tripolitana was grievously oppressed by the barbarians of the desert, and almost equally so by Romanus its own governor. His conduct was so exceedingly oppressive, that the inhabitants sent a deputation to Valentinian, complaining of their unhappy situation, and desiring redress. Palladius was accordingly sent to inquire into the state of the province; but being gained over by Romanus, he made a false report to the emperor; and thus the unhappy province was left a prey to the merciless invaders and rapacious governor. During the rest of this reign the barbarians continued their inroads into the empire; and among others, we find the Saxons now putting in for a share of the spoils of the ruined empire; however, their army was at this time entirely cut off. At last Valentinian himself took the field against these northern barbarians; and entering the country of the Quadi, destroyed all with fire and sword. The barbarians on this were fain to sue for peace in a very humble manner; but Valentinian, falling into a great passion while speaking to them, threatened to extirpate the whole nation at once. His fury on this occasion produced an apoplexy, or some other mortal disorder; for he suddenly fell down, and being conveyed by his attendants into his chamber, he was seized with violent convulsive fits and contortions of all his limbs, in the agonies of which he expired, in the year 375, the 55th of his age, and 12th of his reign.

After the death of Valentinian, his son Gratian took upon him the imperial dignity: soon after becoming master of the whole empire by the death of Valens. The transactions of his reign, and those of his partner Theodosius, are related under the article Constantinople, No. 77-89. The death of Theodosius gave the finishing stroke to the Roman affairs; his son Honorius, to whom he left the western empire, being possessed of no abilities whatever, and indeed seeming to have been but very little removed from an idiot. The barbarians appear to have been abundantly sensible of the advantages offered them by the death of Theodosius. He expired in the month of January; and before the accession of spring, the Goths were in arms. The barbarian auxiliaries also now declared their independency; and along with their countrymen, furiously assailed the declining empire. The Goths were now headed by an experienced commander, their celebrated king Alaric; who would have proved formidable even in better times of the empire. He first overran Greece, which he accomplished without opposition, through the treachery of the governor, who commanded the troops that defended the pass at Thermopylae to retire at the approach of the enemy. Athens, Corinth, Argos, Sparta, yielded without resistance; and the whole country was ravaged and destroyed by the blood-thirsty barbarians. At last, in the year 397, he was opposed by Stilicho, the general of Honorius, a man of great valour and experience in war. The Goths were defeated with great loss, and afterwards besieged in their camp; but through mistake or negligence in the Roman commander, they were suffered to escape, and make themselves masters of the province of Epirus. Alaric then, having found means to conclude a treaty with the ministers of Constantinople, Stilicho was obliged to retire.

Not long after this, Alaric invaded Italy itself. The emperor, struck with terror, would have abandoned the country and fled into Gaul; but this disgraceful and pernicious measure was opposed by Stilicho; who proposed to the court of Honorius, at that time at Milan, that if they would maintain their ground during his absence he would soon return with an army capable of opposing the barbarians. This being agreed to, Stilicho immediately set out for Rhaetia, where the most considerable body of the Roman forces at that time was, and collected his troops with the utmost diligence. But in the mean time Honorius was in the greatest danger; having been obliged to take refuge in the town of Asta in Piedmont. To this place the Goths instantly laid siege, and a capitulation had been proposed, when the drooping spirits of Honorius were at once revived by the arrival of Stilicho, whom he had so long expected. The Goths were now besieged in their turn, and obliged to come to a decisive battle at Pollentia. The engagement lasted the whole day; but at last the Goths were compelled to retreat. Their camp was instantly invested; their entrenchments forced with great slaughter; the wife of Alaric was taken, with all the wealth which had been amassed in plundering Greece; while many thousands of Roman prisoners were released from the most deplorable slavery. The victory, however, was not so decisive but that Alaric continued still extremely formidable; and Stilicho chose rather to conclude a treaty with him, and allow him an annual pension, than to continue the war with vigour. Alaric, who was not very scrupulous in his observance of this treaty, in his retreat attempted to make himself master of the city of Verona; but Stilicho coming up with him near that place, gave him a terrible defeat, in which the loss was little less than it had been at Pollentia; after which he effected a retreat out of Italy, but not without the greatest difficulty and danger. Italy being thus happily delivered, Honorius entered Rome in triumph, having Stilicho along with him in the triumphal chariot. On his entry into the city, he abolished the shows of gladiators; which, though forbidden by Constantine, had been tolerated by his successors, and even by Theodosius himself, out of complaisance to the people, who were beyond measure fond of that inhuman diversion. However, soon after, the emperor was obliged to leave the metropolis and retire to Ravenna, in order to secure himself from the barbarians, who now broke in upon the empire on all sides. Such multitudes now made their appearance, that it is not a little difficult to account for their sudden emigration. Mr Gibbon accounts for it from a supposed revolution in the north-eastern parts of China. "The Chinese annals (says he), as they have been interpreted by the learned industry of the present age, may be usefully applied to reveal the secret and remote causes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extensive territory to the north of the great wall was possessed after the flight of the Huns, by the victorious Sienpi; who were sometimes broken into independent tribes, and sometimes re-united under a supreme chief; till at length styling themselves Topa, or "masters of the earth," they acquired a more solid consistence, and a more formidable power. The Topa soon compelled the pastoral nations of the eastern desert to acknowledge the superiority of their arms; they invaded China in a period of weakness and intestine discord; and these fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and manners of the vanquished people, founded an imperial dynasty, which reigned near 160 years over the northern provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before they ascended the throne of China, one of the Topa princes had enlisted in his cavalry a slave of the name of Moko, renowned for his valour; but who was tempted, by the fear of punishment, to desert his standard, and to range the desert at the head of 100 followers. This gang of robbers and outlaws swelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerous people, distinguished by the appellation of Geoguen; and their hereditary chieftains, the posterity of Moko the slave, assumed their rank among the Scythian monarchs. The youth Toulin, the greatest of his descendants, was exercised by those misfortunes which are the school of heroes. He bravely struggled with adversity, broke the imperious yoke of the Topa, and became the legislator of his nation, and the conqueror of Tartary. His troops were distributed into regular bands of 100 and of 1000 men; cowards were stoned to death; the most splendid honours were proposed as the reward of valour; and Toulin, who had knowledge enough to despise the learning of China, adopted only such arts and institutions as were favourable to the military spirit of his government. His tents, which he removed in the winter season to a more southern latitude, were pitched during the summer on the fruitful banks of the Selenga. His conquests stretched from the Corea far beyond the river Irish. He vanquished, in the country to the north of the Caspian sea, the nation of the Huns; and the new title of Khan, or Cogan, expressed the same and power which he derived from this memorable victory.

"The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is concealed, as it passes from the Volga to the Vistula, through the dark interval which separates the extreme limits of the Chinese and of the Roman geography. Yet the temper of the barbarians, and the experience of successive emigrations, sufficiently declare, that the Huns, who were oppressed by the arms of the Geoguen, soon withdrew from the presence of an insulting victor. The countries towards the Euxine were already occupied by their kindred tribes; and their hasty flight, which they soon converted into a bold attack, would more naturally be directed towards the rich and level plains through which the Vistula gently flows into the Baltic sea. The north must again have been alarmed and agitated by the invasion of the Huns; and the nations who retreated before them must have pressed with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany. The inhabitants of those regions which the ancients have assigned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Burgundians, might embrace the resolution of abandoning to the fugitives of Sarmatia their woods and morasses; or at least of discharging their superfluous numbers on the provinces of the Roman empire. About four years after the victorious Toulin had assumed the title of khan of the Geoguen, another barbarian, the haughty Rhodogast, or Radagaisus, marched from the northern extremities of Germany almost to the gates of Rome, and left the remains of his army to achieve the destruction of the west. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Burgundians, formed the strength of this mighty host; but the Alan, who had found an hospitable reception in their new seats, added their active cavalry to the heavy infantry of the Germans; and the Gothic adventurers crowded so eagerly to the standard of Radagaisus, that by some historians he has been styled the king of the Goths. Twelve thousand warriors, distinguished above the vulgar by their noble birth or their valiant deeds, invaded glittered in the van; and the whole multitude, which Italy with was not less than 200,000 fighting men, might be increased by the accession of women, of children, and of slaves, to the amount of 400,000 persons. This formidable emigration issued from the same coast of the Baltic which had poured forth the myriads of the Cimbri and Teutones to assault Rome and Italy in the vigour of the republic. After the departure of those barbarians, their native country, which was marked by the vestiges of their greatness, long ramparts and gigantic moles, remained during some ages a vast and dreary solitude; till the human species was renewed by the powers of generation, and the vacancy was filled up by the influx of new inhabitants. The nations who now usurp an extent of land which they are unable to cultivate, would soon be assisted by the industrious poverty of their neighbours, if the government of Europe did not protect the claims of dominion and property.

"The correspondence of nations was in that age so imperfect and precarious, that the revolutions of the north might escape the knowledge of the court of Ravenna; till the dark cloud which was collected along the coast of the Baltic burst in thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the west, if his ministers disturbed his amusements by the news of the impending danger, was satisfied with being the occasion and the spectator of the war. The safety of Rome was intrusted to the counsels and the sword of Stilicho; but such was the feeble and exhausted state of the empire, that it was impossible to restore the fortifications..." tifications of the Danube, or to prevent by a vigorous effort, the invasion of the Germans. The hopes of the vigilant minister of Honorius were confined to the defense of Italy. He once more abandoned the provinces; recalled the troops; pressed the new levies, which were rigorously enacted, and pusillanimously eluded; employed the most efficacious means to arrest or allure the deserters; and offered the gift of freedom, and of two pieces of gold, to all the slaves who would enlist. By these efforts he painfully collected from the subjects of a great empire an army of 30,000 or 40,000 men; which, in the days of Scipio or Camillus, would have been instantly furnished by the free citizens of the territory of Rome. The 30 legions of Stilicho were reinforced by a large body of barbarian auxiliaries; the faithful Alani were personally attached to his service; and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who marched under the banners of their native princes Hulden and Sarus, were animated by interest and resentment to oppose the ambition of Radagaisus. The king of the confederate Germans passed, without resistance, the Alps, the Po, and the Apennine; leaving on one hand the inaccessible palace of Honorius, securely buried among the marshes of Ravenna; and on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his headquarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who seems to have avoided a decisive battle till he had assembled his distant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged, or destroyed; and the siege of Florence by Radagaisus is one of the earliest events in the history of that celebrated republic, whose firmness checked and delayed the unskilful fury of the barbarians. The senate and people trembled at their approach within 180 miles of Rome, and anxiously compared the danger which they had escaped with the new perils to which they were exposed. Alaric was a Christian and a soldier, the leader of a disciplined army; who understood the laws of war, who respected the sanctity of treaties, and who had familiarly conversed with the subjects of the empire in the same camps and the same churches. The savage Radagaisus was a stranger to the manners, the religion, and even the language, of the civilized nations of the south. The fierceness of his temper was exasperated by cruel superstition; and it was universally believed, that he had bound himself by a solemn vow to reduce the city into a heap of stones and ashes, and to sacrifice the most illustrious of the Roman senators on the altars of those gods who were appeased by human blood. The public danger, which should have reconciled all domestic animosities, displayed the incurable madness of religious faction. The oppressed votaries of Jupiter and Mercury respected, in the implacable enemy of Rome, the character of a devout pagan; loudly declared, that they were more apprehensive of the sacrifices than of the arms of Radagaisus; and secretly rejoiced in the calamities of their country, which condemned the faith of their Christian adversaries.

"Florence was reduced to the last extremity; and the fainting courage of the citizens was supported only by the authority of St Ambrose, who had communicated in a dream the promise of a speedy deliverance. On a sudden they beheld from the walls the banners of Stilicho, who advanced with his united force to the relief of the faithful city; and who soon marked that fatal spot for the grave of the barbarian host. The apparent contradictions of those writers who variously relate the defeat of Radagaisus, may be reconciled without offering much violence to their respective testimonies. Orosius and Augustin, who were intimately connected by friendship and religion, ascribe this miraculous victory to the providence of God rather than to the valour of man. They strictly exclude every idea of chance, or even of bloodshed; and positively affirm, that the Romans, whose camp was the scene of plenty and idleness, enjoyed the distress of the barbarians, slowly expiring on the sharp and barren ridge of the hills of Fesulae, which rise above the city of Florence. Their extravagant assertion, that not a single soldier of the Christian army was killed, or even wounded, may be dismissed with silent contempt; but the rest of the narrative of Augustin and Orosius is consistent with the state of the war and the character of Stilicho. Conscious that he commanded the last army of the republic, his prudence would not expose it in the open field to the headstrong fury of the Germans. The method of surrounding the enemy with strong lines of circumvallation, which he had twice employed against the Gothic king, was repeated on a larger scale, and with more considerable effect. The examples of Caesar must have been familiar to the most illiterate of the Roman warriors; and the fortifications of Dyrrhachium, which connected 24 castles by a perpetual ditch and rampart of 15 miles, afforded the model of an intrenchment which might confine and starve the most numerous host of barbarians. The Roman troops had less degenerated from the industry than from the valour of their ancestors; and if the servile and laborious work offended the pride of the soldiers, Tuscany could supply many thousand peasants, who would labour, though perhaps they would not fight, for the salvation of their native country.—The imprisoned multitude of horses and men was gradually destroyed by famine, rather than by the sword; but the Romans were exposed, during the progress of such an extensive work, to the frequent attacks of an impatient enemy. The despair of the hungry barbarians would precipitate them against the fortifications of Stilicho; the general might sometimes indulge the ardour of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly pressed to assault the camp of the Germans; and these various incidents might produce the sharp and bloody conflicts which dignify the narrative of Zosimus, and the Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus. A seasonable supply of men and provisions had been introduced into the walls of Florence; and the famished host of Radagaisus was in its turn besieged. The proud monarch of so many warlike nations, after the loss of his bravest warriors, was reduced to confide either in the faith of a capitulation, or in the clemency of Stilicho. But the death of the royal captive, who was ignominiously beheaded, disgraced the triumph of Rome and of Christianity; and the short delay of his execution was sufficient to brand the conqueror with the guilt of cool and deliberate cruelty. The famished Germans who escaped the fury of the auxiliaries were sold as slaves, at the contemptible price of as many single pieces of gold; but the difference of food and climate swept away great numbers of those unhappy strangers; and it was observed, that the inhuman purchasers, instead of reaping the fruit of their labour, were soon obliged to add to it the expense of interring them." Stilicho informed the emperor and the senate of his success; and deserved a second time the glorious title of Deliverer of Italy.

The fame of the victory, and more especially of the miracle, has encouraged a vain persuasion, that the whole army, or rather nation of Germans, who migrated from the shores of the Baltic, miserably perished under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate of Radagaisus himself, of his brave and faithful companions, and of more than one-third of the various multitude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundians, who adhered to the standard of their general. The union of such an army might excite our surprise, but the causes of separation are obvious and forcible; they were the pride of birth, the insolence of valor, the jealousy of command, the impatience of subordination, and the obstinate conflict of opinions, of interests, and of passions, among so many kings and warriors, who were untaught to yield or to obey. After the defeat of Radagaisus, two parts of the German host, which must have exceeded the number of 100,000 men, still remained in arms between the Apennine and the Alps, or between the Alps and the Danube. It is uncertain whether they attempted to revenge the death of their general; but their irregular fury was soon diverted by the prudence and firmness of Stilicho, who opposed their march, and facilitated their retreat; who considered the safety of Rome and Italy as the great object of his care, and who sacrificed with too much indifference the wealth and tranquility of the distant provinces. The barbarians acquired, from the junction of some Pannonian deserters, the knowledge of the country and of the roads; and the invasion of Gaul, which Alaric had designed, was executed by the remains of the great army of Radagaisus.

Yet if they expected to derive any assistance from the tribes of Germany who inhabited the banks of the Rhine, their hopes were disappointed. The Alemanni preserved a state of inactive neutrality; and the Franks distinguished their zeal and courage in the defense of the empire. In the rapid progress down the Rhine, which was the first act of the administration of Stilicho, he had applied himself with peculiar attention to secure the alliance of the warlike Franks, and to remove the irreconcilable enemies of peace and of the republic. Marcomir, one of their kings, was publicly convicted before the tribunal of the Roman magistrate, of violating the faith of treaties. He was sentenced to a mild, but distant exile, in the province of Tuscany; and this degradation of the regal dignity was so far from exciting the resentment of his subjects, that they punished with death the turbulent Sunno, who attempted to revenge his brother, and maintained a dutiful allegiance to the princes who were established on the throne by the choice of Stilicho. When the limits of Gaul and Germany were shaken by the northern emigration, the Franks bravely encountered the single force of the Vandals; who, regardless of the lessons of adversity, had again separated their troops from the standard of their barbarian allies. They paid the penalty of their rashness; and 20,000 Vandals, with their king Godigiselus, were slain in the field of battle. The whole people must have been extirpated, if the squadrons of the Alani, advancing to their relief, had not trampled down the infantry of the Franks; who, after an honourable resistance, were compelled to relinquish the unequal contest. The victorious confederates pursued their march; and on the last day of the year, in a season when the waters of the Rhine were most probably frozen, they entered without opposition the defenceless provinces of Gaul. This memorable passage of the Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burgundians, who never afterwards retreated, may be considered as the fall of the Roman empire in the countries beyond the Alps; and the barriers, which had so long separated the savage and the civilized nations of the earth, were from that fatal moment levelled with the ground.

While the peace of Germany was secured by the attachment of the Franks and the neutrality of the Alemanni, the subjects of Rome, unconscious of their approaching calamities, enjoyed a state of quiet and prosperity, which had seldom blessed the frontiers of Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze in the pastures of the barbarians; their huntsmen penetrated, without fear or danger, into the darkest recesses of the Hercynian wood. The banks of the Rhine were crowned, like those of the Tiber, with elegant houses and well-cultivated farms; and if a poet descended the river, he might express his doubt on which side was situated the territory of the Romans. This scene of peace and plenty was suddenly changed into a desert, and the prospect of the smoking ruins could alone distinguish the solitude of nature from the desolation of man. The flourishing city of Mentz was surprised and destroyed; and many thousand Christians were inhumanly massacred in the church. Worms perished after a long and obstinate siege; Strasburg, Spire, Rheims, Tournay, Aras, Amiens, experienced the cruel oppression of the German yoke, and the consuming flames of war spread from the banks of the Rhine over the greatest part of the 17 provinces of Gaul. That rich and extensive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove before them, in a promiscuous crowd, the bishop, the senator, and the virgin, laden with the spoils of their houses and altars.

In the midst of these calamities a revolt happened in Britain, where one Constantine, a common soldier, was raised to the imperial throne, merely for the sake of his name. However, he seems to have been a man of considerable abilities, and by no means unfit for the high dignity to which he was raised. He governed Britain with great prosperity; passed over into Gaul and Spain, the inhabitants of which submitted without opposition, being glad of any protector whatever from the barbarians. Honorius, incapable of defending the empire, or repressing the revolt, was obliged to acknowledge him for his partner in the empire. In the mean time, Alaric, with his Goths, threatened a new invasion unless he was paid a certain sum of money. Stilicho is said to have occasioned this demand, and to have insisted upon sending him the money he demanded; and this was the cause of his disgrace and death, which happened soon after, with the extirpation of his family and friends. Nay, such was the general hatred of this unfortunate minister, that the soldiers quartered in the cities of Italy no sooner heard of his death, than they murdered the wives and children of the barbarians whom Stilicho had taken into the service of Honorius. The enraged husbands went over to Alaric, who made a new demand of money; which not being readily sent, he laid siege to Rome, and would have taken it, had not the emperor complied with his demand. The ransom of the city was 5000 pounds of gold, 30,000 of silver, 4000 silk garments, 8000 skins dyed purple, and 3000 pounds of pepper. On this occasion the heathen temples were stripped of their remaining ornaments, and among others of the statue of Valour; which the pagans did not fail to interpret as a presage of the speedy ruin of the state.

Alaric having received this treasure, departed for a short time: but soon after he again blocked up the city with a numerous army; and again an accommodation with Honorius was set on foot. However, for some reasons which do not clearly appear, the treaty was broken off, Rome was a third time besieged, and at last taken and plundered. Alaric, when upon the point of breaking into the city, addressing his soldiers, told them that all the wealth in it was theirs, and therefore he gave them full liberty to seize it; but at the same time he strictly enjoined them to shed the blood of none but such as they should find in arms; and above all, to spare those who should take sanctuary in the holy places, especially in the churches of the apostles St Peter and St Paul; which he named, because they were most spacious, and consequently capable of affording an asylum to great numbers of people. Having given these orders, he abandoned the city to his Goths, who treated it no better, according to St Jerome, than the Greeks are said to have treated ancient Troy; for after having plundered it for the space of three, or, as others will have it, of six days, they set fire to it in several places; so that the stately palace of Sallust, and many other magnificent buildings, were reduced to ashes; nay, Procopius writes, that there was not in the whole city one house left entire; and both St Jerome and Philostorgius assert, that the great metropolis of the empire was reduced to a heap of ashes and ruins. Though many of the Goths, pursuant to the orders of their general, refrained from shedding the blood of such as made no resistance; yet others, more cruel and blood-thirsty, massacred all they met; so that the streets in some quarters of the city were seen covered with dead bodies, and streaming in blood. However, not the least injury was offered to those who fled to the churches; nay, the Goths themselves conveyed thither, as to places of safety, such as they were desirous should be spared. Many of the statues of the gods that had been left entire by the emperors as excellent pieces of art, were on this occasion destroyed, either by the Goths, who, though mostly Arians, were zealous Christians, or by a dreadful storm of thunder and lightning which fell at the same time upon the city, as if it had been sent on purpose to complete with them the destruction of idolatry, and abolish the small remains of pagan superstition. Notwithstanding these accounts, some affirm that the city suffered very little at this time, and even not so much as when it was taken by Charles V.

Alaric did not long survive the taking of Rome, being cut off by a violent fit of sickness in the neighbourhood of Rhegium. After his death the affairs of Honorius seemed a little to revive by the defeat and death of Constantine and some other usurpers; but the provinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, were now almost entirely occupied by barbarians; in which state they continued till the death of Honorius, which happened in the year 423, after an unfortunate reign of 28 years.

After some usurpations which took place on the death of Honorius, his nephew Valentinian III. was declared emperor of the west, and his mother Placidia regent during his minority. He was scarce seated on the throne, when the empire was attacked by the Huns under the celebrated Attila. The Romans, however, wretched and degenerate as they were, had they been unanimous, would even yet have been superior to their enemies. The empress then had two celebrated generals, Bonifacius and Aetius; who by their union might have saved the empire: but unhappily, through the treachery of Aetius, Bonifacius was obliged to revolt: and a civil war ensued, in which he lost his life. Aetius, however, notwithstanding his treachery, was pardoned, and put at the head of the forces of the empire. He defended it against Attila with great spirit and success, notwithstanding the deplorable situation of affairs, till he was murdered by Valentinian with his own hand, on a suspicion that he aspired to the empire. But in the meantime the provinces, except Italy itself, were totally overrun by the barbarians. Genseric king of the Vandals ravaged Africa and Sicily; the Goths, Suevians, Burgundians, &c. had taken possession of Gaul and Spain; and the Britons were oppressed by the Scots and Picts, so that they were obliged to call in the Saxons to their assistance, as is related under the article ENGLAND. In the year 455, Valentinian was murdered by one Maximus, whose wife he had ravished. Maximus immediately assumed the empire; but felt such violent anxieties, that he designed to resign it and fly out of Italy, in order to enjoy the quiet of a private life. However, being dissuaded from this by his friends, and his own wife dying soon after, he forced the empress Eudoxia to marry him. Eudoxia, who had tenderly loved Valentinian, provoked beyond measure at being married to his murderer, invited Genseric king of the Vandals into Italy. This proved a most fatal scheme; for Genseric immediately appeared before Rome; a violent tumult ensued, in which Maximus lost his life; and the city was taken and plundered by Genseric, who carried off what had been left by the Goths. A vessel was loaded with costly statues; half the covering of the capitol, which was of brass plated over with gold; sacred vessels enriched with precious stones; and these which had been taken by Titus out of the temple of Jerusalem; all of which were lost with the vessel in its passage to Africa.

Nothing could now be more deplorable than the state of the Roman affairs: nevertheless, the empire continued to exist for some years longer; and even seemed to revive for a little under Marjorianus, who was declared emperor in 458. He was a man of great courage, and possessed of many other excellent qualities. He defeated the Vandals, and drove them out of Italy. With great labour he fitted out a fleet, of which the Romans had been long destitute. With this he designed to pass over into Africa; but it being surprised and burnt by the enemy, he himself was soon after murdered by one Ricimer a Goth, who had long governed everything with an absolute sway. After the death of Marjorianus, one Anthemius was raised to the empire; but beginning to counteract Ricimer, the latter openly openly revolted, besieged and took Rome; where he committed innumerable cruelties, among the rest putting to death the unhappy emperor Anthemius; and raising one Olybrius to the empire. The transactions of his reign were very few, as he died soon after his accession. On his death, one Glycerius usurped the empire. He was deposed in 474, and one Julius Nepos had the name of emperor. He was driven out the next year by his general Orestes, who caused his son Augustus or Augustulus to be proclaimed emperor. But the following year, 476, the barbarians who served in the Roman armies, and were distinguished with the title of allies, demanded, as a reward for their services, the third part of the lands in Italy; pretending, that the whole country, which they had so often defended, belonged of right to them. As Orestes refused to comply with this insolent demand, they resolved to do themselves justice, as they called it; and openly revolting, chose one Odoacer for their leader. Odoacer was, according to Ennodius, meanly born, and only a private man in the guards of the emperor Augustulus, when the barbarians revolting chose him for their leader. He is said to have been a man of uncommon parts, equally capable of commanding an army and governing a state. Having left his own country when he was yet very young, to serve in Italy, as he was of a stature remarkably tall, he was admitted among the emperor's guards, and continued in that station till the present year; when, putting himself at the head of the barbarians in the Roman pay, who, though of different nations, had, with one consent, chosen him for their leader, he marched against Orestes and his son Augustulus, who still refused to give them any share of the lands in Italy.

As the Roman troops were inferior, both in number and valour, to the barbarians, Orestes took refuge in Pavia, at that time one of the best fortified cities in Italy; but Odoacer, investing the place without loss of time, took it soon after by assault, gave it up to be plundered by the soldiers, and then set fire to it; which reduced most of the houses, and two churches, to ashes. Orestes was taken prisoner, and brought to Odoacer, who carried him to Placentia, and there caused him to be put to death, on the 28th of August, the day on which he had driven Nepos out of Ravenna, and obliged him to abandon the empire. From Placentia, Odoacer marched straight to Ravenna, where he found Paul, the brother of Orestes, and the young emperor Augustulus. The former he immediately put to death; but sparing Augustulus, in consideration of his youth, he stripped him of the ensigns of the imperial dignity, and confined him to Lucullanum, a castle in Campania; where he was by Odoacer's orders treated with great humanity, and allowed an handsome maintenance to support himself and his relations. Rome readily submitted to the conqueror, who immediately caused himself to be proclaimed King of Italy, but would not assume the purple, or any other mark of the imperial dignity. Thus failed the very name of an empire in the West. Britain had been long since abandoned by the Romans; Spain was held by the Goths and Suevans; Africa, by the Vandals; the Burgundians, Goths, Franks, and Alans, had erected several territories in Gaul; at length Italy itself, with its proud metropolis, which for so many ages had given law to the rest of the world, was enslaved by a contemptible barbarian, whose family, country, and nation, are not well known to this day.

From this time, Rome has ceased to be the capital of an empire; the territories of the pope, to whom the city is now subject, being inconsiderable. The origin of the pope's temporal power, and the revolutions of Italy, are related under the article Italy; and a sketch of the spiritual usurpations of the popes may be seen under the articles History, sect. ii. and Reformation; and likewise under the various historical articles as they occur in the course of this work.

It is thought that the walls of modern Rome take in nearly the same extent of ground as the ancient; but the difference between the number of buildings on this spot is very great, one half of modern Rome lying waste, or occupied with gardens, fields, meadows, and vineyards. One may walk quite round the city in three or four hours at most, the circumference being reckoned about 13 Italian miles. With regard to the number of the inhabitants, modern Rome is also greatly inferior to the ancient; for, in 1769, the whole of these amounted only to 138,568; among which were 40 bishops, 2656 priests, 3559 monks, 1814 nuns, 393 courtezans, about 8000 or 9000 Jews, and 14 Moors. In 1791 they were estimated at 106,000, and in 1813, at 100,000 only. This reduction is ascribed partly to the political revolutions the town has lately experienced, but in a greater degree to the malaria, or insalubrity of the atmosphere, which has desolated the surrounding country, and is investing the city itself; (see Edin. Review, xxviii. p. 57). In the beauty of its temples and palaces, modern Rome is thought by the most judicious travellers to excel the ancient. There was nothing in ancient Rome to be compared with St Peter's church in the modern city. That Rome was able to recover itself after so many calamities and devastations, will not be matter of surprise, if we consider the prodigious sums that it has so long annually drawn from all countries of the Popish persuasion. These sums, though still considerable, have been continually decreasing since the Reformation. The surface of the ground on which Rome was originally founded is surprisingly altered. At present it is difficult to distinguish the seven hills on which it was first built, the low grounds being almost filled up with the ruins of the ancient streets and houses, and the great quantities of earth washed down by the rains. Anciently the suburbs extended a vast way on all sides, and made the city appear almost boundless; but it is quite otherwise now, the country about Rome being almost a desert. Nocity at present in the world surpasses, or indeed equals Rome, for the multiplicity of fine fountains, noble edifices, antiquities, curiosities, paintings, statues, and sculptures. The city stands on the Tiber, 10 miles from the Tuscan sea, 380 from Vienna, 560 from Paris, 740 from Amsterdam, 810 from London, and 900 from Madrid. The Tiber is subject to frequent inundations, by which it often does great damage. A small part of the city is separated from the other by the river, and is therefore called Trastevere, or beyond the Tiber. There are several bridges over the river, a great number of towers on the walls, and 20 gates. The remains of Rome's ancient grandeur consist of statues, colossuses, temples, palaces, theatres, naumachias, triumphal arches, circuses, columns, obelisks, fountains, aqueducts, mausoleums, ther- Of modern buildings, the splendid churches and palaces are the most remarkable. Mr Addison says, it is almost impossible for a man to form in his imagination such beautiful and glorious scenes as are to be met with in several of the Roman churches and chapels. This gentleman tells us also, that no part of the antiquities of Rome pleased him so much as the ancient statues, of which there is still an incredible variety. Next to the statues, he says, there is nothing more surprising than the amazing variety of ancient pillars of so many kinds of marble. Rome is said to be well paved; but not well lighted, nor kept very clean. Two-thirds of the houses are the property of the churches, convents, and alms houses. Protestants are not obliged to kneel at the elevation of the host, or at meeting the eucharist in the streets; and they may have flesh-meat always at the inns, even during Lent. Here are many academies for promoting arts and sciences, besides the university. The carnival here is only during the eight days before Lent, and there are no such scenes of riot as at Venice: prostitutes, however, are publicly tolerated. To maintain good order, there is a body of 300 Sibiri, or Halberdiers, under their barigella, or colonel. There is little or no trade carried on in Rome, but a vast deal of money is spent by travellers and other strangers. The principal modern structures are the church of St Peter, and the other churches; the aqueducts and fountains; the Vatican, and the other palaces; the Campidolio, where the Roman senate resides, &c. The principal remains of antiquity are the pila miliaria of fine marble; the equestrian brass statue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus; the marble monument of the emperor Alexander Severus; marble busts of the emperors and their consorts; three brick arches of the temple of Peace, built by the emperor Vespasian; the triumphal arch of Septimus Severus and of Gallienus; the circus of Antoninus Caracalla; some parts of the cloaca maxima; the column Antoina, representing the principal actions of Marcus Aurelius; the column Trajani, or Trajan's pillar; some fragments of the curia or palace of Antoninus Pius, and of Nerva's forum; the mausoleum of Augustus, in the Strada Pontifici; the remains of the emperor Severus's tomb without St John's gate; the pyramid of Caius Cestius near St Paul's gate; the porphyry coffin of St Helen, and the original statue of Constantine the Great, in the church of St John of Lateran: a font of oriental granite, in the chapel of St Giovanni in fonte, said to have been erected by Constantine the Great; an Egyptian obelisk near the church of St Maria Maggiore; the stately remains of Dioclesian's baths; the celebrated Pantheon; the obelisks of Sestostris and Augustus by the Clementine college; the church of St Paul fuori della Mura, said to have been built by Constantine the Great; the Farnese Hercules, in white marble, of a colossal size and exquisite workmanship, in a court of the Farnese palace, and an admirable group cut out of one block of marble, in another court of the same palace. Besides these there are a great many more, which our bounds will not allow us to take any further notice of. Here is a great number of rich and well-regulated hospitals. Near the church of St Sebastiano alle Catacombe, are the most spacious of the catacombs, where the Christians, who never burned their dead, and such of the Pagan Romans as could not afford the expense of burning, were buried. Along the Via Appia, without St Sebastian's gate, were the tombs of the principal families of Rome, which at present are used for cellars and store-houses, by the gardeners and vintners.

Rome was entered, in February 1798, by the French, and in consequence of a tumult which ensued, when their general Duphot was killed, they deposed the pope, abolished the papal government, and erected in its stead a republic, to which they gave the designation of the Roman republic. They sent the pope himself to France, where he died on his various removals; they likewise sent away great numbers of the most valuable statues and paintings of antiquity, and compelled the inhabitants to pay heavy contributions. In the month of September 1799, the allies retook this city, and the new French government was overthrown. It was afterwards obliged to yield to the insatiable ambition of Bonaparte, and formed a part of his dominions till the overthrow of his power in 1815, when the pope was replaced.